An Exegesis of Sura Ninety-Eight Author(s): Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.

97, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1977), pp. 519530 Published by: American Oriental Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/598634 Accessed: 17/07/2009 19:01
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AN EXEGESIS OF SURA NINETY-EIGHT

YVONNE YAZBE(K
HARTFORD SEMINARY

HADDAD
FOUNDATION

The themes of Sura Ninety Eight in themselves contain little that had not been heard before by the companions of the Prophet. Dating from the Medinan period it seems to have served as a kind of summary statement of earlier teachings. It contains an indictment of Medinan Jews and Christians who rejected the bayyina of the Prophet, the clear evidence on the basis of which man chooses obedience or rejection of God. The consequence of such rejection, for the People of the Book as for the kuffdr, is a forfeiting of reward in the hereafter and banishment to eternal fire. A. SURA 98 - TRANSLATION The Clear Evidence Al-Bayyina: In the name of God, the compassionate, the merciful. 1. Those who disbelieved1 of the People of the Book and the Polytheists2 did not disengage3 1 kafarl. This word is very widely used in the Qur'an. Its meaning seems to be to cover or conceal. It is used as an opposite of belief, imdn. Kafara in relation to the Creator means denial of Him. Kafara in terms of the grace of God means the renunciation of God's grace. See Muhammad Isma'il IbrShim, Qmuiis al-alfdz wala'ldm al-qur'dniyya (Cairo: 1961) p. 328. c.f. al-Husayn b. Muhammad al-Isbahani, al-muifraddt fi Gharib alQur'dn, (Cairo: 1970) p. 653 who explains kafara al-ni'ma as concealing grace by abandoning the act of gratitude for it. See S. 2:152. For a discussion of a possible derivation from Hebrew or Syriac, see Arthur Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur'dn (Baroda: 1938) p. 250. Thus kafarii is the act of those who show no gratitude to God. 2 mushrikun. From the word shirk, assigning partners to God, this term is usually associated with Muhammad's enemies who did not share his belief in monotheism. See Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, p. 185. Cf. al-Isbahnim, al-Mufraddt, p. 381 where he distinguishes between two kinds of shirk, the great shirk, that of ascribing a partner to God which is unforgivable (S. 4:48, 116) and the lesser shirk, which is considering others with Him in some matters. (S. 7:190). 3 munfakkina. This word appears in this form only in this verse of the Qur'an. It denotes separation after a strong union and is used mostly in the negative form. Tusi, Tafsir al-tibydn (Najaf: 1963) p. 388, cf. Zamakhshari, al-Kashshdf 'an .Haqa'iq al-tanzil (Cairo: 1966) vol. iv, p. 274 who compares it to separation of bone from 519 muscle. It has been given many explanations and interpretations because of its unique usage and vagueness as it does not indicate what it is that they did not disengage from. One synonym given to it is (a) zd'ilina which is explained as God blinded them to him. See Bukhari, Sahih (Cairo: 1305h.) vol. vii, p. 429; cf. M.al -Masri, Tafsir Gharib al-Qtr'dn (Cairo: 1934) p. 122 where he explains it as their refusal to desist from that in which they were engaged. Another synonym offered is (b) tdrikina which then means that they did not let go of their religion as they were waiting for the Promised Prophet. See Zamakhshari, al-Kashshdf, p. 274. (c) A third synonym is bdrihina, that they were not to leave or depart this world before they received the evidence. And, finally, (d) hdlikina, that they were not persecuted or doomed to perdition except after the proof was established for them, with the sending of messengers and the revelation of books. See Qurtubi, al-Jdmi' li'ahkam alQur'tn (Cairo: 1967) p. 141. The ambiguity of the term has also given rise to several attempts at an adequate translation. George Sale, The Koran with Notes (Philadelphia: 1850) p. 495 translates it as stagger. He also adds in the footnote that they "did not waver in their religion, or in their promises to follow the truth, when an apostle should come to them." N. J. Dawood, The Koran (Penguin Books: 1956) p. 29 translates it as "did not desist from their unbelief until the proof was given to them." Other translations read it as "Would never leave off", A. J. Arberry, The Koran Interpreted, (New York: 1955) p. 346; "Were not going to be cast off", W. M. Watt, Companion to the Qur'an (London: 1967) p. 670; "Were not going to depart (from their ways)", Yusuf Ali, The Holy Qur'an, (New York: 1946) p. 1767; and "Could not have left off (erring) till the clear proof came to them," SI. M. Pickthall, The Meaning of the Glorious Koran (Mentor: 1963) p. 446.

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.4 (1977)

4. Nor until 5. And God, did those who received the Book separate they received the clear evidence. they were not enjoined but to worship faithful to him in religion,9 hanifs,l1 prac-

until the clear evidence4 came to them: 2. An Apostle5 from God reciting6 purified pages,7 3. Wherein are immutable books.8

4 bayyina. "The evident proof whether rational or conceived by the senses." Isbahani, Mufradat, p. 8990. W. A. Bijlefeld in an unpublished lecture on February 7, 1972 distinguishes between ayat and bayyinat. "Ayat whenever it appears usually means signs of God, whereas bayyindt is usually used with rasiul as a proof of his apostleship." It has been translated as "clear, evident" meaning, "Manifest proof" by R. Bruschvig in EIII Vol. I pp. 11501151; as, "Manifest sign" by E. H. Palmer, The Koran (Oxford: 1900) p. 338; as "proof" by Dawood, The Koran, p. 29; as "clear proof": by Pickthall, The Glorious, p. 446; as "clear sign" by Arberry, Koran, p. 346, as "evidence" by Bell, Qur'an, p. 670; as "clear evidence" by Y. Ali, Qur'an p. 1767 and as the "clear sign" by Watt, Companion, p. 318. 5 rasilun. "The messenger, the one that is sent." Isbahani, Mufradat, p. 248; cf. IbrShim, Qdmus, p. 144 who adds that it is one sent with a message. The messenger can also be the message as in S. 26:16. For an excellent treatise on the rasuil as the apostle, see Bijlefeld, "A Prophet and more than a Prophet "The Muslim World", LIX, 1969 p. 12ff. 6 yatli. Translated inaccurately by Sale, Koran, p. 495 as "rehearsing", yatli implies the reading of a message. 7 suhufan mutahhara. The word suhuf, meaning sheets, "occurs several times in the Qur'Sn, usually in connection with the revelation . . . however, it probably refers to the record of man's deeds. The word is South Arabian, but occurs in Arabic poetry before Muhammad's time." Bell, Introduction to the Qur'an (Edinburgh: 1939) p. 16; cf. Jeffery, Foreign, pp. 192-194. A study of the words suhuf in the Qur'an shows no justification for presuming the probability that it refers to the record of man's deed. Rather, suhuf appears to refer to a revelation that comes with an apostle as the proof of his apostleship. This passage has been translated as "pure books of revelation" by Sale, Koran, p. 495; as "pure pages" by Palmer, Koran, p. 338; as "sanctified pages" by Dawood, Koran, p. 29; as "pages purified" Arberry, Koran, p. 346; as "sheets kept pure" by Bell, Companion, p. 670; and as "rehearsing scriptures kept pure and holy" by Y. Ali, Qur'an, p. 1767. 8 qayyima. "True, abiding." This form of the word appears only in S. 98; it is used there twice, once describing books, and the other qualifying din. For Tuisi, Tafsir, p. 398 it means "consistent on the side of truth;" cf. al-Masri, M., Tafsir Gharib p. 122 where

he explains it as straight (or orthodox) expressing truth. Y. Ali, Qur'an, in footnote p. 1767 says, "straight as opposed to crooked; standard as opposed to irregular; definite and permanent, as opposed to casual or temporary." It is related to the word qd'im or qayyum, used in describing God as self-subsistent. It has been translated as "right discourses," Sale, Koran, p. 495; as "right scriptures" by Palmer, Koran, p. 338; as "right books" by Muhammad Ali, The Holy Qur'dn (Lahore: 1951) p. 1196; as "abiding scripture" by Dawood, Koran, p. 29; as "correct scriptures" by Pickthall, The Glorious, p. 446; as "true books" by Arberry, Companion, p. 346; as "book true" by Bell, Qur'an, p. 670; and as "laws (or decrees) right and straight" by Y. Ali, Qur'an, p. 1767. 9 din. Widely used in the Qur'an, this term seems to have several connotations: (a) as judgement similar to Hebrew and Syriac usages, (b) as custom or usage as in pre-Islamic meaning, and (c) as religion, a corollary of Presian usage. It implies the "obligations which God imposes on his reasoning creatures." See EIII; cf. Jeffery, Foreign, pp. 131-132. See also Yvonne Haddad, "The Conception of the Term Din in the Qur'an," The Muslim World, LXIV, Nov. 2, 1974. 10 hanif. Translated as "orthodox" by Sale, Koran, p. 495; as "men by nature upright" by Pickthall, The Glorious, p. 446; as "men of pure faith" by Arberry, Koran, p. 346; and as "being true (in faith)" by Y. Ali, Qur'an, p. 1768. This word appears twelve times in the Qur'dn, ten in the singular and twice in the plural form as hunafd'. There are several studies in English on this word, including Jeffery, Foreign, pp. 112-115; Bell, The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment (London: 1926) also by the same author, an article "Who were the Hanifs?" MW, xx (1930), 120-124; Faris and Glidden, "The Development of the Meaning of Koranic Hanif," The Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society, xix (1939), 1-13; Lyall, C., "The Words 'Hanif' and 'Muslim"' JRAS, 1903, pp. 771-784; Margoliouth, D. S., "On the Origin and Import of the Names Muslim and Hanif" JRAS, 1903, pp. 467-493. The Arab exegetes explain it as referring to "him who veers towards the truth," see Tfsi, Tafsir, p. 389; also as "he who avoids error and false doctrine," see Ibrahim, Qamus, p. 92, cf. Isbahani, Mufradat, p. 190 and alMasri, Gharib, p. 122, and Baydawi, Tafsir, p. 614. Qurtubi, al-Jami' li-ahkdm al-qur'dn, (Cairo: 1967) p. 145

HADDAD: An Exegesis of Sura Ninety-Eight ticing prayer and giving alms for that is the immutable religion.u Those who disbelieved of the People of the Book and the Polytheists are in the fire of Hell and will abide therein. Those who disbelieved of the People of the Book and the Polytheists are in the fire of Hell and will abide therein. They are the worst'2 of the creation.ls Those who have believed and have done righteous works, they are the best of the creation. Their reward is with their Lord, Gardens of Perpetuityl4 beneath which rivers flow; they

521

6.

shall abide therein for ever. God is well pleased15 with them and they are well pleased with Him. That is for him who fears his Lord.16
B. REASONS FOR THE REVELATION

6.

7. 8.

Sura ninety eight is one of many suras for which no traditional reason for revelation has been recorded.17 However, there appears early to have developed some controversy concerning its reading. Several Muslim"8 exegetes recount hadiths claiming that this sura was revealed especially for Ubay b. Kaebl9 at the explicit command of the angel Gabriel.20
'addn, "dwelling and immortality." See Ibrahim, Qdmis, p. 246; Qurtubi, Tafsir, p. 146; cf. Jeffery, Foreign,

discusses several meanings and connotations of the word. It means to keep away from other religions in favor of Islam; also according to Ibn 'Abbas, it means following the religion of Abraham. Finally, it refers to the circumcized and those who have performed the pilgrimage. Tabari, Tafsir, Cairo, 1957, vol. xxx, p. 145 recounts a hadith attributed to Qatada which says that hanafiyya is circumcision and the "prohibiting of mothers, daughters, sisters and aunts, and the performing of the rituals of pilgrimage." Cf. Ibn Kathir, Tafsir al-qur'dn al-'azim, vol. vii (Beirut: 1966) p. 345 where he says that it is avoiding shirk and seeking unicity, tawhid. 11 din al-qayyima. This is the only time this form of the word is used to define religion in the Qur'an. It was probably adopted to fit the rhyme of the sura. The masculine adjectival form, and therefore, the more accurate appears four times in the Qur'Sn in conjunction with the word din, S. 9:36, 12:40, 30:30, 30:43. The term dinan qayyiman appears just once in S. 6:161. Qayyima here, according to Bukhari, Qastalani's Commentary, vii, p. 429 means, "the established." He also suggests that din was modified by the feminine form either to explain din as a milla, or that the t ending was added for emphasis, mubalagha. Tabari, Tafsir, vol. xxx, p. 145 agrees with the first explanation and adds that this was to distinguish this milla from that of the Jews and the Christians. It has been translated as "standard religion" by Palmer, Koran, p. 338; as "right religion" by Sale, Koran, p. 496; as "true religion" by Pickthall, The Glorious, p. 446; as "religion of the true" by Arberry, Koran, p. 346 and by Bell, Qur'dn, p. 670 where he notes in the footnote that it means eternal. 12 sharru, "most evil." 13 barriyati, "of all creation," from the word barr, earth. See Ibrdhim, Qamus, p. 35. Cf. IsbahSni, Mufraddt, p. 59. 14 'adn, "staying or abiding in a place." 'Adana bi'lmakan, "dwelt in the place and settled therein." Jannat

p. 212 for a discussion of a possible Hebrew or Syriac

origin. Western translators seem to insist on its Hebrew origin and translate it as "Gardens of Eden." See Palmer, Koran, p. 338; Bell, Qur'an, p. 671; Arberry, Koran, p. 346; Dawood, Koran, p. 29; Pickthall, The Glorious, p. 447. Of the English translations surveyed, only Sale, Koran, p. 496 translates it as "Gardens of perpetual abode." Both Y. Ali, Qur'an, p. 1769 and M. All, Qur'an, p. 1197 maintain the Muslim meaning, the former translating it as "gardens of eternity" and the latter as "gardens of perpetuity." References in the Qur'an to 'adn do not seem to refer to the original garden of Adam and Eve, which the word Eden seems to imply. Furthermore, the references to 'adn seem to be general. 15 radiya. "accepted him and willed rewarding him." Ibrahim, Qdmis, p. 146; cf. Isbahani, Mufraddt, p. 286 who says that the creature's pleasure with God is his not abhorring God's decree concerning him, whereas God's pleasure with the creature is to see him obedient to His commandment, and to refrain from indulging in that which is prohibited. 16 khashiya. "Signifies fear with reverence" as translated by Lane and quoted in Foster, F. H., "The Fear of God in the Koran," MW, xxi 1931, pp. 244-248. Foster goes on to say that "this root is used in close connection with the conditions a Muslim must meet if he will be saved." 17 Both Suyfiti, Asbdb al-nuzal (Cairo: 1963) and alWahidi, Asbdb al-Nuzul (Cairo: n.d.) do not mention any accepted reason for this revelation. 18 See Qurtubi, al-Jdmi', p. 139; Bukhari, Sahih, pp. 429-430, and Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, pp. 342-343. Also see Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt (ed. Sachau), (Leiden: 1904) Vol. iii, section ii, p. 60. 19 Ubay b. Ka'b was one of Muhammad's secretaries,

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.4 (1977) asked the Prophet to have Ubay recite the Qur'Sn by chanting, tajwid.23 That these are contrived reasons is apparent from the outset, and any effort to arrive at original causes becomes an exercise in the realm of speculation due to the difficulty of ascertaining the authenticity of the hadiths, while a decision to dismiss them as irrelevant fails to take into consideration the realities they attempt to cope with. These reports probably originated as an attempt to explain the legitimacy of the variant readings of the Qur'an. That Muhammad reportedly approved of two different versions, those of Abii Musfid and of Ubay does not only validate the possibility of differences in the text, but also it stamps them with Prophetic approval.24 However, once the precedent was set and Ubay's authority was established because of divine favor, later exegetes found in him a useful means of authenticating some of their opinions. This becomes apparent when a study of the different readings of Sura ninety eight is made. More conflicting variations are ascribed to Ubay than any of the other Qur'an collectors.25 The variety and content26 of the readings attributed to him suggest later interpolations and interpretations. As for the other variant readings of the sura,27 we have found that the differences are insignifi23 Other reasons noted by other reporters as collected by Qurtubi, al-Jdmi', p. 139 seem to emphasize the importance of learning. Thus the Prophet wanted those who have knowledge to teach. Others said that the Prophet recited it to Ubay to teach people humility lest someone not want to learn how to read and write
from one below him in social status. Still others thought that this was because Ubay was quick in learning and would therefore disseminate his knowledge speedily. 24 Two hadiths with different chains of isnad report that Muhammad told Ubay to recite the Qur'in to the community in several letters up to the number of seven. Bukhari, Sahih, p. 430 Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, p. 343. 25 Bukhari, Sahih, p. 429; Arthur Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text of the Qur'an (Leiden; 1973) pp. 178-179. Compare with pp. 110-111, 312, 329, 355 and 369. Also see Qurtubi, al-Jdmi', p. 140 who accuses Ibn Masfid of incorporating tafsir in his variant readings. 26 See Jeffery, Materials, pp. 178-179; cf. Bukhari, Sahih, p. 429; cf. also Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, p. 345 who reports that al-Zuhri and al-Shafi'i and others quoted this verse to show that works are part of iman. 27 Of the four variations attributed to Ibn Mas'iud's codex dealing with the first verse, there is an apparent

Ubay had been engaged in recording and teaching the Qur'Sn during the life of Muhammad, and seems to be intimately involved in the life of the mosque at Medina. Some hadith is ascribed to him as he was considered an authority on the Qur'an, a fact attested to by Uthman's choosing him as one of the twelve to verify the readings of the Qur'an.21 The reports suggest several reasons why Ubay was singled out for this revelation. They note that this was to point out that he was the best reciter among the Sahaba. (For if the Prophet in all his glory recited to him, others should be followers of his.) In the second place, Ubay was designated as the recipient of this revelation in order to give him assurance and to increase his faith, because he had doubted as a result of a controversy over the reading of a sura in the presence of the Prophet. Thus this revelation was recited to him for conveyance, iblagh, assurance, tathbit, and warning, indhdr, not for learning, ta'allum or memorization, istidhkdr.22 Finally, it is possible that some people questioned the adequacy of Ubay's reading and God therefore
Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (Oxford:

1962) p. 165. 20 Several hadiths report that it is God who asked Muhammadto recite it to Ubay. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt,p. 60; cf. Qurtubi, al-Jami' p. 139. See also Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, vol. vii, pp. 342-343.
21 Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat al-Kubra (Beirut: 1960) vol. I,

pp. 316, 345, 244, 251, 252: vol. III Section II, pp. 59, 60, 62; Vol. V, p. 508. These referencesinclude several reports that show his closeness to Muhammad,who once asked him to teach the Qur'sn to one of the Ansar. He
apparently was a witness of Badr, Uhud, Khandak and

was one of the seventy Ansar who witnessed al-'Aqaba.

Furthermore, it is reported that he kept the branch of the vine towards which Muhammad used to pray prior to the erection of the pulpit in the mosque. 22 There arc several hadiths that relate that when

Ibn Mas'ud and Ubay argued about the correct reading

of a sura, Muhammad asked each of them to recite his version. When they did, he reassured both of them of their accuracy by saying to each, "You are right". When Ubay appeared to begin to doubt in Muhammad, the Prophet is reported to have beaten his chest and stared at him. Ubay, awed, began to sweat and felt as though he was looking at God. Then Muhammad informed him that sura ninety eight was revealed to him. Bukhari, Sahih, p. 439. cf. Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, p. 343.

HADDAD: An Exegesis

of Sura

Ninety-Eight

523

cant and except in one case,28 there is no alteration in the meaning of the revelation; consequently, the present study will deal with the 'Uthmanic text.
C. NAME, NUMBER OF VERSES AND THE DATE OF SURA 98

There appears to be some discrepancy as to the number of verses of the sura, some authors claiming that there are nine, others insisting that there are only eight.29 However, there seems to be no over-riding reason30 to dispute the eight verses that are in the 'Uthmanic version. There are, however, several names for this sura. It is second only to the Fatiha in the variation of names ascribed to it.31 The most common names seem to be lam yakun and al-bayyina. Other names include ahl al-kitdb, al-qiydma,32 alqayyima,33 and al-barriya.34
revision and interpolation. Taking the codices of arRabil b. Khuthaim al-A'mash and Ubay b. Ka'b, we note that three delete the words al-ladhina kafarui, while phrasing the verse to emphasize that ahl al-kitdb are of the mushrikin. See Jeffery, Materials, pp. 110-111, 312, 329, 355 & 178-179. 28 This deals with the term rasul which Ibn Mas'ud reads as rasiilan, whereas in the 'Uthmanic version it appears as rasilun. This may explain some of the differences in opinion concerning the bayyina, whether it was the Apostle himself, the Qur'an or the generality of apostles reciting scriptures. Ibid., p. 110. 29 Ibrahim Al-Abyari et al, al-Maws'l'a al-Qur'cniyya, vol. I (Cairo: 1966) Section II, p. 44. See also Tuisi, Tafsir al-Tibydn, vol. X, p. 387 which reports that it was eight verses in the Kufic and Medinan Qur'an, while that of Basra had nine. It should also be noted that Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, vol. vii, p. 342 claims that this sura has five verses but he goes on to include verses 6-8 with a commentary. This should probably be dismissed as an error in printing. 30 A study of the variant readings, above, does not seem to justify the larger number as we have not been able to find a deleted verse. The discrepancy may possibly be ascribed to a variation in the numbering of the verses, or to the possibility of counting the bismilldh as a verse. 31 The Fatiha has nine different names. See Suyfit., Itqdn, p. 48. Sura ninety eight appears to have six whereas suras nine and seventy eight have four names each. 32 These four names are given in Abyari, al-Mawsuta, p. 47. 33 Zamakhshari, al-Kashshdf, p. 274. 34 Suyfiti, Itqdn, p. 50.

As to the dating of sura ninety eight, a survey of some Muslim and Western scholars reveals disagreement, with the preponderant opinion favoring Medina as the place of revelation. Of those consulted, Muhammad Ali is alone in his insistance that "there seems to be no doubt that it is a Makkan revelation, such being the opinion of the majority."35 And although Zamakhshari36 and Grimme favor a Meccan origin, the latter qualifies it as doubtful, whereas the former notes that it is disputed, an opinion shared by several scholars.37 Although agreeing with those who favor a Medinan origin,38 Richard Bell39 believes that it is a composite. He suggests that verses 4, 5, 7 and 8 formed the original sura dating to the second year of the Hijra, about the time of the adoption of the religion of Abraham. Thus verses 1-3 and 6 are later. He then suggests that verses 4-5 were probably displaced by verses 1-3, while the last two verses were kept in their revised form. Besides this theory being contrary to Muslim tradition,40 a careful study of the vocabulary and sentence structure of the sura fails to provide any evidence to support Bell's thesis. That verses two and three provide exegetical problems is not contested, but rather than being of a later date than the rest of the sura, as Bell suggests, they are possibly of an earlier period. The word suhuf appears mainly in the early Meccan period. (See S. 87:18, 87:19, 80:13, 81:10, 53:36 and 74:52). 35 M. Ali, Qur'an, p. 1196.
36 Zamakhshari, al-Kashshaf, p. 274. 37 Sale, Koran, p. 495 says, "Where it was revealed is

disputed." Palmer, Koran, p. 337 says, "Place of origin doubtful." Their opinion seems to be based on that of several Muslim scholars who note that there is a discrepancy in the reportsabout its place of revelation. Qurtubi,
al-Jami', p. 138, reports that it is Meccan according to Yahya b. Sallam and Miedinan according to Ibn 'Abbas and others. Bukh5rl, Sahih, vol. vii, p. 342 says it is Meccan or MIedinan. Cf. Bayd&wi, tafsir p. 613. 38 These include Muir, Noldeke, Blachere, Pickthall, Y. Ali and the Uthmanic version of the Qur'an. See also Tfsi, Tafsir, p. 389 who reports that Ibn 'Abbas and al-Dahhak say that it is Medinan. C. F. Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, vol. vii, p. 342; Abduh, M., Tafsir, p. 133 & Watt, Companion, p. 318 who notes that sura ninety eight is "Medinlan presumably after Badr." 39 Bell, Qur'dn, p. 670. 40 Suyuft, Itqdn, p. 39 gives sura ninety eight as an example of a sura that was revealed complete.

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.4 (1977) the judgement that is awaiting them. There are only two other verses in the Qur'an, S. 2:105 and 3:185, that deal with the mushrikin and the People of the Book in the same breath, and accuse both groups of desiring ill for the Muslim community. Furthermore, it is apparent that both suras two and three deal with similar subject matter as sura ninety-eight. (See especially S. 2:87, 89-101, 98ff, 105-106, 112-113, 135, 159, 213, 159, 213 and 253. Also S. 3:18, 63-79, 97-102 and 104). Both these suras deal with the break with the Jewish community which came about in Medina. The attack on the People of the Book and their treatment as mushrikin suggest the probability that sura ninety-eight was revealed around A.H. 5, when Muhammad was dealing with the possible treachery of the Bani Qurayzah. A preliminary search for a possible connection between that event and the tradition that this sura was revealed explicitly for Ubay b. Ka'b failed to yield any solid evidence. However, it is possible to speculate that the condemnation of the People of the Book came as a result of some of the Ansar protesting the treatment of the Jews whom they were bound to protect. This may have been the reason for the designation of Ubay for the reception of the revelation, he being of the Ansar. There is also the possibility that Ubay b. Ka'b may have been related to Ibn Ubay42 who appears to be the most outspoken protester against Muhammad's treatment of the Jews in Medina. Finally, there is the remote possibility that this sura was revealed as an answer to Ibn Ubay's protests, but that later traditionists confused the two men. More research is needed to find out if there is any connection between these events.
D. TRADITIONAL MUSLIM EXEGESIS OF SURA 98

There is one reference to suhuf in the mid-Meccan period. (See S. 20:133). Thus S. 98:2 could be of an earlier period. (Furthermore, verses two and three appear to have a different structure than the rest of the sura and are shorter in form. And although frequently shorter and longer verses follow each other in what seems to be a unit within a sura, if these two verses are taken together, they could possibly be considered as one verse.) The presence of the word yatlf with the word rasil suggests a possible Medinan revision. The rasul in the Medinan period appears to be reciting ayat. (There is only one late Meccan reference to this function of the rasul. See S. 28:59). For Medinan references see S. 2:129, 2:151, 62:2, 3:164, and 65:11. The last reference refers to the ayat as providing the proof. Thus it is possible to consider S. 98:2 as a Medinan revision of a Meccan concept. This, however, does not make it any less Medinan; we therefore do not see the necessity of splitting the sura into earlier and later sections. Furthermore, Qur'anic evidence does prove that Bell's thesis concerning this verse in untenable. It is possible that when Bell presumed that suhuf referred to the record of man's deeds,41 he decided that it was a later addition to the sura. A study of the context of the use of the word suhuf fails to reveal any association with the record of man's deeds. Rather, suhuf appears to refer to pages of revelation that have been given to Abraham and Moses from God. (See S. 53:36, 87:19). The earliest reference to suhuf says they contained the message and admonition to praise God. (See S. 87:18). They also appear to contain some teachings, such as that no one can bear the burden of another. (See S. 53:36). However, we suspect that Bell's Book theory and related assumptions, and possibly his Abraham religion theory, colored, in this instance, his judgement of the meaning and dating of the verses of this sura. Thus failing to find any justification for splitting the sura, we shall deal with it for the purpose of this paper as a unit. Besides being Medinan in content, this sura dealt with Medinan realities. Its attack on the People of the Book is consistent with other Medinan passages that accuse the People of the Book of kufr. (See S. 2:105, 3:70, 3:98, 59:2, 59:11). What is more significant is that two verses in this sura treat the People of the Book as equals of the mushrikin both in kufr and in
41 See footnote (10).

Considered by some Muslim exegetes as "one of the most difficult in the Qur'an in regard to its composition and interpretation,"43 sura 98 has provoked several difficult questions and received numerous attempts at explanations, which have ranged over the years.
42 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, pp. 174-177, 179, 181-

187, 190, 197, 202, 209f, 212, 214, 216f, 229, 232f, 248 and 284.
43 al-Wahidi, Kitab al-basit as quoted by Razi, Mafatih al-ghayb (Cairo: 1308 h.) p. 449 who goes into ex-

tensive details explaining the grammaticaland linguistic

problems the structure of the sura poses. cf. Tabari,

Tafsir, vol. xxx, p. 144.

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A study of traditional Muslim exegesis of the sura has not revealed very much about its meaning to the first believers. Although most exegetes claim to be interpreting it according to its original meaning, one notes in each work the distinctive feature that the exegete is trying to get across to his readers and students, which is colored by his methodology and understanding of the issues of his time. To illustrate, the case of the commentary of Ibn al-'Arabi44 may be cited, where the whole sura is seen in the light of the sufi experience. The bayyina is seen as the evident proof that leads to "that which is sought". The term hunafd' is interpreted as the avoidance of any path that does not "lead to Him" and to attain unto Him through 'ibaddt. These 'ib&ddt are "both bodily and monetary" in nature, achieved through the "performance of the physical acts of worship." These acts are "works of purification, armal muzakkiya, like prayer, performing the truths of asceticism, haqd'iq al-zuhd: such as renunciation, tark, and divestment, tajrid-such as zakdt." Furthermore, the fear of God is explained as when "God unveils, tajalli, His majesty, which does not negate the station, maqam, of God's good pleasure." Fear is thus one of the conditions of revelation. One may note, on the other hand, the example of Muhammad Abduh,45 the reformer who called for a return to true original Islam and saw in the accretion of traditions a cause of the state of degeneracy in Islam at his time. Even in his attempt to shear off the mass of accumulated interpretations, he appears in his methodology unable to avoid the pitfall he warns against. This sura affords him the opportunity to illustrate his theories. Thus, he says that the Christians and the Polytheists were in the darkness of ignorance because they had depended, in what they believed, on imitating their forebears who had interpolated in them material, either for lack of understanding or to disprove an opponent, and thus they had burdened the truth with falsehood until the Prophet came and cut through the darkness. Abduh called on Muslims to reject the teachings of the forebears and seek original Islam. The tendency to manipulate the material for teaching purposes, however, does not mean that all exegetes attempted to preach through their commentaries. Some did try to interpret the
44 Ibn al-'Arabi, Tafsir, pp. 833-836. 45 Abduh, M., Tafsir, p. 136.

language and grammar of the suras, while others concentrated on the historical background of the revelations. Thus although there is no general consensus of opinion regarding the meaning of sura ninety eight, there appears to be a number of explanations accepted as plausible by several orthodox exegetes. Al-Razi46 gives some of them extended treatment in his commentary. An apparent discrepancy between verses one and four is noted. As the first verse does not specify what the People of the Book and the Polytheists ceased from, it was suggested that munfakkina refers to their disbelief. This would mean that the People of the Book and the Polytheists persisted in their disbelief until the coming of the clear evidence, bayyina, while the term hatti necessitates that they ceased disbelieving when the Apostle came. On the other hand, verse four implies that their disbelief increased with the coming of the evidence. This seeming inconsistency is resolved through an example that Zamakhshari47 offered in his commentary. (A poor evil man when asked to reform, refuses to change his ways unless he becomes rich; but once riches are bestowed on him, he persists in his evil.) Similarly, the Unbelievers, both of the People of the Book and the Polytheists used to say before the coming of the Apostle Muhammad that they will not cease from their ways in religion until the coming of the Apostle as promised in the Tawrat and Injil. Once Muhammad was sent, they refused him, thus separating themselves from truth and establishing themselves in disbelief.48 Another question that was raised by al-Razi49 concerns the reason for placing the People of the Book before the Polytheists in the verse. This order, he suggests, was probably intended for several reasons. In the first place, because the sura is Medinan in origin, those condemned were primarily the People of the Book. They had knowledge of the books, and their capacity to know Muhammad's truth was more complete, thus
46 Razi, MIafdtih, pp. 449-460. 47 Ibid., p. 449; cf. Zamakhshari, al-Kashshdf, vol. iv p. 274. 48 Razi and Zamakhshari seem to view kuifr as the

rejection of the Apostle as the proof of the call of God

to the People of the Book to reform, while Baydawi refers to the Christians and the Jews who disbelieved and apostated concerning the attributes of God. See Baydawi, Tafsir, vol. II, p. 613. 49 Razi, Mafatih, p. 450.

526

Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.4 (1977) it is the totality of apostles,57 others insisting that it is the Qur'an.58 The use of the word purified, mufahhara, rather than pure, fahira, as an adjective with the word "pages" implied that they had been falsified or tampered with before and that the pages the Apostle was bringing had been restored to their original purity. This Qurtubi saw as a reference to umm al-kitfb, "the original book with God from which the prophets received their books."59 Thus the pages the Apostle was reciting were purified "of fakery, of doubt, of treachery, of going astray, and from falseness, lying, doubt and kufr;"60 which, it is implied, the People of the Book were guilty of. Thus the Apostle was reciting from an authentic source in which are books that are straight and precise, a possible reference, as seen by some, to the Qur'an;61 which necessitated an explanation of why the word "books" (plural) and not "book" was used, a dilemma that was apparently solved by the suggestion that this referred to the rhetorics in the content of the Qur'an.62 Having differed in their comprehension of what the bayyina was, the exegetes offered interpretations of verse four that were consistent with that that several exegetes saw rasfl as the bayyina, "(a) he
being a proof because of his Prophethood, (b) his character was perfect to the point of in-immitability, i'fdz, as Jahi? said and was approved by al-Ghazzali in his book al-Munqidh; (c) his miracles were very apparent." He goes on to say that some commentators have protested this explanation because there is no designation by the definite article al, whereas others have read it as rasilan. Those holding the view that it is the Apostle point to the fact that the definite article is attached to the word al-bayyina, this being a special distinction of the Apostle, as he is the one mentioned in the Tawrdt and Injil. 57 Razi, Mafdtih, p. 451, quotes Abf Muslim's saying, "apostles from the angels of God reciting scripture." 58 Ibid., p. 451 says that both Qatfda and Ibn Zaid hold to this view which is shared by Ibn Kathir, see Tafsir, p. 344. Also note that Baydawi, Tafsir, p. 614 says that the "bayyina is the apostle or the Qur'Sn for the evidence reveals the truth or a miracle, the apostle in his character and the Qur'an in its eloquence." 59 Qurtubi, al-Jami', p. 142. 60 Ibn 'Abbas as quoted by Qurtubi, Ibid., p. 142. 61 Here we note the confusion of whether the pages or the books refer to the Qur'an. 62 Ibid., p. 143.

their persistence in kufr was more evil. Furthermore, because they had knowledge, they were an example for others, thus their kufr was the cause of the kufr of others. Finally, because they had learning, they were considered more noble than the others. Further discrepencies in interpretation were noted concerning the meaning of verse one by Tabari.50 He reports that some exegetes have explained that the unbelievers of the People of the Tawrat and Injil and the Polytheists did not desist until they had the Qur'an. Others have said that the People of the Book and the Polytheists did not retain the description of Muhammad in their books until he was sent, whereupon, they separated concerning him. Tabari believes that the correct interpretation is that the People of the Book "did not separate in the matter of Muhammad until the clear evidence, bayyina, came to them which is God's sending him as an Apostle to His creatures."51 A further refinement in interpretation offered in the Mawsfla al-Qur'fniyya52

suggests that "The People of the Book and the Polytheists persisted in their kufr until the coming of Muhammad who recited to them the purified pages, purified from that which they in their apostasy falsified." It is interesting to note that exegetes also disagreed concerning the object of the kufr, some53 noting that it is disbelief in God, while others saw in it the rejection of the Apostle54 or his message.55 This also appears in their interpretation of what constituted the clear evidence, some suggesting that it is the Apostle,56 a few noting that
50 Tabari, Tafsir, vol. xxx, p. 144. 51 Ibid., p. 145; cf. Zamakhshari, p. 274 who says,

"They did not let go of their religion as they were waiting

for the promised Prophet. This held them together and when he came, he was cause of their separation as some believed and others did not." See also Bukh5ri, Sathh, p. 429 who suggests that God blinded them to him. 52 Abyari, al-Mawsu'a, vol. vi, p. 807, Note the influence of Abduh's interpretation on this modern Egyptian commentary. 53 For an example, see Tfisi, Tafsir, p. 388. 54 Qurtubi, al-Jami', p. 141. He says, "Kufr here refers to kufr in relation to the Prophet Muhammad." 55 Adbuh, Tafsir, p. 136. "Those who committed kufr are those who denied the message of the Prophet when he called them." 56 Tusi, Tafsir, p. 389; Abduh, Tafsir, p. 135; Qurtubi al-Jami', p. 141: cf. Razi, Mafatih, p. 450 who notes

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comprehension. Whereas most of them associated the separation of the People of the Book to have come about with the coming of the Apostle,63 there was a suggestion that "they separated and disagreed concerning what He (God) desired for them in their Books,"64 or that the separation was in regard to their relation to truth, as they were not established in kufr.65 That verse four did not mention the Polytheists in conjunction with the People of the Book was noted by several exegetes. It was suggested that they were singled out "to point to their despicable position for they should have known better."66 The religion of the Polytheists was not acknowledged, those of them who believed were accepted and those who disbelieved were killed, whereas the People of the Book were acknowledged and allowed to apostate on the condition that they pay the jizya. Furthermore, the People of the Book had knowledge of Muhammad's Apostleship as it was mentioned in their books. Thus this verse was to console Muhammad that their rejection was not due to any lack in the proof, but rather was due to their obstinacy.67 It is interesting to note that this verse appears to have been quoted as a proof against those who advocated a predestinarian theological position. Thus the disbelief and the separation came about through the acts of the People of the Book.
63 Al-Abyari, al-Mawsui'a,p. 807 says that the People of the Book were united and agreed that Muhammad will be sent by God as based on what is in their scripture about him, and when he came, they denied him, belied him and separated in the matter concerning him. Cf. Tfisi, Tafsir, p. 389 who says that the unbelievers did not disagree concerning the prophethood of Muhammad for they were in consensus concerning his prophethood accordingto their books dealing with his attributes. But when he came to them with the clear evidence and the powerful miracle, they separated and disagreed, some believed while others disbelieved.
64

Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, p. 345. The implication here is

that the separation came after God had established the proofs for them. 65 Zamakhshari, al-Kashshdf, vol. iv, p. 274. They used to promise unity and concordon truth if the Apostle was sent to them, however, what separated them from truth and established them in unbelief was the coming of the Apostle. 66 Baydawi, Tafsir, p. 614.
67 Razi, Mafdtih, p. 451.

They were not predestined to apostasy;68 nor were they created in that condition from conception, for God had revealed that they did not disagree before the coming of the proofs and the miracles.69 Furthermore, verse five proves the falsehood of the Mujbira in their claim that God created the Kuffar in order that they may apostasize. It is clear from this verse that "He created them to worship Him, and there is nothing in the verse to prove that the works of the limbs are of iman and not of din."70 Worship was conceived as the proclamation of the unicity of God, whereas being faithful to Him was interpreted as "pointing to the importance of the intention of the heart."71 Besides being central in theological discussions concerning free will and predestination and whether works are part of faith, verse five added to the understanding of the term hanif to which several interpretations were offered. Here we will attempt to summarize Tabari's72 interpretation. After establishing that the word means straight, and that it refers to a person who has a crooked foot, Tabari says that hanif is from Abraham. He also notes that there were differences of opinion concerning this word. In the first place, there were those who said that it referred to him who has performed the pilgrimage and thus followed in the way of Abraham and his milla. He quotes a hadith which names those who made the pilgrimage in preIslamic times as being called hunafa'. Furthermore, he cited S. 22:31 as evidence. A second group explained that a hanif is one who follows, muttabi', while a third group said that it referred to the religion of Abraham which is called hanafiyya because he was the first imam who instituted circumcision to mankind. Therefore, whoever is circumcised in the way of Abraham, he is a follower of Abraham in Islam. Therefore, he is a hanif in the milla of Ibrahim. A fourth group explained that the word hanif refers to the person who is faithful in religion to God alone. Finally, the term hanif was understood 68 Ibid., p. 451. Razi was an Ash'arite who advocated man's responsibility.
69 TiSsi, Tatsir, p. 389.

notes that this verse was quoted by Zuhri and al-Shafi'i to prove that works are essential for imrn.
71

70 Ibid., p. 390; c.f. Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, p. 345 who

Qurtubi, al-Jdmi', p. 144. 72 Tabari, Tafsir, vol. iii, pp. 104-108.

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.4 (1977) believed will abide in hell forever, whereas S. 98:8 states that those who believe will abide in the Gardens forever, that God's mercy is greater that His anger. This is not necessarily consistent with the teachings of the Qur'an, as we find several references to the punishment of the kafirin in hell forever. (See S. 72:23, 33:65 and 4:169) In the last reference the punishment most probably refers to the People of the Book. Verses seven and eight elicited very little comment and exegesis from Muslim scholars. This is probably because they are common in the Qur'an and their contents were exegeted elsewhere. However, there appears to have been a theological controversy concerning verse seven. This seems to have been started by Abii Hurayra who claimed that this verse showed that God preferred the believers to the angels and therefore placed them at a higher rank, a stance denied by other theologians.76
E. SURA NINETY - EIGHT - AN INTERPRETATION

by some to mean Islam. The millatu Ibrahim is hanif, as he who follows millatu Ibrdhim is a hanif. Tabari then offers a hadith attributed to Abui Jaefar which refutes the claim that preIslamic pilgrimage was called hanif. This is substantiated by a quote from S. 3:67 which stipulates that a hanif is a Muslim and not a Mushrik, thus also refuting those who claim that it refers to circumcision. In that case it would have to include the Jews who are denied that title by S. 3:67. Thus, Tabari concludes that hanafiyya is not circumcision alone, nor pilgrimage, but rather is following in a straight forward way the millatu Ibrdhim. The reintroduction of the People of the Book in verse six was noted by the exegetes who said that this was to point to the wickedness of their condition.73 However, Razi seems to suggest a possibility of a difference in the fate of the Mushrikin and that of the People of the Book. For the People of the Book were not unbelievers at the beginning, because they believed the Tawrat and the Injil and they affirmed the coming of Muhammad. They disbelieved after he came, in contrast to the mushrikin who were born to the worship of idols and the denial of the Day of Judgement and of the resurrection. Thus the People of the Book will be on the upper levels of hell as their kufr is less than that of the mushrikin who denied the Creator, prophethood and resurrection; whereas the People of the Book accepted all these and denied the specific prophethood of Muhammad. Therefore the mushrikin will be relegated to the bottom of hell.74 This interpretation strikes the reader as far fetched since sura ninety eight does not easily lend itself to it. However, a survey of the context of some of the Medinan suras shows that S. 3:54 promises 'Isa a better fate for his followers than the fate of the mushrikin. It also suggests that their case will come up for review on the Day of This verse must have also been Resurrection. in Rtaz's75 mind when he suggested that since S. 98:6 does not specify that those who dis73 Baydawi, Tafsir, p. 614. 74 Razi, Mafatih, pp. 455-456. Cf. BaydawI, Tafsir, p. 614, who says that the participation of the two groups [Ahl al-Kitab and the Mushrikiin]in the genus of the punishment does not necessitate their participation in its form. It is possible that it will be different because of the difference of their disbelief.
75 Razi, Mafatih, p. 456.

One of the shortest Medninan77 suras, sura ninety-eight offers several structural problems. Its verses are of varying lengths and construction,78 and its rhyme79 is so strained in several places that it is almost tempting to entertain the possibility of its being a medley of fragmentary verses, brought together by similarity of subject matter by a conscientious editor, anxious to incorporate all available material. Such a hypothesis must be rejected from the internal evidence of the Qur'an, as these problems in construction and rhyme are by no means unique to this sura, but are to be found in several places. Furthermore, an editor, or a compiler most likely would have paid more attention to consistency and by changing a few letters in the words have rendered the sura more lucid and consequently less controversial. That it has been preserved with its exegetical problems might be considered as a proof of its authenticity and unity. who denies that the believers are better than the angels as Abf Hurayra is reported to have said. Here it says khayru al-barriyati, creatures created of earth, and does not discuss angels. 77 See pp. 4-8 above. 78 Versestwo and three are similar to S. 80:13 and 14. 79 Especially verse five where din is qualified by a feminine adjective, qayyima, probably for rhyme purposes.
76 Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, p. 346; cf. Razi, Mafdtih, p. 457

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Ninety-Eight

529

The sura deals with familiar Qur'anic themes and offers no startling new revelation, rather it can be considered a refinement, or a summary of earlier teachings. It was probably used to remind the audience of what they already knew, or had previously heard. It starts with an indictment of at least some of the People of the Book80 who seem to question Muhammad's authority. They are clearly and distinctly associated with the Polytheists as having committed kufr and rejected the clear evidence that was brought by the Apostle. The significance of this for the listeners was that their allies, the People of the Book of Medina were destined to the same fate, as their enemies, the Polytheists of Mecca. Thus the community was to be restricted to those who obey the Apostle and accept his book, and not based on tribal alliances or kinship ties. The People of the Book and the Polytheists had persisted in their ways until they received the bayyina.81 The bayyina in this context is the rasil82 reciting scripture. There are several references in the Qur'an to a rasil reciting ayat (S. 2:129, 2:151, 3:164, 28:59, 62:2, and 65:11). Only in the last reference is there a mention of these ayat providing a clear evidence. Meanwhile, S. 98:2 is the only reference to a rasil reciting suhuf. These suhuf appear to be a special revelation that has been given to Abraham and Moses and other apostles. They are honored (S. 8:13ff), exalted and purified. In the first Meccan period,83 the suhuf are referred to in a very general way. By the mid-Meccan period, (S. 20:133) they are referred to as containing the bayyina. While in the context of this sura, they are supposed to contain immutable books. Here the reference is probably to the Qur'an,84 but the presence of the
80

plural, books, does not lend itself to that interpretation. Thus the bayyina in this context may be either general or specific in its reference. If the general interpretation is preferred, one can say that people persist in their ways until the coming of an apostle from God who brings scriptures with him,85 proclaiming the message publicly. Meanwhile, if explained in the specific sense, the bayyina would then imply that, in the fulness of time, God sent Muhammad the seal of the prophets and made His will known in the final revelation given in the Qur'an. With Muhammad and the Qur'an, the special revelation has come to an end. The Qur'an in this case does not posit an exclusive choice between the specific and the general meaning. Rather, we feel that both interpretations are valid and possible at the same time. God has revealed His truth through apostles with scriptures in the past,86 and He has sent Muhammad reciting scriptures as clear evidence to both the
mushrikin and the ahl al-kitib, to those who had

Of thirty references to ahl al-kitdb in the Qur'an,

only one is probably Meccan in origin (see S. 29:46). Several accuse them of kufr (S. 2:105, 3:69, 3:98, 59:2
and 59:11). 81 The word bayyindt occurs nineteen times in the

not received His message before and to those who had full knowledge of it. For "the 'apostle' is a messenger from among his own people to bring to them in their own language the warning of God; he speaks for God and is so closely linked with God that obedience to the Almighty coincides with obedience to the messenger. He represents in (a particular phase of) the history of his community the great moment to decide: his coming forces a split in two opposing factions, one rejecting him and his message, the other one accepting him in faith and obedience."87 This theme is repeated in several places in the Qur'an (S. 3:105, 42:14) where the separation comes at the moment of decision when the community is faced with the clear evidence or the true knowledge (See S. 2:213, 2:253 and 3:19). The word tafarraqa comes from the same root as furqdn (S. 2:53, 2:185, 3:4, 8:41, 21:48 and 25:1) which may be interpreted as another name for
Ignace Goldziher Memorial Volume, Part I (Budapest: 1948). 85 Bijlefeld, "A Prophet," p. 19. Where he says that

Qur'an. The singular form occurs fifty one times. These referencesare mostly late Meccanor Medinan. Only four are of Mid-Meccanorigin. 82 Bijlefeld, "A Prophet," p. 13. 83 See pages 5-6 above. 84 The apostle is supposed to have said to 'Umar, "Did I not bring it to you white and purified?" Ibn Khaldun, ed. Bulaq, 1284 as referredto by A. S. Yahuda, "A contribution to Qur'an and Hadith Interpretation,"

"Thereseems to be a close association between prophethood and scripture." (S. 29:27) 86 Ibid., p. 21, footnote #88, where he says that "The message of all rasiil is identical-the difference is in the language in which they bring it."
87 Ibid., p. 26.

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.4 (1977) Finally, in its true sense, being a hanif is being a Muslim.91 (S. 3:67) Thus those who have ignored God's guidance have forfeited their reward in the hereafter. Having repeatedly dismissed His proofs, denied His apostles and differed concerning His revelation, they wavered from the true path which is the worship of God and the unconditional commitment to Him. They have failed to express their unceasing gratitude in their daily life and practices. Therefore they shall be banished to eternal fire. But those who have believed and done good works and lived in thankfulness and awe,92 they shall be rewarded. (S. 41:8, 84:25, 95:6, see also 18:88, 19:60, 20:86, 25:70. 28:67, 28:80, 34:37) They shall have a special treatment (S. 38:28). They shall be counted among the righteous (S. 29:9). Though they are few in number (S. 38:24), God will cause them to dwell in His mercy. (See S. 45:30) For they shall be forgiven (S. 5:7, 22: 50, 29:7, 48:29), and He shall take them out of darkness into the light (S. 65:11). They are blessed and will have a good reward (S. 13:29, 18:30, 19:96) and they shall abide in the gardens of perpetuity. (S. 98:8, 2:25, 2:82, 3:57, 14:23, 18: 107, 22:14, 22:23, 22:56, 29:58, 30:15, 4:173, 4:57, 31:8, 32:19, 85:11, 47:12, & 42:22). Thus the true Muslim is one who lives his life in perfect harmony with God's will and is grateful to God for all things.
91 Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, p. 112 notes that "of the twelve cases, where the word is used, eighteen have reference to the faith of Abraham, and in nine of them there is an added phrase explaining that to be a Hanif means not being a polytheist, this explanatory phrase apparently showing that Muhammad felt he was using a word which needed explanationinorderto be rightly understood." A careful reading of the hanif passages shows that the "explanatory" phrase by no means serves that function, rather, it emphasizes the distinction between the hanif and the polytheist, pointing to an unwavering monotheism and a commitment to God and His revelation. It is the daring to be different in following the straight path, rather than being of the ungrateful polytheists. For further readings on hanifs by Western scholars, see footnote number 10. 92 Awe is the more correct translation of khashiya, contrary to E. Foster, "The Fear of God in the Koran," MW, xxi (1931), 244-248, where he says that "The ap-

the Qur'an. It, too, serves to divide the comthose munity into believers and unbelievers-into who choose to do good and those who apostatebetween those who choose the truth and those who opt for falsehood. But once the apostle confronts the community with the evidence and they make a choice, his mission seems to come to an end. It is God who deals with the people and metes out their reward or punishment according to their initial choices that determine the path they follow in life. That verse four singles out those who have received the book88 as separating may refer to the two groups within the community of the Banu Isra'il who are divided into Jews and Christians;89 they disagreed concerning the truth. Yet all God wanted of them was that they worship Him, faithful to Him in religion. The immutable religion is Islam, an undivided commitment to God; it is the natural religion, din al-fitra (S. 30:30); it is an undefiled monotheism, the religion of the Hanifs. A hanif is one that is obedient to God and grateful for His favors (S. 16:120 & 123). It is also the natural religion to which man is born (30:30). It is a religion that is in contradistinction to that of the Polytheists as it acknowledges Allah as the only God to be worshipped (S. 10:105). It is faithfulness to God who is almighty (S. 6:79). It is the straight path to which man is guided by God (S. 6:161). It is the religion of Abraham, and not that of the Banu Isra'il, or the Jews or the Christians. It is the belief in God and His revelation to Abraham and the other prophets, not making any distinction between them, but being fully committed to God. (S. 2:135ff). Further Medinan developments added to the concept of commitment, the category of good works ('ibadat). Thus a hanif was not only faithful to God, but he established prayer and
gave zakat
88

(S. 98:5,

4:125).

See also (S. 3:95).90

There are twenty one references in the Qur'an to

"those who have received the book." All except possibly S. 74:31 are Medinan in origin. 89 Verse four may also refer to the division at Medina within the Jewish community as some of them accepted Muhammad and became Muslims, while the majority remained attached to their own community. See Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 197. 90 For a discussion of Muslim exegetes seeing the performance of the pilgrimage as part of being hanif, see above, pp. 17 & 18.

peal to fear is most natural to the Arab; and no other force did Muhammadhave in his earlier career."