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HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY

PROM THE BEQUEST OP

JAMES WALKER
(CIa
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Prf!3ident oj Harvard College

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THE CHURCH HI8TORIAN8 OF ENGLAND.

]t.

[LAT, PRINTJ:R, BRKAD ITI\ItET HILL, LONDON'

THE CHURCH HI8TORIAN8 O:F ENGLAND.

REFORMATlON PERIOD.

THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF JOHN FOXE.

CAREFULLY REVI9ED, WITH NOTES AND APPENDlCES.

VOL. H.-PART IL

eefegs,
PLEET STREET
AND

HANOVER STREET.

MDCCCLIV.

,I

GRUDGE BETWEEX TUF. FKENCH AND E~lla.JSH SOJ.DU:IlS.

4~9

But lct us proceed further in this holy progress. Thc Frcnch I{enry king with his anny seeing himself distresscd, and no good therc to ---.!.!.!-be done ~O'llinst the Sodan of Eg-ypt, after he had sufficiently fortified i\?' the city of Damietta with an ahle garrison left with the duke of -"o. Burgundy, he removed his tents from thence to go eastward. In his anny also foUowed William Longspath (of whom mention was made before), 1lCcompanied with a picked number of English wlllTiors, Gfllrl~e rctained unto him: but Buch was the disdain of the Frenehmen be'''cCIl against this William Longspath and the Englishmen, that tIlCy ~:':ldl could not abide them, but flouted them in opprobrious manner, with ~~'(~l~~~ " English tais," insornueh that the good king himsclf had much ado .uldicCd. to keep peaee between them. The original cause of this grudge between them began thus: Booty there was, not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or castle, ~~:t~:~,~? rcplenished with great ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens; this ~r: ohold it chaneed the said William Longspath, with his company of abouI English soldiers, to get, more by good luck and politie dexterity, :~~an. than by open force of anns; whereby he and his retinue were greatly enriched. 'Vhen the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof, they, being not made privy thereto, began to conceive a heart-burning against the English soldiers, and could not s~k weU of them after that. I t happencd, not long after, that the sald William had intelIigence of fi Vontu_ eompany of rich merchants among the Saracens, going to a eertain ~~~~~I fair about the parts of Alexandria; having their camels, asses, and ~alU mules, richIy laden with silks, precious jewels, spices, gold and silvcr, with cart-Ioads of other wares, besidcs victuaIs and furnitul"C, whereof the soIdiers then stoOO in great need. He, having secret knowledge hercof, gathered all the power of EngIishmen unto him that he could, and so, by night, falling upon the merchants, some he sIew with their guidcs .and cond~ctors, some he took, some he put to Hight. The En~i,chrd carts WIth the drivers and the oxen, and the camels, asses, and mules, ~~II,:'ra with the whoIe carriage and victuals, he took, and brought Wlth him, 1l00d.. losing in aU the skinnish but one soIdier, and eight of his servitors; sorne of whom, notwithstanding, he brought home wounded to be cured. This being known in the camp, forth came the Frenchmen, who Wron~eJ aU this while loitered in their pavilions, and meeting their carriage by W;C~~Ceh. the way, took alI the aforesaid prey whoUy unto themseIves, rating the said\VilIiam and the Englishmen, for so adventuring and issuing out of the camp without leave or knowIedgc of their genera, contrary to the discipline of waJ'. \VilIiam said again, he had done nothingbut what he would answer to, whosc purpose was to have the spoil divided to the bchoof of the whole snuy. \Vhen this wouId not serve, he being sore grieved in his mind, so cowardIy to be spoiled of that for which he had so adventurously travailed, went to the king to complain. But when no reason or complaint would scrve, by reason D"parl. o~ the proud earl of Artois, the king's brother, who, upon despite and ~~r;~ disdain, stoOO against him, he, bidding the king farewell, said he D.,pile' l1 "ftho ful W'JU' no l onger. A n d so 'V'll' wouId serve l11m 1 lam d e L ongspath WIt the rest of his compan)", breaking nom the French hos, went to ~;~fJ;:r Arre. Upon whose departure, thc earl of Artois said, "Now is thc .~.in.t :umy of Frenchmcn well rid of thesc tailelI peopl!'." 'Vhich word~, :~~Eng-

..

.;:tf;

\'OL. rIo

G G

450

DAMU:TTA TAKEN IIl' TIIE CHRISTL\NB.

lin"!! Bpoken in grcat despite, wcrc cviJ taken of many good men that ~ heard him. l A. D. Before the arrival of the French anny in the land of Egypt, the 1250. Soldan of Babylon, having beforchand inteUigence of their coming, committed the custody of Damietta to a certain prince of his whom he specially trusted, committing also to his brother the keeping of Cairo and Babylon. It folIowed now after the taking of Damietta, that the Soldan of Babylon accused the prince who had thc custodJ thereof, before his nobles, of treason, as giving the city unto the Christians; who, notwithstanding, in judgment did sufficiently elear himself, declaring how he was certified that the king would land at Alexandria, and therefore bent alI his power to prevcnt the Idng's arrival there; but, by stress of weather, he missing his purposc, Damlella and the king landing about Damietta, by reason thcreof the city was :~~e~h%- taken unprovided, he, notwithstanding, with his company resisting li"na. as weIl as thcy might, till they could no longer, and so departed, cursing (said hc) Mahomet and his law. At these words, the Soldan, Thekeep- being offended, commanded him to be had away as a traitor and ~~~~ lri- blasphemer, and to be hanged, albeit he had sufficiently purged ';;,~ng- himself by the judgment of the court. His brother, who was the lo l,a':~~ keeper of Cairo and Babylon, being therewith not alittle grieved, and bearing a good mind to the christian religion, devised, in himself, how to give the said city of Cairo with Babylon to the French king; and so, in most secret wise, he sent to the king, showing his fulI purpose and what had bappened: and, furthennore, instructing the Th. trl- king in aIl things how and what he shouId do; and, moreover, ~~~~ 1e- requiring the sacrament of baptism, meaning indeed good faith, ~.l~~l_ and sending also away aIl the christian captives which he bad with .n.~. him in prison. The king, being glad hereof, sent in all haste for ~~~ William Longspath, promising a full redress of aIl injuries past, apalha.nt who upon hope of some good luck, came at the king's request, and ~~:~::;,~ so joined again with the French power.

THE

LAMENTABLE

OVERTHROW

AND

SLAUGHTER

OF

THE

FRENCH ARMY FIGHTING .'\GAINST THE INFIDELS, THROUGH THE SINISTER C'OUNSEL OF THE POPE'S LEGA TE.

To make the story short, the king, setting forward from Damietta, directed his journey towards Cairo, sIaying by the way such Saracens ll.S were set there to stop the victuals flOm Damietta. The Soldan, in the mean time, hearing of the courageous coming of the French host, as being in great hope to conquer alI, sent unto the king by certain that were next about him, offering to the Christians the quiet and fulI posscssion of the Holy Land, with aIl the kingdom of J erusalem, and more; besides other infinite treasure of gold and silver, or what else might pleasure them, only upon this condition, that they would restore again Damietta, with the captives there, and so wouId join together in mutual peace and amity. AIso they shouId have all Falroll'ers their christian captives delivered up, and so both countries should ~~~:"':b; freely pass one to another with their wares and traffic, such as they Freuch. chose to adventure. Furthennorc, it was firmlyaffinned and spoken.
(1) Ex Mallh. Parla. fol. 233, 231.

VICTORY Ol'" THE CHRISTIA)JS OVER TIlE SAIlACENS.

'1-.')1

tha tlle Soldan, with most of his nobles, W'lS minded no less tban t;> 1I,m'y lea.ve tbe filthy law or Mahomet, and receive tbe faith of Christ, so t1lat ~!.!.-_ they migbt quietly enjoy their lands and possessions. The same nay A. n. great quietness would have entercd, no doubt, into all Christendom, _1250. with tbe end of much bloodshed and misery, had it not been for the The pope's legate, who (having eommandment from the popc, tbat if any ~~f:"I" such offers should eome, he should not take them) stoutly "et frontose ~::~~~i:1l amtradicens," (as the words be of the story) in nowise would reeeive chief. the eonditions offered. 1 Thus, while the Christians unprofitably lingered the time in debating this matter, t1le Soldan, mean while, got intelligence of the compact between the tribune of Cairo and the French king; whereupon he sent in aU haste to tbeir city to apprchend the tribune till the troth were ully tricd, whieh seemed to him more apparent, for tbat the christian prisoners were alrecly delivered. Hereupon TheCh. the Soldan being in some better hope and less fear, refused that }~~~gre whieh before he had offered to the Christians ; albeit, they with gTeat fe~~~~ld instance afterward sued to the Soldan, and could not obtain it. Then not hav. the Soldan, being whoUy bent to try the matter by the sword, sent ~h~ to the east parta for an infinite multitude of soldiers, giving out. by ~~~ld. proclamation, that whosoever could bring in any christian man's head, Cruelproshould have ten Wents, besides his standing wages. And whosoever ~~at':::t~,: brouQ'ht his right band should have five. He that brought llis foot agallII rac.:n"t , , - . . . . should have two talents, for hIs reward. th. CbrlsAfer these things tbus prepared on both sides to the necessity of ~:~arl war, the king cometh to thc great river Nile, having gotten together of.ArtoiM, k' many b oats, t hm -mg b y t hem to pass over, as upon a sure b rl'dge. Wlth thlrd the part On the other side the Soldan pitehed himself to withstand his coming ~~~~~ian over. In the mean time bappened a eertuin feast amongst the armY'h Saracens, in whieh the Soldan was absent, leaving his tents by the ~~~e:h. water-side. This being foreReen by a eertuin Saracen, lately converted Nil. to Christ, serving with earl Robert, the king's brother, and showing them withal a eertain sha1l9w ford in tllC river Nile, where they might more easily pass over; the said earl Robert, and the master of the TempIe. with a great power, amounting to the third part of the army, passed over the river, after whom also folIowed William Longspath, with bis band of English soldiers. These, being togethcr joined on the other side the water, encountered the same day Vietoryof with the Saracens remaining in the tents, and put them to tIte ~ran~hrl. worse. After this victory, the French earl, surpnsed witb pride agail.l.t and triumpb. as though he had conquered the whole earth, would ~~~.~ara nerds atvance, dividing llimsclf uom thc main bost, thinking to win the spurs alane ; to whom certain sage men of the Tempie giving Geod contrary counsel, advised him not so to do, but rather to rcturn and e~un~ tnke their wbole company with them, and so should they be more :;o~e;;'i_ u. sure against aU deecits and dangcrs, whieh there might be laid privily low.d. fur them. Tbe manner of that people (they said) thcy bctter kncw, and had more expcrience thereof than he; alleging, morcover, their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their fllmished soldiers, and the insufficiency also of thcir number, which was not uble to withstand the multitude of the cnrmies, especially at thiR prcscnt brunt; in (I) Ex l\Iatlh. Parl. fol. 233.

GG2

Tli':

};ARI. OF ARTUIS

WILL NOT

BE ADVI8ED.

H'fI'" whieh the adversaries dili well see the whole state of their dominion ~ now to consist either in winning nlI, or losing all; with otber sueh A .I>. like words of persuasion. Whcn the proud carl did henr this, being 12aO. infamed with no less arroganev than ignorance, with opprobrious l:dlU~.. taunts be reviled them, called them cowardly dastards, and betrayers ~io~":rt.lo of the whole country; objecting unto them the common report of ~~~~' :~i~ many, wbo said, that the land of the holy cross might be won to ~:~~.el. C1Jris~endom, were .it not for the rebclIious Templars, with the Hospltallers and thell fellows. To these eontumelious rebukes the master of the TempIe !lnswered again for himself and his felIowa, bidding bim display his ensign when he would, and wbere he durst, for they were as ready to follow bim, as he to go before them. Then began William de Longspath, the worthy knight, to speak: desiring the carl to give car to those men of experienee, who had better knowledge of those countries and people than he had, eommending also their counsel to be discreet and wholesome, and so tuming to the master of the TempIe began with gentIl' words to mitigate him Iikewisc. The knight had not half ended his talk, when the carl, taking the words out of his mouth, began to furoe and swcar, crying out on these cowardly Englishmen with taila. "What a pure army," said he, " should we have here, if these tails, and tailed people were purged from it?" With other like words of grent villany and much disdain. Worthy Whereunto the English knight answering again, "WclI, carl Robert,'" ~;:~:g~f said he, "wberesoever you dare set your foot, my step sIJalI go :ul ~.h hl l fur as yours; and, as I believe, we go this day where you shalI not br~ o dare to come near the tail of my horse:'" as in the event proVl'd true. 1 A numIn the mean time the French king, intending to set forward his ~%~~h anny, thought best to send away such as were feeble and laeked :~:~i~~ armour unto Damietts, by boats. The Soldan, hearing thereof, Iltlml prepared a great number of boats to be carried, by wain and cart, ~~~ned to the water-side; who, meeting them by the way, drowned and ~r ~~aill destroyed by wildfue every one, so that of all that company of our Christiana, of whom some were bumed, some slain, some drowned, ~~ not one escaped alive, save only one Englishman, named Alexander Giffim:l; who, although he was sore wounded in the ehace in five places in his body, yet escaped to the French eamp, bringing word unto the king what was done. And tbis was upon the water. Man.o. N ow upoo the land: seeing carl Robert would needs Bet forwaid, ~'":,~IIe<l weening to get all the glory unto himself before the coming of the ~.IlC~. host, they invaded first alittle village or castle which was not far off, called Mansor. The country boors and pagans in the villages by, seeing the Christians come, ran out with Buch a main ery and shout, that it eame to the Soldan's hearing, who was nenrer. than our men did think. In tbe mean while tlw Christians, invading and entering into the munition uncircumspectly, were pelted and pashed 2 with stones by them that stood above; whereby a great number of vur men were lost, and the anny sore maimed, and almost in despair. Then, immediately upon the same, cometh the Soldan with all his main power; who, seeing the Christiana' arrny to be divided, and thc

:.y.

1)

Ex ".ltb. Pari. fol.

2~G.

(2) .. Pashed," .lruck.-ED.

LUlI8 IX., l'HE

l"R~NCI

KING, TAKEN

'RISONER.

458

one brothrr separated from the othcr, hali that wbich he long wished ~7;ry for, and tllllS enclosing them ronnli abont sa tllat none should escape, - - ' h:1d with them a crucl fight. Then thl' earl began to repent him of A. D. his brody rashness, but it was too late; wllO, then seeing William 125~ thl' English knight doughtily fighting in the chief brunt of the r:~ Roenemies, cried unto bim most cowardlv to Hy, "seeing Gad," said annyen o us."To whom - t he koh o agam, o clooedby g t agamst mg t, answenng theSoldan he, "dathfih " Gad farbid," saith he, "that my father's san should run away tram i':n~abY the filce of a Saracen." The carl then, turning his horse, Hed away, Earl Rothinking to escape by its swiftness, and sa taking the river of Thafnis, ~~y"':t;:: oppressed with harness, therl' sunk and was drownl'd. Tbus the !n~ away, earl being gone, the Frenchmen began to despair and seatter. Then ~d. rowu'Villiam de Longspath, bearing all the force of tbe enemies, stood against them as long as he eould, wounding and slaying man)" a anddeath Saracen, until at length his horse being killed, and bis lega maimed, i'i:,~:,lI he could no longer stand; who yet notwitbstanding, as he was down, ~;~t~: mllngled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, tiII at thl' last arter many blows and wounds, being stoned of the Saracens, he yiclded his life. Aner the death of him, tbe Saracens sctting upan the residue of tbe anny, whom tllCy had compassed on every side, devoured and destroyed them all, insomueh, that scarcl' one man eseaped alive, saving twa TemplaI'!l, one Hospitallcr, and one pOOI macal 80ldier, who brought tidinga hereof to tbe king. These things being known, in the French eamp, to the king and his 80n"". soldiers; first of their drowning who were sent to Damietta, tben of ~~"~~:;:h the ruin and slaughter of the army, with tbe king's brother, near the ramp for "'I 1e sorrow an d heavmess on cvery thdr h' "I town O f ~,ansor, th ere was no lOItt side, with great fear and doubt in themselves what it was bcst to do. brethnH. At ast, when they saw no rl'medy, but they must stand manfully to revenge the blood of tlleir brethren, the king, with his host, passl'd AP,::d'z over thl' Hood of the Nile, and eoming to the place where the battlc h~d bec~ there they behcld their fellows and brethren, pitifully Iying Ilead. "1~1 thelr h~ads and bands cut ofr. For the Saracens, for tlle rewani ~}'\'l:~lIId. betore promlsed by the Soldan ar Sultan, unto them that eould bring Chri.tlan. the hrad ar hand of any C1lristiaD, had sa mangled the Christians, rut l'fl. leaving their bodies to the wild beasts. Thus, as thl'Y were sorrowing and lamenting the rul'ful ease of their christian feIlows, 8uddenly appeareth the coming of the Soldan, with a multitudl' of innumerabll' thousands, against whom the Frenchmen eftsooDs preparc themselvrs to encountl'r, and sa the battle being strul'k up, tllC armies beglID to joio. But, alal'k for pity! what l'ould the Frenchmen herc do, thcir number at fil'!lt sa maimed, their hcarts wounded alrl'ady with fear and sorrow, their bodil's consumcd with penury and famine, their horscs for fcebleness not able to serve tbem? In conclusion, thl' Pilirlll Frcnchmen wcrl' overthrown, slaiD, and dcspatched; and, secing ~~at~~h'.r there was no fying, happy was be that fiI'!lt l'ould yicld himself. In Frelllh. this miserable eonfil't, the king, with his twa brl'thren, and a few that Th. kUlg clave unto him, were taken eaptives, to the confusion of aIl christian ~~~' h" realms, and presented to tbe Soldan. Ali the residue were put to the ~;t:l:tCll sworu, ar clsl' stood at the mercy of the Saracens, whether to be slain by II,, or to remain in woeful eaptivity. And this was the end of tlmt Sold,"\. sOrTO"fnl battlc, wherl'in almost aIl thc nobility uf France were slaiD,

?;'.:::::;;

DAMIETTA IlESIGNED.
/Tm!l and m which therc was llarJly one man of aB that multitude who ~ escnped free, they being either alain or taken prisoners. Furthennore. A.D. thcy that werc slain ar left half alivc, had eyery one llis head and ~ haml cut off upon the Soldan's proclamation above mcntioned. The Soldan ar Sultan, aner the taking of the French king, fraudulClltly suborning an anny of Saraccns to the numbcr of the French anny, with the anns and ensigns of them that were slain, marle towards Damiettn, whcre the duke of Burgundy, with the Frendl quel'l1, and Otho, the pope's legate, and other bishops and their garl;sons were remaining ; suppos:ng, under the show of Frenchmen, to be let in: but the enptains, mistrusting their Ilasty coming, and misdoubting their visages, not likI' those of the Frenchmen, shut the gatrs against them, and sa returned they, frustrated in their intent. The purpose ofthe SoMan was, ifhc might havc goth'n Damietta, to send tlle Frcnch king up higher into the cnst cOl1ntries to the Caliph, I the chicf pope of Damascus, to increase the titles of Mahomet, and to be a spectacle ar gazing-stoek to 811 those quartcrs of the warId. The manner of Caliph was, nevcr to lct any cllristiun prisoner come out, wh080ever cnme once in his hand. But forasmuch as tlle Soldan missed his purpose, he thought, by advice of rouncil, to use tlle king's life for his own advantage in recovering tIlC city of Damicttn, as in the cnd it enme to pass. For although the king at filst was greatly unwilling, and had rather die tllan sUlTendcr Damietta again to the Saracens, yet the conclusiou fell out, that tlle king was put to his n.mlota ransom, and the city of Damietta was also rcsigncd; which city, being ~7,':r..d twice won and twice lost by tbe Christiana, thc Soldan or Sllltan afterSaracenI. wards causcd it utterly to be razed down to the ground. Tbe ransom ~hu:'~io:~'1 of the king, upon condition that the Soldan sbould see him safdy con~~~~:~ ducted to Acre (wbich I takI' to be Cesarea), came to a hundred thou~.r 'he sand marks. The number of Frenchrnen and others who miscanied h II:~~~ in that war, by water and by land, ramI' to cighty thousnnd persons. 2 Ap~;s. And thus bave ye the brief narration of this lamentablc peregrination of Louis, the French king; in which, whcn the Frenchmen were once ar twice wcll offcred by the Soldan, to have aU the kingdom of J crusalem, and much more, in free possession; they, not contcnted with that which was reasonable and sufficient, for grcedincss to ha\'e all, lost aB ; haviug at length no more than thcir naked bodics conld cover, lying dead upon the ground, and aB through the original cnuse of the papl', and Otho, his legate. By their sinister mcans and pestilent pride, not onIy the livcs of sa many Christians were then lost, but also to the said pOpI' is to be imputcd alI the lass of other citics and christian regions borclering in thc same quarters: forasmuch n~, by the occnsion hcreof, the hearts of the Samcens, on the one side, wne sa encou~l7Cd, and the courage of the Cllristians, on the other, sa much discomfited, that in a short srace after, both thc dominion of A ntioch and that of Acre, with al other posscssions bclonging to the Christians, were lost, to tllC grent diminishing of Cllrist's church. Th. two During the time of this good king lying at Acre, ar Cesaren, ;~~~~a~~;; Almighty Gad scnt such discord betwixt the Soldan of Halaphia and ~~~~~~be the Soldan of Babylon, for letting the king sa escapI', that the said king. Soldan ar Sultan of Bahylon, to win thc king lInto his side, entcred (I) See Note l, D. 294.-&1l. (2) H:rc M.Ub. rarll. fol. 237,
~3S.

THE POPE'S TYRANNY AG.\INST Fln:DERIC II.

455

league witlI him (whom both his bretlIren, and aIl his nobles almost, R<nrg at home had forsaken), and remitted his mnsom, and also restored ~ unto him such prisoners llS were in the said battle found to be alive. 1 A. D. Thus the Lord worketh, where man commonly forsaketh! 1250. Another cause, moreover, why the ruin of this French army may 'I1'orthily be imputed to the pope, is this: for that when Louis, the French king, percciving what a necessary friend and helper Frederic, How Fro the emperor, might be to him in these his affairs ngainst the Samcens, ::,;::: was an eamest suitor for him to the pope to have him releascd, neither ;:'igbl he, nor the king or England, by any means could obtain it. And, .:.:".". In although the emperor himself offered to pope Innocent, with all humble submisaion, to make satisfaction in the council of Lyons, pro- ~~:'b~; mising, also, to expugn aIl the dominions of the Samcens, and never Ibo Popo . nn d there to recover whatBoever t he .uffor would Ilot to return . mto E urope agam, Christians had lost, so tbat the pope would only gmnt his son Henry blm. to be cm peror atler him; yet the proud pope would not be mollified, but would needs proceed against him with both swords; that is, first, with the spiritual sword, to accurse him, and then with the tempoml sword, to depose him from his imperial throne. Through the occasion Tyranny whereof, not only the French king's power went to wreck, but also such r.'l,d~r:_II. a fire of mischief was kindled against aIl Christendom, as yet to this ~~lot ot day cannot be quenched; for, after this overthrow of the French king ~I:r' and his army, the Chstians of Antioch and of other christian regions :':~o~' thereabouts, being utterly discoumged, gave over their holds and cities; whereupon the Samcens, and atler them the Turks, got such a hand over Chstendom, as, to this day, we aIl bave good cause to rue and lament. Besides this, where divers Christians were crossed to go over and help the French king, the pope for money dispensed witb them to ta.rry still at home. But as I said, the greatest cause was, that the cmperor, who could have done most, was deposed by the pope's tymnny, whereby aIl those churches in Asia were letl desolate: as touching the which emperor Frederic, because we have divers and sundry times made mention of bim before, and for that his story is stmnge, his acts wondrous, and his coniicts tmgical, which be sustained against four or fi ve popes, one after another, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider wbat is to be judged of this cathedml see of Rome, which hath wrought such abominable miscbief in tlIe world, as in the sequel of the story following, faithfully translated out of Latin into English, is to be seen. Forsomuch as tbe story of Frederic is incident in the same time of this king Henry III., and containeth matter much worthy oC memory, consiclering the utility thereof, after the tmctation of our English stories I could not but also insert the whole narration of this trag'ical history of the said Frederic, which I have caused faithfully and amply to be collected and tmnslated out oC the Latin book of Nichola.~ Cisnerus, containing as followeth."J
THE TRAGI CAL IIISTORY OF FREDEHIC II.,
EMP~:ROR.

=:::ad

Frederic II. came out of the ancient house of the Beblins or A.D. GhibeIlines; whiclI GhibeJlines came oC the most famous stock oC ll!H the French kings and emperors, He had Frederic Barbarossa to his to
(J) This pas!!oage IX'lween astcrisks i from the cditiou

1250.

O} Tlli.

Wal

the sevenlh lInd last

principa~

cnll1ade.-En.

ar 1;:;70.

(2) MaUh. Parh. (01.261 See Appendix.-ED.

EARLY HISTORY OP
/liIInr,.,

FR:DERIC

II.

wandfather, whose son, Henry VI., was emperor after him; who of Constantia, the daughter (or, as some write, the niece) of Ro/{er l ... E"'p....r. king' of Sicily, begat this Frederic II. A. D. This Constantia was fifty ycars of age 1 before she Wl18 conceived ~ with him; whom the emperor Henry VI., to avoid a11 doubt and surmise that of her conception and childing might be thought, and tu the periI of the empire ensue, caused his regal tent to be pitched abroad in a place where every man might resort; and, when the time of his queen's travail approached, Constantia, in presence of divers Fred.rlc ladies, matrons, and other gentlewomen ofthe empire, a grcat number, ~~~C~26Ih, was brought to bed and delivered of this Frederic, the seventh day .... D.1194. before the kalends of January, A.D. 1194, who by inheritance was king of Naples, Apulia, Calabria, and SiciI)'. Henry, his father, shortly after he was bom obtained of the princeseleetors by their oath to him given, that they would choose his BOn Frederic for their cmperor after his decease; and so they did, and immediately called him Cresar,i being yet but in bis cradle. Sepl.28lh, Tbis Henry wben he died, which was sbortly after the birth or A.D.I i97. Frederic, eommitted the protection of him to Constantia, bis wife, to Philip, his brother, chief governor of Etruria, and to the bishop of Rome, A.D. 1197. Constantia, not long after the denth of Henry, ber busband, bein~ sickly and growing into age, and thereby not so well able to govcm the troubled and unquiet state of the empire, resigned; and willed by Iler testament the safety both of her son Frederic, and aIso of his dominions, to the protection and government of Innoeent III., thinking thereby safe1y to have provided. C.o",plra. This pope Innocent, as soon as he had the proteetion of the young emperor and his seigniories, became, instead ofa patron and pro~ector ~::~t~.~nl to him and his dominions, both an enemy and a eonspirator. Thc j.:;.d.ric examples are many: one is, he persuaded SibyIIa, the widow ol ~;J;:~n()o Tancred, whom Henry put from the kingdom of Sicily, to endeavour rity. to recover the same again, and that she should thereunto ask aid ot AP;:dU. PhiIip, the French king. Whereupon, with king Philip's counsel, co-operation and aid, one Walter (who was sprung from the carls of Brenno, an ancient and illustrious house in the Terra di Bari, and who had married Alteria, king Tancred's eldest daughter) in hope of obtaining the kingdom invaded Campania and Apulia. At. whieh time, also, the same worthy protector, Innoeent II!., sent his legates wilh Ietters of excommunication against aIl those that would not admit and take the said Walter for their king. Another example is, that whereas the princes-electors and other nobles (as before is said) bad promised by their oath to Henry, that they would make Frederic, his son, emperor after his decease, the pope, seeing them to pnt their endeavour thereunto to bring it to pass, absolved themaIl from the oath which they had taken and given for the election of Frederic, the emperor, as one not content he should obt.'lin tbe same. And further, he raised slanders and defamations against Philip. whom the eIectors had choscn to govern the empire during the minority of Frederic his nephew. He wrote an epistle, which is yet extant, to Barthold duke of Zaringhen, inviting him to be emperor; and wlten the latter gave place to Philip, he went about to procure that Otho, the son of Henry Leo, shollld be made emperor, (J l Sef" Appendil'. (2) R&ther, King or tllt' Romans,' that iso hrlralJpa~n!.- ED

F'tr'"

;;.,or

THE POPF.'S CONSPlRACIES AGAIKST FREDERIC.

457

and that the princes-electors and lords of Germany should crown him RUt.rY'1 forthwitb (after the manner) at Aix-la-CbapelIe,t and be deprived alIsuch Fr~~,:ic bisbops as be knew to favour Philip as emperor, in the defence of his Emwr. nephew's right j but Philip, whose cause was better, his skiB in martial A.D. affairs greater, and who in power and strength was mightier, after divers 1212. and great conficts, to the marveBous disturbance and vastation of the J ''''';, whole empire, by God's help put the other to the worse. AlI these P"" ... calamities and mischiefs Conrad de Lichtenau; at that time living, in his Annals most pitifully complaineth of, and accuseth the bishop of Rome and his adherents to be the chief authors and devisers of this great and lamentable mischief, as such that, for to make themselves rich by the spoil thereof, sought by all means and desired the same. Not long after, a peace was concluded between Philip and Otho, and Philip reconciled again to the pope ; which PbiIip, within a Phllip while after, was murdered in his chamber and slnin hy Otho de ~~~~' 22<1, Wittlespach. After this event Otho was raised by the nobles of A.D.~08. Germany to the imperial seat, and consecrated at Rome for emperor -'P".nd... by this Innocent II!., his mend and patron; and so continued till a great variance and discord chanced to arise between the said Otho Varl.nce and the pope j whereupon Innocent sought by alI means, how against :';;~:e:~u Otho, likewise, he might work mischief, and bring him to his end. the pop". The occasion of this sudden change and altemtion my author maketh no mention of, but that Otho (now being of great power) not only invaded and mvaged Flaminia, Picenum, Umbria, and Etruria, but also occupied most part of Campania and ApuIia, which properly appertained to the inheritance of Frederic, A. D. l~ll. Thus you see, first, how by the counsel and consent of Pope Innocent and by his instigation, besides his secret conspimcies, this good Frederic and his dominions were hurt and damaged; then, agnin, through his default what damage the said Frederic 8ustained by Otho, who was made so strong as he was by the pope and his means, notwithstanding the great trust he was put in, for the protection both of Frederic and his dominions. A t this time Frederic was come unto theeighteenth year of his nge;' Prederle. who in his youth, by the provision of Constantia, his mother, was so ~~nins well instructed in letters and with virtuous principles so imbued, ~now that at these years there appeared and did shine in him excellent gifLs eds OOth of wisdom and knowledge. He was exceBently well seen in Latin and Greek learning, which was just then beginning to emerge from the barbarism under which it had been long buried. He also acquired the German, the Italian, and the Samcen languages. He had also cultivated those virtues which nature had implnnted in hilJl by the precepts of piety, wisdom, justice, and fortitude, and by llabitual practice. lnsomuch that he might well be compared wilh thc worthiest and most redoubted emperors and kings that have ever lived. A,::;~.ir. Being now called to the empire by a deputntion from the German pnces, he immediately quitted Sicilyand set out for Germ::my. On his way thither he stopped at Rome, where, according to Fazellus,' he was honourably entertained by Innocent ; who, nevertheless, would Su'pccled make bim no promises, for that he mistrusted the name of Fredcric, ~%~~~ from recollection of thc grandfathcr. :~~r"
(I)
U~.j

s.e Infr", pp. 458, 663.-ED. (2) See Bupra, vol.!. p. 136, not. (3).-F.n, (3) See Appendix. (4) FazeUul flouris1ed in tbe lliJ,teenth cemury: he wrote .. Dl.: Tl'LUI siculis,' [olio. P.mormi, tbnalated luto Italiao by M. Remigio, 4to. Y'nez, 1ti74.-Eo.

458
HilIorroJ

FRF.DERIC GRASTS 'fJlK CAiJON OF PROSCRIPTION.

Frederic then, quitting Rome, set forward for Germany. On FrW~ reaching Trent, he learnt that the more easy and direct road was ~"'fJ.,.or. preoccupied by the enemy: he therefore with much painful travel A. D. crossed the Rhretian Alps, and pushed along the traet of the 1220. Rhine, the cities all the way submilting to him. Olho, who had - - hastened out of Italy inlo Gemlany, intending to mect him at the Rhine and stop his passage, was thus disappointed of his object, and Frcderic was crowned, first at Menlz, and nflerwards (as the manner is) at Aix-Ia-Chapelle.1 Having subsequcnlly held several dieta, and Dealb ol Olbo dying, he settled the empire and succeeded in appeasing almost ~':;i9th. the whole of Germany. And then, accompanied by all his nobles A.D.UI8. and princes. he returncd to Rome, and of Honorius III. was with great solemnity consecrated and called Augustus, Nov. ~2d, A. D. Cnn...cr:.- 1220. Which Honorius succeeded' Innocent III. in the papaI see, i~~~~~~ and was a great help to Frederic (although he loved him not) in this tb. em- behalf, to revenge himself upon Olho. peror. After his consecration, Frederic gave many great and liberal giflS, as well to the bishop of Rome himself, as also to the court of Rome besides. Also he gave and assured by his charter to the church of Rome the principality of Fondi; for by the insatiable covctonsness of the Romish bishops this wicked use and custom grcw, that UIlless the emperors, elect and crowned, would give them such-like great and large gifts, they could not obtain of them their consecratioD or confirmalion, which for that intent they devised. Furthermore, Frederic, the emperor, willing to show himself more bounliful and liberal to the church, neither yet to rcstrain any privilege that might benefit the same, ga\'e and admitted those eonstitutions which the pope himself would desire, and which are yet extant in the Fred.ric civil law; by which his doings he delivered to their hands a sword (as f;;:~~h it were) to cut his own throat: for the bishopll of Rome, now having hilllbe- even what they listcd, and all in their own hands, might by the pain ralit)', n Iword to of proscription bring what emperor or king under .. coram nobis," that ~~tnhi. them listcd, and keep them by their own laws, as if il were bound in throat. certain bands, out of lhe which they might not start. For whatsoever Canon or he were, who for the diminution of the liberties of the church was exii~o;crip- communicate and so continued a year's space, he should be within ~~'::I~~~_ the danger ofthis proscription, and should not be re1eascd before he had ~rmed .by made satisfaclion, and were admitted by the pope to the ehurch and Frederlc. . 'VI . rame to pass, that congregallOn of goo d men agam. . lereby 1t whatsocver emperor, in the government of his dominions, should in any point displease or do contrary to the lust of the bishop of Rome, he then as enemy to tlle chureh was excommunicate; and, unless within a year he wcre reeonciled to them again, by this their principallaw he was in the proscription ; and often it chaneed lhat prinees, to avoid the pain of this proscription, were ready to do whatsoever the pope would have them, and eommanded them, to do. After the consecration of Frederie was with great solemnity finished, and that the pope and ehureh of Rome in all ample manner (as is partly deseribed) were gratified, and yet larger constitutions to them confirmed, he deparled from Rome and went to Italy, "t.::"~t;r. there to set thinga in order and receive lhe homage of the cities and great towns which belonged to the imperial jurisdiction; and from
(I) Dec. 6th. A.D. 1212. and Joly 25th. A.D. 1215. L'Art de V. des D. (2) C;owned pope July 2Hh, 1216.-ED.

Se. AppeDdlx.-En.

DJSPUTES BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE.

459

t1lence into his own provinces and dominions, where he heard of Hut"'ll0/ certain, who began to raise and make new factions against him; P'I~~ic amongst others Thomas and Richard, brothers of Innocent III. and Empero earls of Anagni, who hed certain castles in the kingdom of Naples: A. D. these he discovered to have conspired with Otho, when he invaded that 1226. kingdom, in the hope of obtaining it for themselves. He therefore ~. seized their castles, and aIl he found therein. Richard he took, and sent as a prisoner into Sicily; but Thomas eseaped, and eame speedily to Rome; whither also repaired certain bishops and others who were conspirators against Frederic; as also such others as the fear of the emperor's laws and their own guilty consciences eaused to fy: all of Th,elibewhom were (that notwithstanding) by this bishop of Rome, Honorius ~:r.~~ III., to gratify again the liberality of the emperor bestowed upon him, well, reunder his nose succoured, maintained, and defended. Which thing ~::'u~or when Frederic understood, he began to expostulate with the pope, 1I~~onu. considering the unsecmliness of tbat his fact; against whom the pope, :~;~:~u: on the other side, was so chafed and vexed, that he immediately, Iatelh; without further delay, thundereth out against him, like a tyrant, his ~~~:r. curses and excommunications. ... Thomas Fazellus declareth the origin of this misunderstanding ~w between them, somewhat otherwise. There were (saith he) amongst those who were found traitors to the emperor certain bishops, who, fleeing to tbe pope, requested his aid: whereupon the pope sent his legates to the emperor, and requested him, that he would admit and receive to favour those bishops whom he had banished and put from tbeir offices; and that he would not intermeddle with any ecclesiastical charge wherewith he had not to do: and said further, that the correction and punishment of such matters pertained to the bishop of Rome, and not to him; and, moreover, that the oversight of those churches in that kingdom, from the which he had expelled the bishops, pertained and belonged 'Jnto him, Whereunto Frederic thus replieth, " that forasmuch as now, for The emfour hundred years and more, from the time of Charlemagne, a11 em- ~il;:~ r~; perors and kinga in their dominions might lawfuIly commit to apt ~hepoJ:r. and fit men for the same, such ecclesiastical functions and cbarges as eman within their territories and kingdoms feIl, he looked to have the like privilege and authority also, that other his predecessors before him had." And he further said, " that he had the same and like authority in tbe empire that his father Henry, Ilnd Frederic his grandfather, and other his predecessors before them had; neither had he so deserved at the hands of the church of Rome, neither of Honorius himself, to be deprived of those privileges which bis ancestors before him had, and kept." And further, Frederic being chafed and moved wilh these demands of the pope, breaketb fortb and saith, " How long wiU tbe bishop of Rome abuse my patience? When will his covetous heart be satisfied? Whereunto will this his ambitious desire grow? with such-like words more, repeating certain injuries and con- Slrire bespiracies, both against him and bis dominions, as well by Honorius ::;:'~:i~ as by Innocent III. his predecessor; lL'l al80 other like injurics of the em".. " ancestors practJse." . d What man,. . . h h e, , ," hl rorforlh. popes to h IS salt IS a e election to sutfer and bear tbis so incredible boldness, and intolerable insolency '~~~i~~~,7' of so proud a bishop ?" CI Go," sailh he unto the legates, "and tell bi.hop..

460
Hil/orrol
Emporor.

DECHEES

O~

CRATIAN AI'PEAL.:D TO.

Fri~':U: crown of my kingdom, rather than l will suffer him thus to diminish

Honoriue, that I will lny down thc insignia of my empire and the

the authority of our majesty." l

A. D. Now, because much disquietncss and controversy hath arisen, for 1226. the most part throughout all Christendom, in every kingdom and

...... realm scverally, for and about tbc authority of choosing- and dcprivinA" ..-- of bishops (M may be seen by the exnmple of this Fredcric), which the pope onIy and arrogantly cha1lengcth to himself, and not to appertain to any other, I thought good not with silence to overpass, buL somewhat to say, and to provc the authority of christian kinga and princes, in this behalf, to be both sufficient and good. "'~ And first, by the holy 8criptures, and by dccrees of councils, as also by the ancient custom of the primitive church, it may eMily be proved, tbat in the first age of the church the chief care and power of distributing ecclesiastical offices were vested in the christian people. regard, however, being had to the counsels of the administratora of ecc1esiastical concerns. Whercunto appertain certain placcs collcctcd and gathered out of thc ' Decretum' of Gratian, and specially in these canons, the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirtcenth, fourtcenth, twenty-sixth, twenty-scventh, and thirty-fourth, of the sixty.third Distinction. EI..,tion Furthermore, when kinga and princes began to embrace Christ's ~,; ::;'a\'~p. religion, both for honour and order's sake it was granted, that whcn ~~~'~h~lr the people desired such ministera as were by them thought meet, the lub)oct. princes should either confirm such as were so nominated, or elsc themselves should place fit men over the churches; who should then be presentcd for consecration to those who were chiefest in the ecc1esiastical function and authority. So did the emperors of Constantinople (receiving the order and manner from Constantine the Great) use the right of bestowing ecc1csiastica1 functions with tbe consent both of the pcople and of ecc1esiastica1 peraons; and long so retained they the same, as appears in the rescript of Honorius, the emperor, to Boniface,, also, in the examples of Pelagius and Gregory the Great, of whom one was appointed bishop of the church of Rome in the reign of Justinian, the emperor,3 whcn Totia was governing ltaly; and the other in the time of Maurice, the emperor, whcn the Lombards possessed I tal y. 4 And whercas Gratian in the bcginning of the ninety-sixth and ninety-seventh Distinctions doth declare, that the rescript of Honorius~ ..,;"::dU. the emperor, is void and of none effect, for that in determining thc election of the bishop of Rome he acted contrary to the authority of the holy canons, and because thcre can nowherc be read of any license given to the civil magistrate to meddle at all with ecc1csiastical matters. stillless with sacred orders-cach man may plainly discern his grent folly and want of understandillg in so saying: as though at tbat time any holy canons existed which should dcbar cmperors from the constituting of ccc1esiastical ministel"8; or as t1lOugh it were doubtful whelhcr the emperors, at that timc, had passed any laws tonching matters or ecclesiastieal discipline, or whether such laws werc reany in use; when the contrary most manifestly, bolh by the laws and historirs of that age
{l) Thomas Fa..nua, !ib. 8. (2) Can. 8. di.t. 79. et can. 2. di.t. 97. (3) Jugtinian t'Jouri"ht>d (rom A.D. 527 to 565; M8uritlu,. rrom .... D. .582 to 602.-J;D.

(4) 01'1.63. can. 15: 10,24.

THR POPE BREAKS THE LATARAN DECUEE.

461

6D.d time, as weB of the church as of the empire, ma)" appear. And not Hulo.,of to seek fur for the matter, this thing is sufficiently proved by reference Fr~rrje 10 these titles, 'De sacro-sanctis ecclesiis,' 'Episcopis,' 'Clericis,' Empwor. besides other ecclesiastical chapters touching re1igion, which are to be A. D. scen in the books of the principal and chief constitutions, collected 1226. and set forth by J ustinian; in which many of the chapters are attri- - 'buted to Honorius and Theodosius : so, in like case, the twenty-first AP:::.u~. omon of the sixty-third Distinction doth declare, that the Grecian emperoI'l!, who next ensued after Justinian, did observe that manner ~f onaining and electing the bishops of Rome, although at that time " Interpellatum erat," they somewhat spurned at i. The emperor of -whom mention is marle in that canon is Constantine IV., surnamed Pogonatus. 1 Charlemagne, in like manner, folIowed their steps in this particular; Tbe elecfor (as in the twenty-second canon of the same Distinction is de- ~dd~; cIared) at a synodal councilhin Lateran (Adrian h l. being p~ntiff), ~~:dh~~~ where were assembled one undred and fifty-t ree other bishops, fify-tilr.. it was decreed, that the right of electing and ordering the bishop ~~~b~J::~~ of Rome and all other prelates should be in Charlemagne, as well ci Dr La dOmlDlons .. ' lo in I tal y as other hIS an d provlDces; an d t hat wIIOSo- teran be In Ihe cver was not promoted and aIIowed by him should not be conse- emperur. crated of any one; and that those who repugned and disobeyed tbis decree should be under anathema, and except they repented should incur the most severe punishment of proscription and confis- API:;.;'" cation of all their goods. A most striking eumple of this is to be scen in a rescript, extant in the eighteenth canon of the same sixtythird Distinction. Vet notwithstanding, Stephen IV., the author of that rescript, in spite of the said decree, without the emperor's consent was made bishop of Rome; who, to the intent he might elude the punishment in that case decreed, went into France to Louis the Pious, mu oC Charlemagne, to excuse himself, and at Rheims crowned he Jlim with the imperial diadem. (A. D. 8] 6.) N either could this bishop here stay himseIf, but, spying the great lenity of the emperor, essayed to make frustrate the aforesaid constitution. For his purpose was, and so he brought to (lass (as in the twenty-eighth canon of the same Distinction appeareth), that it should be lawful for the ecclesiastical order, with the senate and people of Rome, without the authority oC tOO emperor, to choose the bishop of Rome; reserving, that he should not be consecrated without the will and consent of the emperor. Thus is it manifest, that the bishops of Rome themselves, not reWlrd- ~~t~~P,~~ ing but oespising the strai.t penalty and sanction of the aforesaid ~~a:::ol decree of the Lateran councll, were not only the first that brake the cm Dr same, but also by contrary rescripts and constitutions laboured and ~~I~ cuuneodeavoured to extol and set up themselves above all others. After this, Lothaire, the grandson of CharIemagne, being emperor, Lolbalre and l'oming- into Italy, there to dissolve the conspiracy and confedemcy ~~~e~:~~~ of Leo IV. about the translation or the empire, rencwed and esta- ra" dt blished again the synodal decree of Latemn, touching the jurisdiction ~r:li~~ot of the emperor for the election of the bishop of Rome and other eccle- b hop.. siastical persons; and hereof it came. that those epistles were written by Leo, which are cxtant in the sixteenth and seventecnth canons of
(I) COllltant1ne PogonalllA, ".D. 6G8 lo 685; Chulemagne, ".D. 786 lo 8U.-ED.

46~
HUlor,o/

TRI!: :MI'EROR'S RJGRT TO ELEr:r THE POPE.

the same Distinclion j who alBO (as appeareth in the ninlh canon of tile Fr~f:k tenth Distinction) made a profession, that he would always maintain Emptror. the same imperial precepts. This Leo, when he was reproved of A. D. treason and other evils, pleaded his cause before Louis II., emperor 122J. of Rome, and 80n of Lothaire above recited" - - But after this, as time grew on, the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires, Otho, the first emperor of that name, deprived and put from the see of Rome that most filthy and wicked bishop, John XII., both for divers and sundry wicked and heinoUB acts by him eommitted, as also for his great treasons and conspiracies against his royal person, and did substitute in his place Leo VIII.; who, calling a synod at Lateran, in the same tempIe and place where the other before was kcpt, did promulgate a new constitution with consent of the senate and people of Rome conceming the Tbe elec emperor's jurisdiction, which is contained in tbe twenty-third canon ~i;~i:~': of the sixty-third Distinction, whereby the old rigbt and power of the :::~d emperor in tbe election of the bishop of Rome and other ecclesiasticaI .m;'~~:'. prelates was again, with even a more weighty sanction, confirmed and {~O~~'C- ratified. By Otho III. again this right was re-asserted; by whom .l1'PS::_ John XVIII. (wbom Crescentius the Roman, usurping the sovereign power, bad made pontiif' with the consent of the people of Rome and tbe ecclesiasticaI order), having his nose cut off and his eyes put out, was hurled from the Capitol.' But when, notwithstanding, the bishops of Rome would not alter their old accustomed dispoEition, but with all their industry endeavoured to abrogate that jurisdiction of the emperor over the bishop of Rome (as people Ioath to be under subjection), Henry III. (Leo IX. being then bishop of Rome) did once again ratify the same, and caused tbat bishop, who extolled himself at the counciI of Mentz (A.D. 1049) before all his feJlow-bisbops. to stoop and give place to the archbishop of Mentz. So after tbe death of the aforesaid emperor Henry 111., Nicholas II., althougb in his decree (which in tbe first canon of the twentythird Distinction is recited) he gave tbe cardinals the primacy, in respect of other eecIesiastics and of the people of Rome, in the election of the Roman pontiif'j yet he willed that his proper prerogative therein should be reserved to Henry IV., to whom tbe empire had devolved, but who was then a mere chiId. ~be eleeBut after tbis, wben Hildebrand, who was called Gregory VII., :~oe~l~lin was e1ected pope (A.D. 1073), this prerogative of the emperors in the :~:.~~- election, which the time before (in the creation of AIexander II.) had ginnelblo been neglected and broken, the bishop of Rome now not only did seek fali byHlI- to di" l' b . un d o debramI. mlUIEh t he anth' onty t hereOl, ut al 80 to evacnate an d qUlte tbe same; for he not onIyaspired to that dignity without the consent and appointment of the emperor, but also made restraint that no emperor, king, duke, marquis, earl, or any other civil magistrate, should assign and appoint to any man any ecclesiastical function and charge j and that no one should be 50 hardy as to take such prcferment at anv of thcir hands: as in Cause sixteen, Question scven, Renry IV. agaiD canons twclve and thirtccn, may be seen. ~~~~::gYe~ notwithstnnding,after that this horrible monsler HiJdebrand was deeUon. proscnbed and thrust out of the papaI scat, and Clement III. put in

l.

CI) [Causa] 2. QII.'I. 7. rAn. fI

(2) S.., Appt'ndix.

EI.F.CTIOX Ol" POPE, FIRST WREsTEn FJlOM TIIE EMI'EROR.

463

bis stead, Henry again eballenged bis imperial prerogutive of election. Hu/aryo/ But when the bishops who 8ueceeded this Hildebmnd, led on by Fr~~rIC his example, began to derogate from the imperial prcrogative of B"'prror. l'Jection, and Henry, on the other side, by alI the means possible A. D. 80ught to defend and maintain the same; by the subtle fmud and 1226. mischievous policy of the bishops, who set the son against the father and -f"ound means to steal from him the hearts of bis nobles and subjeets and to set themall against him, and especially tbe princcs of Gennany, he was deposed and disappointed of his purpose. And although Henry V., coming to Rome, brought Pascal II. (A.n. 1111) to that point, that he OOth in a public diseourse, and in writing sealed and by 08th eonfirmed, rcstored again to the emperors the prerogative of election and of giving ecclesiastical dignities; vet notwithstanding, aner that Henry, the emperor, was gonI.' from Rome, Pascal, the pOpI.', greatly repenting and sorrowing that be had done (in alIowin~ and confirming through fear the privileges or the emperors touching the giving and disposing of ecclesiastical runetions), excommunicated the emperor, and in a synodal couneil at Lateran ordained and decreed, that he should be had and accounted ~~~~~d a wicked enemy, who wonId takI.' any eeclesiastical function or prefer- ~~~t ~~:_ ment at the hands of a civil magistrate; whereupon were made these fiee atth. re . Q ' seven, Cb a sateen, ' handaora decrees, vaUSe salcen, uestlon pters seventeen, layman. eighteen, and nineteen. Therefore, when these decrees touching the designation of bishop8 in spite and contempt of tbe emperor were pmctised and put in use, and when that now (especiaIly by the means and proeurement of the bishops) intestine and civil wars began to rise in the empirc, the imperial jurisdiction in this matter was not only weakened and much debilitated, but also in a manner utterly broken and lost. For when Henry V., the emperor, was sharply of Lothaire and his vassals, the bishops, beset and laid unto by the provocation of the pOpI.', and was mightily by the bishop8 that took his part on the other side requested and entreated (in hope of public peace and tranquilIity), that he would condescend and somewhat yield to the pope's demands; he at length (the more was the pity), that he might be reconciled and ha\'e peaee with POpI.' Calixtus II., in the city of W orms resigned that his Henry V. prerogative or jurisdiction of giving ecclesiastical preferments to the ~~:l~~:~~ pope and his prelates (A.n. 1122), which had been now more than ({ntIn or e three hundred years (from the time of Charlemagne) in the hands of 1e<lt'OD. the emperors of Rome, and until this time with great fortitude and princeIy coumge conserved and kept; whieh resignation turned to no smalI detriment OOth of the church of Christ and the christian commonwealth. Then first, and never before, the bishop of Rome obtained and The el quietly enjoyed that prerogative of election and bestowing of bene- :~~lt.,lthe fices, whieh he so long before with such great poIicies, now secretly, bi,hop' or now openly and with force, had sought for. For the canons by Ro~', wbich Gmtian wonId prove, that before this time the city of Rome A""...m enjoyed the prerogative of eIeeting the pOpI.' without the emperors consent (as canons twenty-nine and thirty of the said sixty-third Distinetion, and the ' Palca' added to the latter, and canon thiriy- G~tlaD three), are plainly forged, and were introduced by Gratian himsclf, to ~r~~~~~
'0-

464
/lu/O",?!

GRATIAN FORG\!S THE CANON8.

flatter the papaey; as both Carolus Molinreus suffir.iently in rlivcrs Fr~7."'" places hath noted, and by the observation of dates may by any oneordiEm_or. narily conversant with the French and German histories soon be spied A. D. and discerned. For, First, five bishops, one after another, succeeded ]226. that Gregory IV. upon whom the said twenty-ninth canon is entitled .... or fathered, before you come to Adrian II. mentioned in the canon, AW""1z. who cl'rtainly was marle popl', thl' people having by force takl'n the election into their own handa; whereas Gregory (especially to be noted) would not take on him the papacy before that the emperor had consented to his election. Secondly, Molinreus opposeth the authority of Haphael V olatemn to tlle thirtieth canon, which is to be suspected for this reason, that when Eugenius was pope, the successor of that Pascal I. with whom Louis the Pious is stated in the canon to have made a compact, the same Louis with his son Lothaire (in the capacity of king of the Romans) made laws at Rome. both for all the subjects of the empire, and also for the Romans themselves; to say nothing of Lothaire's rencwal of the decree of the Latemn synod, lately mentioned,1 Then again, how could Leo IV. write to Lothaire and Louis, the emperors, that l Palea' (or counterfeit or forged decree) ~ beginning with 'Constitutio,' &c., when in the same mention is made of Henry the Fowler and of Otho I., who did not come to the empire tiIl more than threescore years after them and How Leo IV. Thirdly, with what face dare this fond fellow Gmtian make ~~,~":~~ Otho I. to be the author of the thirty-third canon, when Otho deprived ~.udelll John XII. of the papacy, and not onIy subtractOO nothing from the ~~~~':g. imperial jurisdietion over the city of Rome, or over the bishop of Rome, :t'J::. or over any other bishops subject to the Roman empire, but added somewhat more thereunto, as was said before. And yet notwithstanding, so shameless and senseless was this Omtian, that he durst in the compiling of his " Decretuffi II obtrude and lay before the reader such manifest fmud and evident legerdemain, feignOO and made of his own bmins (being so necessary, as he thought, for the dominion and primacy of the Roman bishops), in the stead of good and true laws; not considering that the same must be detected by posterity, and that. to his own great discredit. Where ' also by the way is to be noted, that as tbis gmce1ess Omtian, to please these ho]y fathers., and to erect their kingdom, would give so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiving of all posterities, inserting for grounded trutbs and holy decrees such loud lies and detestable doctrine, wbat may be thought of the mbble of the rest of writers in those days? wbat attempts might hope of gain cause tbem to work, by wbom and such-like is to be feared the falsifying of divcrs other good works nowextant, in those perilous times written ? 'l"he Thus, when the bishops had once wrested this authority out of the elt"ction emperor's hands, they then 50 forti6ed and armed themselves and their from the CDlperor.. dominion, that althougb afterwards Frederic I. and his grandson tbis good emperor Frederic II., as a]so Louis of Bavaria, and Henry of ~dir" Luxemburg (as men most studious and careful for the dignities of the empire, unfeigned lovers and maintainers of the utility of the commollwea], ann most desirolls of the prcservation and prosperity of
wre~ted

...

(I)

~upra,

1'.1()I.-E.

(2) St'e l>u.tilJge and HotT" nn on the term I PilIca,' prcfixed to ('ertain chapteOl uf the CanoD La...... -En. {3) Thb &elltcuce Hs Hot in Cistln.-En..

OVERTHROW OF THE CHRISTIAN!; IN EGYPT.

465

the church) did all their cndcavours, with singular wisdom and energy, Hld.,., as much as in them lay, to recover again this lost authority of the Fr'ir":'" imperial jurisdiction from the bishops of Rome, 1 most cruelly and Emp....... wickedly abusing their power to the destruction of the empire, the to. D. undoing of the commonwealth, and the utter subversion of the church 1226. of God; yet could they not bring the same to pass in those dark and ~. shadowed times of perverse doctrine and errors of the people, and ~~~a~~~. most miserable servitude of civil magistrates. aircd th? The same and like privilege also in the election of their bishops ;~:;'~~~e and prelates and disposing of ecc1esiastical offices as the emperor of ~,f!;I<> Rome had, every prince and king in their several dominions had Evcry the like. For by the decree of the councj] of Toledo, which in ~:r~e:~~ the twenty-fifth canon of the sixty-third Distinction is mentioned, ~~~~ scthe authority of creating and choosing bishops and prelates in kingSpain was in the king of Spain. In like manner by the histories ~~~~\~ad of Clovis, Charlemagne, Louis IX., Philip Augustus, Philip the :~:tp~~~. Fair, Charles V., Charles VI., and Charles VII., kings of F18nce, g~thc of it is apparent and wellknown, that all these kings had the chief charge and government of the French church, and not the bishops Ap or. of Rome. And by our English histories also, as you have heard, it is manifest, that the authority of choosing ecc1esiastical ministers and bishops was always in the kings of England, till the reign of king Henry I., who by tbe labour and proeurement of Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, was deprived of the same by Pascnl II. Also, how the princes of Germanyand electors of the emperor, till the time of Henry V., had all (every prince severally in his own province) the same jurisdiction and prerogative, to give and dispose eec1esiastical functions at their pleasure; nnd how after that, it appertained to the people and prelates together; and how at length, in the reign of Frederic, the prelates got unto themse1ves alone this immunity-John Aventine, in the seventh book of his t. Annales Boiorum,'" doth describe. AIso it is probable, that the kinga of Sicily had the same faculty in giving and disposing of their ecclesiastical promotions and charge of churches; I and because Frederic defended himself against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therefore (as Fazellus saith) he was excommunicated by Honorius. TIat Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherefore he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am not ignorant: howbeit, he who will compare their writings with those of others who were contemporary with Honorius and him shall easily find, that they more sought the favour of the Roman bishops than truth. But now again to the history of Frederic. Nicolas Cisner affirmeth, that whilst Frederic the emperor was D<ath ar in Sicily, his wife Constantia died at Catania. In the mean time S~n~iF; the Christians, who with a great navy had sailed into Egypt and O[c Fredetaken the city formerly called Pelusium or Heliopolis, now com- r monly calleu Damietta, and were in good hope to drive the Sultan Groat out of Egypt, had a great and marvellous overthrow by tlle ~;e~~ro'lf conveying of the water of the Nile (which then overflowed into Chri'~ their camp), and were fain to accord an unprofitable truce with =;.n

ez

(I) What Rom. catcheth, that ,he keepeth. (2) Androat de Iathmiaad prim.con't. Nrap. nu.12. VOL. IJ. H H

466
HlolM'ra/

RECONCII.lATION BETW:EEN }o'REDERI~ AND THE POPE.

the Sultan for certain years, and to deliver the city again; and ro departing out of Egypt, they were fain to come to Acre and Tyre, E...,..,..,. to the no sman detriment and shame of the christian commonweal. A.D. \Vhereupon John, surnamed de Briennc, king of Jerusalem, arrived 1227. in ltaly, and prayed aid against his enemies of the emperor, in whom - - - he bad great hope to find a remedy for the evils and calamities before dcclared; and from thence he went to Rome to the pope, declaring unto him the great discomfit and overthrow past, as also the present peril and calamity that they were in, desiring also bis aid therein. By Freder\a means of this king John (as Cisner saitll) the emperor and the and the pope were again made friends togcther: that king also gavc the empopo mAde peror in marriage lale, his daughter by the daughter of Conrad, king mend of Jerusalem and marquis of Montferrat, with whom he had for dowry the kingdom of Jerusalem. she being right heir thereunto by her mother (whence those who aflcrwards obtained the kingdom of Naples and Sicily used thc title of king of Jerusalem) : after which he promised that as saon as possible he would make an expedition for the recovery of Jerusalem, and be there himself in person; which thing to do for that upon divcrs occasions he deferred (whereof some think one thing, same another), pope HODOriUS, unto whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to make agninst him same great and serious llttempt, hall he not been by death prevented; upon whom were madc thcse vcrses : -

Fr1t'/#

" O pater Honori, multorum Date dolari, Est tibi dedecori vivere, vade mori."

After whom succeeded Gregory IX. A.D. 1~~"{, as great an enemy to Frederic as was Honorius; which Gregory came of the race whom the emperor, as before ye heard, condemned of treason which they FTffleric as Hono- wrought agninst him. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his papacy, TiUl. when that he threatened Frederic, and that greatly, with cxcommunication, unJcss he would prepllre himsclf to go into Asia, according to his promise (as ye heard before) to king John of Jerusalem ; :lnd what Fred,r\o the cause was why the pope sa hastened the journey of Frederic into :r~~:~to Asia, you shall hear hereafter. In effect, hc could not well bring that ~.i' at, to pass which in his mischievous mind he had devised, unless the em:'iI~:';::;'1 peror were furthcr from him. Notwithstanding, Frederic, it should !he pope seem, smellinlZ a rot, ar mistrusting somewhat (as well he might), 18 angry. ..... alIeged divers causes and lets, as lately and truly he did to Honoriu8. The ..u.e Fazellus saith, that the special cause of the emperor's stay was, for ~[a~~~the the oalh of truth and peace during certain years, which was made jo,::~~~~r'. betwecn th~ Sarocens and Christians (as you heard), which time was fnlo Ali. not yct explred. "p::'~;s, The same Fuzellus also writeth thus of king John of Jerusalern, that when his dnughter was brought to Rame, the emperor and the pope were reconcilcd together. And being called up to Rome to celebrate the marriage, pope Gregory, as the mnnner of those proud prelates is, offercd his nght foot unto the cmperor to kiss. But the emperor, not stooping sa law, scarcely with his lip touched the upper part of his knee, and would not kiss his foot; which thing the pope took in veryevil part, and was tllerewith marveIlously offended. But for that no opportunity at that time scrved to revengc his conceived grudge and old malice, he dissembled the same as he might for that time,
Grogary IX.1
great an enemy to

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR AGAINST THE TURKS.

467

thinking to recompense at the fuli, as time would serve and fali out /Jislo,?/oJ there-for. Fnj~e:-;c Arter this, the emperor hearing how tlte Christian S were oppressed Empororo hy the Sultan in S)Tia, and that hy bis instigation Arsacidas l bad sent ~ persons into Europe to assnssinate tlte Christian kings, and that the J 22i. French king had received letters warning him of the plot, be macie - the more haste, and was the more desirous to set forward his journey into Asia. 'Yherefore he gave in commandment to Henry, his san, whom not long hefore be had caused to he created Crosar, that, PrepRrn. at Havenna and C remona, tiolloflh_ ' assem hl mg t h e no hOl lIty of t he empIre '''Y''(o.of he should persuade them to takI.' the cross likewise: who alI en- ;~~d:;':;' gaged to he rcady to put to their helping hands, in furthering this ther~of. his journey and enterprise. 'fhis writetn FazelIus; howheit, some AP,'::,tU. others affinn that these thingt'l were done in the time of Honorius. But howsoever the matter is, this thing is manifest; that Frederic, to satisfy the Jlope's desire, who never would lin," hut by alI menns sought to proyokc him forward, gave him at length bis promise, that by a certain time he would prepare an army, and figbt bimself ngainst tltose who kept from bim the city of Jemsalem (wbicb thing he also confesseth himself in his epistles, and also how he desired and obtained of the peers and nobili ty of tbe empire their aid tbereunto) ; and he also appointed a convenient time wben t1ley sbould be at Brundusium! In the mean senson, be with all his endeavour made speedy preparation for the war. He rigged and manned a puissant navy; he made a levy of soldiers through tbe whole kingdom, and made warlike provision and furniture for every tlting tltat to such a voyage and expedition appertalned. N either was tbe mattcr slacked, but at the time appointcd great bands hoth of German soldiers and othcrs had, under the command of Louis, landgrave of Thuringia, and Sigibert, bishop of Augsburg, assembled and mustered at Bmndusium j" where they for a long time lying and waiting for the emperor's coming, who was let by infirmity and sickness, great pestilence and sundry diseases molested tlIem, by reason of tbe great heat and intemperance GreM of that country, and many a soldier tbere lost his life, among whom also ~ic~~,~" died the lanclgrave of Thuringia, one of the generaIs. Tbe emperor, ~:np:ror" when he had somewhat recovered his health, with all his navy launched arw.~ out, and set forward from Brundusium. And when he came to the Ap"...d~ straits between Peloponnesus and the island of Crete, and there for Jack of convenient wind was stayed, suddenly the emperor (his diseases growing upon him again) felI sick j and sending forward all or the most part of his bands and ships into Palestine, promising them most assuredly to follow them so soon as he might recover, he himself with a few ships retumed and came to Brundusium, and from thence went into Apulia. When tidings hereof came to thc pope's car, he sent out his thun- Th_ por.. dering curses and new excommunications against the emperor. The :':~~:~ causes whereof I find thus noted and mentioned in his own lettersj that cateln lI,O is, for tOO1, he had robbed and taken at Brundusium the deceased ~:~~~~ landgrave ofThuringia's horses, llis money, and veryvaluable baggage, ~~~~ (l) Prlocc ot a eurlom fanalical tri"" uear Damalcu IOm_Ume. eall.d Ih_ OId Man or Iho
o

Kountain. See Appendix.-Ku. (2) I I Lin," to give o\'tr.-Eo. (a) Prederic in hllletten u.yll Hydruntum, Otranto: the 8M1Tle remark applies to the otlJer 1ut&ncel in ha and the next page, where Brundu"ium ia mentioJlt:d.-En. li) S<.t. 2glh, A.D. 1227. L'Art de ".rlller dos Dateso-ED.

".i!.

HH!

468
Hutor,o!

FREDElC JlEl'ELS THE CHABGES BllOUGHT AGAn/ST HUI.

Rnd had tllCn sailed for Asia, not for the intent to makc war against the F,~tjc Turk, but to eoneeal and eonvcy away his prey that he had taken at Empnor. Brundusium; and that, neglecting his oath and promise which he had "\.. D. made, and feigning himself to be sick, he came home again; and that 1228. by his defauIt also Damietta was lost, and the host of the Christiana AP;;::'iz. sore affiicted. FazelllIs, besides these eauses spoken of before, doth write that the pope alIeged these also; that he sedueed a eertain damsel who was in the queen's nursery, and then wllipped and put to death in prisou his wife lole, for declaring this misehievous aet to her falher king John. But all the writers, and also Blondus himself, declare, that this lole died after the publication of the proseript and exeommunication ; l wherefore the pope eould not allege as the cause thercof the death of lale: tlle settled be1icf is, tllat she, of her son Th. em- Conrad. died in ehildbed. Then Frederic, to refe! and avoid the &~~;~th Bforesaid slanders, sendeth the bishop of BmndusiuID and other ambas~:~r';"~~. sadors to Rome; whom tlIe pope would not suffcr to CQme to his Whic~ t~. presenee, neither yet to the eouneil of the cardinaIs, to make bis pur~~,:t' gation. Wherefore the emperor, to purge himself ofthe erirnes whieh ~::"I~~i:.ro the pope did so falsely aeeuse him of, both to all christian kings, and ~~~ated espeeially to the prinees of Germany and all the nobles of the empire, chmtian writeth his letter (whieh is to be scen), that those things are OOtII pOliCO.. fal8e and also of the pope's owu head feigned and invented; and showeth, how that his ambassadors with his purgation eould not be 811ffered to come to the pope's presenee; also doth largely intreat, how unthllnkful and ungrateful the bishops of Rome were towards him for the greRt benefits whieh both he and also his predeeessors had bestowed upon them and the Roman ehureh; whieh letter, for that it is over-tedious here to place, eonsidering the discourse of the history is Bomewhat long, the sum of the purgation is this : He protesteth and dec1areth universally, that he had always gn'at are for the christian eommouwealth, and that he had determined even from his youth to light against the Turks and Saracens; that he made a vow and promise on his eoronation at Aix-Ia-Chapelle, that he would take tlIe war upon him; and that afterwards he had renewed his promise at Rome. when he was eonsecrated of Honorius: since whieh he had married the dnughter of the king of Jerusalem, who .p';'":"" was heir to the same; sa that it was beeome a matter of personal interest to him, that that kingdom should be defended from the injuries of enemies: aecordingly, he had prepared. a huge navy, and gathered a strong army, neither had he neglected any thing that belonged to the furniture of war: but when the time was come, and his band was gathercd together, his siekness would not suffer him to be there; and afterwards, when he had recovered from tlle same and had come to Brundusium, and from thenee without injuring any one had forthwith put to sea, he feli into the same sickness again, by the whieh he was let of his pllrpose, whieh thing (saith he) he is able to prove by suffieient testimony: t1lat the pope, moreovcr, laid the losing of Damietta, and other things whieh prospered not well, to his charge unjustly; whereas he had made great provision for that journey, both of 801diers and of othcr necessary tbings. But he that will understand these things more plainly, among other epistlcs of
(I) A.D. 1228.

L'Art d. Ver. d D.-En.

FREDERIC'S LJo:TTER TO THE KIXG Olo' ENGLAND.

469

Petrns de Vineis, written in the name of Frederic, let him read 8;'/"r'II"/ those especially which begin thus: "In Ildmirationem," " Ut jus- F'I~,:ir titiam, et innocentiam," and" Levale oculus." And lruly, cven as Empnor:. Frederic the emperor declareth in his letters conceming- this matter, A. D. all the old writers of Germany do accord and agree in the same. 1228. Matthew Paris l also briefly collecleth the elfeel of another letter "{~iz. which he wrote to the king uf England, complaining unto him of the excommunication of the pope against him, ",hose words are thesc : And amongst otber catholic princes (saith he) he also wrote his letters unto Alelter the king of England, emblllled with gold j dec1aring in the same, that the O/Ihe.m church of Rome was sa inflamed with the lirE; of avarice and manifest concu- f,"'kI IO pisct'uce, that she was not contented with tbe gooda of the church, hut alslI O;En~~g shamed not to disherit emperors, kings, and princes, and bring them under land. lribute and subjection to bl'rself; and that the king of England himself had experience Ihereof, whose father (that is to say, king John) she 50 long held 'xcommunicate, lill she bad brought both him and his dominiom under obligation to pay h'r tribute j also, lhat all men had example of the same by the 1I1an1 earl ofToulouse and divers other princes, whose persons and lands she sa long kingdoml held under intl'rdict, till she brought them also into likI' servitude. .. I pass ;:~:n:~' by" (sailh he) .. the simonies and sundry 'orta of exactions (the likI' wherl'of was or Iho J1ever yet heard ot) which doiy are used toward ecclesiaslical pl'rsons, to noticc POPO'I tbeir groas UlUry, BO cloalr.ed indeed hitherto to the simpll' sorl, that therewithal pnCI'cel. they infect lhe whole worid;: also the fair speeches, SWl'eter than honey anu smoother than oil, of these insatiable hOlse-Ieeche" saying, that thl' court of Rome is the church, aur 'molher and nurse, whereas it is indel'd the mo&t polling court in the whole worid, the root and origin of aU mischief, using and The exercising the doings not of a mother but of a wicked etep-daml', making suf- ~urch or icient proof thereof by her manifest fruita to all the world llpparent. Lel the m~~~:~~ nobIl' barans ofEngland consider these thiugs, whom, fortificd by his bulls, Papl' mlachiof. Innocent encourllKed to rise and rebel agaiust king John, as an obstinate enemy to the church. But, after that the aforesaid kin~ had monstrously humbied King bimself, and, likI' an effeminale person, bad enslaved OOth himself and his ~~~:;'.I . kingdom to the church of Rome j then the aforeeaid pope, setting aside all Ilon ~ sbame of tbe world and fear of the Lord, -trampled on those very barans when lhey Ihe popo were exposed to death and miserabil' conliscation, whom he had betore main- ~~~': taiol'd and stirred up, in order that, after tbe Roman manncr, he might, alas! draw emporor. tbe fatnees unto his own greedy, gaping jaws; by whose'greedy avaricc it came to pass, that England, the prince of provincee, was brought undl'r miserabil' Bubjl'ction and lribute. Behold tbe manuen of aur Roman bishops ; behold lhe suares wberewith these prelates do seek to entangle UB, one and all, to wring aur money from UB, to makI' slaves of freemen, to disquiet 'uch as would live in peace, being clothed with shel'fs clothing when inwardly they be but ravening wolves, sending tbeir Il'gates h.ther and thither with power to pxcommunicate, IUspend, and punish whom they list, not that they may sow seed, thllt is the Who be word of Gad, to fructify, but that they may extort and gatber money, and reap ~~~,{a. that whieh they never did BOW. Thus cometh it to pass, that thl'Y spoil the "olv~~ In haly cburches of Gad, wbich should be a rl'fuge for the poor, and the mansion- Iheop'l hoU&es of saints; which aur devout and simpll' parents for that purpose fOllnded clolhlng. that they might be for the refeclion of poor men and pilgrims, and for the sustentation of such as were well disposed and religiou.. But thl'se degenerate varlets, whose own letten alone prove them to be mad, do slrive and gapI' to be bolh lr.iDgs and emperon. " Doubtless the primitive church was buildl'd and laid in poverty and sim- ChrIII', plicity of life, lind lhen as a fruitful mother bl'gat sbe those her holy childrl'n, ~~~~~~ f ...bom the catalogue of saints naw maketh mention of; and verily no other humUity~ foundation can be laid of any church, than that wbich is Iaid by J eBUS Christ, But this churcb, as it swimmeth and walloweth in all superfluity of riches, aud doth build and raise the frame in all superfluous wl'alth and glory, sa is il to hl' fearl'd Il'st the walls thereof in time fali to dl'cs)', and when the walls b~ (I) The ulracl [rom M. ParlI II not In Cllnor.-En.

~70
Pri~"'U:

P~:ACE

BETWEF.N 'EHE CHRISTIANS AXD

SARA{~ENS.

He who is the Searcher or all hearts klloweth how furiously these men rage agaillst ourselves, saying, that Em~DT. I did not choose to cross the seas as I had promised at the term prefixed; - - - whereas many unavoidable and arduous matters, pertaining to Ihe pope himself, A. D. as well as to the church of God, and also to the empire, besides the anlloyance 1229. of mine infirmity and sickness, did detain me at home, but especially the T-h-- insolency of the rebellioUB Sicilians. For we did not think it sound policy as PO;". to our empire, nor expedient for the christian state, that we should take our church i. joumey into Asia, leaving behind us at home an intestine and civil war; no ~~i~?'''' more than for a surgeon to lay a healing plaister to a wound in wbich the ergu, .he weapon is still sticking." In conclusion, he addeth an admonition to all the ";'PC\ princes of the world to beware of like peril and danger to themselves from f.'~~~ Buch avarice and ir.iquity, because that, as the proverb is, " It behoveth him ~~;~~~ to look about, that seeth his neighbour's house on fire." l
Hi.,,,,,o! down, utter min and subversion follow after.

But now, that Frcderic the emperor might in very deed stop the sIanders ofthe cruel pope, who did persist and go forward still in his cxcommunication against him ; and that he might declare to the whoIe Another world, how that the Iast year he foreslowed not his journey hy his journt:y oC.he own voluntary will, but by necessity; when he had dcvised and pre~r::~: parcd all thiugs meet for the war, and had again gathered a Iarge wem. .... army and refitted his fieet, he departed from Brundusium, com.p~lUlia. mitting the govemment of his kingdom to the son of Reginald, duke of Spoleto, and to Anselm, baron of J ustingen, and came by se."L to Cyprus, with his host. From Cyprus the emperor with his whole .navy sailed to Joppa, which city he fortified: but, for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies, and by sca might he not pass nor trnveI by reason of the tempestuousness of the weather, thereby it came to pass, that within short space they Iacked victuaIs, and were sorely ;~~~rc~: affiieted with famine. Then felI they to prnyer, and made their f'::i~~bY humble supplication to God; with whosc tears his wrath being aud by' appeased, the long-continued fouI and tempcstuous weather ceased, ft::'r:~' whereby (the seas now being calm) they had both victual in great ~~~;YceI. plenty and all other necessary things for their need brought unto A.:::'I~. them; whereby immeaiately it came to pass, that buth t.he emperor . and his army, as also the inhabitants of Joppa, were greatly refreshed and animated, and on the other side their enemies, being disappointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged; insomuch that the sultan of Egypt, who with a great power, accompanied by Scarnpho, his brother, prince of Gaza, and the prince or Damascus, their nephew, with many other dukes and nobles, had encamped themselves witllin one day's joumey of Joppa, thinking to bcsiege the same, werc contented, upon the eoming or the emperor's hernlds to them, to treat of a pcace; whereupon ambassadors were sent unto them with the emperor's demands, right profitable to the christian Peaclc commonweaI. The Saracens, immediately consulting upon the d nr ng'en ye&rll, same, grnnted thereunto; so that a peace for ten ycars was con:h~w,;::~ks cluded, and confirmed by solemn 08th on t.he behalf of both prillces,' ~;;'~~hri" according to their severnl usages and manner: the form and conditions of which peace, brieHy coIlectecl, are these:l. That Frederic, the emperor, should be anointed king oC Jerusalem, according to the manDer oC the kmgs oC Jerusalem before him.

..r"'.J....

. <"

(I) M.tth. Pari ]? 69. [" Tune tua ......gllur, parie. cUm prnximunle. "-ED.) 12j" Forealowed, delayed.-ED. (3).,February 18th, ~.D. 1229. L'oU' de Ver. dl" D.-ED.

"l'HE EMPEROn CROWNED KING OF JERUSALEM.

471
HUlort/o/ F'~~eric Emp~.

II. That Jerusalem itaeIf. and a11 the landa and posae8aions which were siluate betwiIt it and Ptolemais. and consequently the greatest part of Palestine, and the cities of Tyre Bnd Sidon in Syria, and aU other territories which Baldwin IV. at any time had held, should be delivered unto him, only a few casl1es reserved. III. That he might fortify what cities and towna, fortresaea and castles, he thought good, in a1l Syria and Palestine. IV. Tbat a11 the prisoners should he set at liberty without paying any ran80m. And, on the other hand, that the Saracena migbt have leave, unarmed, to come into the cbllrch of the Lord's sepulchre olltside the city, and for purposes of devotion even ioto the TempIe itself; and that tbey should hold and keep still Cbrath,l and the King'a Mount.

--A. D. 1229. ---

Frederic now, for that he thought the conclusion of this peace to be necessary and also profitable for aU ChristianR, and had also gotten as much thereby as if the wars had continued, sent his ambassadors Letten with letters ino he West, to all christian kings, princes, and poten- ~r/~c::~ tates, as also to the bishop of Rome, declaring unto them the circum- p'~cel stance and success of his joumey and wars, as partly ye have heard; :fhr.pe requiring them that they also would praise and give God thanks for lucee... his good success and profitable peace concluded: and desireth the pope, that forasmuch as he had now accomplished his promise, neither was there now any cause wherefore he should be with him displeased, that he might be reconciled and obtain his favour. In he mean season, the emperor with all his army marcheth to Jerusalem, where upon Easter-day J A.D. 1!!9 he was, with great The emtriumph and com fort, of aIl his nobles and also of the magistrates of ~::~~,ed that kingdom (only the patriarch of Jerusalem, the c1ergy, tle king }:n~ oC of Cyprus's ambassador, and Oli'lcr,3 the grand-master of the TempIe, le":'&\vith his knights, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned . king. After this, he re-edifieth the city and walls thereof, which by the Saracens were beaten down and battered. At'ter that, he fumisheth it with munition, he buildeth up the churches and temples that were ruinous, and fortifieth Nazareth and Joppa with strong garriaons, victual, and all other things necessary. N ow see and behold, I pray you, whilst that Frederic was thus occupied in the kingdom of Jerusalem, what practices the pope had in Italy; not, I warrant you, any wbit at a11 careful in the affuirs of the christian commonwealth, bat studying and labouring what mischief and spite he might work against he emperor, whom of a set purpose ye may be sure (partly for hate, and partly to enrich himself), hehad so occupied in Asia and Jerusalem, so far out of Italy. l<'irst, he caused the soldiers which the emperor sent for out of Ger- The nnt many to the maintenance of the holy wars to be stayed as they ~~~~~ceoC passcd through Italy, hindering them of their joumey, and taking POP' p;f'rom them and spoiling them of aIl such provision as thcy had. And gory 1I0t only this, but he sent secretly also his leUers into Asia to those that were of his own faction, that is, to the patriarch of Jerusalem, and to the knights Templars and HospitaUers, enticing and inciting AP:='..
80
(1) .. Chralh pnr.ldlum, quad Arabiam 'p"ctal.- Fazellu.,-En. l~) So .ay. F_lIuI. Easter-<lay, 1229, rell on Apri115th. But Aventlne and olh.n wlth mnre j'robability &&y, that he arrived at Jeru.alem 16 cal, Aprill., i .. Saluzday March 17, aud war. th< in,lgnla oC r01ally the next d,y.-En. l.l) According to tbe Ust given In L' Art de Ver. dei Datel!l. we Ihould read I Petert iDltead ot u O~her'" for which, howevrr, CilDer bad Fazellus', authorit).-ED.

SECRET TREASONS OF TUK POPE AGAINST FREDERIC.

them to rebel aguinst the emperor, which thing Blondus himself, that popish parasite or historiographer, dissembleth not. F nrtherE ..."...or. more, he dissuaded the princes of tlre Saracens that they should A. D. make no lcague nor take any truce with Frederic, neither deliver 1229. up unto IJim the crown and kingdom of Jerusalem. Which letters, as they were manifest testimonies of his treachery and treason towards him whom God had instituted and made his liege lord and soverei~n, and the mightiest potentate upon earth; so was it His will that he should come to the knowledge thereof, and that those letters should fal! into bis hands. And Frederic, in his epistle to the christian princes just mentioned, declareth that he considered his discovery of the letters quite providential, and that be kept tbem for the more credible testimony thereof. The emNeither were the pope's letters written to that leavened and factious ~i~~~ sect in vain; for the patarch of Jerusalem, and his allies the knights ;~~n:e~~1 Templars,J did mightily contend against Frederic. They raised a ~~~:~~he tumult in Ptolemais against him; they accused him Rnd bis ambas~opo had sadors openly of treason; and did malapertly and boldly withstand :;~i~f.~1 the right worthy and good order he made amongst them. But as ~:a1~~:'" God would, by the hclp of the Pisans and the Genoese, and of the knighta of the Teutonic order, both their false aceusations were refeJled, and also their seditious purpose and tumult repressed. And A~UI. for the same cause when al1 other men testified unbounded respect and gladness at the inauguration of Frederic, these were making eomplaints as of an iniquitous compromise, and detracting from his praise.. The le Tbe pope, when tbrough perfidy be bad laid these snares for ~~~~;~';; Frederic, and had betrayed tbe christian cmperor to the public enemy, popo could Dot, so soon as he had committed so great a crime, rest satisfied agalnll h . f' k d b . I . . Frederlc. WIt one pIece o WIC e ness, ut Illust contnve anot ler agamst 11m. For, by reason of those slanders (whieh alittle before I mentioned) of the death and slaughter of his wife lole, he incited John de Brienne, his father-in-Iaw, to make war against bim, who caused the subjects of his empire to withdraw from bim their allegiance, as also the inhabitanta of Picenum, and those or Lombardy. And tbus, joining themselves together, they craved further nid of the French king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they divided their The. host into two armies, invading with the one the empire, and with the ~~~::"1I other the proper tertories and ditions belonging to the inheritance ~ld~;':J; of Frederic; John de Brienne and Pandulph Savellanus leading the hOlI. one into Campania and the kingdom of Naples; the other with John Columna, cardinal and legate, and Thomas, before convicted of treason, Gregory sendeth into Picenum. Of this treason or the pope against Frederic during his wars in J~. Asia doth also Matthew Paris make mention, "who," saith he, " purposed to have deposed bim, and to llave placed any other, he cared not whom (so that he were the child of peace and obedience), in his stead.'" And for the more certainty thereof, the said Matthew Paris repeateth the letter which a certain earl sent unto him in Syria
Hidor,oJ

Fr'fr-

(1) FueUu. addl Ihe Venelianl.-En.

(2)
I)

II

Alium quem1ibet fillum pacta et ohedientiae locn ejul ubro,are." MD.tth. Pui. Ibid. fol. 71. [The fol1owing tran.lallon la revil.d from the origlnal.-:D.

LETTER OF THE EARL OF ACERRA TO FREDERIC.

478
HU/M'./

conceming the same, which lettcr hcrcunder ensueth word for word.

Frtdm.

Empor...

u.

To bis most excellent lord, Frederic, by the grace of Gad emperor of the - - Romans, and ever AUKUStll~, and most puissant king of Sicily, Thomas, earl of A;. D. Acena, h~ raithful and devoted subject in all things, health and victary over 1229. his enemies. After your departure, most excellent prince, Gregory, the bishop of Rome and the public enemy of your magnificence, gathering together a great host by John de Brienne, late king of Jerusalem, and other BtoUt captains, whom he hath made generalB of the Bame his host, in hostile manner invading your dominians and the pOBSessionB of your Bubjects, aimeth llgainst the law of christianity to subdue you with the material Bword, wham he cannat master with the Bpiritual Iword, as he saith. For the aforesaid J ohu de Brienne, gathering outof France and other couutrieB adjoiuing a considerable army, in hope (if be can but master you) of getting the empire himself, is supplied with the maney to pay his troops from the papai treasury. And furthermore, the same John and others, the captains of the apostolic lee, invading your land, bum and deBtroy all aa they go, and carry oiF for booty aB well cattle as other things j and such as they take prisoneI'R, they constrain, byaftlicting them with grievoUB tortureB, to ransom themselves for great lums of money j neither spare they man, woman, nor child, except BUCh as may have taken sanctuary in the churches and churchyards; they take your towns and castle., having no regard to the fact that you be engaged in the aervice of Jesus Christ; and if any mae mention of your majelty unto him, the aforesaid John saith, there is none otber emperor but bimBelf. Your friends and subjects, most excellentprince, and especially the clergy of the empire, do much manel hereupon witb what conBcieuce or upon what consideration the bishop of Rome can do such thingB, malting sucb bloody wnn; upon christian men; especially seeing that Christ commanded Peter. when he BtruCk. with the material Bword, to put up the same into the scabbard, saying, "AlI that strike with the sword, Bhall perish with the sword:" equally do they marvel, by what right he almost daily excommunicateth pirates, incendiaries, and torturers f christians, and separateth them from tbe unity of the church, whell he is the patron and maintainer of such bimself. Wherefore, most mighty emperor, l beseech you to provide for your own sarety, for that the sllid John de Brienne, your enemy, hath plaeed in a11 the seaport: this side the leo. anned scouts in great number j that if (not knowing tbereoi) your grace should bappen to arrive in any of them, he might apprehend and take you prisoner j which thing to chance, Gad forfend.

"\VhiJst the host of this hostile enemy the pope was thus encamped Whal in th~ dominions of Frede~ic, he received the letters which Frederic ~:a;~::: by hIS ambassadors sent mto Europe, as you heard, whereby he had to understood the good success he had in Asia i who not only took no ~:ri~ ~e delectation at all therein, but was also in a vehement perturbation ~:~~.I therewith. Whereby manifestly it may appear, what was the cause the Tur'" and meaning of the pope, that he was so solicitous and urgent to have Frederic, the emperor, make a voyage into Asia. Doubtless even the same that Pelias had, when by his instigation he procured Jason, with a)) the chosen youth and flower of Greece, to sail into Colchis to fetch away the golden fleece; viz., that by the opportunity or his absence he might use, or rather abust", his power and tyranny; and that Frederic might either be long affiicted and molested in the Asiatic war, or that he might perish and Jose his life therein, was that he sought, and all that he desired. And when he saw that fortune neither favoured his fetches, nor The popo served his longing lust, he was as a man bereft of his wits, speciaJ)y chaMh d f h and frelal these tI mga o t e prosperous success of the emperor. He threw leth at his letters on the ground, and wilh aU opprobrious words rebuked ~~~.iur and reviled the ambassadors for the emperor their master's sake; .~~~... ll'hich thing also Blondus himself dc'nieth not, though he writrlh ~mp:r')r

474
IllIIor,o/ Prj'Le

llLUXDUS REPROVED.

altogether in favour of the pope. And to the intent tbat he migbt cover this his rage and unbridled fury witb some cloak and colour B",p..-or, of reasonable dolour, he feigned himsef therefore 50 much to A. D. mislike the peace, as though the emperor therein had ooIy respected 1229. his own private commodity, not regarding the utility ofthe Christians ; for that the Saracens had liccnse, nlthough without armour and weapon, to have repair unto the scpulchre of Christ, and had Ieft for them somcwhat ncar the same a hostery or Iodging place; for which cause, saith Blondus, the pope reviled the emperor to his ambasBloOdUl sadors as a perfidious traitor. N Oli' go to, friend Blondus; by what reprov. d , d l d 'h h h whowror. strong argnments prove you an your or pope, elt er t at t e peace ~~ ~~:.1I,. which the emperor had concluded was against the christian commonr.~:.:'~r. wealth, or t~at th~ emperor w~ a traitor? But ~ho is !t that seeth ,A - " , not these thmgs, elther by rcadmg of old and anClent wnters, or else Pl"ft ." partly by me who have gathered and collected the same out of divers monuments and histories,-I mean, the conspiracies and treasons or your good lord the pope, 50 notable and filthy, as also his manifest baseness and infamy ? 'Vhat? there be divers that write holi' the pope commandcd these ambasttadors of Frederic to be made secretly out of the way, and also holi' he commanded divers soldien;, retUTIling out of Asia, to be slain i to the intent that none should hear the report of those good news which were in Asia, nor any go thither to tell the fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of no more than of those things which all the writers, with most consent, ngree upon. This is most certain, that the pope caused a rumour to be spread of tbe capture and death of the emperor, with the design of craftily obtaining the submission ot' those cities in the kingdom of Naples, which yet kept their allegiance unto Frederic, of whom they should now hope no longer for ret'llge. And of that doth tbe emperor, in his epistle entitled ' Leva\.~ oculos,' greatly against him complain. Tbe third Great are these injuries of the pope against Frederic, and most r~tl~~ wicked were these treasons. But herewith could not his cruel and gof)'. tyrannicaI mind be contented, nor yet his lust satisfied, but it so far exceeded, as scarcey is credible that it could: for he presumed not only to set variance between Henry (whom Frederic his father had Set:elh caused to be made king of Germany) and him, but also by his Iilluretbe lali agalolt ments he caused l' um to become an enemy to h'nD. T o whom when :~e rahis father had assigned Louis, duke of Bavaria, to be his overseer and g~;:'. counsellor (neitller kneli' he amungst nil the princes of Germany a ther ar ' hfiUl to h' . h'IS ofE. ce an d duty, or else more peae.. man more J:. talt 1m lO virtuous, or eIse more grave and apt to be in authority), Henry, "eof)', fearing lest, if he should eome to know of these secret counsels which ~~e~~.ar, he with the conspirators had in hand against his father, he would por.e '. either utter the same to his father, or else would go about to dis~'e:'';'';lIt- suade him from what he was purposed to do, dismissed him from the :,~~ ~~~m court and from the senate. And this was the fetch of all their policy, ~~~!el- that together and at one instant, but in divers and sundry places far lon. one from nnother, sharp and crueI war might be made against the AP;;:"'''' emperor; so that his power being distracted by having several contests on his hands at once, he might be the more easily overwhelmed. \Vhen the emperor now understood what stir the pope kept in all his dominions in his absence, having set every thing in order in his

THE PROSPERITY OF FKEDERIC.

475

kingtlom of Jerusalem, and feeling that not a moment must be lost HUWrr."j in defeating the pope's purpose and confirrning in their friendship Fr"!!:,c those who in his absence had been steady to their allegiance, he left in E",p"""'. ARia Reynaldus l in charge of certain garrisons, and, ordering the rest A. D. ofthe arrny to foIlow, he himself came with aIl speed in two gaIleys to 1230. Calabria. He tarried twenty days at Berletta, waiting for his arrny Tbe em from beyond sea: during which time he assembled his friends and iu~~~:: mustered what forces he could. Here he was joined by the duke of .ectre~y Spoleto; and at length moving thence, he came with a11 his host ~l~ into Apulia, and rernoved John de Brienne, his father-in-Iaw, from Ap:::rJJ,,the siege of Calatia, and within short tirne by God's help recovered again aIl his holds and dominions there. And from thence going iuto Campania he winneth Benevento, and as many other towns and God prOlholds as the pope had there, even almost to Rome, and so, afer r,~t~i. that, U mbria and Picenum. But even now, although thc emperor ::ff.-t:..hlo had obtained the means of an immediate cntrance upon the pope's <1ominions, whercby he might have taken revenge of all the injuries done to him (being rnoved thereunto upon good occasion and upon the pope's wortby desert) ; yet notwithstanding, because he prefcrred nothing before the tranquillity of Christendom, for the love of which he restrained his wratli so veliemently urged and kindled, he sendcth unto him ambassadors to entreat a peace, declaring uuto him, that if he had no other conceived grudge towards 11im thau that which he pretendcd, he promiscth that he would make to him a voluntary account of aU things that ever he had done in his life, and that he would submit himself unto the church; and also that fllr this cause he willingly offered unto him both duty and observance. Furtherrnore, witli a view to the entreating or thi!; peace and investih'1lting the causes of the controversies between hirnself and the pope, he sent to Rome the noblest and chiefest about llim, as Barthold, the patriarch of Aquileia, and his brother Otho," prince of Dalmatia and Istria, Everhard, archbishop of Saltzburg, Sifrid, bishop of Hatisbon, Sibot, bishop of Augsburg, Leopold, duke of Austria and 8tvria, and Bernard, duke of Carinthia. "But yet so great was the insolency and pride of that stubborn pope, that by no gentleness or beneficence he of those princes could be brought that year to the profitable concord of the church ana Christian commonweaI. O worthy head I that challcngeth all au- Tbe pope thority to himself in the clJUrch of Christ, and in respect of his own ~~:'tb wilful revenge settcth nothing bv the health and utility of aIl Chris- emperur. wlth the .. tendom ! \Vhen, therefore, nothing could be done in the matter for that timc, the most part of these noblemen departed from Rome. At length, in the following year, peace was madc between them by the interposition and management of Leopold of Austria, Herman, dP1'' ::= master of the Teutonic order, and the archbishop of Messina. The pope then absolving the emperor Frcderic of his excommunication" took of him there-for one hundred and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring to him again the titles both of his empire, and also of ~~h~r\" his kingdoms. N ow, considering the uncourteous dealing of the emPjror'. pope with Frederic the emperor herein, who can sufficieotly muse ~t~~. U
(1) I Raynaldum Bavamm, magiltrum equitum:' Fazellul: others call blm u Richard Fe-HnJ!hn."-ED. _ {2} ~al1ed Rlso H duke or Merania!' See L'Art de Y. dei D. Y. 1deranie.-ED. (3) AU(UI1 28th, ... u. 1230. L'Art de Ver. des D.-Eu.

476
Hu/or,o' r Frit /.

THE POPE'S FAVOUR HARD TO BE WON.

and marve1 at the unshamefastness of Blondus, who hath tLe face to write, that the pope, notwithstanding, had qealt more gently and B ...per.... courteously with Frederic than was meet, or beseemed him to do? A. D. Who is it that doth not see his manifest f1atterv, coloured neithcr 1230. with reason, nor secret dissimulation? But mU'ch more truly and better writeth Cuspinian concenling this matter, who saith, that the pope doth occupy very profitable merchandise, who for so much money selleth that he received frcely, paying nothing there-for, if he bad received it of Christ indeed, as be saith he had. And yet, although this peace which tbe emperor conc1uded with tbe pope was so unprofitable for himself, yet he performed those tbings tbat were agreed upon faithfully and diligently. But tbe pope, who tbougbt it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the conditioDS of the peace he made. For by the way, to pass over other tbings, neither had he restored, as he promised, his rights in the kingdom of Sicily, neither yet the city Castellana, whicb be before tbe peace concluded between tbem did occupy and enjoy. And that doth botb Frederic in his epistles testify, and also Fazellus in the A~. eigbth book of bis de rebus Siculis.' Yet that notwithstanding, Frederic, for the quietness and utility of the commonwealth, purposed with himself to bear and suffer all these injuries, and further studied Wh&1be- in a11 be might, as wen by liberal gifts as utherwise, to bave the pope :h:=~ to be to him a trusty friend. As, when the Romans and other of the ~~~h to ecclesiastical num be; made war against the pope for certain posseshm,lb. sions which he kept of theirs, he, coming to him at Reati, offered his ~:d- own son as a hostage for his fidelity to the churrh of Rome, and as ~b~f~h. one that tendered tlle unity of the church, and thinking to help the obAll L pope in these matters, at his earnest request sent his ambassadors umrp unto them, willing them to lay down tbeir annour whic11 against the pope they bare, And whcn that would not serve, at the pope's further request and desire he levied an army against them at his owu charge, and drave them from the siege of Viterbo; with othcr suehlike assured tokens of amity and friendship whiell he sllOwed him : who, notwithstanding, as soon as the emperor was departed with a small eompany wllich he took witbhim into Sicily, leaving witll him the greater and most part of his army for the maintenanee of his wars, A ...oUr&- conc1uded a peace with tbe Romans unknown to the cmperor, whom ~~J::'" he had proeured to travail and labour therein with great expenscs ; ~b~n~~ affirming, that without his will and commandment the emperor had lo Ib. expelled tbem, and driven them out of the territories of Viterbo. """peror. And hereof doth Frederic also himself make mention in his second and third epistles, where he complaineth of the injurics of the pope AP:::.u. towards !lim. Therefore greater eommen<1ation had Blondus dcserved, if he had acknowledged these trcacheries of the pope, instead of asserting as he does-both contrary to the tenor of his own narrativc (forgetting himself, as unto liars it often ehanceth), and contrary to the truth of Frederic's history-that the Romans were incited to these tumnlts by his enticing- and setting on. As though men of common understanding could not gather the contrary, both by the offering of his son as a bostnge, by his great preparation for the war, and by the event espeeially uf tlle thing itself. But too, too impuden t, will Blondus needs show himself.

TBK EWPEROK'S BON REBELS AGAINST Bur.

Wbilst tbat these things were passing in IWy and 8icily, great H ....1I l"ebellions were moved in Germanyagainst tbe emperor, Henry the 'r'!t:'" Cresar, bis own son,"and Frederic duke of Austria, being the cbief B_p6ror. authOl'S tbereof. For Henry, as ye beard, had heen alienated from his A. D. atber and perverted by the lord pope and those of his faction, and was 1235. secrelly aiming at the empire. And for that cause, as before is said, ~ he put from him Louis, whom he knew to be unto the emperor, his :::{.bell father, 50 loving and assured a friend; who as willingly (perceiving hf8in'l and smelling what mischief he went about) forsook his court, and went ,r::"h~r. to Bavaria; who had not been there much above n year, when, as he" .ln-i'z. walked abroad at Kelheim, he was wounded with amortal blow, and Wicked presently died, his servants being not far from him; of whose death ~~~fl~~ divers diversdy write. N otwithstanding, the sequel doth show them Cleaar: rDr to write truliest, who affirm the assassin to be 8uborned by Henry g}'l~~ld the Cresnr, who coming unto him in the habit of a messenger, delivered amiee unto him certain letters, whicb he feigned to be sent from the emperor; and wbilst Louis was reading the same, he st.nbbeu him with a dagger, and gave him his mortal wound, and with speed fed IIpon the same. After whose death succeeded in that dukedom his son Otho, who, when solemnly according to the manner of the Bavarians be should have been created, was also let by the same Henry the Cresar, who forbade the assembly of the magistrates and citizens of the same. Hla They notwithstaIiding, neglecting his unjust restraint, created him ; ::;;:~~ wherefore he first besieged Ratisbon, and with another compIlny Ib. hm,.. sacked, bumt, and wasted Bavaria i with many more such great r:b.~~ outl'llg'eil and rebellions. When intelligence was brought of these things to the emperor, he sent his ambassadors, and commanded that both the Cresar, his son, and the other princes of Gennany who had assembled their armies should break up and disperse the same; and because he saw and perceived now manifestly that his son made such open rebellion against him, and fearing greater insurrections to ensue in Oermany, he thought good to prevent the same with aU expedition; wherefore he determined to go in all haste into Germany witb his anny, from whence he had been absent now fourteen years, and hereunto he maketh the pope n.omprivy. The pope promised the emperor hereupon, that he would write r:~n his letters in his behalf to aU the princes of Oennanv; but persuaded yeara out him to the uttermost of his power, that be should i~ no case go into ~~ Gennany himself. For wby? his conscience accused bim that he n.pop. had written to the nobles of Gennany, even from the beginning off~':~~a bis papacy (for the hate and gr~dge he had a&8ins~ the emperor), ~~::'dD ba that they should not suffer him netther any of hIS helrs to enJoy the apled by empire; and, further, had stirred them all up to rebel against him, and ~.mpo bad moved Henry, the emperor's son, by bis bribes and fair promises, to conspire against his father ; and to conclude, be was the author and procurer of the conspirGcy which the Lombards made then against him ; and fcaring lest these things should come now to the empero~'s ~ar, He"n", he was greatly troubled and careful. But the emperor not thmkmg lheC';".f, it good at so needful a time to be absent, he (ali doubt set apart) ~~:~; with his second son Conmd went speedily into Germany. Assembling ~~~ih'fnd there a council in tlle city of Mentz,' Henry theCresar, his son, after his prlaon. (I) Augull, 1235. L'Arl de V.rir. dca D.-ED. "";::JiZ'

478
HlIIorfo' conspiracy

f RE POPE'S MALlCE AGAINST TRE EMPEROR.

was manifestly detected, which be bad in practice with the Lombards (whereof the pope was chief author), was by judgment and sentence of seventy princes condemned of high treason, and being A. D. commanded by his father to be OOund, was as prisoner brought to 1235. Apulia, where, eight years after (A.D. 1!t4!) he died in prison; in - - whose stead he ordained Conrad, his second son, Cresar, by consent af Frederlc all the peers and princes. Furthermore, be proscribed Frederic ~~~f:l~ Austria, for refusing obedience to his commands, and caused him to edan0'7 n be proc1aimed for an enemy to the public wea1. And further, when be h~::~~ saw that punishment would neither cause him to remember himself. ~in~nd- nor to acknowledge his otrences, theemperor, witb a great army, accomherl~. panied by divers of the noblemen ofGermany, took from him a11 Austria AppnWi6. and Styria, and brougbt them under his own obedience and fidelity. The emThe same year the emperor married his third wife, named IsabeIla, ::rieth the daughter of King John of Englanl.. Then, when he bad set GerKing, many in a stayand quietness, he left there Conrad the Cmsar, his son, ~:~~:tn and with his host returneth again into Italy, there to punish such as with r~~~g Henry, his eldest son, had conspired against him ; whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Cresar, his son, chiefy set on by the pope. Wben the pope had understandin~ that the emperor with warlike fumiture marcbed toward Italy, although he feigned himself reconciled and to be a mend to Frederic, yet was he, notwithstanding, to hiro a most secret and infestive enemy j and, understandTlIe pope ing that he brought with him such a power OOth of horsemen and foot:f:~~t~ men to do execution ofsuch as he understood to have been conspirators play bil against him in the late tumult and rebellion, those who were faulty part. herein and guilty, and all other who took their parts, he admonished to join themselves together, and that tbey sbould furnish strongly their cities with garrisons, tbat thcy sbouId send for aid to tbeir friends, and tbat, with a11 the force they were able, they sbould prepare tbem forthe war. The rest oftbe cities also in Italy, whcther theywerethe emperor's or his own, he endeavouretL to make themaIl his, and proper to himself. Furthermore, unto the emperor the pope sendeth his legates: to whom he gave secret commandment that they should prohibit his coming witb an amlY within the OOrders of ltaly, under pretence or preserving the peace which he had some time since proclaimed to be observed throughout Christendom in order to help the holy war; and also to say, not by way of entreaty, but commandingly, that wbat cause of controversy he had with the Lombard!!, the same he should commit to him, and stand to his arbitrement. Whereunto tbe emperor replying maketh his legate this answer:....4";:,,1. " The very day," saith he, "the peace was made between the pope and me, he called me for a chief defence OOth of the church and himself against the Romans who made war with him ; and at his request, with mine own proper charg-e l maintained that his war, and gave his enemies thc overthrow." He thence argued that the pope would not now do we11, through the pretence of peace, to be a hindrance to him from that which both by law and right he migbt and ought to do; viz. from putting himself in a condition with force to restrain and expel tbose who gathered themselves together as rebeIs, and to subdue and punish as tbey deserved those who had renounced their alleginnce to him and his government, and had hindered soldiers

B...,,_.

Frr7.""

or

FREDEIUC 1tIARCHETH INTO lTAI.Y.

479

and others whom he had sent for on the public service from getting to Hulrwy ..! him, and had in many ways wickedly plotted his destruction. And F'i5e:'c touching that which the pope demanded of him, that he should commit B.pwo,. and defer so great a cause, whereon the well-being and safety of the A. D. empire depended, to his arbitrement, by him to be determined, with- 1239. out any limitation of time or any condition annexed, or any saving A " '-::. c1ause in favour of his imperial dign'ity or the rights of the empire, he /"'" could not (he said) but marvel, seeing tbat neither it appertained to his calling and faculty, nor to the benefit and commodity of the empire. To this effect writeth Frederic himself in his last epistle. And in the same his letter he showeth, that when the emperor at a Sret certain time had been with the pope, at his going away he requested, ~;n;r:~~ that when he came again, he would come into ltaly onIy with his pop~ household-band and family; for that if he should come as before ~:l~~t_ he did aceustom with his army,' he should terrify them overmuch; peror. u amongst whom," saith he, " you may assure yourself to be in great l!8fety, and find aIl things in rest and quiet;" when quite contrary, as the emperor for a certainty found, he had there aIl things ready and prepared for his destruction; so that when he pretended unto him greatest friendship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certain time when the pope had this exercise in hand against the emperor I cannot search out, neither may it be in his epistles easily fonnd out, as they generally benr no date. The emperor then, as he had determined, prosecuted his purpose The a~? marched ~nto I!Aly, where he brought under his subje.ction those ~~~~~h Cltles that agamst hml rebelled, as Mantua, Verona, Trevlso, Padua, Into Haly, and others. And then he afterwards set upon the great host of the ~:::d::ll; Milanese, the Breschians, the Piacenzans, and other confederators, ~~:bl'J!"'" unto whom the pope's legate, Gregory Longomontanus, had joined wng: himself; of whom he pllrtly took pri80ners. partly sIew, ten thousand .. persons, and among the former their general, being the Podesta, or chief magistrate, of the city of Milan, named Petro Tiepolo, the son oC the doge of Venice, and took their Caroccio l with aU their ensigns. And in this eampaign, especially at the recovering of the March of Treviso. he used the friendly aid of Actiolinus,' A. D. 1!tS9. The pope, now somewhat dismayed at this overthrow of his confederaes and matea, though not much, l>egan yet somewhat to fear the emperor; and whereas before, that which he did he wrought secretly and by otbers, now be goeth to work with might and main to subdue and deprive the empcror. But, although the emperor The em saw and perceived what inward hate and mortal malice he bare towards io;:';e~'~th him, not only by that he so apertly stood with his conspirators against the ""ac. him, but also that on every side he heard and from aIl parts was brought him ceTtain word how greatly he laboured against him, with opprobrious words, and naughty reports and slanders, to the intent to pull from bim the hearts and fidelity of his subjects, and make those that were his friends his enemies. neither that he meant at any time to take up and cease from Buch evil and wicked practices; yct

n::....

(I) s... Appendl:<. {2} An eminent Ghibe1ll captain or that period, cal!ed all10 Ez1.elin, Ecelin, and ICf':lIn. MoreTI.-ED.

See

480

ROleT AGAIllOST THR EMPEJlOa.

Hln,...,., notwithstanding. for that there sbould be no default in him fonod for Fr1f"' the breach or tbe league and peace between them alittle before conJw,ptlf'or. cluded, he sendeth four ambassadors to the bishop of Rome, a
A. D. archbishops or Palermo and Florence, the bishop of Reggio, Ilnd
1239. Thaddeus de Suessa, who should answer unto and refute those

n;o

- - - criminous objections which he laid unto him, as also make him privy to his purpose, and what he meant to do, thereby to declare his innocency towards bim in such causes, and his simplicity. pc~. The pope, when he understood these ambassadors to be not far ofl" ~~ ~;:~k from Rome, and knew the cause of their coming, thinking witb him:~l:':~:'a self, tbat in henring theexcuse and reasonnble answer of the emperor, ~mbaa'" perhnps he might be provoked to desist from his purpose, and so ata. degenerate from the example of his predecc88ors, refuseth to speak with them; and at the day appointed pronounceth the sentence or proscription against him, depriving him of all his dignities, honours, titles, prerogatiYes, kingdoms, and whole empire. And, that tbe pope had no occasion hereunto, beside Pandolpho Colenuccio the emperor's own letters plainly shew; in short he seems to have been bent on Frederic's ruin. Looking about for suitable instruments, he cast his eye on Jacomo Tiepolo, doge of Venice, whom, for the displeasure he must hnve conceived at the emperor's imprisoning of his son, he doubted not to win over to his schemes: Blondus in fact o.sscrts that this was the pope's chief reliance amidst the troubles which surrounded him. He therefore wrote him a highly complimentary letter, in which he styles him lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia, and of half the Roman empire, and solicits his aid against Frederic. Further, inviting the Venetillns and Genoese, who were at variance touching some naval interests, to Hirelh refer their dispute to him, he made pence between them, and covegaUoy. lo d ' h t hem upon t h'IS con d'11Ion, , . Jomt .. chnrges .pOillho nante WIt t l18t at tlleIr ~~:".':n~. they should rig and man five-and-twenty galleys, which should spoil rot. and bum all along the sea-coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of Frederic. F.diel Further, when tbe pope saw tbe good will and fidelity wbich the agalnat tbe em Germans bare unto the emperor, and saw also what aid the emperor peror. had of them, and that he was not likely to win them to bis purpose, then had he recourse again to his old crafty practices and subtleties. Above all he resolved to sow dissension, if possible, among the German nobility. To this end, he devised to put forth an edict at Rome, addressed to the christian worId at large, the beginning whereof is, " Ascendit de mari bellica bestia;'" I wherein he declareth the causes wherefore he curseth and giveth the emperor to the deviI of heli, and d~jected him from alI his princeIy dignity. He in the same accuseth him of so many and so buge a heap of miscbiefs, as to nomillllte Ap:;.;z them my heart detesteth. For besides that he denies to his sovereign lord, the emperor, tbe very name of a man, he slandereth him of treason, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kind, and all impiety ; he accuseth him for a heretic, a schismatic, and a miscrennt; and to be brief, what mischief soever the pope can devisc, with that doth he charge him and burden him. "AU this doth he,'" saith the pope, " tl18t when Ile hath brought our holiness and aU the ecclesiastical

AP:::-.

(I) Labb~,

Conc, Gon. tom. "L col. JfO.-ED.

DlVKR8 PRINCES OF GERMANY FORSAKE HIM.

481

r fOl rm-

estate to beggary, Ile might scoff at, and deride the religion of Christ.'" Hillory.oj Tlus edict he sendeth by the hands of divers his creatllres into Oer- Fr~~~TlC many. And now, for that the pope had a great and special trust in one Bmperor. Albert Beham, l dean of the catheural at Passau (a man of good fumily, A. D. but as crafty an apostle as the best), as one whom he saw reudy to lean 1239. to his Iust, to him the pope delivered, besides the aflJresaid cdict, also Ap;:diz. two mnndates in separnte letlers, in which he commanded ulI bishops, prelates, and other of thc c1ergy, that they shouId soIemnly recite thc said edict in their churches instead of their sermon, showing how he Ilad excommunicate Frederic out of the felIowship of christian men, and had pnt him from the procuration or government of the empire, and that he had releascd alI his subjects from their alIegiance and fidelity towards him j and furthermore chargeth them and TI alI other christian men, under pain of cursing and damnation, that el~r~~l.n. neither they should succour the emperor, nor yet so much as wish ~l~l~:: lhal him welI. Thns he, being the pope's special and trusty servitor, ~i'~ "'ell and made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusion and chaos e':u'p:ror. uf public quietness, as shall hereafter appear. Amongst aIl other noblemen of Germany at tlI at time was Otho, the palatine of the Rhine and duke of Bavaria, both towards tbe emperor most serviceable, and also a prince of great honour, riches, Rnd estimation. This prince, both with fair promises and also rewards, Div," Albert seduced from bim i for that be was made by him to OOlieve, ~Ucel ot that Louis, his father, of whom we spake before,' was by the empcror by ~e'llIY. murdered and sIain. And the samc Otho again caused thrce other :';'n~. princes to revolt from the emperor to the pope, who were his neigh- ~~,~S~~~. boUl's and intimate friends, viz. \Venceslaus, king of Bohemia, Belu, p"ror. king of Hungary, and Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia. To ~Iz, whom came also Frederic, ex-duke of Austria, who, because he was proscribed or outlawed by the emperor and hud his dukedom taken away from him, as you heard,s was easily won to the pope. These resolved to translate tbe empire unto the son of the king of Denmark, and requested of the pope to send his legntes to an assembly whicb tbey would convene for that purpose. Tbe emperor was at Padun when news was brought to him of what the pope had done at Rome. He therefore commanded Peter de Vineis, his secretary, on Easter-day to make an oration to the people of his great and liberal munificence to the bishops and church uf Rome, and, again, of the injuries done by them towards Itim in recompense thercof; of his innocency also in that whereof he had been accused, and of the unseemliness of such treatmentj of the right use of the ecclesiastical censure; and of thc errors and abuses ol' the church of Rome. By which oration of his he so removed Whal from many men's hcarts the doud of blind superstition, and the ~::~o~~ concei \'ed opinioll of holiness of the church of Rome and bishops of ~ele.' oC the same, and also of their usurped power and subtle persuasion, di~Il:~; that they both plainly saw and perceived the vices and filthiness of ~~o~~" the church of Rome and of the bishops of that see, as also their frauJulent deceits and flagitious doings, most vehemently lamenting
(I)

(2)

Se~

"Albertn. Bebamno (Ipoe Bolemum nomlnatj." CI.ner.-KD.

lupra, p.47T.-ED.

(3 1 See supra, p. UB.-Ku.

YOT.. II.

I I

TIIE POPE IS AXTlCHRIST, AND

Jf.::;:r:l and complaining

JJ.

of the same. Alberic maketh mention of ccrtain verses which were sent and written bctwecn the bishop of Rome and Emperor. thc cmpcror, which verses in the latler end of this present history of A. D. Frederic vou shall find. 1239. The e~lperor, moreover, both by his letters and ambassadors, giveth intelligence unto all christian kings, to the princes of his own empire, to the college of cardinaIs, and to the peoplc of Rome, as welI af the fcigned crimes wherewith he was charQ'ed, as also of ~he cruelty of the bishop of Rome against him. The copy of whlch lctter or epistlc herc followcth. The Empcror to the Prelates of the \Vorld. l

Tbo omIn the beginning and crcation of the world, the wise and ineffable providence r.,';';,~to of Gad (who asketh counsel of none) placed in the firmament of heaven two nil prolights, a greater and a less, the greater to govern the duy, and the less to govem ~\~~t:he the night, which twa are sa allotleu to their proper otlices and duties in the I'ope and zodiae, that although .oftentimes the one move obli.quely to the othe~, yet tl~e r~main one does not run ag8.1nst the other j nay the supenor dolh commumeate hll ~';:; olW. light to the inferior. Even 80, the same eternalloreknowledge hath appointed . upon the earth twa regiments, that ia to say pricsthood and kingly power j the M.n be one for knowledge and wiadom, the other for defenee; that man, who in hil ~~~:~ade twa component parts had too long nm riot, might have twa reins to govern and parto bridle him withal, and sa peace thereby and love might dwell upon the face of ~I::~":O the eartb, all excesaes being reatrained. But, aIaa! the bishop of Rome of our regi. time, sitling in the chair ol' perverae doctrine, that pharilee anointed with the ';lcn,II, oil of iniquiLy above his fellow., is endeavouring to set aside the fact that he il ~~~. and but an inferior imitatian ol' the celestial order, and fancies perhaps that he ia to the ,;,.. correspoud in all particulars with th08e heavenly bodieB on high which are .erial impelIed by their uature l10t by will. Accordiugly, he pUl"I'0seth to bring "'ord. under an eclipse the brightness 01' aur majesty, wbist that (substituting fable for truth) he sends hi8 papalletter., 8tuffed with lie8, iulo sUlldry parts of the world; out of his own ill temper, and upon uo rea80nable cause; discreditiug ~t~~~!lY the purity of aur religious character. For this-pope in name ouly-hath emporor declared us to be " the beast rising out ol' the sen fuli ol' names of blasphemy to .he and 8potted like a leopard.... But we say, that he is himselfthat beast of whom ~~fr~,he. we Ihus read: "And there weut forth anotller horse that was red out of lbe gillning Sen, and he that sat on him took peace away out of the earth, that the dwelle., ~it~~ell' upou t~e eartb sh?uld deslr?y one another." ~ For since. the lime ar bis maci "&c. prolllotlOn, be, acllllg as a lather uot of lllerCleS but of dIscord, and as a promoter of desolatiou instead ol' consolation, hath excited all the world to commit ofiimce. And, to tuke his own allu8ions in tbeir right sense and interpretatian, he i8 that .. great dragon that deceived the whole worid;" he is AIl.Ithat Antichri8t, of whom he lwlh called UB the lorerunner; he is anot\ler chnl:'t loog ago Balaam, hired for money to curse UB; the chief among tbose princes of d~5Cri(;d darkness, who hl1ve abused prophecies: he is that angel leaping out of the sea, to tbc world by having the vials filled with bitternesB, that he may hurt botb the sea and the land. For thi8 counterfeit vicar of Chri8t hath inBerted among his other fables the Clllperur. that we do not right.ly believe in the Christian faith, and that we have said that tbe world is deceh'ed by three impostora. But God forbid that such a thing should have escaped aur lip8; seeing that we openly confesB the only Confel San of Gad, coeternal and coequal with the Father and the Holy Gbost, lion oC aur Lord J eBUB Chrisl, begottell from the beginniug and before the worlds, ana tbe em pL-rur', in process of time sent dowu upon the eartb for the suceaur ar mankind; not lhi~ll. wb.ue-of by delegated, but by his own, power; who was bom of the glorious Virgin Mary, and arter tbat suffered anu died as touchiug tbe Hesh; and that, he WaJ acCUled. by virlUe of hi8 godhead, the other nature which he 88Bumed in the womb oi by lbo his mother rose from death tbe third day. But we have learned that the body pope. op.
(1)

SI.-Eo.

Corrected and ..."i.od from Ibo odgInalin .. Potri d. Vinoil FredorlellI. Epiotol... ~ Ub. I. (2) Ile. siil. l, 2.-Eo. (S) Ib. chop. vi. .-En.

Al'

O]<'F]<:R~:It

0]<' D1SSENTIOUS SACRIFIGE.

483

of Mahomet hangeth in the air beset by devils, and that his soul is in H;,lorvo! l,ell-torments; whose works were contrary to the law of the Most High. Fmuric We hold also, heing taught by the page of truth, that l\foses was the familiar Em~~ror. friend of God, and that he talked with Gad in l\fOlwt Sinai; unto whom the - - Lord appeared at the burning bush (Exod. iii. 4), by whom also he wrought A. D. signs Rnd wonders iJl Egypt, and delivered the law to the Heorew nation; and 1239. lhat afterwards he showed him in glory with the elect. In regard of these The pop and other things oUr enemy and envier of aur state, bringing a scandal on a under e, true lOn of 'Mothcr Church, hath writtcu against liS vcnemous ann Iving pr tenoe slander, and hath sent the same to the whole world. But if he had rightly fol- ~o::~e'. lowed the Apostle's mind,l and had not preferred paasinn, which bearetll such d~cei.eth sway wilh him, before rea80n, he would not h!we written such things, at the :lmr1e d suggestion of men who call1ight darkness and e\'il good, and who susl'ect honey i;'~o~.~~ to be gall; and all for the opinion they have conceh'ed nf a place in the men. prophecies of scripture,' which indeed is both weak and infirm for their purpose, sincc by opinion truth may be converted in to falsehood and vice versa. But SUTl-Iy men ought not to be splitting opinions, which may be true Ol' false and cannot be made matters of faith, at the very 0.001' (as it were) of the pope's conscience. Seeing aIl these t11ings, we are compelled not a little to marvel, and it doth alsc much disquiet onr minds, when we perceive that you, who are the foundations of the church, the pillars of righteousness, the nssessors ol' Peter, the senators of the great city, arod the hinges ol' the world, have not qualified the motion ol' 50 fierce a judge; as do the planets ol' heaven in their kiml, which to mitigale Lhe pas.ing swift course ol' a great orb dmw a contrary way by their opposite movings. In very deed, imperial felicity halh alwuys from the beginning been spurned at by papaI en v)'. As Simonides, being demanded why he had no enemies and enviers ofhis estate, answered and said, .. because The aoT have had no good success in any thing that e\'er I took in hand;" 80, for Rwer ol' hat we have had pro'perons success in all onr enterprises by the blessing uf ~~mon. Gad (especially in the overthrow unIo dealh of our rebelIious enemies the pl~:d~P Lombards, to whom in their good quarrel he had promised life), this is the cause wherefore this aposlolical bishop mourneth, and now goeth about with the aid of your coullSeJs to impugn this our felicity. But perhaps he vauntelh himseJfin his power ofbinding and loosing. Wherevervirlue, however, is wantingto power, there presently doth abuse take place: lhis we see exemplified in him who was 10 mighty a king and so eminent a prophet, and yet had to erave the restitution of God's Holy Spirit, when he had polluted the dignity ol' his olfiee. But as things which ought not lo be 100sed are not to be loosed, so things that ought not to be bound are not to he bound : which thing is manifeslly proved from hat passage of holy scripture, .. they slay the souls Ihat should not die, and save Th.omthe souls alive that shonld not live. "o Tberefore God is able to humble and bring peror pr<>o down Ihose that are unworthy of power, as much as him pleaseth and when him p~ehieth plell5eth, for God can do all things. Doubtless, if this bishop of Rome were a ~ol~e': lrue pontiH' indeed, he would keep himself" harmless, undefiled, and separate taJl. from sinners:" he would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but a peacable offerer of love and charity; and he would cense, not with the illeense of grief and hatred, but with the sweet-smellin~ illeense of coneord aud unity; neither yet wonld he aIter "suum ponlifieium 111 maleficium," lhat is, make ol' a sanctified olfiee an execrable abuse. If he were a true ponli/f, he would not W1"est the rreaehing of lhe word to produee. contenlion. NOl' will we be accused of being an enemy to mothel' chureh in 80 saying, which molher chureh is holy in herself, whom wilh all reverenee we worship and with honour we embraee, so beautified and adomed with God's holy saeramenls. Same individuals nOlwithstanding, who are sIaves ol' corru:rtion tllOugh they have gone out from the midst of hel', we utterly rejeet. An forsomuch as the Utu.rly injuriea wherewith our majesty is eontinually molested are not transitory, and f~ecteth that we cannot quietly abide tllem, nor ought we in '-ery deed to relax oUr an~poP. authority, therefore we are enforced to tako revenge upon them. You, there- ehurch fore, that are men of better counsels, and have the exeelIent gift of wisdom and ol Rome. undentanding, restrain you that roaring enemy ol' ours from lhese his pro(I) 2 Peter 1.20,21, iR proLably rer.rrell to.-En.
(2) Re. xiii. 1,2.-El>. (.'! Ezek. xiii. 19,-ED.

I ~

484
HiM'r.o/

BISHOPS OF GERMA:SY FRIENDLY TO THE .:~IPJo:ROR.

cecding., whose beginningB are lO wicked and deteltable; wisely foret"asting from preceding cast:s the consequences which mUlt follow in the p~enl E ..p.~or. instance. Otherwise you that are under our subjection, al well in the empire - - - al in our other dominions, shall feel and perceive whal revenge by sword A. D. AuguolUl shall take, bolh of his chief enemy and penecutor, and alaO of the 1239. prince. that are hi. fautora and adherenta.

P'1r<r,c

This done, he commands, by proclamation, a solemn parliament or council of a1l the princes, and other nobility of the empire, to coU~1l to assemble at lEgra; whither came Conrad the ClIlsaT, the archbisllOJ> ~::po;:"1 Dr Mentz, the Saxon dukes, the lords of Brandenburgh, Misnia, and n.alico. Thuringia, and the representatives of all the nobles of Brabant, to A~" aid the emperor. But Wenceslaus and Otho refusing to attend, and offering through their ambassadors to mediate between the contending parties (in which offer the Austrians likewise joined), the eouncil became divided in opinion, and separated without doing anything for the emperor. Then Frederic of Austria (whom the emperor had deprived, as ye heard) by the aid of the Bavarians and Bohemians recovered again the dukedoms of Austria and Styria, putting to flight and diseomfiting the emperor's bands and garrisons whieh he had there. But tllOugh the pope's agents (espeeia1ly that honest man, Albert Beham, the Bohemian) had allured to the pope Olho the duke of Bavaria, as ye heard, and divers other noblemen of Germany; yet Blahopl notwithstanding, eertain preates in Bavaria, as Everhard, archbishop ~a~r~ of Satzbur~, and Sifrid, bis~op of. Ratisbon. being at that. time obcdl.nt the emperor s ehaneellor, Rudlger, bIshop of Passau, Conrad, bIshop ~1~~I.r of Frisinghen, and the heads of the religious houses, forsook not t1Je ...;:..". emperor. Ali whieh the aforcsaid Albert not only did excommunicate, but also by process sought to bring them up to Rome before the popc, giving commandment to their eollegioners and cloistercrs, that they should deprive them of their offiees, and ehoose Buch others in their stend as would obey the pope. Ali whieh things the llope (understanding by Albert of their fidelity to the emperor) corroborated and confirmed, commanding their inferiors to choose other bishops and prelates in their stend. But the bishops and prelates with one consent contemning the pope's mandates and writs, and also the curses and threatenings of Albert, accused, reproved, and grently blamed his temerity, and the tyranny which he practised against the churches of Germany, and especially against the Itood emperor; that he durst be so bod as to meddle in churches committed to the cmperor's govcrnment without his consent, egainst the old and llncient customs; that he had excommunicated the emperor without just cause; and that he had condemned the emperor's faithful subjects as enemies to the church, fur Iltanding with their liege and sovereign prince (which allegianee they might ~.::-. not violate without homble iniquity), and !Jad sought to disquiet them likewise in their chargell and administrations; and they BI.llopl solemnly appenled to th~ emperor for redre.ss. They. also accused ~~~~.:: and condemned Albert hlmself for a most Impudent Impostor and hunlcat~ wicli:ed varlet, and they devoted him to the devil, as a most pestiferous ~r.~' botch and sore of the christian commonweal, and as a minous
Call.th a

::~~~r

WARS BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE l'OPE.

485

enemy, as wen of the church, as of his own natural country; and Hi"or,o/ further declared their opinion, that he and aIl the rest of the F'i7if: pope's pursuivants ought to be driven out of Germany, as being B.p.,.o,. most wicked devisers of aIl kinds of mischief. A. D. , This done, they make relation hereof to the ernperor by their 1239. letters; and further, they advertise aIl the princes of Germany (especially those who were of the pope's faction or rebellion, and were the favourers of Albert), that they should take heed, and beware in any case of bis subtle deceits and pernicious deceivable aIlurements, and that they should not assist the pope, for all his words, against the emperor. And doubtless (chieHy by the counsel and persuasion Thoarch of the archhishop of Saltzburg, primate of Bavaria) Frederic of :~~:u~ Austria was again reconciled to the emperor; from whose friendship a l~ll and alliance he would never aner that be detached by any promises, ~~.prlnc:. threatenings, bribes, or pains, no, nor for the execrable curses of the pope's own holy ;I)outh. But Albert prosecuteth slill his purposed ..,::... mischief, aIlnring and inciting by all means possible friends to tha pope, and enemies to the emperor, and that not aDlongst the lowest but tbe higbest cIasses of his subjects, the nobiJity and gentry. U nto some he gave the tithes to light against the emperor, to other Tho some he gave the glebe-Iands of benelices, and to other some he gave :::'.::~ the spoi! of such coIleges and monasteries as took not part with the UI;t ~ pope; and to sorne other also he gave the colleges and monasteries:':t. ~rD themselves. And Aventine1 actually names tbe individuals to whom ~:\:~ the ecclesiastical tithes were given tl~at t~ey might espouse the pope's :~ler. canse, and the coIleges and monastenes pillaged and sequestrated, and the glebe-Iands seized, and the doers therein. Hereby was there a window opened to do wh&t they listed, every man according to his ravening and detestable lust, and aIl thinWl lay open unto their greedy and insatiable desires. \Vho listeth to henr more hereof, let him read Aventine, who largely treateth of the same in his book before noted, and there shall be see whnt vastation grew thereby to the whole state of Gcrmany, but specially in Bavaria. While these tbings were thus working in Gemlany, Fredec, leaving in Lombardy Actiolinus with a grent part of bis bost, and passing with the rest by the Apennines, came to Etruria and set the same in a stay, after that he bad allayed certain insurrections there; and nom thence to Pisa, where he was with great amity and honour received and welcomed. Tbis city was always stendy and faithful to the empcrors of Germany. Tbe pope, understanding of the empe1Or's coming into Etruria, and knowing what a large pa of his troops Beaieg<lh he bad left in Lombardy, with a grent army besieged the city of Ferrara. Fenam, tbat always loved the emperor fulI well; wbich city when Ole pope's legate had assaulted sharply the space of five months, and could not win the same, he devised with himself to send for Saling. wena out of the town by way of a parley, pledging his faith and truth to him for his safe return; who by the persuasion of Hugo Ram- A~.... bartus, that said he might do the same without peril (it being but by way of parlcy), came to tlle legate; who, intercepting his return, !f~::r.lI took him psoner, contrary to good faith and justice. And thus l~bJ gat he Ferrara, and delivered the keeping thereof to Aw, UJlll'quis of ~x~m~::.
(1) Lib. 7..~nnalium Boiorum.

486
H!dory.,,!

ORIGIN OF THE GHIBF.LI.INES AND GUELI'HS.

Este. And that the popc's legate thus falsified his tnlth, and circuml'r~~':1C vented the eaptain and old man Salingwerra, the same is confessed of Empuor. the historians friendly to the pope, yea, commenderl of them as a A. D. stroke of warlike polic)'. But to return again. About the same ~ 240. time also the Venetian navy, at Monte Gargano, ehased twelve galleys of the emperor's, which wcre appointed to the kceping of that coast, and spoiled, burned, and wasted aU the region; and, further, The em took one of the empCJ"or's great ships, being driven by tempesperor', Kall.y tuons "eather into the haven of Siponto, fraught with men and tH.ken by thn popo. munition. Frederic again, Retting on his side the cities of Lucca, V olterra, Sienna, and Arezzo, and most of the cities of Etruria, to help his own ..,;;:.... dominions came from Pisa to Viterbo, "hich took part with him. Blondus and Platina and some others say, that the names and factions ol' Tho. Ghl- Ghibellines and Guelphs sprang from F'rederic at this time i for that belhn.. h ' sent h"IS sples t hroug h UII t lC towns an d cltles .. Of I lal y, to aseerAnd avmgOuolph.. tain which took part with and favoured the pope, and which the emperor, he ealled the one by the name of Ghibellines, nnd the other by the name of Guelphs. But, for that they bring no sufficient proof thereof but only slender conjecture, I rather cleave to the opinion of Nauclerus, Herman Contract, Antoninus of F'lorence, Castiglioni, and others, who say, that these names had their first beginning in I tal y, when Conrad, uncle of Frederic L, was emperor i and that those who were devoted to the pope were caIled Guelphs from GlleJph, youngest brother of Henry the Proud, whilc the emperor's partisans werc called Ghibellines from VaiblingcD, thc nati ve place of Conrad or his son. But to om purpose. Tho pope The pope, when he understood that Frederie was come to Viterbo, :,:~'~~,~~- was much alarmcd, for that he feared he would come still nenrer to r~~~l~;:,m. Rome, the good will of which city the pope much mistrusted. He Ilaly. therefore ordered litanies, and caused the heads uf Peter and PauJ (if wc are to beJieve them genuine) to be carried round in procession; and having in a sharp and abusive oration attacked the emperor, he promised everlasting life, and gave the badge of the cross, to as many as would take up arms against the emperor, as a most wicked enemy of God and his church. Now when the emperor, drawing near to Rome gates, beheld those, whom the pope by his goodly spectacIe of St. Peter and St. Paul and by his promises had stirred up against him, coming to meet him with the badge of the cross; disdaining to be accounted for an enemy of the church, when he had been .... thereunto so beneficial, giving a fierce charge upon them he soon APJW"tI~. The eIQ- dispersed them; and as many 3S he took prisoners he put to peror tortureth excmeiating torture by burning or cutting the mark of the cross alllh. in their f1esh. From thenee marching into Campania and his cro8f1oed loldicn. own kingdoms, he levied a great. mass of mancy, and mllstercd new bands, and augmented his army; and in thcse bands he Retalnnth retained the Saracens also. And to the intent he might fi.nd the Iho Sar.... Sa l more trusty to h'Im, Ile appomtc( . l tlem 1 . named eeDI in racens tle a city ~~:i~::" Luceria to dwell in. For which thing although the papistical Ihe pope. writers do greatly blame and opprobriously write of Frederic, yet notwithstanding, NichoJas Machiuvelli doth write, that for this cause he retained them,-lest, through the pope's execrable curses,

FRl-:DERIC WRITES TO THE PRINCES OF

GEll~I.\XY.

he should be quite destitute of soldiers, as was Frederie Harbarossa, Hilloryoj his grandfathcr, alittle before, when of pope Alexander III. he was Fr~'7.1IC excommunicated, as ye have heard. ' Ernperor. After this, when the cmperor had sevcrely pllnished the pope's A. D. eeclcsiastical consorts, such as conspired with the popc agninst him, 1240. and had wasted and destroycd Benevento, Monte Cassino, and Sora ,1PI~':JiZ. (because thcy took part with the pope against him), and had foundcd the new city of Aquila, he marched forth with a great host botb of horsemen and footmen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his enemies in J taly, and besieged Ascoli, a fortified city belonging to the adverse faction. He there, having understanding of what the pope's emissarles had done with the princes-electors, and other prinees of Germany, espeeia1ly with Weneeslaus, king of Bohemia, and Otho the Po.latine, writeth his leters unto them. In these he first showed, The etr.cl how those eontumelies and spiteful worda, which the pope blustered ~:Il~~er out against him, applied ratller to himself; and how the bishops of ror Ihe empeto the Rome had taken to them of late such heart of grace and were become prince. of 50 10fty, that they not only sought to bring emperors, kinga, and Germany. prinees under their obedienee, but also to be honoured as gods; and impudentlyaffirmed that they cannot err, neither yet be su>ject to or bound by any obligation however sacred ; and that it was lawful for them to do a1l things what they list; neither that any account was to be sougbt or demanded of their doings, or else to be made of them to any: and further, that they imperiously commanded (and that under pain of damnation), that men believe every thing thcy say, how great a lic soever it be; insomlleh that, by reason of this inor- Noenemy dinate ambition of theirs. all things were going backward, and the ::':~~UJ to whole state of the Christian commonweal was Bll.bverted, neither could ~~~Ircb or there anv enemy be found more hurtful or perllous to the church of Gol! Ih,n God tha~ they. He wrote unto them, furthermore, that he (to whom ~~~e~:' the greatest charge and dignity in the whole commonweal was ap- ~~~;lh lo pointed and committed), Beeing and perceiving their good hearts, remove wills, and practices towards him in his great perii, would with all the ~~~ ';:'&"' power and ability that God had given him do his endeo.vour, tho.t he ~,:olher who in the likeneBs of the Bhepherd of the fock, and the servant of carcful . t he ch urch , B h owe d h'Imself BO very a Ihepherd. . amI cI' Ch . nst, Ilef preIate In wolf, persecutor, and tyrant, might be removed from that place, and that a true and faithful shepherd of OOd'B fock might be appointed in tlle church. Wherefore he exhorted them, that if they desired the safety and preBervation both of the empire and of Christendom in gcneral, thcy should be unto him no hinderers, but furtherers of hiB purpose and proceedings ; lest, otherwise, theyo.lBo should happen to falI under the same yoke of servitude to the bishop of Rome. And further, he gave them to know, that if the pope Bhould attain to that ,Ap;::diz. he sought for (that is, to be an ernperor and king over kings), yet would that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but he would be as greedy and ravenous as now he is; therefore, if they were wise, they would withstand him betimes, leBt hereafler, when they would, it would be too late, neither should they be o.ble to withstand his tyranny.-The elfeet of this epistle I took out of Aventine, who also writcth, that the emperor's legates, when they delivered it, enlarged Oli the same subject in a speech.
(l) Suprll, p. 19,.-1::0.

488
Hidoryo!

0'1'110 AXD TllE POPE AGAIXST ]"BEDEltlC.

'Vences1aus, somewlmt rclenting at this letter, promisetIt to arcomplish the emperor's biddings and precepts, and forthwith gathercth Empn-Dr. an assembly of prinees and nobles at .1Egra i whcre, by common A. D. eonsent. thcy think to renovatc with the emperor a new league and 1240. covenant. And furthermore. they decree Otho of Bavaria, theauthor Wen"".. ol' this defection (who was nbsent. and would not be at this their ::~:e;:; at assembly), to be an enemy to the commonweaJ. Olho then, seeing lhe, empe- himself not able to stand against the Cresar and the other prinees with r;;~r. whom he wns associated, desiring aid of the pope by bis letters, came ~l~;:;"d with all speed to Wenceslaus. his kinsman. and entreated him not ~~;:t _ to descrt tIte party, but could not prevail; he obtaineth. notwith ror pe standing, thus much at their hands, that the league and covenanl which thev were in hand to make with the emperor should for a time be deferrc"d. and that another assembly should be calIcd, whereat he also would be, and join himsclf wilh them. In the mean season, the pope sent his rescript unto 'Venceslaus and to Otho, tending to this cffect i that in no casc they should citber forsake him or else A/;::'Uz. the dlUrc1l, to take tIte emperors part. And so mucb prevailed he by the means of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (who were the chief ol' the senate regal, and whom by his fair promises and bribes he had previously gained to his interest), that a day was appointed for a new assembly to be held at Lebus. I for the express purpose of electing a new emperor, in contempt and defiance of Frcderic, the true emperor, and his son and heir Conrad. And whilst that this was thus in hand, Conrad the Cresar C8Steth LandsllUta, the wife of Otbo (then absent). in the teeth, for the great bencfits and possessions which her husband bad and possessed by his aneestors; and threateneth that unless her husband took a bettcr way with himself. and showed his obedience to thc emperor, his father. he should not enjo)' one foot of lIy what that land which now he had by his ancestors. The prefermenta and 1l1eaUI Who al dignities which Otho had by the ancestors of Conrad the Cresar came ~~~~~d;,~_ thus: Frederic Barbarossa, at a parliament holden al \Vurtzburg' ~ ...~on. A.D. 1180, condemned Henry Leo of high trfason, and deprived him ;;:.::,,":1" ol' llis dominians of Davaria and Saxony, and gave Bavaria to Otho ~:.~nCOl- of \Vittlespach, because he had dane him so faithful service in his Italian wars. After that, Louis, thc son of that Olho, obtained or this emperor Frederic II., in recompense ol' his assured and trusty fidclity. lhe palalinate of the Rhine in revcrsion; also Agnes, the (Iaughter ol' Henry, the living earl-palatine, to be given lo Otho Ilis son in rnarriage. But this Henry was the son of Henry Leo, the traitor; nnlo whom Henry VI. (the falher of Frederic II.). having given him in marriagc his niece Clementia, the daughter of his brother Conrad, Palatine ol' the Rhine, gave him also the palatinatc itself on precarious tenure." And as touching the government ol' Bavaria, that had also formerly bern held by lhe ancestors ar Olho of 'Vittlespach. But to our purpose again. Th. archAt the same lime, the archbishop of Cologne revolted to the ~~l~~~,;r papl'; who not long aner, in n skirmish wilh lhe carl of Brabant, was :-::'I~~~<t11 vanquished and taken prisoner. But Frederic of Austria, after he p0;>C. was received iuto favour again wilh lhe emperor kecping most con-

F'IT"

,"'fI'f' A,,~,.tliz.

(I) I LibY!llIa." a awo ot Brandenburg. in the Middle Mark, two mile-. (rom Frankfort Oder, And a bishnp', see: Hoffman. \' Ide infra. p. i92, and vol. Hi. pp. 438, 60.-ED. (:) See Al'pendlx, {3) Sce Duc&l1gt", in v. Pret'aria.-ED.

Ol)

t1'.s

HE MAKETH MONEY OF I.F.ATIIER.

489

stantly his promise and fidelity renewed, during this time made sharp Hul,.,.,.,/ war upon the Bohemians and Hungarians, who took part with the Pr1i':'" pope, and gTeatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in Emp"''''', Germany, the emperor, when he had gotten Aseoli and led his host A. D. ioto Flaminia, having taken Ravenna, from lhcnee came to Faenza, 1211. whieh city ncver loved the emperor (the eircuit of whose walls is five - - miles in compass), and pitched his camp round about it. And although the siege was much hindered by the severity of the weather (it being in the very depth of winter), still notwithst:mding, through AP';::'iz. the grcat fortitude and incredible exertions of thesoldicrs, to whom he represented that it would be no little disgrace for them to retire from the enterprise unsuccessful, he surmounted all difficulties. And therefore, when naw the winter (so extremely cold and hard) was well near ended, and the spring-time now hard at hand, and when by long battery he had lr.ade the walls in divers places assaultable, the citizcns (being greatly discouraged, and in despair of maintaining tlte defence thereof) senl ambassadors to tlle emperor, craving pardon fr their offcnce, and that he would grant them their lives, and so yielded themse]ves to his mercy. Tbe emperor, having against them good and sufficient cause of Th. em- . revenge, yet for that his nobIl' heart thought it to be the best ~~;~e revengc that might be, to pardon the offencc of vanquished men, c1nltyand 'd ered'It b etter to grant t Ilem tI ' requests, anll -' to save t Ite .me...".. <"on SI !elr city and citizcns with innumerable people, than by arm~ to make thc same his soldiers' prey, to the destruction both of the city and great num ber of people therein. Sa dolh this good emperor in one of his epistles, " Adaucta nobis," confess himself. Whieh epistle, to deebre the lenity and merciful heart of so worthy a prince (if with great and marvellous provocations and wrongs he had not been incited), I would in the midst of the history here bave plaeed, bul that I have kept you long Lerein, and yet not finished lLe same. In this siege the emperor, having spent and consumcd almust all his treasure, both golJ and silver, causcd other money to be made of Th. emIeather, which on the one side had his image, and on the othcr side lo the spread cagle (the arms of the empire), and made a proclamatiun, mak. . tllat the same should pass from man to man for all neeessaries instead r.~;;:,:r~l of other money; and therewithal promised, t1lat whosoever brought the same money unto his exehequer when the wars were ended, he ,,"ould give them gold for the same, according to t1le value of every ("oin Jimited; whieh thing afterwarrls truly and faithfully he performed, as lIll the historiographers do aceord. \Vhen the pope had thus, as before is said, stopped his ears and Th. pop. would not hear the emperor's ambassadors who came to entreat for ~~~~:h peaee, but rejected and despiscd his most courteous and equitable ~~i!:~;~~ demands, and yet found that he, wiih his confederates, eould not .. "led. pre\'aiI against him in open warfare, altbough he had left no means ~:d;" untried; he, by his Iegates, inviteth to a eouneil to be held at Rome all sueh prelates out of Italy, France, and England, as he thought to favour him and his proceedings; that hereby, as his last shift and onI)' refuge, he by their helps might deprive Frederie of his empire, &.<; an uUer enemy to God and to the ehurch. Ali ",hich things Frcderie having understanding of, and knowing that thesc persons were about to assemble nnder thc popc's influence for his ruin, he de-

r::::d

490
H!,lorrO!

l;aKDERIC

I'llEVAILS AGAll\ST THE POPI':.

termined to hinder their passage to Rome, as well by Seg as by land, Accordingly, having preoccupied all Empcror. the passages by land, he commallded his son Henry, l king of ~r A. D. dinia (whom the Italians calI Encio), to take some galIeys with hlm 1241. and go to Pisa, and wilh the Pisans (whom he had Iikewise ordered to Thee~- equip a fleet) to meet and intercept (if possible) the pope's partisans on r.~~tr::fh their way to Rome. 1'he pope's partisans, understanding that they a ~.vy. could not safcIy repair to Rorne by land, procured forty galIeys, with AP;'''':..a.. the Genocse na vy" under the command of Gnlielmus Braccius for their convoy ; thinking that hereby, if they should fortun c to meet wilh any of lhe emperor's galIeys which might lie in wait for them, they should be able to make their part good, and give thrm also the repulse. For the emperor, in like manner, Encio and Hugolinus (lhe commodore of thc Pisan fleet) Iaunched forth to sea with forty galleys; and within the islcs of Giglio and Monte Christo, which lic between Leghorn and Corsica, they met with the Genoese A. gr"'l navy and straightways attacked it; and ",hen Gulielmus the admi;~e~~~y raI, contrary to the wish of the eccIesiastics, who wcre for fight, ~1~~;:1~e'. attempted to resist the attack, thre~ of his shi~s haviDg beeD eOllleuc- boulged and sunk, the rest (twenty-two 11l num ber) wlth all that they tale.. containcd fell into the emperor's hands. In these were taken three legatcs of the pope's, viz. Iacomo Colonna, cardinal-bishop of Palestrine, Otho, of the noble honse of the marquisses of Montferrat, eardinal of St. Nicholas, and Gregor)' de Romania, all crnel enemies against the emperor ; and many prcIates werc taken with them, besides a great numher of delegates and proctors of cities, with a countless rabble of priests and monks, besides also more than four thousand Gcnoese soldiers, with the officers of the navy, and the admira himself who was of patrician ranko Pandolpho Colenuccio; in describing the circumstaDces of the great loss and misfortune of these partisans of the pope by sea, amongst the rest ueclareth, that besides the great prey and booty which lhc takershad from them, they also found many writings and letters against Frederic, which much helped them in the defence of A.nother that cause wherein the others laboured against him. Another like ;;;~~o~ hy rnischance, also, about the same time happened on the pope's side, I'&"A. by the emperor's soldiers who lay in the garrison at Pavia, thus: There went fortl1 upon a time out of Pavia into the borders of thc Genoese certain bands, to give them aIarnms in the country; which banna the scurriers of Milan (where lay a great garrison of the pope's) descrying, told the captain of the town, that DOW there was a very opportune anu fit time to give an assault to Pavia; "since," say they, .. the greatcat part are now gone foraging." Whereupon they immediately calIing together the captains and such as had charge, set their soldiers in array, and nlRrched forward to Pavia. And now, when they were come almost thither, the Pavian bands (whom they thought to have been filr off fomging) returned and mel with them, and fiercely gave a fulI charge upon them: who being dismayed at the suduenness of the matter, fought Dot lon 0" but gave over and fled. In which skirmish were taken, besides tho~;
}r~~-:C in all that ever he might.
(2) Tbi. appeal!, fwrn whl1t rollowI, to ~ the nBl"y ar 25 Ibip. men ionpd IUPnl, p. 480 -En (3) He 'Wrote I I Compendio dell' htoria deI rcgno dl ~t1poli;" 8\"0. Venez. 1541: Uan!"ll~tcd'~IO Latin by StupanU, 4to. Basii. 1572.-:o.
(l) An ille~ilim"te lmn or

Frederic.-En.

THE TAltT.\RS INVADF.

CI[RIST~:N[)O~r.

that were slain, three hnndred and finy captains, who were brought HUIDrgaJ prisoners into Pavia with all their ensigns. F,W';c Newa hereof was brol1ght to the emperor not long aner, who Emperor then wa.~ on his march from Faenza to the city of Bologna, A. D. tbinking to destroy the same. But upon the hearing of this ~ happy succcss, he altereth his purpose, anJ, thinking by a decisive blow to end the contest, leadeth his arllly towards Rome; anu in the way he admitted to terms the city or Pesaro. But Fann, hecause the townsmen shut their gates and would not suffcr the emperor to come in, he took by force and destroycd. For the Thc cm emperor, seeing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet r:[;~.th by his lawfnl excusation, he could do any good with him, thought:~ mak. that by his sudden coming thither, and with fear of the peril immi- ae:.J:::1'" nent, he might be brought to reasonable terms, and caused to Icave off his accustomed pertinacity. And although the emperor was too strong for him, yet, for that he regarded nothing more than the pnblic tmnqnillity of the empire, and that he might then take the Tartarian wars in hand if he could by any means conc1ude a peace, he refused not 50 to treat with him, ns though he had been both in force and fortllne much thc pope'il inferior. \Vhilst that this rufHe was betwixt the empcror and the pope, Th. Ochodarius, son and snccessor of Ghengis the first emperor of ~~":'th thc Tartars, sent a large and well-appninted army to invade the Chrioleu. h ounng b ' countnes, . an d brmg . th . \Vh o, a dom wlIh nel~ cm'mto su b" .]eetlon to IIIIn. gr.at almost without opposition, sllbdued the Russians, Podolians, Molda- ~;~~~~. vians, Wallaehinns, Poles, and Prussians, Iaid wnste the fields, and '<F~~iz. plnndered, bumt, rl1ined, and destroyed cities, towns, villages, and building'S or every description; killing man, woman, and chiId, and sparing none of any sex ar age. (A.D. 1235.) At whose sudden invasion the people wcre in such fear and perplexity, that not a single band, gamson town, or eVt'n wallcd city, dared to resist; but all hastened to leave all they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and fee to marshcs nnd mountains, or wheresoever else any succour did otrer itself to them. They lJad now come as far as Breslau, when Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia, went forth with an arIny to meet Unmerthem; who, for the incquality of the number of his forces, had soon an ~~ghter overthrow, and almost all his army being destroyed, he himsclf was ~~,~: taken and slain with an axe. From thence thcy came to Momvia, and tiauo. from thence to the kingdom of Bohemin, which eountries, while the I..;ng kept himself in strong defeneed forls and durst not come abroad, they invaded, and uestroyed all Hl1ngary; putting to f1ight and vanquishing Colman, the brother of Bcla IV. king of Hungary, also making great spoil in both the Pannonias, both the Mresias, Bulgarin, and Servia. \Vhen Bcla, king of Hungary. had gottcn to Pola (which Th. king is a city or Istria) unto Otho, the duke of Dalmatia and Istrin,' he ~~::~~;v !ent ambassadors to Frederic. the emperor; promising that if he wOlll,1 ~;~::::;~ send him nid, 50 that the Tnrtars might be expelled, Hungary should lOr. ever after be under the jurisdiction of the t'mperor; which thing- if he should refuse to do, that then Hungary w0111d bc in great danger of being subjected to the Tartars, to the no little peril of the whole empire: and said furthcr, that the cause wherefore he with more instanee required the same, was, that so many christian men and
(I) Se. p. 475, not. (2).-En.

492
Fr"!i. rlc

THE POP:'S SUBTLE PRACTICES.

m.,,,..,.! enuntries made such pitiful

lamentation in tIJis their great calamitl and misery, and that there was none able to help them; .. whicb, ~ saith he, " ia as great shame as possible to the whole christIan comA. D. monweal ;" and also said, that if the malice of this barbarous people ~ were not suppressed, then he thought they would make invasion upon the empire itself and the provinces of the same. The emperor, aILhough he thought it very requisite that with a11 convenient speed this mischief shollld be remedied and prevented, yet notwithstanding, his great enemy the pope, with his confedemtes, .... was the only let and hindrance thereof. When, therefore, he perAp'........ ceived that he himself could do no good, and only laboured in vain in seeking peace with the pope, he gave eommandment to Wenceslaus and Otho of Bavaria to entreat and persuade with IJim, that, considering the imminent peril like to ensue by reason of such civil dissension to the whole state of Christendom, he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate somewhat his fierce and wrathful mood. \Vhen, however, he saw further, that neither by that mcans of entreaty, nor any other, the pope would desist from his stubborn malieious and froward purpose, he writetb back to the king of Hungary that he WIlS right sorry, and greatly lamented their miserable state, and that he much desired to relieve the need and neeessity tllat The, be and aIl the rest stood in. But, as the cause why he could not l':.l7t~hal redress the same nor stand him then in any stead, he blamed greatly :~~ i;~~L the bishop of Rome; who refusing aIl entreaty of pcace, he (the rooialed. emperor) could not without great peril to himself depart out or ltaly. lest tbat, when he should come to the aid (jf him, by the pope's mischievous imaginations he should be in peril of losing an at home. Notwithstanding, he sent orders to Conrad the Cresar. to the king or Bohemia., and to other princes more of Germany, to go and meet the enemy: and a great number of those who had takim the cross in Gerrnany were offering their services against tbe Tartars, when they received orders from Albert, the pope's facor, to stay at home, until Hadra they should be called out by him against the emperor. To conc1udc, ~~~~n~,~hl such was the loving zeal and affection of the pope and his adherenta ~~;~~~. in this time of calamity towards the christian state and common~aif.'L weaIth, that he had rather bend his force and revenge bis malice u.:. 0'- upon the christian and good emperor, than eitller himself withstand the Tartar, or suffer and perrnit by conclusion of any profi.table peace that this most bloody and cruel enemy should be let and restrained from such havoc, spoil, and slaughter of the christian men: and yet, forsooth, these men will seem to have the greatest regard of aIl other to the preservation of Christendom, and think to have thc supremacy given therein! What thing else is this, than manifest mockery and A";::." deceiving of the people? One good effec, 1Jowever, came of this spoiland havoc of Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary, viz. that the conspirators did not meet at Lebus (as lIad been determined ') about The ('01- the deposing ot' the emperor and the creation of another. t:7rolaud But naw, notwithstanding the provident foresight and wise policy c;:::':l~e- ol' the emperor (as you heard before) in restraining the passages both ~:~~el'l&l by sen and land, who gave most strict charge and had special regard thereunto, that none should pass without privy search and examination, ;~""t~ceI. as one having sufficient trial, as well in his own person as by the

por.;'

i I) 'See lupra, p. 8l.-ED.

'l'HE l-'RF.NCH KnW s LET'l:ER.

493

exampJe or his predecessors, what great misehier and dissension by RutM'!I~1 their Jegates every way sent out the popes had procured both to the P'1F.1C imperial state and dignity and to the whole country or Germany; yet E7IIptror. fouod they such means and wrought such poJicies, that they had not A. D. only secret passage and repassnge with their Jetters and spies into al! 1241. Christendom where they listed, but also so laboured the matter and handled the same, that the long-continued league or amity between the Freneh king and the emperor, whose predecessors, as also they themselves, had many years reverently observed it in christian eoncord and unity, was by this seditious prelate and arrogant vicar of Satan now either utterly infringed, or else in variable suspellse; as by their letters to each other, and hereunder ensuing, is to be read aud seen; "hich, for the more probability of this history or Frederic (not being long or greatly tedious), I thought meet here to intext and place.

The Epistle or the French King to Frederic the Emperor, touching

the Imprisonment or eertain CardinaIs or Franee. 1
Hitherto, noble emperor, hath our confidence been maintained unshaken, Longconthat, owing to the mutlUll a1fection which has su hsisled for a long course of time :lnued betll'een the empire and our realm, no ma1ler could arise to halch hatred and t.. ~~e:;:'; offence between us. Especially seeing tbat all tbe kings of France, aur prede- empi,: cessors of blessed memlIry, bave e\'en to our own times tak en II warm interest ~d k~lg in tbe honour and dignity of your empire i and also that Wl', whom God halh F~~~.. placed to reign in succession after them, have heen no otherwise mindl'd. None otberwise also, on their part, bave tbe ancient as well as the more recent emperors of the Romhs e5teemed their empire and the kingdom of France lIli one, and have preserved the unity of peace and concord i insomuch that there hath not chaneed between them 50 much as one spark of dissension. We therefore The kltlg, cannot but greatly marvel, and not without good cause are troubled, that, whhOlll1 without any cause or ground of offence given on our part, you have caused ru::~:,;t prelates of our realm to he apprehended at sea, making their repair to the or the aposlolic see (to the which as well by their fuith as hy their allegiance they slood ~':::;'d not bound, neither eould they refuse its mandates), and that you do still detain the lO have aame in yOUT cuatody: whereat (we do your bigbness to wit) we are more burt W~lllen to than perbaps you may imagine. For by their own le1lers we understand that ~o;.empe. they had eontemplated notbing prejuJicial to your imperial bighness. although the pope should have prosecuted therein further than hecame bim to do. Wherefore, seeing that there is no cause in tbem wby/ou should detain them, it becometh your highness to set at liberty the sai prelates of aur realm; whereby alBO you shall appeaseour grudgl', who aecount the injury youdo to tbem as dane to ourselves. For wby? lt were a great disbonaur to OUT nobIl' realm, ir we abould wink hereat and overpass the same with silence. If you will not atteod to the above considerations, it will perhaps weigb with you, that wben the eardinal-bisbop of Palestrine and other legates of the churcb came imploring OUT aid to yOUT prejudice, we gave them a fiat refusal ; neitber could they. ohtsin in our kingdom any thing at a11 which seemed to be against ar prejudicial to yaur majesty. Let therefore yOUT imperial providence ponder in the balanc., or judgment those things wbich we write unto you, neither let aur lawful request unto you be fmatrated ar made in vain. For our kingdom of )<'rance i. oot SD weak as tbat it will a1low itself to be trampled under your feet. Fare ye welL

"":::"ir.

The Reseript of thc Emperor to the same letter or the King or France.
Onr imperial excellency bath pemsed the letters of your royal serenity, ~.neh wherein if we bad not found manifest self-contradiction, theymigbt peradventure ~~f:o~
(1) Petrl de Vlnei. Epilt. Fred. H., Ub. ..ep. 12.-&0. (2) lbio. I!.pilt. 13. 80th thi. and the precedillg are revi5ed ((f)m the Latin.-Eu.

4940
Hula,! Prtdt:ri.

R~:SCll1PT

OF FRI,;DERIC

TH~:

E~[pt:ltOR.

have obtaiued at ollr hands all that they required. But eveu as with a l;ttle leaven a whole lump of dough is soured, SD a single partieular falsely alleged deslroyeth the whole argument of )"our letter. For it is apparent that y'our - - - grace'. letter wanteth lhe virtue of the middle p.rt in the conclusion of the A. D. same, as we will e,'identl)' pro"e to )'OU from faels which are notorious to al1. 1241. It i. notoriolIs then, and to all the world revealed, in what 60rt tbe apostolic ~ f!lther halh attaeked aur innocency, as well with the one sword a. witll the t~~mother ; for whll.t we, at his commandment, took our journey beyond the se.... aelv:d the same aur ad"ersary and enemy invaded aur kingdum of Sieily, and \~asltd :~Iloli- the same, not in one place or two but in di,'ers and slIndry parts thereol: e>:! falher After this, when with great enlreaty and by the medialian of the princes of ~~~~ a Almain on our return from Asia we had concluded a peace with him, and he hand.d had again aceepled aur proffered devolion; although valuable sen'iees ....ef'? ,w0'1; aetually rendered him, yet lhe said apostolic father, that 11 olwilhstanding, ~r~ ..:::- hath .ince lhat lime rather aggravated his displeasure towards us; and fllrther, twenty halh devised all he could to aur deprivation and subversioll, no cauae in alllhe ~uwcea of world given of us lo pro"oke lhe .ame; and further, he halh promulgated, as ~fo;.,a;oU well by his letlers as legates, lhe .entence of excommllnication against us unto hear.d. al1 nation., to aur great defamalian and shame. Lastly, aspiring to supplanl A,~iz. Dur imperial stale, that he might rai"e a tower of Babel against David ((jod', anointed) he hath caUed unto a privycouncil for lhat purpo.e all the prelates he could ge!, as one that meaneth to set all the. whole world together by lhe ear., But the marvellous providence of God by whum we live and reign, beholding The eraf lhe wicked purpose he went about, confol1nding the crafty in thcir craftinesa ~ase,~~in halb given inlo aur hand. cardinaIs and prelates, a~ well of your realm their eraf. of France, as of olher regions and prO\'iIH'PS; all whom we imprison and lin.... delain as aur enemies and adversaries. For where there wanted not a perseculor, there ol1ght not to want a defender also; especially seeing that the imperial majesty transcendeth al1 mankind, and that e"ery animaI .huddereth if it behold but the print of the lion's foot. LeI not therefore your kingly hi~h ness marvel, if Augustus detaineth" in angusto " your French Jrelates, who bavtbeDlselves endeavuured to drive us " in angustias," Fue ye well.

llm%r...,

'Vhen F'rederic now saw there was none other remcdy, and thal in vain he Iabourcd lo have peacc wilh the pope, he prosecutcth his war to the uttennost. Todi opened its gates to him, and was admitted to temls, but he destroyed tlle towns of St. Gemini :md Nami, and gave the spoiI of them to his soldiers: he well treated TivoIi, whieh surrendered to him, but wasted aIl the country aOOut rnalh ot ,Rome. The pope overwheImed bv so great misfortunes, and troubled ?i~gory that the couneil whieh he had call~d at Rome was prevented, and bis A.Ds!.2H. designs against the emperor not sueceeding to his wish, being in Appnldlz. despair of obtaining his purpose, died for very :mger and thought, August ~lst, A. D. 1!'41. 'Vhat opinion the preIatcs of Gennany at that time had of this Gregory is to be seen by the oration (yet extant) of Everhard, archbishop of Saltzburg, which he made to the nlJbilily of Bavaria in the parIiament at Ratisbon, written by John A ventine in his seventh OOok. Doubtless he not onIy brought great and ruinous calamities to thc whole christian commonweaIth and also the empire, whilst he sought tbus to dcpress and bridle the emperor and advance his papaI see and dignity, but he also brought into the church of God much horribIe im piety, blasphemy, and wickedness, whereof OOth BIondus, Platina, Bale, and others make mention; and, nmongst others, that most detestabIe cantilene 'Salve Regina !', in the which he attributetll the honour and worship only due to J esus Christ unto the Virgin, . his mother. This is he in whose name tbe book of the DecretaIs was set out, ",hich (to omit the opinion of divers other Ieamed men) John Bale calleth 'the sink or puddle of foolishness and impiety!'

A SHARP

L~:TTElt

OF

P'1U!:D~:IIIC.

495

Doubtless Carolus Molimeus (a man of singular judgment both in the H_r o! civil and canon law) bath taug-bt us what to think oC that work when F,trl< he saith in his ' Annotations on Platina's life of Haymond Pcnnn- E.pwor. fort, the coIlector oftbeDecretals ofGre~oryIX:-" Doubtless divcrs A.D. chapters in the same book of Decrctals be mutilated and curtaiIed,on 1241. purpose to conceal offensive matter:'l For as the popes, when once Carolul the ambitious desire of reigning !ike king-s took them, studied nothing ~~~n:':,,: else but how to enlarge thcir dominion by weakening othcr kingdoms r;~relall and by successive encroacbments on the imperial prerogatives, so they ~rea":'; kept the same end in view in their constitutions ; examples whereof IX. Molinreus giveth from sundry cases of Frencb and English kings; but "PI~':::..' many more may be gathered from the history of the emperors and of the princ<'s and the various orders of the empire, whereof to speak more convcnient place shalI serve hercafter. In the stead of this Gregory was plaeed Celestine IV. (Geoffry de Ar'::'.,. Castiglioni, a Milanese); who, as Blondus declareth, by fcigned promises offcred a league with Frederic, and the eighteenth day after he was created pope died. When the author of all this eonspiracv was thlls gonr, Fredcric Tho om now thinking himsc1f free from those dang'ers on the side ot' ltaly, for ::e~~~:~ fear of which he had not dared to leave ltaly, with aIl his endcavour :;i:l;;lh levieth an army, and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for Ibo Tar the delivery oC the Christians, sa mightily oppressed, as ye heard, lan. by the Tartars. Who, hearing of the com ing of the emperor and ot' the death of their own eOl peror, departed through Hungary, the way whieh they came, and retumed by the river Danube to the Crimea, and sa along the shore of the sea of Azof, and aeross the river Don, into Asiatic Tartary. When the l'l1rdinals had naw a longtime delayed the creation of the pope, and would not agree upon thc same, the emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and blameth them for their disagrceing, and exhorteth them to be more careful for the christian eommonwealth. Two epistles of his touching this matter are extant; whereby appeareth, that only for the carc and desire of peaee he had to the christian unity and state he did the same, and for that, peradventure, the cardinaIs refused to make peace with him before they llad ereated a new pope. The onr, for more brevity, I have omitled, and have here inserted the other. An EpistIe invective of the Emperor unto the Cardinals, because they eould not agree upon the erealion of the Pope.'
Thls word is to you, O ye children oC Ephraim! wbo i11 bave bent your bows, and still wol'!le bave shot your arrowa. basely tuming your backs in tbe day oC baltle : tbia word is to you, O ye children oC Belial, the 80-called lSlIessors oC the great judge, but (as being without abead) more like" acattered sheep which have no sbepherd!" this word is to you, O ye dissentious cardinaIs, wbom the world doth hate; this warci, I say, ia to you, whom the whole world with open mouth speaketh i11 of. Doubtless, I cannot speak uoto you but to your detraclioo, because though im-mund I am yet mundane; and beiog of the world, I mustthink andact with the worId, as the part with its whole, ",hich caonot write diseordantly ar contrarily to ibeC. Atlend ye, therefore, to my rude aud IInski!(1) 'I Certum e.t, multa capita in na mndla et decurtata eSie ut tn'ido.um ArSfUmeotum 1at.ret," Ik C.rolu. Molinleu, upon Iho D..,retal. ur Gregory IX. [In pnclplo: Molin. Opera, Par. 1658, tom. iv. p.68.-En.] ~2l Revised and corrccted (rom Pet. de YiDei. :pist. Frederici J1.. lib. i. ep. 18.-ED..

496
'''ftr~ llrnp~or.

RELEASE OF THE CABDtNALS.

[[;"""'0' ful epi_tle, wanting the dignity of an exordium.

--A. D. 1243. ---

Poter'.
:~~Pdi~

.on.ion or Iho

;..~~~:I"

alIIicled.

.hrm

Peter',

'Wolce

turned into a lrolll". echo.

For my provoked tongue, aecelerated by i~ owu velocity, brasteth forth i~~ words, before my conc~iving ~irit had commtsslOned the same, and so, not walting for the command of lU supenor, haateneth to express things nut fully conceived or premeditate; for a troubled mind oftentimes doth beget unordered and unseaaonable talk. This, therefore, is the common opinion in men's minds, and the common topie of their discount'. that not the Mediator between God and man, Jesus Christ, who came from the highest heaven to make peace upon the earth, the Ma.ter and Lord ofthe apo_tles -not he, but Satan, is in the midst of you, ministering to you; that blu.tering prince, who is divided lIgainst hinl8elf; that persuader of discord, that murderer, that father of lies, and spirit of darkness; who hath divided yOUT tongues, and rent asunder your unity. You do not consult for your own good, nor yet the good of the world, which is brought by you into so perilous a state; and the poor ship of Peter, which is tossed upon the sea by the vehement winds, witbout oarB or rowenl, yuu no longer n'gard ; wbicb ship, thougb it doth not indeed for itself fear foundering, yet sufl'ereth it many perilous tempests and ehipwrecks of her company. Doubtless, ir ye diligently considered how the nalion. and people whom ye are wont to judge, in scoro shake their heads at you,. every one of you would tum pale. Nor could any argument be found suffielent lo screen yuu from universal execration and opprobrium; for whilst every one of you aspireth to the chair, no one consenteth to his fellow; and whUst not one of you can consent to another, none is promoted ; and whilst none is promuted, the dignity of the see vanisheth. And thus by your discord the concoro uf the church ie confounded, and the perfection of the faith, wherein is your life. perisheth. And surely, through your lack of a head it cometh to pass, that whereas nature hath given you sense', yet you are reputed as a sort of monster with defonned limbs, and defective in all Jour senses. And no marvel, for your vision seems obscured, your hearing is impaired, and that sound of your mOlItli which shrilly was heard to the ends of the earth, is utterly dumb, or become a selfmocking echo. For why? the thunderings of Peter and Paul are now no more heard, the preachers are become dumb dogs, and are enjoined silence. Perhaps you have hands ready to receive, but there be no gifts; for \Vhy? tbose that were wont to come from Saba, bringing god with them, now come no more, for they cannot find the Lord in the manger, the cele_tial star refusing to be their guide. Moreover, ye want feet to walk withal, for until a gift forceth you, you will not move StX paces for any man's entreaty. Fie, ahameless J?eople! the least reptile may learo you wisdom, for the birds have their captam, and the silly bees their king; but you tos_ about on the waVe witllOut a pilot to steer )'OU, exposing mother cburch to the rude chance of whatever ma)' fortune.

Tho omThe emperor yet after this, at the request of Baldwin the emperor ~{::"lh of Constantinople, who came to Frederic at Panna, released the ~~~.~::; cardinais out of prison, thinking not on1)' to gratify the emperor BaldprilOn. win, but also tllinking that thereby things would tlte better grow to public tranquillity on every side. When thc cardinaIs were all assembled at Anagni, they made Sinibald, a Genoese, pope, whom by a contrary nam e (for that he had uetermined, as I suppose, to be A,D.IU!. hurtfu1 to the commonwealth) they called Innocent IV. or which election when Frederic understood, he was well pleased therewith; and for that he had in aIl this troublous time been his friend, the emperor well hoped that the christian commonwealth should by him have been brought to much peace and concord. Wherefore he senl Rojolceth ,both his ambassadors and letters grntulatory unto him, letting him to ;:,;.~: understand how well it contented and pleased him that he was made ol..t1un. .pope; and what peace and quietness tltereb)' he promiscth (as it were) to himself, he maketh fuli relation thereof; offering again unto him AP';'''':oIiz. observance, help and aid in all things, and commending to his fatherlv protcction bolh himself and his empire. He also \\'fole his letters to Olho, du1;c of Bavaria, who alittle

THE POPE'S SUBTLE DISSIMULATION.

497

berore was reconciled to the emperor, that he who was e1ected pope Hul0'1l0j was a good man, a lover of peace, and studiollS as well for the Frt;;,'," tranquillity of the christian commonwealth, as of the empire. Ernp...or. The ambassadors of Frederic, also, with the furthernnce of Baldwin, A. D. laboured very diligently with the pope for peace; and all men were 124;;. most fully expecting the pacification of Christendom. But f a r - otherwise felI the matter out and contrary to aIl their expectations, for the pope, set on and encouraged by the cardinaIs and other against Frederic, secretly, and amongst themselves, wrought contTary to that they openly pretended, and not alittle disappointed OOth Frederic and others of their expectation and good opinion they Tb. pope had of the pope's holiness. For, whilst the emperor's ambassadors ~l~:;~ awaited his answer to their proposaIs of peace, Rainerus, the cardinal, whae 'he went secretly to Viterbo with a certain number of soIdiers and took b,:;~r~:.r the town, which before was on the emperor's part. peace. The emperor having understanding hereof, mustereth his bands, and with a sufficient power entereth the pope's dition, again to recover Viterbo: but yet (taking this war so in hand, as not thinking thereby to expeI a11 chance of peace) at the request of certain of the cardinaIs he was contented to Ieave Viterbo, and, having fortified ",:;:,..,. the town of Falari and fumished it with necessaries, came to Acquapendente. From thence he sent again other ambassadors to Rome, and with them also the emperor of ConstantinopIe, with the earl of Toulouse, who he thought were abIe to do much with the pope in the' prosecuting of peace. But althollgh at the time of Easter the D.. lm"matter seemed to have been got through, and peace conc1uded, :~~~~'I~~. for th&t the emperor's ambassadors had swom by his command and in pope Inhis name that he wouId submit himseIf to the pope, and for that, on the ~~enl other hand, the cardinaIs and others commonly called and named him Frederic, the christian Prince,' ret aIl this was no more but for a fetch, not that they meant indeed to conclllde any peace with him, or to ~o through therewithaI, but that through this dissimulation and Iikelihood of peace, w!lich they understood the emperor much desired, he should set free and open the passages, which he straitly kept, that no man couId pass and come to Rome, whither a great multitude had been wont daiIy to resort for religion's sake. But when aIl came to all, and that the ambassadors perceived that no ct>nc1usion of peace was simply purposed on their behaIf, they began to despair of the matter, letting the emperor so to understand. The emperor, yet notwithIltanding, doubted not, but if he might himseIf speakwith the pope, he upon reasonable conditions shouId well enough accord with him; wherefore he by his ambassadors and Ietters desired him to appoint a time and place when and where the empror might resort to him. The popeseemed to be contented herewitbal, and appointed a day at Castellana when they should talk together, and promised that he would be there before him, and await the emperor's coming. But the pope Tbe POro in thig while had made a confederacy with the French king against ~~:~~ Frederic; and, hllving previously arranged with the Genoese that ror, ~nd some galleys should be waiting in readiness for him at Civita-Vecchia, [';,'n.:" secretly in the night, with his company, hastening thither in post ;::'~~~i~ speed, he took sbt>, and fi.rst came to Genoa, and from thence to beth btlllo Lyons in France; where he, calIing l\ rouncjl, with a loud voice
VOL. II. K K

49R
HII""'ol

TIIE EMPEROa DEPRIVED ot" HIS DIPERIAL DIGXITY.

summ~ned Frederie, and, appointing him a day, eommanded him there personaJly to plend his cause. E".,,~ And yet, although he understood that the sudden departing of the A. D. pope out of ltaly made p]ain demonstration of no conclusion or ~ meaning of a peace; and although it was plain that a couneil BO ,,~. cnlJed by the pope, in wbieh he wos to be both plaintiff and judge, and whieh W88 to be paeked with his own ereatures, eould only be meant for the emperor's destruction-notwithstanding these and other such eviclent dcmonstrations of the pope's hateful heart towards him, yet the most modest emperor, relying on the innocency and u~ rightness of his cause, and as one most desirous of peace and christian concord, sent the patriarch of Antioch, who lately was come out of Syria, the archbishop of Palermo, and Thaddeus of 8uessa, t.he president of his court, a most skilful and prudent ci\'ilian, to the council at Lyons; who signified unto them that the emperor would be there for the defcnce of his own cause; but as the day was '-ery short, he required a time more eonvenient for him thither to repair. Tho om- The emperor, a]so, being onward on his way, and come as far ns Turin, sent before other ambassadors, as the master of the Teutonic order mako bil and Peter de Vincis, t<> give them understanding of his eoming, and ::~ to entreat that they would prorogue the day of hearing, till he might \ ho eonveniently travel thither. But for any thing that could be either ~ said or done, or upon how just cause soever required, the pope would not give so much as three days' spaee, in the which time the ambassadors assured them of the emperor's presence; as though there bad been no common proviso for every man, in that cnse, by the law to have used upon any reasonable let! When the day by them a~ pointed was come, the pope with his confederates (wbose support he had secured by money and promises)-against Ood's law, against christian doetrine, against the preseript of tha law both of nature and of renson, against the rule of equity, against the order of]aw appointed, against the eonstitutions of emperors and also the decrees of the empire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days, without probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded unto or heard what might be answered therein-the pope, taking upon bim to be both adversary and judge, condemned tbe emperor being absent, and in his full beat of fury and malice denounced him aeeursed, and moreover deprived bim of his imperial dignity, charging bim with the heinous cnmes of peJjury and lllCl'ilege, writing also ]etters and ]ibels of defamation to all kinga, princes, and p<>tentates. What more wieked sentence was ever pronounced ? What more erueller faet, eonsidering the person, might be committed ? Ol wbat thing more bmtish and beast]y eould bave been imagined or devised P And yet hereat were these bishops notbing I18hamed; but, meaning to leave their doinga in writing, 88 an impudent testimony to their posterity, establisbed the same for a ]aw to continue. v.n~IIBut mark what vengeanee Gad took upon this wicked judge. The :u.~Qallle historians of the time record, that when Frederic, the emperor, and pope. Conrad his 80n, the Cresar, were both deM, the pope gaping for the inheritanee of Naples and Sieily, and thinking by foree to subdue tbe same, came to Naples with a great bost of men; where was heard in the pope's eourt manifestly pronounced this voice, " Veni miser

F,'!r

::::th to

:::0.

HiS r.ET"n;a TO TliJ!: Jl'RENCH KIXG IN

LONSE~VENCE.

49H

ad judicium Dei." "Tbou wretch, come to receive thy judgment."'H~lor"?f And the next day after, the pope was round dead in his bed, a11 rr~7.roc ubek and blue, as though he had been beaten with bats; as here- EJJlpuo.r. after, in our history of bishop GrosIlead, is declared. 1 A. D. \Vhen the emperor bad understanding of bis crueI and tyrnnnicnl 1:!4.5. t!entence of tbe pope passed and pronounced against bim, considering I Su . his furious purpose and mind thercin, he thought good by his letters Ap""J,~ to let all christian princes and potentates undcrstand, as we11 what injuries and manifold dispIeasures be had sustained by nll the four popes in their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this pope in pronouncing the scntence of judgment and condemnatioll against him, passing the bonnds hotb of justice, equity, and reason ; which Ietter, as he wrote the same, bereunder followeth to be scen. The Letter or tbe Emperor to the French King and other Princes, in conscquence of the Sentence given ngainst him in the Conncil or Lyons by the Pope and CardinaIs!
Altbongh we suppose not tbe contrary, bu lbat information of tbe real of our cause hath reached your serene bighness by common rumour and the teBtimony or many true wilnesses; yet for that . " Segnihs irritant animos demissa per aures, Quam qure sUllt oculis subjecta fidclibus "mels

that is, " morc crcdit is commonly given to what the eyc seeth, than to what he car receivelh,"-wc thought good to lay before you the simpll' and naked truth, to wit, the processes which sundry popes have carried on &gllinst us. F or tbe fulI and atlenlive peruaal whereof, I beseecb yOUT gentleneu, out of . the much timc and the many days de\'oted to your own affairs, to indulgl' UB with some fit and cOl1vcnient time. And if JOu will condescend to attend to our roya counsel, cons:der, I pray you, carefully the following points:Whether our predecessors have been destitute or not of zeal for righteousness: whether we may not lawfuIly right ourselvea in regard to 50 many and great injuriea as have been wrought againat UB: whether Chriat's vicar hath performed Chrisfs will; and whether Peter's succeSSOTB have imitated Pet.er's example. Consider, alBO, what righl that process, which hath been carried on against us, hath to be deemed a valid process, and by what term it ia to be caIled j and whether that may be said to be a sentencI', which is delivered by an incompelent judge. For aithough we acknowledge without reserve, that the Lord halh given plenary power in spitual tbinga to the bishop or the holy Roman church, so that, however great a sinner he may be (which Gad forbid), yet whatsoe'l"er he bindeth upon earth ia bound in heaven, and whatsoever he looseth is loosed; still, we nowhere read of power being given him, either by divine ar human law, to tmnalate empire at hiB pleasure, ar that he ma)" give judgment to puniah kinga and princea temporaIly, by depriving hem of their kingdoms. For although aur conaecration belngeth unto him by ancient right and custom, Jet aur deposition !lnd deprival doth no more belong to him than to any other prclates of other realms, who do customably consecrate and anoint their respective aovereigns. Dr be it 80 (barring any prejudice to ourselves), that he hath mch power j is it tbat hy the mere plenitude of that power, without observing any order of law, he may infl.ict a sentence on any persons whom he may assert to be Bubject to his juadiction? For he hath proceeded oC late against \1B (as we have said), but not by the order oC accuaation, forsomuch as neither any aufficient accuser did appear, neither went there any bill of indictment previoUBly ; neither did he proceed by way of denunciation, foraomuch as there ....anted a lawful denouncer ; neither yet by the wayoC inquisition, for that &here wcnt before no forma! impeachment by a clerk oC arrsigns, and for that no copy of articles of inquiry was Curnished us, whereas same auch are wont te be publicly adduced by tbe judge in such case, as preliminary to an inqui(1) Be" infr;" pp. 532, 533.-ED. t2' Pet. de "in"il Epltt. Fn<!. II., lib. i. "1'.3....h.n.... Ih" _bon Ir_nalalion I. reyil"d.--ED,

K K

500
Fred<rie

GER;\L\NY A PREY TO CIVIL DISSE!\ISlON8.

HIII.r,of 8ition. He aBBerteth, indeed, that

all the thing8 wbich he layeth against u. were notoriou8; but that we flally deny, neither have they been proved to be nowEm!j;,or. riou8 by tlle legal number of witnesse8. In this way RDy judge, by merely - - - affirming what he li8teth to be notoriou8, setling aside all order of law, may of A. D. himBelf condemn wbom he li8teth. 'Tia true, tbere aroBe again8t UB in lhe council 1246. certain falBe witne88es, though not many, of whom lhe bi.hop of Canola was - one j who, on &ecount of hi. brother and nephew having been by na lawfully condemned for treason to be hanged, may reaBonably be 8upp08ed to ha"e a grudge again6t UB, and therefore may well be rejected a8 a wilneu in the C&U8e.--

to such-like eWect prosecuting the rest of bis epistle, which for brevity's sake I omit ..~.. Arter this, Frederic had retired for alittle repose to Grosseto, a town on the coast near Sienna; where he discovered a conspiracy against his life, which he defeated by putting to death the chief persons engaged in it: they confessed at their death that they had been set on by the pope. The pope then contrived to fonn a considerable partyagainst him in Gerrnany: Henry, landgrave of Thuringia, he persuaded that his brother had been treacherously slain by :Frederic at Brundusium,1 and he consented to be named Cresar: but he dicd William, the next year. The pupe then induced the rebels to take up William~ .ulol lIoUand, earl of Holland, who was accordingly named Cresar in opposition to m.de Conrad. kiliM' or This policy the pope used, to vex and disturb OOth the country or the Roman. by Ih. popa. Germany and the whole empire; and not so onIy, but also utterly to destroyand subvert the same, by the ruinous decay whereof, the pope and his prelates thought to make up their mouths. And thus, whils Germany that Gennany was now up.wly aguin divided, some taking part with ~~I~'r~~~r Frederic the emperor, and his son Conrad the Cresar, and other nobles ~:~~gh and princes of the empire; some, with those who should, by tLe pope'. Ih. pope'. procurement, be tbe electors of the new emperor; other some, with ~~~IOUI neither of botb, as men not minding nor tending the public utility, but to serve their own pUrposes, anned themseves ; and tbus was the public peace and quiet broken and disturbed, and altogetber in tumult and burly-burly. For wbilst the one part laboured by all foree to retain tbe dominion by public and common consent first to bim committed, the other part in like SOrt endesvoured tbemselves, witb aJ] their force and power, to use and occupy the same, according to the decree of the bishop of Rome, and to take it from Frederic. And thus great conBicts grew on aIl parta. Spolledby By these civil wars, Gennany suffered no little calamity ; in every ~~~~I~~ place was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns through, and viIlages set on fire and bumt, the churches and tempIes ~~'::. wherein the husbandmen had put their goods and substance, violated ~:::pe- and robbed: houses were puIled down, the goods divided, and every ror. man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turolOil and contention of deposing one and choosing another emperor, this quarrelof princes, this license of a state of warfare of hurting and sinning with impunity, the impudent boldness of divers private soldiers, and especiall)" of the horsemen (then counted the hetter sort or soldiers), was so grest, and tbeir unbridled and unsatiable desire in robbing, spoiling, and taking of booties, eatching and snatchillg aIl that came to hand, was such, that nothing could be sure and in
(I) 8ee
lupr,

p.461, Dolo (3).-ED.

OTHO EXCOMKUN1CATED FOR BlDlNG WJTH TUK EKPEROR.

501

M-fety that any good man enjoyed. Wherefore, alittle before the Ru""'rol death ()f William, king of tbe Romans (A.D. 1!t56), tbreescore cities Fr~~~. and towns joined themselves in a league with Louis, palatine of the E"'P"or. Rhine and duke of Bavaria (Otho's san), and otber princes, of whose A. D. names Aventine in the seventh book of his "Annales Boiorum" 1249 maketh mentLm, for the expelling of these rebeIs, and repressing of ~ their BO great injuriouB rapine and slau~bter of men; of which army :b~bel. the said Louis being captain, he cbased and drave the wbole rout of out ot them to the uttermost parta of Germany, and puIled down and over- Genn&l11. threw their castles and fortresses, and every other place where they bad intrenched tbemselves. Meantime Otho, duke of Bavaria, most constantly keepeth his FIdelItr promise and faith made before to the emperor Frederic and Conrad, ~~.Otho to bis son; whereupon Philip, archbishop of Saltzburg, Albert, bishop ror. empoof Ratisbon, Conrad, bishop of Frisingen, and their confederates, calIing a council at Meldorf by the pope's commandment sentA,D.129. for Otho unto them, unto whom they opened the pope's pleasure ~, and commandment. To aIl which Otho answered: "I cannot Hlnmanel at some of you enough, tbat whereas heretofore you per- :::fe~o suaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the bishop pk of Rome, wIJOm you yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist, and that I should take part with the emperor and his son, now you yourselves will not keep your fidelity and promise made unto those good princes:" 4nd he said that he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity :n their thoughts, words, anu deeds, who naw calI that wicked, unjust, and violent wrong, that but lately they thought equal, just, and right. He said further, that they were overcome with pleasures, corrupted with superfuity, won with bribes, gaping for honour and estimation; and that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty bnd office, but studied how to make dissension and comDlotions, and longed atter war and bloody battle. He said further, dlat for his part he would obey Gad and his prince, to whom he had swom fidelity ; and that he nought regarded the pretended curses of the pontiffs. He said he beiieved in Christ, and would tru"t in his mercy; and tbat he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the devil, wcre in greatest favour with God. Howbeit, and notwithstanding those prelates seemed to take in good part this EIeomexpostulation of Otho, and to bear no malice or grudge for what he :~~~~... bad said, but to be uesirous of peace and unity; yet, not long after, ~:.l~:. Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as was popo to tako Ih. th e bes t. emporor'_ But the aforesaid Albert, bishop of Ratisbon, not only played parL . .. rez amongst the citizens, but also bethought him of a mischievous ~. device against Oonrad the Cresar, the emperor's san. When by fraud and subtilty he had apprehended many of the rich burgesses and citizens af Ratisbon who harc the emperor good will, and had sent them prisoners to 8tadtam-Hof, I Conrad, joining with other noblemen of the empire, atter he had spoiled and wasted much of his lands and those af his companions, drave bim so near, that upon certain conditians he released the aforesaid citizens. 800n atter, Conmd, going with an amlY to Ratisbon, and having been according
(J) .. IItalrum (Cu.Der), mOll Ukolr Stadt.mHot, _ town .. p_..led from Relllbon oDI1 br "
t>r!4'e

OTOr !he DaDube, .. ber. probabi, there wu a prllon. BUKhiol'_ Geojp'aphr-b

50!l
J/i6l"'1l."J
Empn-of'.

Jof,\KTlAL AFFAIRS OF FREDERIC THE E)IPEIWR.

Fr~~,:"'" Albert, with certain ofhis confederates, by the help of UIric, the abbot,

to ancient custom receivcd as a guestat the monastery of St. Emeran,

came in the dead time of the night into the chamber, where be knew that the Cresar with a few servants were lodged, and faIling upon them, some they took and other some they siew; and fillding no other person in tbe chamber, they thougbt that tbe Cresar had been slaill amongst the rest. But he, hearing the noise, had left his bed and ",;:.. hidden himself under a benell, and sa escaped their Landa. The ne1:t day he outlawed or proscribed the bishop and his mates, and also the abbo1, for treason, and seized upon a11 the goods of tlle house. But, at the suit of the guiItless monks, he released all to them again, tAking- by way of fine one hundred pounds. Ulrie lost his office, and Albert, by Albert, for punishment, was forced to takI' upon him the habit of ;~~i;:'- a monk. One Conrad of Hochenfels, who was the murderer of melll, these men, although he escaped the puniBhment of man's hand, vet !.Ilrerh F .. theorder the vengeance of Gad for the fact he escaped not. ar as he rode ID ~~~ont- the day time abroad, he was suddenly striekrn with a thundcrbolt ..",,~. and died. During a11 this bUBy and contentious time, it may we11 be gathercd that Frederic, the emperor, lay not stiIl, but had his hands fulI: who, no em- notwithstanding, by God's help overcoming and suppressing these or r.~~~:,'r the grcater part of these rebelliou8 popish tumults, and having dane ~~~~u. strait execution on those especiallywho hadconspired against his person, called a council, and setting in same stay the troublesome affairs ofhis kingdom, and having committed a certain number of troops to his son, prince Frederie of Antioch, govemor of Etruria, I Richard, earl of Umbria and governor of Flaminia, and Encio, king of Sardinia, his lieutenant in Lombardy, retired to Cremona. Thither he assembled round him the wisest, most virtUOUB, and best leamed men that there were, sending for them out of every part, thinking with them to have gonI' himself to LyonB to the pope, and there to have with him COIDmunication, as well conccming the sentence definitive, as also aOOut the conclusion of any peace, if by any means he might. And when all things were prepared and ready, he took the joumey in hand, and came to Turin, having with him both a great army of soldiers, and also a great company of legates and ambassadors. From thence sending his carriages before, within three days' joumey of Lyons be was eertified thut a band of refugees in the pope's interest, from Bresehia and nna d Piacenza and other Ghibelline cities, had, with the assistance of the ~~p';'~~" pope's legate, seized Parma. 'Vhich when he understood and that t1e :~;,;~pe" pOpI' herein was the only and chief doer, he saw manifestly it should ~;:;I,,'j;lcr little prevail to attempt any further the thing he went about; and oC hi.. then, at length, when he saw none other remedy, putting from him all hope of peace, he detennincd himself to tlIe wars witlI all his force and might. Thlls altering his purpose and journey, he took tlJe Th. em straightest. way into Lombardy, and, with an army of sixty tllOusallrt r;;~;ht. men, besiegcd Parma. And to the intent he might more aptly and }Ollr"'e ncar the town plant his siege and battery without disturbance, first o~:n... ,- he intrenched his camp, and fortified the same about with bulwarks Puma. and other dcfensible munition. After that., he caused divers victualling-houses Imd taverns in his eamp to be slight1y builded of timber ;
A. D. 1216. ~ i~;;:;t~ oC

rt

/I) no rrect de.llfllatlon ol thl. prIn Fredorlc oC Antloch. and L.lrotlo:' Soo Stru.lua'. Germanie Hlalory.-ED.

'1lun

ot A1baDo. Coinna,

HIS DISCOMFJTURE BEFORE PARMA.

he alBO marked out certain spots for public markets, whither buyers HII'or1/O! and sellers migbt resort; and embellisbed the place with handsame Frl~,:'e dwelling-houses and a. tempIe; and altogether it had more the ~ appear.ance of a wooden city than a camp. Ali which tbings wben A.D. he had finished, wbich was not long in doing, for a bappy omen 1247. and in confidence of a prosperous issue he named it Victoria, and fondly hoped. that the same would take the place of the city of Panna, which whcn taken, he purposed to level with the ground. And at first, both tbere and elsewbere, a11 tbings prospered weU with Frederic, and bad good success; for be sharply attacked and hard pressed those wbo defended tbe city of Parma; and further, Robert de Castiglioni, who was tbe emperor's lieutenant in Picenum, near unto Osimo discomfited tbe pope's Tbe army, Bnd sIew of tbem more than four thousand, and took many :;:/dl' snch as were of tbe confederate cities prisoners. Also', when the ~m~le<1 factions of the Ghibellines and Gue1phs in Florence were at contro- e~~~r. ' came to U.utoversy, an d t he emperor' s son F red' enc, prefieet of E truna, DanI. tbe relief of tbe Ghibellines (who had sent to him for aid), tbe Guelpbs therewith dismayed Hed from thence to Bologna, whose goods and substance came a11 to tbe emperor's coffers, and Florence also itself to tbe emperor's obedience. But tbis good success and prosperous fortune lasted not long, for as ance on a time Frederic, to recreate himself (who seldom bad his healtb), rode about tbe fields with certain of bis borsemen to hawk and hunt, the greater part of his soldiers, thinking of nothing les.'l than of any enterprize NegUto be attempted of tbe poor starvelings within the town Parma, f:~":o~ wandered and ranged unarmed out of their citv Victoria about ~i.nhof' the fields. Tbe soldiers in Parma, having this 'occasion offered, o~toa: with all force and speed possible entered the emperor's camp ar ~~;~" town Victoria, at a part which was less strongly forti6ed than the rest, and where one of tbe gates chanced to be left open. The sudden strangeness of the matter much abashed tbe soIdiers, and they rang out tbeir larum-belI. Against the first assault, however, the mar- ",,:.'''''6. quis of Malaspina made a brave stand; wbom wben the emperor, returning in all haste, found to be hard heset, be bad tbought to have rescued him; but when that was perceived of tbe enemy, tbey bent a11 their force together on that side, insomuch tbat the emperor was forced to take to the trench, lest he should have been of tbe enemy Dileomft environed. And from thence he retired into the city ar camp, where =~;~:e he had thuught to have gathered further aid ; but tbe enemy, not giving at Vlebim sufficient time there-for, with all force entered tbe city Victoria. lori&. Thc emperor, seeing them in tbe very heart of bis city, Hed and came to St. Domino: tbe enemy, when they had killed and slain a great number of the emperor's soldiers, and bad burnt and destroyed tbe lllLid city of Victoria, returned to Panna. The emperor tben suspecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby tbe enemy had understanding as weB of tbe emperor's absenee as also of the negligence of his soldiers, imprisonetl eertain of the chiefest about him, Imprllonamongst wbom also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet, whilst be was at St. ~}\~~Y.n Domino, endeavouring to raBy the remains of his broken srmy, Encio elptalOI. gettetb a great victory of the .Mantuans, who com ing to the reseue of Parma l06t fifty of tbeir ship8, and 811 that they bad in tbem. After

D~ATH

OF

TH~

EMPEBOL

this also, Richard, in another confict in Picenum, discomfited tbe pope's soldiers and sIew their eaptain Hugolinus, besides twa thonE ..poror. sand others slain and taken prisoners. A. D. When now Frederic had gathered again and new mustered bis 1250. bands at St. Domino, he marched forth to Cremona; and, notwith- - - stand ing that there he understood of the good success and victory that Encio had at Rewo, yet for that M perceived the defection and backsliding or all or most part of Lombardy from him, he determined to take his journey into Apulia, purposing, when he had there levied a strong and sufficient power, to make his speedy return again into Lombardy. Therefore, in his joumey Clpreae through Etruria into Apulia, he joined with his son Frederic tak.n by the em- who was besieging Caprese, and took the same, and led with him nero!. divers of the chiefest eaptains prisoners; and after that, aubduing At. Miniato de 'l'edesco unto the obedience or the empire, he came into Apulia. When news was brought him thither, that Encio llis son (in going to &id the Modenates against the Bolognese) was taken prisoner two miles off from Modena, and that in his absence the pope's captains with their bands and garrison!l were nmning about Lombardy, lEmilia, Flaminia, and Etruria, to stir and procure the cities to revolt from the obedience of the emperor, and not without success, partly by aubtle policies, and partly by force and sinister menns, bringing them to his purpose; he determined with himself, with all the force and powcr he might by any means procure and make, to begin afresh, and prosecute this war to the uttermost. N either was n.om- it to be doubted (as Pandolpho Colenuccio writeth) but that he would ~:~?':~- have wrought some marvcllous exploit and great attempt, but that he ~ako was of this his purpose (whereunto he was both willing and bent) :c;:.~. prevented by unlooked-for death. For when he felI into a fever, atte:."t. being at a certain cast1e of his in Apulia, ealled Castel Fiorentino, and ..""...-. saw by the extremity U1ereof his time to be but ahort, he remembered that which was once showed him, how he should die at Florence; whereupon he made his last will and testament; wherein he devised Pr...nt- an immense sum of money to pious uses (as they are called), and ~a~~. appointed Conrad and his other sons his heirs and successors in the A.D.I~O. empire and in his other dominions, giving to each according to his age. Having done this, he departed this wretched and miserable worId, December 18th, A.D. 1~50. Pandolpho writeth, that Frederic was very willing to die, and that they who were present at his death felt satisfied that his soul on departing was translated to heavenly joy and felicity. The same Fred.rlc thing also Gulielmus Puteanus, Andreas Pandalus the Venetian, and :',~~~ be Manardus bishop of ImoIa, being Italian writera, do all affirm ; of ~~;~ whom this last writeth, that he assuredly believeth Frederic to be one of the num ber ot" God's elect. Sundry The writers, notwithstanding, are ofsundry judgments and opinions ~~il:I,~nl touching this good emperor's death. Some write t1ll1t he was traitort:~h ~r ously poisoned by his cu~bearer, being hired thereunto by the popr. Ibe o".:,;" Most say that he was strangled with a pilIow by Manfred, his natura! ror's.,. Bon. But Pandolpho, as goood a writer as the best, maketh no A",.<h. mention or any poison that was given him, but onIy that he died oC
Hi.IOI1/o/

Frif."k

Hill PItAISE AND DISPRAISE.

8

505

fcver. The ]ast opinion, toucbing Manfred, he manifestly refuteth, HIIlorr./ and showeth tbat there is no manner of Iikelihood of tbe same; and Fr1r~. further, that the contrary is affinned by divers other writers who B7Iprror. were of tbat time. He died A. D. 1!t50, the thirteenth day of A. O. December, in the six and fiftieth year of his age, and six and thirtieth 1250. year of bis reign, whose corpse was brought to Palermo, and there A';:' entombed. . Frederic bad three wives, tbe first was Constantia, the daughter of ThelOlue the king of Arragon, of whom he begat Henry, the duke of Suabia, and ~c~~e:e king of the Romans: the second, Iole, the daugh ter of John de Brienne emperor. king of Jerusalem, whence the kinga of Sicily and Naples to this day insert Jerusalem in their style; of whom he begat Conrad, duke of Suabia, king of Jernsalem and Naples, and Cmsar: the third lsabella, the daughter of John king of Eng]and, by whom he bad a son named Henry, who is said to have died in his childhood. This Frederic Prederie. had not his peer in martial affairs and warlike policies to be compared ;::'f.~allt nnto him, amongst a11 the princes of that age: a wise and skilful prince. 80Idier he was, a great endurer of painful labours and travails, boldest in greatest perils, prudent in foresight, industrious in a11 his doings, prompt and nimbIe about that be took in band, and in adversity most stout and courageous. But as in this corrnption of nature ..~. none there be tbat attain perfection, neitber yet is tbere any one of such sclf-govemment and godly institution both in life and doctriue as is required of them, so neither was tbis Frederic Not wllhwithout his fault and besetting sin; for the writers impute to ~:~I~~~ bim some rault of concupiscence, wberewith he was stained and spotted. And it appeareth that he was not all elear thereof, forasmuch as by sundry concubines he had sundry bastard children; as Encio, king of Sardinia, Manfred, prince of Taranto, and prince Frederic of Antiocb. 1 These particulars I find in the description "~d'~' of Frederic by Colenuccio, wbicb be affirmeth tbat he gathered . out of good and probabIe authors. But as touching tbe heinous acta and Bagitious deeds which the pope burdeneth him witbal, and in his sentence against him maketh mention of, not only Frederic purgeth himseIf thereof, but also most historians (as well Italian writers as Gennan) affinn the same to be false, and of the pope's own brains, to do him skath and teen withal, invented.' I have thought good to translate from the ltalian what Colenuccio saith on this subject. in the passage following his commendation of Frederic; whose words be these: " AIbeit tbe emperor Frederic was endued with many goodly gifl.s Panand virtues, yet notwithstanding was he accounted an enemy of the ~~~~~ng church and a persecutor of the ~me :. of which both Innocent IV. in ~~~PJ~;:d I.is sentence hath pronounced hlm gUlI ty, and the same sentence have pr"'"e. other popes registered in the Sixth book of Decretals, and eslablished the same for a law: so that, it seems, he ought to be taken for no less. Tben'fore, peradventure, it shou]d not become me to falsify or calI in question tbat which others have confirmed, or even to dispute and argue much of that matter. Yet notwithstanding, 50 far as his acta and deeds declare, and the books of the best authors
!II (2)

s.., Inprl,
u

p. 502, nole (I).-En. 8kalb J or .kan," anrl te teeD," inJury and lorrow. Todd's JohDson.-Ea.

506
Hu/orgoj

TH: 1'01'10:'8 CHURClI ~Ol' THI\T OF CHRIST.

affirm, as al80 llis o\l'n epistlcs do testify, I am inclined to think 111&1 Fr~t..c the bishops of Rome coullted him an enemy to tlle church, either Empwor. for that Ite was somewhat too hod in speaking and telling them but A. D. the truth, and reproving the ecclesiastical order of their great abuses; 1250. or else, for that Ite would have had them go somewhat more near the .;;:;;: conditions and lives of the ancien t futhers of the primitive clturch and p disciplcs of Christ; or else, for that he eontended and stood with them for the prerogative and dignities belonging to the empire; or e1se, for that they stood in fear and awe of the great power he was of in Ital)', which thing indeed Gregory IX. in a certain epistle of his confesseth: but of these things Ict them judge and discern, who shall Th., reud the monuments and histories of Frederic. Truly," saith he, ~~~:h, "when I consider with m)'self that Christ (whose vicars tbe Roman ~ol~pnr.d bishops boast themselves to be) said unto his disciples, that t1ley Chri.". should follow bim, and also imitate his exumple, as of their master church , oto lik. nnd teacher; and commnnded them, furthermore, how they s110uld not ~1~f~.&Dd draw the sword, but put up the same into the scnbbard ; and further gave tltem in precept, that they sltould not onI)' forgive injuries seven times, but seventy-times seven times, to those that offended them; and when I now compare the lives of the bishops of Rome ..... - with these precepts, and consider so many and great conspiracies, Ap, ...d;z. trensons, rebellions, disloyalties, lyings-in.wait, and treacherous devices, so many legates of the popes, being ecclesiastical person S, who will needs be called the shepherds of Christ's flock, to be such warriors and captains of soldiers in all parts of ltaly, Campania, A puJia, Calabria (bein/.\' the emperor's dominians), in Picenum, A<:mi1ia, Flaminia, and Lombardy, to be sent out against him; and al80 when with myself I meditate the destruction of sa many great nnd famous cities, the subversion of such commonweals, the slaughter of 50 mnny men, and the effusion of sa much christian .;,;.,."".uz. blood i and lastly, when I behold sa victorious, prosperous, and fortunate empcrors to be, and so many miserable, unfortunate, and vanquislH'd popes put to flight,-I am pcrsuaded with myself lo think and believe, that the judgments of God are secret and marvellous, and that to be true, which JEneas Sylvius in his history of Austria writeth, that there is no great and marvellous injury, no notorious and special calamity, that hath happcned either to the pnblic weal or else to the church of God, of the which the bishops of Rome hn"e not becn the 8nthors. Nicholas Machiavelli also saitb, , 1'hat all tbe ruinons calamitics and miserable clIances, that the whole christian commonweal and also Italy hath suffcred, have been brougllt in mainly by tbe popes and bishops of Rome.' " " .Many epistlcs of Freelcric t11ere be, which he wrote unto the bishops of Rome, to the cardinaIs, and to divers other christian princes, all which I have read; and in them is to be seen nothing contrary unto christian doctrine, nothing wicked and ungodly, nothing injuriuus to the church of God, Ilothing contumelious or arrogaiJtly wrilten of Freeleric. But ineleed I elcny not that t1ley be fraught and full both of pitiful complaints and lamentations, touclling the avarice and ambition of the ecelesiastical persons, and pertinacity of the bishops of Home, and that they wonld receive and takc no &atisfaction nor yet cxcusc, nor toleratc his defence of the rights and

TlIE EPISTLES OF FREDERIC TllE EMI'EltOlt.

507

t>rivileges of the empire; also touching their manifold couspiracies, /lido'y'oj which they practised OOth sccretly and openly against bim; they are F'lI.''c also fuli of his admonitions which he gave to the whole multitude E.,pc,.,. and order ecclesiastical, to attend upon and discharge their functions A. D. and charges. And those who are stiIl further desirous to kuow and 1250. understand the truth, and who covet to search out the renowned virtues of magni6cent princes, let them read the epistle of Frederic, Deserved addressed to all christian princes, which thus beginneth, ' College- ~~~::eD runt principes, pontifices, et Pharisrei concilium;' and another, I ""fn, tbe f wherein he exhorteth the college of cardinaIs to take up tlte dissension ;~:J~~~c~ between the emperor and the pope, which beginneth, 'In exordio nascentis mundi ;' and also another which thus beginneth, 'Infl1l1ibilis ,,~. veritatis testem;' besides yet another, ' Ad Reges et principes orbis Christiani ;' with divers others more, wherein may well be seen tbe princely virtues of tbis worthy emperor; aIl wbich epistles collected to~elher in the Latin tongue the leamed sort I wish to read, whereout tbey may pick no little benefit and commodity to themselves. In his epistle last reeited these are his words :'-' Think ye not thl1t Freclerlc we so earnestly desire or crave this peaee at yoUl hands, as though e~;r.~.d our majesty were terrified with the pope's sentence of deprivation ; hnard of . dge of our consclence, . . an d lo Ibe stale d t he JU Wllen as G o, whom we trust ID refonn invocate, is onr witness, t1lat when we went aOOut to reform the ~~~rch of ecclesiastical state, but especially the ringleaders of the same, and Rome. would restrain their power, and extirpate their great tyrnnny, and reduce the same to the state and condition of the primitive chureh, we looked iOr no less at their hands.'-For these causes peradventure, those who held the places of chief dignity in the church decreed and pronounced Frederic to be an enemy to the church: wItich (as I have said) I leave to others to judge thereof." Hitherto Pandolpbo Colenuccio. And doubtless examples to the contrary do appear, that Frederic Shewetb was no enemy to the church of Rome, for that be both ~ve large ~~n;,~~~'Y and great gifis thereunto, and also franehised the same with great ~~' ad pvi!eges and immunities; whieh things by his own constitutions, ~~I~e statutes, and customs, may be pereeived and understood. But it ~~':;,:~Of would appear, on the other lland, tbat tbe bishops of Rome most filthily recompensed again the same his great liberality and princely benevolence, which he gave and hestowed upon the same, as partly in tbe discolll"!le of this history you have heard; who notwithstanding they 50 molested and tired him with such and so many injuries as :VOU have scen, he nevertheless, forgiving and pnrdoning aIl the same, for the g-reat zenl he had to thc christian commonwealth, whereof he mare forced than else of any other thing, 80ught by aIl the means he migbt for to have peace, although i were to bis own went hindrance. Therefore, seeing he was of necessity by the bishops af Rome provoked to thnt war, if he did tbem any skath in revenge of S.lf do his imperial dignity, let them thank their own selves, who might other- ~h~I~;~~e. wise have remedied the same. Notwithstanding, divers both ltalian ver~.;:.
(l) Tbe tranllation Dr h II glven .uprl. p. f82.-En. A",It''fJliz. (2) I I Non exi.timeti. id me a "obie ideo contendue, AC ai ex tententia pontiftefa prfTatlonl" m,ajnlu nOltra .it verculs&. Cum ellfm nobil sit reetlE voluntatl. C'onsc:ientia cumque !>t-um !1obiaeum habeamu5. eundem telleln invocamulI Id DM lpectule. ut cum totum ordinem ecclel'tu!.icum. tum prccrtim prilllorell, nt'Tvie pOlenticr domtnationilquc eorum Imrdsf. eltirpatl.qUG tTTannidlt radidbuI, ad prlmitiviE ecrluir:e condltlonem et '!Itatum revocaremua."

508

VERSES TIIAT PASSED BF.TWEEN

'~irl. to our own age, who sought for fat benefices and studied in their writing by flattery rather to obtain from the pope that which they A. u. hunted for, than to bear true and faithful testimony of things as they 1250. were indeed, have taken great occasion hence to slander this good emHnpeot peror. But let us pass over these parasites, and return tothose wh~ ~~n"'th although they themselves were of thot calling, I mean of the ecclesiasmoany to tical order, yet notwithstanding, for that they were more swayed by love atter . lud wrlt. of truth and respect for worth, than by the author1ty of the pope and a untrutluo. base disposition to flatter, have greatly extolled and commended thia good emperor Frederic. So did Nicolas of Cusa, a cardinal, in his writings affirm this emperor to be another Charlemagne, OOth for his wisdom and also diligent regard to the commonweal. So also writeth GilIes, archbishop of Bourges, in hia OOok 'De Regimine Principum;! which he wrote for the French kings, exhorting them and all others to take pattem of this most worthy and excellent prince: in commendation of whose worthy praise and virtue these verses Bre written on his tomb:E_~

Bufor,., and German writers, both of those and of subsequent times, even d01l1l

Si probitall, lenIlUl, virtutum grati&, censull, NobilitalI ortils, poaaent reliltere morti, Non foret extinctus FredericUl, qui jacet intu..

Wherefore, inasmuch as it appeareth by the approved writers ol whom I have made mention, who and what manner of prince thia emperor Frederic was, and that because he diligently laOOured, as well in the preservation of the christian commonweal, as in the conservation of the imperial dignity, he procured to himself the great hatred and disple81lUre of the Roman bishops (who have bcen to all the good emperors for the most part utter foes and enemies), and with what wicked slanders and other injuries both by them, and by their ministers he was continually molested-this lesson ought to he oura, that having the same in our memory, we imitate and folIow his virtues, hating and detesting the wicked and flagitious doings of those holy fathcrs that will so he caIled, the bishops of Rome: desiring God that he will so guide the hearts of all kings and princes, that they may, by his grace, advance and set forth his glory, and reform the corrupt and vicious manner and order of the church to all sincerity and purity OOth of life and doctrine. These verses which here en!lue were sent and wtten between the cmperor and pope Innocent IV., which, because to the leamed they are both commodious and profitahle, at the end of this history I thought good to place.
Fretlmcu. Imper. Innor.en 1fT. Paptf. Fala monent, slellreque docent, aviumque volatu8, Totius subito malleus orbis ero: Roma diu titubans longil erroribus acta Corruet, et mUDlii desinet eSBe caput. Innocent. Papa FrttJerir.o Imptr. Fata silent, stellreque tacent, nil prredicat ale&, Solius est proprium nosse futura Dei: Nites incassum navem submergere PetTi: Fluctuat, at nunquam mergitur iIla ralis. (ll GlU.. Colonn. wu archbp. ot Bourge., 4.D. 1294-1316. GaIlII Chrl.UanL
Hi.....ork '.' De Regimine Principum"

at aur old Engll.h poeu. S Tenner'. p. 714, IntrL-EJ>.

Lt.

Wal tran.l&te~d loto English by Thom.. Ocleve, BI~lIoth.nd Wharlon'. HlIt. oC Engll.b POCI"'"

S.. c Hi.t. on. 5ee

THE POPE AND THE EMPEROa.

609
Hu"'r,o!
Frtd.ric

Fama refert, scriptura docel, peccala loquuntur, Quod tibi vita brevis, prena perennis erit. Quod divina manus poluit, sensit Julianul ; Tu succedis ei, te lenet ira Dei. Fu. fremit in mundo, DE. deprimit alta profundo, Rio mala rimatur, cus. cuspide cuncta minatur.

E_or.

II.

A.D. 1250.

Frttkricw Innucmtio.
Fata monent, stellreque docent, aviumque volatua, Lapsurum te mOll: ad st)'gls anlra nigrm. C)'11lba Petri non est, sed Christi, qum natat undis : Fluctuat, at nunquam mergitur illa ratis. 'ama refert, tua scripta docent, peccata nefanda lnteritum ostendullt, exitiumque tuum. Slraogulat Adrianum musca; annon ira Tonantis Cogitat et de te sumere supplicium ? Careere suspendit sese Benedictus, et alter, In stupro captus, saucius ense perit: Sylvestrum extinguit Satanll8 sceleratior ipse : Ergo tuis faetis prremia digna ferel. Innocuum te voce naw, cum sis Ilociturus Orbi terrarum christianoque gregi.

FretU,lcw InMcentio

d~

integro.

Eues si membrum, non te caput orbis et urbis J actares, cum .is orbis et urbis onus. Nunc membrum non es, sed putre cadaver et ulcus, Ense recidendum, ridiculumque caput. A Daniele fjaf>'VY,.a, nefBRque caputque malorum, Diceris, a Paulo filius exitii. Nos 80Ium Christum nostrum caput esse: malorum Totius orbis te caput esse facis. Et caput est unum, quod Paulu! dicit ubique ; Tu, vecors balatra, dic mihi quale caput? Corporis ergo caput monstrosi, monstra parisque, Monstra paria monaehos, scorta nefanda fove.. Est tua religio stuprum, ira, 8uperbia, credes, Error, delicire, fulmina, turpe lucmm. Ex hil ergo liquet Christum te srernere: Christo Rostern esse invisum, dedeconque Deo. Rex tandem veniet crelo delapsul ab alta, Tunc non defendent te sacra, missa, crueel; Nou in sublimi surgentes vertice cristm, Non diploma patens, non tua sacra cohors ; Nec diadema triplex, nec sedes sanguine parta, Nullus honos solii, purpura nuUa, tui. Triginta argenteis Cbristum vendebat ludu, Tu Christi vendis corpora plura tui. Corpora tu vendis Christi pan'o rere, polumqne, Crelestes geniaR, lidera, jura, Deos.

A8 ye have heard of the iniquity and raging pride of the popish Cfrgm c11Urch against their lawful emperor, so now shaIl ye hear (Christ f:s".:':~:: wilIing) how God bcginneth to rcsist and withstand the corruption of tllat whorish church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry countries; as in the country of Suabia about the time of this ernperor (A.D. l !i! 40), ar near upon the same, where were many preachers mentioned in the Paraleipomena of U rspergensis, and also in Cmntzius,t who preached freelyagainst the pope. These preachers (as Crantzius saith) rin~ng the bells, and calIing the barons together at Halle in Suabia, there preached that the pope was a heretic, and that his bishops and preIates were Simoniacs and beretics i and that
11\ [U Slllfonl....] Ub....ih. cap" 18 et [" Metropoll.,. Ub. vIII. e.p.] IS, [ctted by Iilyeuo .. C.t. TesL" col. 1651. from che Pu. Uraperg.; whence a few r.orrectiolllare maciC' io che tt:'xt.-En.J

510

RESlSTERS OF THE POPE'S UllURPED rowER,

~ but were all seducers: Item, that no pope, bishop, or priest, could
A.U. 12.~O.

11.....,

the inferior priests and prelates had no authority to bind and loose,

restrain men from their duty of serving and worshipping God. and therefore such cities or countries as were under the popc's curse might, notwithstanding, lawfully resort tothe receivin,l(" of sacraments as well as before: Item, that friars, Dominic and Frnnciscan, did pervert the church witlt their preacbing. And that, as the induIgence of the pope and his popeIings was of no regard, so that remisReslttsiol1 which they themselves did preach unto men, tltey preached it ~~~.~u,e not from the pope, but as from the Lord. And thus much I thougltt ~ope no here to recite, whereby it may appear how the resisting ofthe pope's n"w IhlDg d d d" l. . l I . Inlbri,l'. usurpe power an corrupt octnne IS no new t \lng )fi t ICSC ( nys In chur.h. the cburch of Christ. Arnold And not long after these aforesaid rose up Arnold dc Villa Kov:!, ~eo~~~n_ a 8paniard, and a man famously learned and a great divine (A.D. ,je1mbn.d 1250); whom the pope with his spiritualty condcmned amono" o en"y. . Iw. heretics for holding and wrlting agamst the corrupt errors of thc ..,,,,,,,,u popish church. His teaching was that Satan had seduced all the ,rorld from the truth of Cltrist Jesus: Iem, that tlte faith wllich then christian men were commonly taught, was such a faith as the c1evils had; meaning belike (as we now affirm) that the papists do teach only the historical faith, which is the faith ' Historire, non fiducire:' Item, that christian people (meaning belikc, for the most part) are led by the pope into heli: !tern, that aIl cloisterers are beyond mercy and damned: Item, that all men do falsify tlle doctrine or Christ: !tern, tbat the divines do eviI in mixing philosophy with divinity: Item, that masees are not to be celebrated: Item, that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certsin erroneous opinions there are, likewise, which the slanderous sects of monks and friars do attribute unto him; but rather (as they are wont to do) by enviousIy taking, tban of any just cause given! Jobannel And 2 as this Arnold was condemned, so also at the same time ~:'~~~~. Johannes Semeca, the gloss-writer on Gmtian'8 " Derreturn," and :hilor o~ provost of Halberstat, was excommunicated and deprived of his prod::::i:I vostship for resisting pope Clement IV. exacting the tent1ls through~~~~l- out Germany; and therefore he appealed from tlte pope to a general od. council, and bad many great men on his side, when behold, both the pope and he died. OullolConsequentIy in tllis order and number followetJJ t1le wortllY and 'A;;'"o~:. s. valiant champion of Christ, and adversary of Antichrist, Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, a doctor of Paris, canon of the church of Beauvai8. This Gulielmus in his time had no smalI ado in miting against the friars and their hypocrisy, but especially against the begging friars, both condemning tbeir whole order, and also accusing tbem, as those that did disturb and trouble nil the churcbes ofChrist by their preaching in churches against the will of the ordinary pastors, by their bearing of confessions, and executing the charges of curates and pastors. AlI the testimonies of Scripture that describe Antichrist and his ministers., he npplieth to the pope's spiritualty. The same Gulielmus is thought to be the authorofthe book," which is attributed tothe school of
(I) Vide librom [IlIyriei) .. do 1 ,bul vorilalll,"

IEd. IG08, eol. 1647, "bonec IOme eorreclionl

il1re made in the texr.-ED.] (2l From h('nre to the middle or the l1est paRe is trom l~lyriculI, col. 1648..-ED. (3) The fo1oWInlt' llii~nl ot a fahle prophf't. pp. 511-520. are from the fi De perfcuJi. ('rrlp!lia': chl.p. xi"., and will be found in BrQl"ne'. Appendi.x lo th~ I I Fasciculu8."' Fe~ A;)pendjx.-F.n.

HOW TO JCXOW A FALSE PROPHET.

511

Paria, and entitled, ' De periculis Ecclesire ;' wherein he proveth by Hetry nine and thirty arguments, that the begging friars be false apostles. III. Moreover, he dotli well expound this saying or C'hrist, " If tiwu A. D. wilt be perfeet, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me;' 1250. declaring there, poverty to be cnjoined us or Christ, 'non actualem, The pl""" sed habitualem ;' not in such. sort as st:mdcth in outward aetion, or Ih"l . . gospe ex when no need rcqmrcth, but ID mward affection of hcart ",hen necd pOUlldcd, shall reqllire. As though thc meaning and preecpt of our Lord "'ere :e~ta~~~d not, that we should cast away aetually all that we ha\"e; but that, f~:~~':!' when the confcssion of the name ofGod and the glory of Christ shall 80 rcquire, then we be ready to leave and relinquish what things soever for tbe sake of him, &e. As when he requiretb or us, arter the like phrasc, the batrcd of father and mother, and of our own lives, he biddeth us not to dishonour fathcr or mother, much less to hate them; but that then, ",hen case shall reqllire, we set alI things AP;::'~' behind the love of Christ. Many other worthy works he compilcd, wherein albcit hc uttered nothing but what was truth, yet, notwithstanding, be was by Antiehrist and his rabble condemncd for l\ heretic, exiled, and his books burnt; whose bcreticnl nrgllments, 3S they ealled them, thnt thou maycst better judge thcrcof, hcrellndcr ] thought good to pInce. Against false prophcts, with sigus to know them by, Ulese his woros do folio w : For because tbese seducers (saith he) name themselves to be apostles, and My tbat tbey are sent of Gad to preach, to absolve and dispense with the SOIUs of men, by means of their ministry, read the saying of the apostle: [2 Cor. xi. 11.1 " For such apost1es are subtle and crafty workmen, disguising themselves to be like the apost1es of Chri.t." Therefore, we menn to show some certain infallib1e and probabIe tokens, by the which false apostles may be discemed from the true preachers and ap08tles of Christ. The first sign ar mark is, that such as be true preachers do not enter into PInt liga simple women's houses Inden with sin, and take them as it were capti\'e, Ba alld loken many of tbe false preachers do j Ba in the second epistle of Sl. Paul to Timotby, }~~:;':: the third chapter, is manifest, saying, " Of tbose sorts Bre they, which enter phet by. into women's houses," &c. Therefore thOlle preachers who come into women's houses, to the intent they may take them captive, be not true preachers, but faL!e apostles, The second sign and token is, tbat those that be true preachers do not Second decei\'e simple men with 'painted and flattering words, whereby they prefer Ilgn. their own trash and traditlOn, Ba al1 false prophets do, as in tbe ast chapter ~:l.:hen to the Romans appeareth, saying, .. By their pleasant and sugared talk, do 1101 d.and by their blessing and crossing, they deceive and beguile the hearts of c~ivelim mnocent men and women. " I Gloua:-" With gay glorious words they extol ~ft:en and set fortb their traditions, whereby they deceive simple men." Very greatly paillled do they deceive tbe souls of simple men, who cause tbem to enter into their ~:r1n~al. aect, whicb tltey term religion. And they who before led a naugbty life, by word. reaaon of their ignorance or simplicity, after their entrance, become subtle and ralle deceiving hypocrites, entering together witb the rest into poor men's houses; yen, and oftentimetl they become worse than the otbers. Where~on, (Sl. l\lattbew xxii. 15,] "Woe be unto you Scribes and Pharillees, hypocntes, which go about," &c. Therefore they who do this, are no true messengers, but false apostles. The tbird sign is, that the true apost1es, if tbey be reproved, suffer the same The lhird patient1y, saying, " The tokens ar my apostleship are accompli.hed among you, Ilgn II, all patience and suffi~rance j" [2 Cor. xii. 12,1 meaning that patience which pertailleth to tbe manners of the preachers. Therefore they, who suffer not ill g"ood COrTection or punishment, be no true apostles, but rather show tllemscl\"t'S to be port ,,heq no Christians at all; "No mancan say that Jesus is the Lord, but bythe Holy ~~;:"~d.

lD

::::1 Ibey

(I) .. By good word. and fair opeech.. d_lve Ibe heart, ot the olmple." Rom. xvI. l8.-ED.

A 1'RUE DIFn:aESCE BKTWJ!:ES

Ghost." [1 Cor. xii. 3.] Gloua:- II It is meet that Christians should be humbied, to the intent that they may suffer themselves to be reproved, and not ID be holden up with yea and nay." And also such men do show themselves to be 1250' caroal, and not RplritUal at all, although they fei~ themllClves to be spirituaL - - - ' - II Therefore am I become an enemy unto you." lGal. iv. 16.] Notwithstanding the Glossa lIBith:- II No carnal man will be reprovec!, although he err." Wherefore, those preachel'll who suffer not correcbon, seem not to be tnie apostles, but false propheta. The The fourth sign ia, that trua apostles commend not themselves [2 Cor. x. 12]. ~:~~ey II For we dare not join oUl'llelves, nor yet compare ourselves unto othera """'mend which commend and boast of many of their acta, when God alloweth none of n~l them- them at al!." AlBO troI' preachers, although they be indeed praiseworthy for ... vea. their good deserts, in the conscienccs of men are they praiseworthy, and not to the outward show alone; II We commend oUl'lleh'es," saith the apostle, " to the consciences of all men." [2 Cor. iv. 2.] Then they do not commend themselves in companson of othel'll. Wherefore the Glossa saith, upon the same place, "ThOSI' that deserve no commendation, but in comparison of othel'll, do challenge to themselves other men's deserts and praise." Wherefore it is said, II Evcn as aur welI-beloved brother Paul, according to the wisdom that God hath given unto him, hath written unto you." [2 Peter iii. 15.] GIOIlSlll)': " The chiefest of the apostIes hath here forgotten his papal authority, and also his keys that were delivered unto him; for he is astonied as it werc at the great wiadom given unto his brother Paul." For indeed it is the manner of the elect chiIdren of God, to be more in love with the virtues of other men, than witlI their own. Whcrefore it is written, "Let tIlOse tlIat are superiol'll esteem of themselves in all humility." [Phi!. ii. 2.] They therefore that do the contrary, saying, 'TlIat thcir state or doings be better than other men's,' although they be preachers, yet are they no troI' apostIes indeed, but false prophets. The lInh, The fifth lign is, that troI' apostIes necd no letters of commendation; nor yet the ~:",d desire to have themselves praiBed by men, as saith the apost1e, " Wenecd not 1 :::m:'e~':' the lettel'll of commendation of any man," [2 Cor. iii. l,] that is to say, of false d.lory. prophets. rbe The sixth sign is, that troI' apostIes do not preach unless they be senl, as "HolF shalI they preach, unless they be sent 1" [Rom. x. 15.] GIossa:- II TIlere be no P::~ truc apostIcs, but thosc that be sent: for they have no need of signs who are not ex true wltness-bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach are false proJlheta. :p~~~ey The se\'enth sign is, forasmuch as false prophets have their authority In their The own names; wherefore it is written, " For we dare not boast of oUl'llelvel, ar leventh, makI' companson." [2 Cor. x. 12.] Glossa:-" That is to say, with those t1Iat ;;,~~: be false prophets, not taking their authority from Gad, but UBurping the same.. folse desirous to bear rule, cIaiming in tIleir own namI' their authority." And, proph~t. therefore, although peradventure by presumption, they say that they &re sent f~~"~re of God, as all heretics wilI say; yet, notwithstanding, unless they shall prove hever their sending either by spiritual prophecy, as John the Baptist did, sa)oing, " I ...nt. am the voice of a crier in the desert j" as out of the prophet Isaiah, ID John's gospel is alleged [chap. i. 23], or else by miracIes, as Moses did, who turned his rod into a serpent, and again, from a serpent to a rod [Exod. vii. 10, 12], they ought to be excommunicated, tiIl such bme as they cease trom preachin~. Yet notwithstanding, a miracle ought not to be a suflicient testimony of theu sending, forasmuch as they be doue oftentimes, and that of eviI and wicked men, (1 QUlEst. 1.) we may perceive towards the end. But miracles ought to be suspected, forasmuch as aur Saviour saith, "Then shall false propheta anse," &1'. [Matth. xxiv. 11.] Therefore they who do challenge authonty in their own name, forasmuch as they have not their authority from God, &re not troI' apostIcs, but false preachers. TIIe The eighth sign is, that false prophets, pretending great wiadom and holiness :~~:l~b y to be in supel'lltition, have named their own traditions to be religion, which are prete"/ rather to be cOllnted sacrilege or church robbery, and do UBUrp unto thernselves, r;~ for due deserts of other men, by boasting and bragging among stran~e and unmown people. Wherefore the apostIe speaking of false prophets l Co!. ii. 8J, .lIl1on. saith," According to the precepts of men, which having a face of wiadom consist in sut>erstition, interlaced with humility." Glossa:-" That is to say, mingled Wlth feigned religion, that it might be called religion, whcn in very

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::J.lh,

I;.u;::.

FAl.SE APOBTLES AND TRUE.

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<leed it is nothing else but sacrilege, because it is contrary to all authority;" H ...,., that is, contrary to Gad himself, that any man should desire to have govem- 111. ment of a multitude without J'ublic commandment, as [Deut. xxiii. 24), .. 'Chou hast entered into thy nelghbour's vineyard." GloBsa:-" That is to 1250' .y, into the church of another bishop. " May a man warn and admonish othen, or else correct that congregation which is not lawful for bim to govem, nor yet to take 80 great a charge upon him t No. And that it is not lawful to enter into anotber bishop's diocese, it is apparent, because it is not lawful for the archbishop so to do. To this effect appertaineth' tliat wrnch is read [6 Qurest. 3.1 And a1so it is written [9 QUlI!8t. 2) throughout. Therefore those preachers, who, against Gad and his divine Scnptures, do call their own trac1itiolls religion, are not apostles, but false prophets. The ninth sign is, by the authority wrnch they have: for altbough they be Tbat no preachers of the gospel Dr ministers of !he sacraments, yet they will live by ~~;noeithe gospel, and not by the labour of thelr own hands, contrary to the text, tber [2 Thess. iii. 8.] "Neither have we eaten any man's bread for nought, ar of preac~ free co;'t." Glosu : - " Then those false J'roph~ts ought much more to li,:e :~:l:::~et by thell' labour, who have not that authonty wrnch we ought to have j that IS tbey li to say, to live by the gospel." And Sto Augustine speaketh of tbis more uibO expressly, in bis book De opere Monachorum, in these words: "Those aur :'e~~Ila brethren do claim to themselves (very rashly as me thinketh) that they have bour. &lIy Stlch authority, to live by the gospel. lf they be preachers of the gospel, I grant that indeed they have BUch authority; if they be ministers of the alw, if they be disposers of the sacraments, they cannot weU but take to themselves !his authority, as also manifestly to challenge the same; if, at least, they have not wherewithal to 8U8wn thislresent life, without labaur of their hands." As though he would have said, i they be not such manner of men, then have they no authority to live by the gospel. Therefore those preachers who have not authority to live by the gospel, or minister the sacraments, because they have no congregation whereby to take charge of souls, and yet, for all that, will needs live upon the gospel j they be no true apostles, but false prophets. The tenth sign is, that false teachers rejoice more to be commended them- That they selves, than that the word of Gad should have the commendation and praise. take that But they that are true preachers and apostles are far otheOOse minded, " Not to1lhemseeking the praise of men," &c. [l Thess. li. 4.) And herein he toucheth ::br:~' those false ,rophets, who desire rather to be commended themselves, than that pertaintbe word o God which they preach should have the eommendation: but he is ~~~Oo}h' au spostle, who not seeking the glory of tbis present world, but for the glory God. to eome, doth abase bimse1f, to the intent that the preaching and word of Gad might be commended and exalted. They, therefore, who desire to havelraise and to be commended of others, rather than tbat the word of God shoul have tbe praise, be not true ap08t1es, but false prophets. The eleventh sign is, that true ap08tles preach only for Gad's cause, and for They the health of sow, and for no tempora! gain, as Sto Paul saith, [2 Cor. li. 5,) preach " We preach not ourselves," &c. Glossa:-" Dur ~reaching tendeth not to for ~.ln, onr glory and gain, but only to the glory of Christ.' But the preacbing of :,::,dGO~'1 Christ, by those that are false prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Whereupon caUIe. it is said, [Phil. i. 18,) " Whether it be upon occasion given, or eIse for the Verity's sake, let Christ be preached," &c. GlO88B:-" False prophets do preach the gospel upon some occasion, as either by seeking 80me commodity at tbe bands of men, or else because of getting gomb, honour, ar praise among men." Notwith8tanding, however, that they be ready and willing, as it should seem, to bear and suswn injuries, yet they 8eek not sa much the hea1th of bim to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their own commodity and gain. Whel'l!upon Sto Paul saith, [2 Cor. xii. 14,) " Because I seek not the things that be yours." Glossa:- "That is to say, not your treaslll'e, as gold and Iilver, but only you yourselves." For, otheOO8e, it could by no means be gathered that they should understand him to speak or mean ol their substance, ~use he more ~teemeth them .than their money, to the intent that they nugbt understand hiS great good Will towards them. Therew~e the8e evil and naughty preachers who preach for worldly gain or honour, ar else for the praise and commendation of men, be no true apostles, but &lae prophets. But it ~ be aaked, bow shaU men understand when these good fenows preach wr theu' VOL. U. L L

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own vain-glory's sake? It may be answered thu., when they preach .befoce they be called [2 Cor. x. 171, " Wh080ever bo&Bteth, let him bo&Bt and rejoice in the Lord." Gl088a:-" Which thing he cannot by any means do that hath 1250' not his authority from Gad." For if any such prophet preach, he seeketb his own glory, and that may easily be perceived. Because he is not called al God, he hatb no such authority of him; that is to say, of hil church or eon.,oregation, as rHeb. v. 4), "No man taketh to himself any dignity, but he tbat ia called of God, as Aaron was." Gloasa:-" He is ca1led ol Gad, that is, lawCully chosen oC the congregation." Tbey The twelfth sign or token of a false prophet is, because BUch propheta do <nunler- counteeit themselves to have greater care and love to men 's souls, than they [~~Ieto bave that be their very govemora and pastora, although they have no cbarge at whe;' all of them; against whom the ap08tle speaketh [1 Theu. ii 71, " We Bre lhey hale. become meek and loving towards you, even as the nurse whicn giveth heJ' child suck." Glossa ; - " A woman nuneth other men's children for wages, and not for love alone; but she giveth her own suek oC very love without respect oC money." ThereCore those preachen who feign themselves to have a greater love and a1Fection to the SOull of men, than they that have the charge over them, leem not to be true apostles. The ap08tles study neither for eloquence, nor for the curious placing of their worda, but fa1se prophe3 do both, 88 [1 Cor. xiv. 23), "If the simple and ineloquent man," &c. Glosaa:"The apostles were not eloquent, Dut false prophets are fulI of CUriOll8 eloquence." Also upon the same Bubject another glOSl: "The Corinthian. were 100 away from the gospel by over nice eloquence." [2 Cor. vi. 4.) ., Let UB show ounelves before all men 88 the ministen oC Gad. " GI08S8;-" The ministera oC God do not flatter 88 false prop'hets do." And for thiB occuion th08e that be true apostles have not their abtding in princcs' coum lIDd DOblemen's hOUBes, knowing this saying of ChriBt [Matt. xi. 8), "Behold, thOlll that are clothed with silka dwell in kings' courts." GlOI88:-" And tberefore true apostles are not conversant in princes' courts, and noblemen's houses." Hard and strait life with the preaching or the gospel loveth not to come neK princes' palaces, and noblemen's hOWles. Oftentimes it cometh to pasa that courtiera are found great ftatteren; therefore those preaehen that have tbeir abode in princes' courts, or that in any other place are used to flatter, are not true apostles, but false prophets. They drThe thirteenth sign is, that true aposlles ar messengen do not circumvl'11t <umvent or subtlely go about to deceive men, that they should give unto them their ha~':;t~oeir goods, either in their Iifetime, or else at the time of their death, as [2 Cor. \U 2], gooda, " We have falsely deceivOO no man." Gloua:-" By tbe subtle and deceitful d care getting away of your Bubstance, as false prophets do, who get away fram you I~~r~:those things that be youn under pretence of great friendship." Also elae. [Matto xxiii. 14), " Woe be unto you, Scribel and Pharillees, Yoll hypoerites, which spoil widows' houses by your long prayera;" who mean nothing else by your superslilion, but that you may "POi I aud rob the people. [Luke xx. 47J, "Which devour widows' houses by dissembling of your long prayer.~ Glossa :-" Who make oVet'-long pravers, to the intent they may leem more devout, and that they may get botb money and great commendation of all web 88 be Bick and troubled with the burden of their sins j whose prayers be turnOO into Bin, which neither are profitable for thl'111selvell nor any other, but rather shall have for making those prayera greater damnation, forasmuch 88 by the same they deceive others." For by this, that they receive and take both god and Bilver, it appeareth that they preach not for Baula' health sake, but onIy for filthy lucre and gain sake. rMatt. x. 9), "Be ye ll088e88on neither ol god nor Bilver." 01088&:-" If lltey then have these things, they cannot seeol or be thought to preach for the health of the BOul, but for lucre's sake." And !lO saith Jerome upon the propbet Malachi, "BecaUBe some prophets took Dloney, their prophecy became divmation i" that is to say, their prophecy appeared not to be prophecy, but divination, ar enchantment: that is, that such prophecy proceedeth not from God, but from the devil. And this appeareth in [l Quert. I.] having this beginning, "Nunquam Divinatio," &c. Therefore those Fachen who circumvent and be~le men, to the intent that they should gtve them their gooda, either in thetr lifetime, ar after their deatb, ar not true apoetl... but false prophets.

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Tbe fourteenth sign is, that false prophets, when any verity is preached, with Hm" which for the most part they are not acquainted, or that toucheth them, then 111. begi.n !!!l!)' to ~has,~ and bark agai~~t the same. ~!lereupon the Rpost1e A. D. (Phil. m. 2], swth, Behold the dogs, &c. GloSBa ~- Understand you that 12'0 Ibey are not dogs by nature, but by their usage and conditions, barking against __i.l_._ Ibl' tnlth, which they were never acquainted with." And 50 he compareth They ~.", Ibem right weU to dogs, because dogs follow rather .custom than reason; sa ~:~,~e~l. false apostles do Iteep the custom of the law, and do bite and bark against the th. truth tnlth, as though they were without the gift of reason. AIso (2 Tim. iv. 3], pr.",h.d. II Tbey get them instructors according to their own desires." GloBSa:"Which may teach them what things they themselves are willing to hear, because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant unto them." Therefore those preachers who bark against the late revealed truth, which toucheth them very near, and therefore CBuse the same to be hidden and kept opder, are not true aposlles, but CalsI' prophets. Tbe fifteenth sign IS, that the true aposlles do not force any to receive or FaI.o hear them who he unwilling, but send them away rather, lest they should seem prophot. lo seek after llOme earthlyand tr&llsitory thing. [Mat x. 14], "Whosoever ~:~~~r~ will not receive yon, get you out of that city, and shake the dust from off your ho.r who feet," &C. Gloua;-" That you may thereby show that the desire of earthly "':Owno! Ihings hath no power in rou." Therefore those preachers who strive and WI ng. wreslle, as it were, to the mtent they would be received and heard, are not lnIe apost1es, forasmuch as the apostle saith [1 Cor. xi. 16], " If any man appear among you to be over-eontentious or fulI of strife, such custom have we 1I0ne, nor yet the congregation of Chris" , The sixteenth sign is, that the apost1es did not procure the indignation of Thoy those princes, by whom they were esteemed and regarded, against BUch persons c~u .. aa would not receive them and hear them; as we read in the lives of Simon r..~r:~~o and Jude, the apost1es. The chiefruler, being very angry, commanded a very puni.h great fire to be made, that t1le bishops might be CWlt into the same, and all ~i~;r:,~~at oIhers who went about to defame the doctrine of the apost1es of Chris But hellr the apost1es feU down before the emperor, saying, " We beseech you, sir, let them. not UB be the authors ar causers of this destruction or ca1amity; nor let us who are sent to be the preservation of men, and to revive those that are dead through sin, be ltillllrs of those that be wve." Therefore thOBe preachers who seelt to stir up the displeasure of princes, against those wh08e favours now they enjoy, who will not receive and hear them, or rather, whom they themselves hate, are not true apost1es, but fa1se prophets. The seventeenth sign is, that the apost1es of Christ bave not only the know- F.I ledge of those things which Gad hath already done, but also of those things prophet. "hich he will hereafter do, as in the Apocalypse [chap. iv. 6.], "The beasts ~~:;I were full of eyes both behind and before." GIOlI8& ;-" Obtaining the know- either ledge ofthose t1lings which Gad had done, as also what he would do, hereafter, hl:~! God in the end of t1le world." Therefore th08e that say they know not the perils d~ne. ar ol the church in the latter time which are prophesied before, ar that they carl' )'et will not for them, or ehe, if they know them, have not eyes behind and before, ~r~:~ro. &re no true apost1es; therefore when they calI themselves ap08t1es, they are plleto do. false prophets. Tbe aghteenth sign is, that troI' ap06tles do not deme the riches and goods That ~he1 oftbem to whom they preach, whereby they are discemed from wolves, that is ::~y for lo "y, from falae prophets. [Acts xx. 8.1 "I have desired no man's gold nor and ~ silver." Gloeaa;-" By this are wolves dlscemed, for they desire such things." ~~t to ~ And again in the llUlle place; "For those things which I have need of, and fr:~rn Ihose which were with me, these hanrls have ministered." Glossa;-" This wolv.., eumple also of labouring is a spectacle for bishops whereby tbey are discemed from wolvea." For BUch as ask ar beg of those to whom they preach, Dr set IDy oIhezo to aslt or beg in their names, do seem to commit simony, likI' Gehazi, ofwhorn it i. read [2 Kings V. 201, that he craved certain apparel of Naaman, Ihe Syrian. to whom his master Eusha had restored the benefit of health, notwithatanding he bad gotten those garmenta unwitting to his master. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzen saith, [1 QlUI's 1] "Qui isti debetur." But same man perhapa will say, cannot the preacher ask money, or money's worth, of those to whom he preacheth? Dr at the least, may not he beg? To this may be
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lInswered ; if tbe preacher by nuthority preach and feed his fook &II a tnJl, pastor with the food of Gad's word, he may takI' money ar money's wortb; but then it is not begging ar craving, but it is by authority, as [2 Tim. ii. 61 1250' .. It is meet that the husbandman that tilleth the ground, should fint and after -_._ others, receive the commodity of his increase." Glossa:-" He putteth the 1f the virtuous preacher out of doubt, not preaching for the intent to makI' merchan~~e~~er dise of the gospel, and giveth bim to understand, that it is lawful for bim to duty In takI' of them whom he feedeth as his flock what things socver he hath need oC, preact and doth it not in begging ar craving, but by good authority." It is manifest ~~~y t~e that it cannot in any place of the boly Scripture be found, that the preacher lawfuUy ought to beg. But begging is forbidden of all the apostles of Cbrist, and is ~':.'~:ary abhorred by Salomon and by Sto Augustine, and reproved by di\'ers other boly thingl. men. Tberefore it is manifest that the true apostles do not desire the temporal goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg nor crave the same. Tbey, therefore, that require any tbing of them to whom they preach, or else set any other man to ask for them, ar in their names. do not seem to be true ap08tles, but faIse preachers. Tbe nineteenth sign is, that true ap08tles are pntient in tribulation, neither True apoatle. do they render evil for good. rMatt. x. 16.) .. Behold, I s!'nd you as sheep do not among wolves." GI08sa:- "'!'hey, that occupy the place of preacbing, ought render not to prooure anr evil toward their brethren, as tbe example of Cbrist evil for good, teacbetb" rl Pet. h. 23), " Who, when he was reviled, reviled not &gain, but faloe do. did submit himself to him that judgeth justly." Tbey therefore that su1fer not injury, but rather do wrong themselves, are not true ap08tles, but false apostles. Trne Tbe twentieth Bign is, that true apostles at their first coming are evil enter:f.'":~~" tained, as the Lord saith [Matt. xxiv. 9), .. Ye shall be hated of all men for my .0 wen name's sake." But at length such get the victory, according to that SB);ng. nter [l Jobn v. 4,) .. Every thing that is of Gad overcometh the worid." Thp)', }~:~:::. therefore, that in the beginning rejoice and are wel entertained, but in the end pheto be. are rejected, seem not to be true ap08tles, but falsI'. True The twenty-first sill'" is, that true preachera go not to preach unto those who ~r~::fhe~ have preachers appomted unto them, because they have not to rpjoice of a ~~n.:::'y company belonging to another man's charge; as [Rom. xv. 20), .. I ba"e othe~ preached the gospel where Christ was not before preached, lest I should build upon another man's foundation." And again Sto Paul saith [2 Cor. x. 15), t1on. " We are not boasters, nor busy in otber men's matters." GI08sa:-" 'Wbere anotber man had laid the foundation." Likewise in the same cbapter [16), .. Not having pleasure to boast of other men's labours," that is to say, of those which he committed to the government of another man. Likewise Augustine saith j .. Honour ougbt to seek thee, and not thou honour," AIso Cbrys08tom ; Authorlty .. Authority is in 10\'1' witb Bucb a man as refuBeth ber, and yet abborreth ber ~~v.t~h t not." Tbey therefore that prooure and bave n deBire to preacb unto the re~':e a people committed to anotber man's cbarge, whicb is an office of honour, espehor, and cially in councils, synods, and great assemblies, aIso in kings' and princea' h~~ ~~~~r courts, and prelates' palaces, are not true apostles, but false teacbers. True proTbe twenty-second sign is, that true apostles, wben they know themaelves phelo are to do mucb good in the cburch and congregation of Gad, yet, notwithstanding, :~~P::l~~ are not puffed up with pride rEzek. iii. 9 J j "O son of man, I have made thy glorio Ul, face as an adamant stone," '!'he adarnant stonI', wben it drawetb iron unto as faloe it, is not tbereby either lifted up or altered. Likewise a true preacher, when k~Pheto be draweth unto him, by' his preaching, &innera wbose hearts are as hard 88 iron, iB never tbe more lifted up or higher minded therefore. But as in Lue [chap. xvii. lO), "When ye have done all tbat ye can, and as wel as ye can, yet say that you are unprofitable servants;" and in Psalm xcv... Not unto UlI, Lord, not unto 118, but to thy namI' be given the glory." They therefore that do arrogantly boast themselves of their fruit, and of the benefit they have done in the church of God, saying, .. Webave given light to the universal church. which was blind before onr time, and we have put out the flame of sin in the cburcb of Gad" (wben perhaps they have more furthered hypocrisy Faloepro- than either truth or verity), they are not true prophets, but faIse, of whom i~ pIJelo .1 is spoken in tbe Psalrns, .. Tbe mouth of them tbat speak proud things," &c. ;:;~~~p':... The twenty-third Bign is, that true apOBtles do not seek tbe favour or the ..... world, nor yet bow to please men, as [Gal. i. 10J, " If I should pleue meu."

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uif Ihad adesire topleasemen, I should not be the servant of G od." Hlnrp the apostle says to the Colossians [chap. iii. 22J, u Not as men- III. pleasers.,' Glossa:- u Seeking to please, because we have not the pleasing ~ Spirit." Therefore those preachers that seek the favour of the world, and do 1';50' labour to this intent that they migM please men, are not true apostles, but false. _~__ . The twenty-fourth si~ is, that true apostles, when they have meat and drink, True prothe1 are contented, nelther do they desire over-dainty fare, according to the phel. eat aaymg in Luke [chap. x. 8J, u Eating and drink.ing those things that are w~a~; set before you." Glossa:-" The gospel condemneth not altogether costly ~em,':;'~ and delicate fare, yet it so alloweth the same, that if we have meat and drink, Kiv. Gud we ought not to gru~e, but to be therewith content." Tberefore those ~~~~::' preachers, who, althOugh they neither be sent, nor have authority to preach, lal"" pro&re yet o1fended when they have not fine and delicate fare, are not true pIlel. apostIes, but false preachers. The twenty-fifth sign is, that true apostles do love more the law of God than Fal.e!,," their own estimation amongst their neighbours j according to that in the phetalov~ Ptoverbs [chap. vii. 2, 31, u Keep my law as the apple of thine eye, and :l:~r; owo bind the same upon thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy heart." UmaWhereupon also the Psalmist [Psalm cxix. 72J, u '!'he law of thy mouth is ~" dearer unto me than thousands of gold and wver." GloRaa;- u Charity doth .. or~ o; more love the law of God, than the desire of gold and silver a thousand fold." Go<! He, therefore, that seeth the gospel of Christ trodden under fout, which is the ~.:'Juld be eterna! glad tidings, to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neglect and taU:hl. contemn the same, or else, peradvenfure, consenteth unto the same to the outward appearance of the world; and yet, because he will keep his temporal digniy and estimation, refuseth not to stir up strife and contention about the ll8II1e, and 80 to be evil spoken of, seemeth not to be an apostle of Christ, but rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher. The twenty-tlixth sign is, that true apostles seek not arter such fine lodgings They are and wealt.hy 1tabitations, where they may have all things at their command- ~:~(:'.t mentsj but rather such honest resting places where they may have necessary wilh nethinga for themselves, with their good wills of whoD1 they have them. And :,:o'''Y they take nothing of such whom they see to be io ready and liberal in giving, bu;"':;k nor think that they do bim more pleasure in receiving the gift, than the others do aft.r .uin giving them the same; according to that in Matthew [chap. x. II J, where pertluoua. it is said, u lnto what city or town soever ye shall enter, inquire out those that be of good report in the same, and abide you with them so long as you tarry in the same city or town." Glo.sa:- u Your host, with whom ye lodge, ought 10 be chosen by the good report of neighbours, lest your preaching be evil spoken of, by reason of his infamy ; neither ought such men torun from house to ho~." But whom shall we calI u worthy of good report?" Glossa:" llim who knoweth better to do other men good, than to receive a good tum of another;" and this is he which giveth willingly, for Christ's cause, and not in respect of any commodity. Also true apostles receive nothing of such men as lie weltering in their sius, but rather of those that are washed and cIeansed from their sins; whereur,0n th8t saying [2 Cor. viii. 5 J, I They have given themseh"es fint to the Lord.' Glossa:-" Because they now, amending their old errol'!l and vicious manners, have vowed themselves unto the Lord, and afterwards gave of that which they had to their brethren; for otherwise they ollght not to have taken any thing of them, because gifts do blind the eyes; but those that give, where there is no cause of reproof in their doings, have no just cause to give." 1'herefore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty we, and do receive bribes and rewards of naughty men that have this world at will, to the intent that those preachers may cover and hide their faults, and who getof others what they can -by subtlety, or who give indeed to remove the shameless unportunity of the craver, or e1se for avoiding of present shame, rather than for any love they have to God, ale not true apostles,Dut false prophets; according to that in the Corinthians [2 Cor. ix. 7J, "The Lord doth love a willing giver." Glossa:- I He that giveth for present shame, or else that he may be free from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth 10Be his subsance and merit: wherefore he that hath respect to these things, doth not seek the fruit and profit of the giver, but the gift itself, as saith the apll6tle [Phil. iv. 17J .. Seek not the git\, but the fruit or beuefit of the giver."

thal is to say,
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The twenty-seventb sign is, tbat true al'Olltle& do not endeavour tllenuelve. to seek and enjoy tbe fruit of otber men's laboun that tbey may be fed therllby, became tbat tbe belly is BUcb men's gad, according to those words [2The-. 1250' iii.2], "We have beard of IIOme amongst you which walk inordinatey, not ---'- labouring at all, but living delicately, ar idly." Gloll&:-" On other men'. ThOle be labours;" and deserve tbey to be fed? The discipline of the Lord cannot away ~l~';.pro- witb tbat doing; for tbe belly is tbeir gad, whicb provide to have more than W;\o.~ necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers who sa do, &re not true ~~~Ii~ I~" apostles, but fal~e. . . . . True ~)ro" The t\venty-elghth Slgn IS, that true apostles do not reJOIce only on account I'hel. re- of tbe miracles ar other excellent works whicb tbe Lord doth by tbem, but they l~'cc" no.t rather rejoice for tbe salvation whicb tbey ook for from tbe Lord, tban that by c1~~~': doing tbose miracles tbey desire any bonour; according to that which is written fal.e pro- in LukI' [cbap. x. 20], saying, "Rejoice ye not for tbat the spirits be subject pheta do, unto you, but because your names are registered in heaven." They tberefore tbat bOWlt of their own miraclcs, ar of nny tbat belon~ unto them, for tbis cause, that they are saved by tbe doing of tbem, as many do say, seem not to be true apostles, but falsI'. " True proThe twenty-nintb sign is, tbat the true apostles do nel'er seek tbeir own phel..eek glory in tlUs life, but tbe glory of Christ. "He tbat speaketh of bimself doth :~~lhelr scek his own glory; but be tbat seeketh the glory ofhim which sent bim," tbat gloO', is, of whom he is sent, "is a true apostle." [J ohn vii. 18.] Tberefore tb06e who seek the tbings tbat pertain to tbe glory of tbis worId, of tbe whicb one ia ~o be assistant to tbose that bear rule and autbority, ar according to the sa~'ing of Boetins, I De consoatione;' "Those that do desire to be extolled," euher they reign and bear ruIe themselves, ar else do desire to be nl'ar about them that have such dominion. Another is, they desire to have the fame and victory of that for which tbey have nothing at all desen'ed before Gad; whereupon is written that saying of the apostle [Gal, v. 26], " Let not us become desirous of vaiu-glory." lilt'8sa:-" To be desirous of vain-glory, is to bave victory witbout any merit or desert j" and tbose, say, that do such things, seem not to True pro- be tme avostles, bnt falsI'. phe" do The thlrtieth sign is, tbat true apostles care not lor the solemnities ar men, not Cor'"e neitber for tbeir salutations, nor feastings, nor any other benefit of theirs. They ~~~~he therefore wbo love and seek tbe company and fellowship of men, their feastings, ..Iulaand otber tbeir commodities, do not seem to be tme apostles, but falsI'. ::~~~. oC The one and thirtieth sign is, that tnIe apostles do not commouly resort to F.he pro- otber men's tables, lest they shonld, for a meal's meat, become 1latteren phel' re- [2 Tbess. iii. 9], .. That wc should gh'e an example to follow ns." Glossa:~~;,~;o He that cometh oftentimes to another man's table. being gi\'en to idleness, men'. cannot choose but 1latter him that feedeth him." But Christ's religion calleth ::::~1'tl men to liberty and to no such bondage j they therefore that resort oftentimes, for" a er and that of their own millds, to other men 'II tables, living id)', are not true m"al', apostles, but falsI'. ~';'~:. pro- The twa and thirtieth sign is, that true apostles do not hate their enemies, phel' do and such as hate them j which doctrine the Lord taugbt [!\fatt. v. 44], sa)'ing, ;;ot.hate "Love your enemies, do well to them which hate you;" but false proIlets do ,,;~:~..ne. hurt and defame their neighbours, as saith Jeremiah [chap. xii. 10, II , "Tha prophets of Jerusalem have defiled the whole earth." G1oasa:-" eyare not eontented to hurt their neighbours ouly, but also whom they before this time have hated, they defamI' and speak evil of in every place tbey come to." Therefore those preacbers who hate them whom they think are their enemies, and tbat defame them, are not troI' apostles, but false preachers. True proTbe thirty-third sign is, tbat false prophets, when tbey are examined and phel. do proved whether they be true apostles ar liara, takI' tbat very griel'ously, and ~~:::,':: persecute all those that can prove tbem to be sa, and also do stir up and pro, voke others to persecute the same men; who also joiu themselves together by secuJar power, even as certain false prophets did in the primitive church against the bishop of EphesJlS, to wbom the Lord said [Rev. ii. 2, 3), " I know," thal js to say, I do allow, "thy works and thy abourj" that IS, thy tribulation, " because thou canst not away with those that be evil men." Glossa:- II But that thou hast a desire to amend them, ar cIsI' to expe them-" and hast examineu thOlle which sa y that they are apostles, and are but liara, and also hast sui..

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Fered thi. patiently." G10SU:- "The evils which these false prophets, joined H....., together by secular power, do bring in, are not the doings of true apostles, but /lI. fabe prophets." A D The thirty-fourth sign is, that true apostles go not to preach to thoee who 1250' are eonverted already by other men, but rather do convert thoae who are not ---'vet converted, leat that they should bulld upon another man's foundation; as ~e pro'lit. Paul [Rom. xv. 20J saith; "I have laboured 90, tbat from Jerusalem to :r:~1l lo illyricnm,1 have replenished the gospel in every place." GlollSa;-" That is, tllo.e who I have preaehed the same abundantly, in whom the great virtue of the Holy bennol ~el Ghoat appeareth, because so many nations (that is, the Gentiles), have received ~~. ver he gospel by my preaching." "But I have preached the gospel there where Christ was not preached before, Iest I should bulld upon another man's founda tion." G10888:-" I should not preneh to those that were converted byanother man." Also [2 Car. x. 151, " We are not such as boast and glory in other men's laboun." Glosu:-" W1i.eTe another man laid the foundation, for that should be to boait inordinately." Also in the same place, "not thinking to boast where another man hath govemment, but in th08e things which are put in experience." Glosu:- " Of other preachers;" because the apostle did preach to th08e to whom the gospel was never preached, that he might get praise by his own proper labour. Therefore, th08e preachers who go not to that people who have need to be converted, but to those who are converted already, who have apostles of their own, that is to say, bishops and priests, and yet do b088t over another Il1Il.n's flock, are not true apostles, but false propheta. The thirty-fifth aign is, because true apostles, whcn they are sent, go to their True proown diocese, and not to another man's diocese, even as Paul being sent, went pllet. to the Genliles when he purposed to preach [Acta xiii. 2J, " Separate Paul and ~~~~h in Barnabas for the business which I have chosen them unto." Glosaa:- " Ac- Ihelr OWD cording to the appointment and decreI' of James, Cephas, and John, went he dJ'fi forth to be a teacher unto the Gentiles." But th08e preachers that stand upon i: ol~~r their feet, that is to say, th08e preachers which have but small worlrlly sub- meD". stance, for which cause they are more ready to go which way soever it shalI please the Lord to send them, I say the Lord hath sent them to preach, not to th08e that be sufficiently leamed, but to those that are infideIs j as we read in Ezekiel [chap. ii. 2,3J, "AfteT that, the Spirit or the Lord set Ezekiel upon his feet," In quam spem situs unus tangitur, "and he said unto him, O son of man, behola I send thee to the nations which have start hack from their profelllrion, which have ll'0ne from me;" that is, to the Jewish heretics, and to those nationa that sometlmes have been ChristillM, as the Egyptians, the Babylonians, and all those that observe the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go to th08e that are aIready instructed, baving both apostles, bishops, and priesta of their own ; they go not into their own diacese, but into anodler man's diocese, and are not true ap08tles, but false preachers. And it is greatly to be feared, lest the cburch be in hazard and danger by such, unle88 they be thrust out or the same betimes i even as Jonas, when he was sent to Nineveb, by tbe Lord, which is interpreted, large or wide, and Ieadeth to the bill, that is, to the infidels we spake of before. They go not to those infideIs accQTding to the rommandment of the Lord, but they tum another way, and take their joumey into Tarshish, wbich is interpreted, seeking arter joy and pleasure; that is, they go unto th08e who receive them with joy and gIadoess, and do well provide for them, that i8 to I18Y, to godly and devout Chstians j and, therefore, it is to be feared lest the ship in which they be (that is, the churcb) be in great periI, unless they be thrown forth. And therefore the apostle spake of sucb false prophets not without good cause [2 Tim. ii. 16J, " And shun thou those." Glossa:- " That is, such men as those be." The thirty-sixth sign is, bec8Use true apostles do not bOWlt, neither do they Fal... attribute unto tbemselves any thing, but that God hath wrought the same by P~~J~'I' them. Paul [Rom. X'I". 18J, saith, "I dare not say any thing but that which ~ 11l.:::~ Chri"t h8th wrougbt and accomplishcd by me." Glossa ; - " That is, I speak .eJve. only tltose things wbich by me (that is, by my ministry) Christ hath wrougbt." ~~:ch They therefore that boast of many things, and do attribute much unto them- Ihey seh'es which they never did, are not true apostles, but false pTophets. DeverdJd. The thirty-seventh sign is, that tnie apostles do not apply themselves, or They lean to logical or phil080phical reason.. Therefore those preachers who do d .... lo

llEI18TANCE AGAINST THE POPE

n",., endeavour themaelves to IUch kind oC reaaonB, are not true apostles, but fake III. propheta. The thirty-eighth aign is, that true apOBtle8 do not love camaily, ar after the 1250' fesh, but hate what thing IOever doth resist them in the Bemce oC God. CI He - - ' - that doth not hate his Cather and mother, his son and Bister, and also himself, 1olIical. ne cannot be my disciple." Luke xiv. 26. GlOBU:- CI That is, he that doth ~::;~~'ve not hate whatsoever doth resiat ar let him in the semce oC Gad, is not worthy <&rnaUy, to be a di8ciple, neither can he abide in that office." Thl'refore Corasmuch 81 ~:IWr1 true preachers are the true discipleB of the Lord, it ml1lt needs follow that the . preachers who do 'promate their nephew8 and kinsfolk (how unworthy Boever the)" be) to eccle81asticnl promationa and livings, contrary to the will oC Gad, ar do any other thing that letteth or hindereth them in the service of Gad, ue not true ap08tle8, but false prophets. n.y The thirty-ninth 8ign is, that true apOBtles do not hunt for the friendahip ar !Junt h thiB worid, for he that is the friend of this world is the enemy of Gad; therefr\~';;d~h~P fore thOBe preachers, who purchase the friendship of this world, are not true uf thi. apostle8, but fal8e prophets; and Corasmuch as the Scripture is infallible, l18ying wurld. rMatt. xxiv. 351, .. Heaven and earth 8hall perish, hut my worda &hall endure for ever;" and tlle Holy GhOBt, which spake by the apostles, cannot lie j (for prophecy, for the mOBt part, ia not spoken by the will oC man, but holy men oC Gad spake by the inspiration of the Holy GhOBt, as it is read in Peter) [2 Pet. i. 21 J, it remaineth, that all men who are bound to defend ilie chureh, may rise up m the defence of thl' aame, according to that in the Proverbe [chap. xxiv. 111, " Deliver thOBe that Bre led to death, and cease thou not to rescue thOBe who are drawn to destruction." Neither may he allegl' vain accusations, bec8l18e it i8 8aid in the lIIIlI1e place, " If he I18Y he is not able ar atron~ enough, he that What..,. beholdeth the thoughts of men'B heart8, shall know it," &c. Whatsoever periahb .v~r eth in the church of Gad for want of preachers, all that &hall be demanded of them at the day of judgment j as Jacob confesseth to Laban, whtl6e aheep he churcb ot fed [Gen. xxxi. 39J, " I did restore all thy IOS8, and that which was stolen I ;:{o~ made an8wer for." .. I will demand hi8 blood at thy hands." Ezek. iii. 24. pread~.n This i8 said to the pastor ar prelate. But if the other things, which we have 'h'~ apoken of before, could not move the prelates and cBrdinala, thi8 at least Bhould n>q d. move them j becau8l' that then the spiritual )?Ower which doth consist, for the most part, in the exerciBe of preaching, in hearmg confessions, and in enjoining of penance, shall be taken away from them by little and little (for bI piecemeal doth the wolf devour the poor and needl man) [3 QUlEst. 1J' when the authority ecclesiastical, therefore, 8hall be qwte taken from them and disposed to others, 8uch as either by their order, ar ap08tolical grant do challenge to have the Banie; then doubtle88 ahall neither the juriBdiction of ch'iI causea and pleading8, nor any authority that BUch prelates have yet remaining, neiilier yet the p08se88ion8 of the tempora! goods of the church any longer remain amongst them. Shall auch have the temporal goods of the church who minister not the spiritual treaaure thereof1 [l Cor. ix. 13J, " Know ye not that tlley which kill the sacrifice ought to eat of the aacrifice f and they that aerve at the altar Bre partakers of the altar f" For 88 ilie bady wiiliout the soul cannot 8tand; 80 corpora! things without spiritual things cannot continue [1 Qweat. l] if any 8hall take away the same.

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Thus have you had the thirty-nine arguments, for which the said ~~t::~- Gulielmus was condemned, and his books burned. In his days there ~:~l.d was a most detestable and blasphemous book set forth by the friars Ilum go- (mentioned also in Mlltthew Paris), which they called ' Evangelium ~~:~. reternum,' or ' Evangelium Spiritus Sancti ;' tbat is, 'The everlasting gospel,: or 'The gospel or the Holy Ghost.'1 In which book many abominable errors or the mars were containcd, so that the gospel or Jesus Christ was utterly defaced, which, this book said, was not to be compared with this everlasting gospel, no more than the shell is to be compared with the kernel, or than darkness to light. Moreover, tlmt lhe gospel or Christ shall be preached no longer than to A.D. 1~60, !ind tht (I) s.. Ibe Appendlx Cor InformaUon reBpUn. thla book.-ED.
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XO NEW THING.

52]

then this 'everlasting gospel' should rule the church. !tern, that Hmv whatsoever was in the whole BibIe, was in the said gospel' cOlltained. ~ At length this mar's gospel' was accused to the pope, and so six A, D. persons ebosen of the whole university to peruse and judge of the ~ book. viz. Christianus, canon of Beauvais, Odo of Douay, Nicolas de The'eter. Bar-sur-Aube, Johannes de Sicca-Villa, an Englishman, Johannes ::fn-::'~ Delin, a Frencbman, together with this Gulielmus, who mightily ~b:P~: impugned this pestiferous and devilish book. These six, aiter the ~ndrmn perusing of the book, were sent up to Rame; the friars likewise sent :'U:ht:do, their messengers withal. Where they were refuted, and the errors of ~;..~ the book condemned; but BO, that the pope, with the cardinaIs, com- ~. manded the said book to be burned, not publicly but in secret wise (tendering the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own most chief champions), and the following ycar the same pope ordered the books oC the aforesaid Gulielmus to be bumt withal.' Besides other his books, twa sermons we have of his yet remaining, one upon the parable in St. Luke of the Pharisee and the Publican, being the gospel for the day; the other preached on May-day: '~Ix 'Where in the first, he resembleth the Pharisees to our monks, and that he proveth bya11 the properties of the Pharisees descrihed in the gospel: the Publican he resembleth to the laity, such as, for because they are the 800ner reduced to acknowledgoe their sins, the more hope have they of mercy: the other, because they stand confident in their own righteousness, are therefore further from theirjustification. In the latler sermon he setteth forth and declareth, what perils and dangers are like to fali upan the church by these religious orders of monka and friars, for that they were ministers of Antichrist and perverters of the people.s Among the other besides of that age who withstood the bishopa of Lan",n.., Rame and his antichristian errors was one Laurence, nn Englishman, ~hEng a divine of Paris; another was Petrus Johannes, a minorite. Of OUIl:t:,:~ whom the aforesaid Laurence was about A.D. l !l60, who in his teach- ~ thll ing, preaching, and writing, did stontly defend the part of the aforesaid Gulielmns, and the rest of his side, against the friars. Against the which mars he wrote twa books, one in tlle defence of Gulie1mus afore-mentioned, the other npon this argument and title, To bcwnre of faIse prophets,' &c. Certain other things aIso he wrote, wherein by divers proofs and testimonies Ile argued and proved, that Antiebri8t 'Was not far off to come. The other, Petrus Johannes, was about A.D.l!WO, who taught and maintained many things against tlle Thepope, pope, proving that he was Antichrist, and that the synago~ne of Rame :~:~~. was great Babylon. He wrote upon Mauhew, upon the Epistles, and Thyn.. ' of t h'IS P etrus J ohannes 18 . mad' upon t h e A pocaIypse. M entJOn e ID gogue Rome. oC Nicolas Eymericus, in his book of the Jnquisition; who saith, more- ~;i:~.Ba aver, that from him Michael Cesenas (of whom, Christ willing, shall P.truo follow hereafter) derived llis opinions; and becanse the pope could ~~~~~I~"'I not bum him aIive, after his death he caused his bones to be taken :~~[h~l' up and burned.' To these and with these above specified is to be added Robertus RobertUI GaIlus," who being bom of a right noble parentage, for devotion's ~r~~~~ tlllke was mnde a Dominic mar, about the same yesr (A.D. ] Q90) ie.h.
(I) 8ee

'" .he .. F..doullll." s Appendlll.-ED. () I1yriou., 001. 1650,1172. Bee Inrra, p. 610, noW.-ED.

(2) M. Pari.. Id anno 12.\6 (Edlt. Land. 1&tO, p. 939), whenoe Ihe tut I....i>ed.-En. (3) llIyrlOUl, .. Cal. T.lt." (edl!. 1608. 001, 169): the.e two ..rmon. aro In Browoe'. Appendill

AD

leC'Ount oC tbl. Indh1duaJln Tanner" Blbllolheoa, ... Drllonn. -En.

(5) In)'fl0Ul, roI. 1642,

1663.-&D

\'18IO)I;S OF
H ...,.,

1On~.UTUS

GAI.LUS.

~ whereof:l part is printed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegard.

1250. fifh chapter he plainly caIleth the pope an idol, wllo having ean
Th. popo dcnbed. !In
.<ppnotlUl.

This man, as appeareth by his writings, llad divers and sundry visions,

A.D. His visions aIl tend against the spiritualty or Rome; where, in the

lou der t han a trumpet an d the roanng . t hun der; an d havmg . eyell

heareth not the loud wllilings of them that go down to helI, though

seeth not neither Iisteth to see the abominations of his people, and their excessive voluptuousness, except he may thence heap up treasure for himself; and having a lllouth speaketb not, but saith, ' l have set good teachers over hem, and it is sufficient, whether I do tbem good by myself or by another.' And it foIloweth in the same chapter, .. \Voe to that idol! woe to the migbty and proud! who in alI the earth shaIl be equaIled to that idol? He hath exalted up hiB name in the earth, saying, Who BhalI bring me under? Is my house compared with th08e of the mighty ones of the eartb? I am far mOTe dainty than they in my feasts; prancing knightB are my servitors; and that honour which my fathers before me had not, that is done to me. My hOUBe is paved with silver, and omamented with god and jewels... Again, in the twelfth chapter, and also in the first, under the name of a serpent he painteth out the pope, whom he declareth to extol !Iimself above measure, and to oppreSll the few that be godly, and to have many faIse prophets about him ; whose charge it iB, neglecting the name of God and of Christ, to preach and extol him only, obscuring the name of Christ. 'I'he church of Rome and the pope he Th~ describeth in these words: "I was praying," saith he, " on my knees, ii~:~~;.:': looking upward toward heaven, on the right side or the altar of 8t. Gallu.. James in Paris, and saw in the air before me the body of a certain high bishop, aIl clothed in white silk ; who, turning hiB back on the east, lifted up his hand towards the west, as the priests nre wont to St.t. Dr stand in celebrating their mass, but his head was not visible. And as ~~~rchor I w~ considering advisedly, whether he had any head or no, I perR~:;:;dd.- eeived a head aIl dry and withered, as though it had been or wood. IC And the 8pirit of the Lord said to me, 'This signifieth the state of the chureh of Romeo''' Moreover, the same author describetll by an apt similitude shewn 8clloolmen and him in II. vision the manner or the monks and schooI sopllists and ~~:~loul sorbonists, in this wise: "Another day, as I WaB in like eontempla3"li;:;~ tion as before, I beheld in spirit ; and behold, I BaW a man apparelled uw . Iike to thc other before, who went abont baving fine bread and excellent wine on his Bhoulders and hanging down on both sides of him; and the same, baving in his hond an oblong and very hard f!.int-stone, was gnawing upon the same as II. famishing person is wont to do upon II. loaf or brend ; out of the which stone came out two serpents' beaJs; and the 8pirit of the Lord instructed me, saying, ' This stone purportcth the frivolous and curious qUC>tions, whercin the ramishing people do wenry themselves, leaving the substantial food of their souls.' And I asked what thosc two heads did mean ? And he Baid, 'The name A';::dir. or the one is Vain-glory, the name or the other is Mar-religion.''' ~.form... Also, concerning the reronnation of the church, tbis vision he de:;~.n Dr clareth:" It happened, as I was (saith he) in the same city in the ~I:~.';'g~_ house of a certain nobleman of Bretagne, aud was there speaking witli fied. certain, I BaW a cross of silvcr very bright, much like to the cross or the earl of Toulouse. But the twelve apples, which did hang beside on the anns ofthe C1'OSS, wnr \"ery vile, like to the applrs which the sca is wunt

THK STUK Y Ol' ROBERT

GROSTH~:AI).

to rast Up. And I said, 'What is this, Lord Jesu?' And the Hn.,., Spirit answered me, 'Thi!! cross whieh thou seest is the church,-..!..!..!.:.which shall be cIear and bright in pureness of life, and shaH be A. o. hellld aIl over the world through the shrill voice of the preaching of ~ sincere verity.' Then, being troubled with the apples, I asked what lhese apples so >ile did signify? And he said, l It is the humiliation or lite church.''' This godly man did forewam (as in a eertain chronicIe is decIared) Simon:r how God would punish the simonyand avarice of the clergy, with ~;~~:;~he such a plllo<rUe, that rivers should run with blood. It is said, that ~er~ to there is remaining a great volume of his visions which are not yet ni'&~ abroad; for these that be abroad, are but a brief extract out of his visions and revelations. After that we have thus long strayed in these foreign stories of Frederic, and in the traetation of other matters pertaining to other countries, it is time that we return to our owo eountry again.
THE STORY OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD, BISHOP OF LINCOLN.

FolIowing the continuation of time and course of the ehurch, we ",'iII MW join to these good fathers and writers, the history of the lcamcd bishop of Lincoln, named Robert Grosthead, l a man famously learned, as that time served, in the three tongues, both Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, also in aH liberal seienees; whose works and sermons even to this day are extant, whieh I have seen in theOlibrary of the queen's majesty at Westminster, wherein is one special sermon written and exhibited in four sundry scroHs addressed to the pope, and to other four cardinaIs, beginning "Dominus noster J esus Christus." Nicholas Trivet, in his Chronicle, writing of this bishop, affinned that he was bom in Suffolk, in the diocese of Robert Norfolk: who giving him the praise of being a man of excellent ~::~-a wisdom, of profound doetrine, and an example of all virtue, wit- ~':.':;~Ik. nesseth that he being master of arts, wrote first a commentary on the latter books of Aristotle; also that he wrote traetations concerning the spheres, and the art of eomputations, and that he set forth divers booka coneeming philosophy. Af'terwards, being doctor in divinity, and expertly seen in all the three tongues, he drew sundry treatises out of the Hebrew glosses, also transll1ted Hi, book. divers works out of the Greek, as the testament of the twelve :~~k. patriarchs, and the books of Dionysius, commenting upon the new translation with his owo gloss.1I This godly and leamed bishop, af'ter divers conflicts and agonies 6ustaincd against the bishop of Rome, af'ter the example of Frederic, of Gulielmus de Sancto amore, of Nicholaus Gallus, and others af'ter Ap";'<:':,.". named, at length, af'ter great labours and travails of life, tinished his course, and departed at Bugden in the month of October, o..th ot A.D.l!Mt Of his decease thus write~h :Matthew Paris,' "Out of =~
III Robort Clrootbead or GrOl'teote "'u bom al Stradbrook In Suffolk aboul ... DoI175, .... mad. bi.hop in 1236. and died 1J53.-ED. (2} lbfty other works and volumes were wrUten by the ..ald Grolllthead. as fi De ocula Marali," .. De dOlthuI," lO De ceuatione lealium," II Parvua Cato," i Anllotationes in Suidam," IIln Boetium." "De pote~tate Paltorali," u Expositionetl in Gen. et in Lucam,I with et. TIumber more, besid" dtYfR epi.stle". 8enn~nR, and invectio"" 8('nt to the pope foz his immeaaurablo exactiona.. wbeIBwith hr a...ereharJled and 0JiPfcased thc church of ElIgland. '3) Mattb. Para. fol. 278.

THE POPE

LKTTI-;R FOR .AS ITALIAN BOY.

-!!.!:- taken

and banishment of this worlu (which he never loved) wu the holy bishop or Lincoln, Robert, at his manor or Bugden. A.D. in the evening of St. Denis's day; who wu an open reprover or the ~ pope and of the king, a rebuker of the prelates, a correetor or the ..",=..;.. monks, a direetor or the priests, an instructor or the clerka, a fautor or seholars, a preaeher to the people, a persecutor or the incontinent, a diligent senreher of the Scriptures, a malI to the Romans, and a contemner or their doings.~ What II. maIl he was to the Romans, in the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall appear. The story is this :-It so berel, among other daily and intolemble exactions wherein pope Innocent IV. was grievous and injuous manifold SI" y.an' ways to the realm or England, he had a certain eousin or nephew troubl.. ot Grnal. ( SO popes were want 10 caII t h' ell 80DS) named F re d' ene, b' emg yet :~~;~~ young and under years, whom the said Innocent the pope would A.D.U51. needs prefer to be a canon and prebendary in the chureh of Lincoln, in this time or Robert, bisllOp of the ssid church j and upon the same. the pope direeted down a leter to certain of his factors here in England, for the execution thereor j a copy or whieh letter by chanceyet not by chance but by the opportune sending of God--came to my hands as I was penning this present story, wtten in the end of an old parchment book, and otherwise mre (I suppose) 10 be rouDd; l which aforesaid letter is thus in English.
H ....,

the

pllon

The Pope's unreasoDable Letter to his FlIctors in England.

UnIo Dur weli-belovr.d Bon., the archdeacon of Cllnterbury, 'lIld to Master I nnocent onr scribe abiding in England, greeLing and Ilp0810Jical benerlictioD. Forsomuch as Dur well-beloved Bon G., dellcon-cardillal of S. Euslace. upon Dur
/l} .. nU..,t\1 ftllll arcbdlarono C<mt. et Mariltro Innocent. actIplorl n""tlO In Anglia COlOm.. ranli, ..lutem et .po.tolie.m benedicl. . Cum dUectua ftliul nOlter G., Sancti EUltaehli diaconua t:ardinalll. dilecto filio [recte dictum fortanil tlilu:) Frrderico de Lavania. cJeorico, nepoti UOlJo, de speciaJi mAndato noltra unanieatam Lincolniel'l. cum plenitudlne Juril ('anonici dU.1erit confereudum, ipaum per luum &nnulum corporaliter et p~ .. enrialiter iDl'utieul de eodem, ut ex tbae canonieu! Lincolnieoli. ellltat, et plenum nomen et jlU ("&Doolli con~quatur ibidem; AC prtbeudam. Ii qua vacal'ent in ecclella Linea. a tempore quo dudum litera- Jlostrle super recrptione at' Jlroviliione facienda .Ibi In ftClelo eadem de pnrminl. venrrab. (ratri noatro epiaeopo Linmln. prresentA11e (uerunt i aJloqul, pod Yar'&1uram eonfcrendam libi donationi aro-toliae re.erv.....il; tJrcemendo Irritum et ioane, li quid de pnrbend. hujulmodi a quoqllam fuerit altenta~um, ne.-.: non et in colllradidOftl et rebelll'1 exeommunlc"tionia aententlarn ubique promulgando, vroul ia literil l"juldt:m exinde de com,tltutil [conrectls] plenlUA conlinetur;I I NOI ipliul Fftderic1 devotllaupplicatiooibul ineliDati, quod abeodrm cardinalr fadum e.t luper hoc et ratum et gratum habentel, idem luchantate apolltolic8 duxirnul COllftrmalldum. t.luocin-a diseretioni veltrle per apoltolica ICript& maildamu.., quatenul eundem Io'redericum, vel procur torem luum eJu. nomine, in corporalem poue".iooew pnrdictorum canoniealUl et l'r~bt-Dd~ suthorhate DOItra inducati., et defendatil IDductum, contradietorel ver censurAm ec.-c1e"iA3iUc.-&nl appellaUone poltpolitA C'ompeacendo. Non obitalltihUI aliquibul conluetudiuibul "d ltatuti_. Juramentil yel conftrmalionibul aedll apoltoHere, leu quat"unque .11. infinnhate roboratia-"oel quOd dietu, Fft'dericus prseaenl non tuet ad pnrltandum Juram~Dtum de ooon'andia conluetudioibua eJuldem ecelel. cou.uelUlj; live li pnrdldo rpilcopo l'el ("avitwo ipliul ecclrttiao communiter lei linlt"ulatim, leU aliil quibuAC'unque peraonil. a dieta aede indultum existat, qubd ad rereplionem '1'el proviaiollem lllicuJu. eompelli Ilequeant, Ihe qubd nullu. aliu. in eorum eccleliia nemlni prol idere valeat: vel qubd interdiei, IUlprndi, lut excommunicari non po'llnt per litera. apollO!. .ub qua. <'unque forma verborum obtentu. Tel obtiuendu; ellamit totua tellor iltdul)l:entiarum hujulhJodi de verbo in ... erbum io iiadem iii era lit inlutu..-aive quibua allia iodulgt'ntU., quibuac1luque persoDia. dignitati, ..el loco, lub quacunque forma verborum, C'oneeuil a aede apot;t. vel diam CODee. dendil, per quu eff'ectuI buJulmoc1i provilionil J)lll&et impedlrt aliquatenul vel ditreni; laIUen Yolumul '& de certa Icientta, quantum ad provillianem faetam et fat"iendam Fredwico pnrdicto ln elelta L;ncoln., vlribul omnino earere. Cett"rum, li aliqul pnedicto Puderko "el procuratori super prrmtl.il, vel a1iquo pnemillarum, a1iquatellu. duxerint opponendum; WOI ex parte nOltra chart cumia, ut peremptorie iufra duorum men.tum apathlm polt cltationem Vellram perMona.1iter com parean t coram nobia, eidem Fred~rieo .oper pnemialilj leKltime reolpoDluri. Non Ob5t8111ibuI priviiegiil Ihe quibusllbPt indulge-ntib, per.onil rt"goi Angir gt"neraliter. vel cuiw-ia alii per.onz, "el dlKDitaU, vel loco lpeci'aliter, a prlE'dlcta aede lub qUACunque ronna verborum coo~..il. quM non pallunl ultra mre, lell extra ("lvila.rem vel dloce,in llUam in judicium evocari per Utera. apolt. ub quacunque forma "t'rborum obtentu i quod privilegium et indul(:'ntiu ebd:em. penonil de certa .delltia uuliatenuI yolumu. lutrraKari: et conllitution. edita de dU&bua dlRti. iD cl,"cilio generali non oblItAnIe. Dit'm autem cilationil et formam nabll ve.tril li~cr'. tenorem prcraentium coDtlneD~ibul,ideJlter intimetil. Quod II non amlJo hll exequemlh iuterellJe poterlti'l alter nlrrum nihilominua ext:quaLur."-Datum Peru!. 1. Cal. Febr. polltUicat. nOiUl IDDa d(-cimo.

TO BE CANON Al'D PREBENDARY OF LIl'COLN.

5!i?.'5

rpeeial commandment hatb given and granted to our weIl-beloved aon Frederic Hen" de Lavania, a clerk and our nepbew, a canonry in tbe church of Lincoln, with IIJ. fuli power and grant of the same, inveating him therein corporally and preIentJy with hi. own ring, to be from thenceforth canon of Lincoln, and to have 1253' fuli right and title to the aaid canoury in that churcb j alao a prebend in the -_.:-:. l&Ille church of Lincoln, if any ahaIl have fallen vacant aince Dur lettera con- W.1I .ajd terDil.g this reception and provision to be given him in the said church were iu:!~;~ presented to Dur right-reverend brother, the biahop of Lincoln; but if not, hath OUI &On: merved to our apostolic douation lhe next that sha11 falI vacant, to be conferrecl on Dur said nephew, making void and frustrate anything which may be Exeomallernpted conceming tbe said prebend by any one elae, and alao denouncing ~onnlca the sentence of excommunication againat aIl that sha11 rebel and gainsay tbe abuaed. unie, as in the lelters ofthe said cardinal is more fuIly contained :_ :.. I.... We, therefore, condescending to the devout aupplications of the aaid Frederic, pprMi,. ratifying and approving tbat which halb been done by the aaid cardinal in the premitea, have thought JrOOd by our ap08tolic authority to confirm the same. Wherefore, by these our rettera apostolic we desire your wiadom to induct by our aulhority the aaid Frederic (or his proctor in his behalf) into corporal poaleuion of lhe said canonry and prebend, and alao to defend him when 80 inducted, denouncing the sentence of excommunicauon (without power of appeal) against all BUch as shal1 gainsay the same: N otwithatanding 1-any cuatoma or statutea to the ccnlrary, corroborated by the oatha or confinnationa of the apaslo1ic eej or any fialO' in tbe case whataoever, as, that tbe said Frederic 10'88 not penonally present to take tbe oath for observing the usual cuatoma of the said church jor, that an indulgence hath been granted by the aaid see to the aforesaid bilhop, or lo the cbapter of the aaid churcb, jointly or severaIly, or to any other persona whatsoever, as that they shall not be forced to admit or make provision for any man &gainst their will, or, thaltbey may not be interdicted, auspended, or excommunicated by lettera apostolic, obtained or to be obtained hereafter, under wbatever fonn of worda, yea, although the whole tenour of auch indulgences be inserted word for word in tbe said lettera: Notwitbstanding, alao, any other iodulgeoces granted, or to be bereafter granted, by tbe ap08tolic aee to what persons soever, of what eatate, dignity. or place aoever, under wbatever form of words, by the whicb indulgences tbe effect of this provision might be in any way hindered or deferred j nay, we deliberately will, tbat tbey lose aIl tbeir force in regard to the provision made, or to be made, for the said Frederic in tbe said church of Lincoln. And if any aball preaume to oppose tbe aforeaaid Frederic (or his proctor) touching the premiaea or any of them, we will tbat JOu cause tbem to be cited peremptorily in our bebalC to appear before ua in person within tbe space of two montbs from your ciLation, to meke answer to the said Frederic touehing the premises according to law: Notwitbatanding any privileges and indulgencea wbataoever to tbe contrary, granted by the aforeaaid see, either generally to persons of the kingdom of England, or apeciaIly to any perROo,or dignity, or place whataoever, under whatever fOTm of worda j as, that they are never to be cited up to trial beyond aea or beyond tbeir owo city er diocese by lettera apostolic, under wbatever form of worda obtained; all which privileges and indulgences we deliberately will to be of no avail wbateVfr to the sald parties: Notwitbatanding, alao, tbe constitution made in tbe lMl genera council al10wing citauons to tbe distance of two days' joumey." Moreover, the day and form of the citauon we will you faithfully to intimate unto ua by your lettera containing tbe tenour thereof; and if both of YO\1 canoot be preaent at the execution bereof, yet we will, notwitbstanding, that ODe of you do execute the same witbout fail. Given at PerugiK, vii. Cal Feb. in the tenth year of our popedom. [Jan. 26th, A.D. 1253.]

AD

As there is no man who hath any eyes to see, but may easily understand in reading this letter of the pope, bow unreasonable his reqnest is, bow impudently be commandetb, bow proudly be threattDeth, bow wickedly he oppressetb and racketh tbe churcb of GOO, in
(I) "NOIJ oblltaDle."-ED. 17) 8ee Ih. con.Ututlon " Ile duabuJ dill!tll, cap. S1 ot tb. aeb ot Ib. councll ot Laleran, Uli, In Labbe tom. xl. col. 188, and COrpUI Jum Can. Decret. Ong. IX. 1Ib. I. tlt. lU, cap. 18. " Ii.nnulll. S.. alao th. buli Dr Manin V., tntrl. yol. Ul. p. 568.-ED.

526

THK A};SWKR OP' BISHOP GROSTHEAD.

placing. boya and s~ran~e':8 in the ministry and cure of souIs, and :U~ makmg them Ins provlsors, to mven up the church goods ; SO IS It A. D. no great manel, ifthis godly bishop, Robert Grosthead, was off'nded 1253. thcrewith; who, in my mind, deserveth herein a double commenca Com men- tion, not only that he so wisely did disccrn error from sinceritv and tar~~;~ of truth; but also that he was SD hardy and constant to stand t~ the I od. defence thereof ngainst the pope, according as in this his answer to the pope again may appear, as followeth.
__ ._ ID

Bfi?

The Answer of Bishop Grosthead to the Pupe.

Salutem. May it plealle your prud~nce to undentand, that I de'foutly and Te\'erently, and with filial afection, obey apoatolic precepta, but am alKO all 11tter enemy to all auch AS contradict tha character of apostolic precepl&, as a child jealous ofhis father's honour. And truly, I am bound by the commandment of Gad to do no Iet'a. l'or apostolic precepta neitber are nor CaD be olher than consonant and conformen to the doctrine of the apostles and of Dur Lord J e"us Christ, who is tbe master and lord of the aposlles, and whose type and person the lord pope seemeth especially to bear in the hierarchy of the church : for aur Lord J esus Chriat lIllith, .. Whoaoever ia not _ith me, the salne ia againat me i" tberefore, the most divine BaDctity of the apostolic aee neithH is Har can be against him. To apply this: be character of the present letler ia not consonant to apoatolic sanctity, but utterly diaonant and at variance with the aame. }-'irst, for that tbe clauaa .. non obatanIe," wbich comea over and over again in this and many other of your lettera, introduc:ed upon no neceaaity of any natura! law to be obaerved, mUa be an endless lOurce ol' uncertainty, boldness, licenliousne8l, impudency, Iying, and deceiving, and of mulnal mislrust between man and man j and not only of theae, but alao ol innumerable other mischief& which follow upon the &Bme; unsettling and disturbing lhe purity of the christian religion, as also the public tranquillily ol aociety. Moreover, next after the ain of Lucifer, whicb aball be in the latter time, (to wit, of Antichrist, Ibat" aon of perdition, wbom the Lord will destror wilh the breath of his mouth"), there ia not, nor can be, any kiDd of ain 80 repugnant and contrary to tbe doctrine of the apostlea and to holy Scripture, and sa hatefuJ, detClllabl~, and abominable to aur Lord J esua Christ himself, aa to destroy and kill men's aouls, by defrauding tbem of the bene6t of the pastora office and ministry. And yet it is pIain, by most evident teatimonies ol Scripture, that tbose peraons are guilty ofthis sin, who, being invcsted with the charge ofthe pasloral ministry, aecure to themselves the stipend ofthe pastorai office and ministry from the milk and wool of the sheep of Cbrist, who are to be quickened and saved by tbeir meana, and yet do Dat diacharge ita dutietl; for the mere Donadminiatration of tba putoral miniatry ia, by the tetltimoDy of tbe Scripture, equi\'alent to the slaughter and destruction of the sheep.l Twa enormous evila Kre in this way committed, which (although aner a d1ffering way) far exceed all other kind of wickedness, for tbat they are directly contrary to twa thinga whicb (allbough not equally ar similarly) are, and are aaid to be, most excellent; for" pessimum est, quod optima contrarium," i. e. "that which ia con. trary to the best is the worat." As much then u Heth iD tbe aaid offeDdera, tbey sin, in nne respect, directlyagainst tbe Deity, who of bimself is esseDually and supernalurally most excellent ; in another, against the image and likeness of Gad in man, which, as produced by the gracious participation of the divine ray, is essentially and natural1y moat excel1ent. And because, u in things tbat are good the cause of good ia better than ita effeet, ao again in evil thinga the cause of evil is worae than its effect; hereby it is manifest, that lhe introducera in to the church of Gad of auch wicked destroyera of God's image and Hkeneaa in the aheep of Chrlst are wone than tbe want of thole destroyera, and approximate nearer than they to Lucifer and Anticbrist, and are sa much tbe more pre-eminent in this gradation of wickedneu, for tbat they in consequence ar tbeir larger and more god-like power, given tbem for edification not for destruction, were the more bound to exclude and eXlirpate auch wicked deatroyen out of the church of Gad.
(11 Ezek. xxxiv.-En.

THE POPE'S GREAT FURY AND RAGE.

tt is impo88ible, therefore, that the most holy apostolic see, to whom by the H.",., III1lIt holy Lord Je8us Christ all power hath been committed for edification III. Bot for destruction, can command, bid, ar in any way attempt anything tenrling ~ to"ard 50 great wickedness, sa odious, detestable, and abominable to the Lord Jeaus Christ, and also so pernicious to mankind. For this should be a great waste, corruption, and abuse of his most holy and plenary power, and an utter P.ower separation of him from the gloriou8 throne of our Lord J esus Christ, to be ~7:i~I~~. CG-asseasor with the twa aforesaid princes of darkness in the chair of pesti- t? edilicalence amjd the pains of heli. Neither c.an any man who is suqjec~ and faahful ~';;t:'~~: to the &&Id lee, and not cut off by schlsm from the body of Chrlst and from _truclion. tbe l8id holy see, with a sincere and unspotted conscience obey such instruc- Two prinlions and precepts, or favour such attempts as these, from whalever quarler c1~.1 emanating, yea, though it were from the higbest arcbangels, but ratherought of ~?;::_ necessity with all their might to wit.hstand and rebelagainst the same. Where- n~._. Lufora, my reverend lord, upon my bounden duty of obedience and fidelity c;.rer and "bicb l owe to both the parents' of tbe most boly apo.tolic see, and for the ch~\~-t. lo\"e of union with ber in tbe body of Cbrist, l must regard !he instructions contained in vour aforesaid letler as more honoured in the breach than the observance, and'l bereby refuse and uttcrly resi.t them; and especially because they tend (as is before touched) to such manifest wickedness, sa abominable to the Lord Jeaus Christ, so repugnant to the hoIiness of lhe apostoIic see, and sa contrary to tbe one only catholic faith. Neither for this cause can your discretion take 80y hBnlh slep toward me, because all my doing and gainsaying in tbis matter ia no resistance nor rebeliion, but a filial honour due by !he divine precept ha!h to my Fatber and lo you.' BrieHy recapitulating, therefore, I Mser! that!he aanctity of the apostolic see cannot do any thing but to edification, and nothing at a11 to destruction: for this ia tbe fulness of power, to be able to do al\ tbings to edification. But tbese provisions (as they are called) be not to edification, but to most manifest destruction. Tbe blessed apostoJic see, therefore, nei!her can nor ought to attempI any such thing, because Hesh and bloOO, which cannot enter into the kingdom ofGOO, bath reveald tbe same, and not the Father of aur Lord Jesus Christ who ia in heaven.'

ii53'
o

Then followeth it in the story bolh of Matthew Paris, and of that when this epistle came to the knowledge of the pope, he, furning and fretting with anger and indignation, answered with a fierce look and proud mind, saying-, "What frantic old dotard ia this, who 80 holdly and rashly judgeth of my doings? By St. wen Peler and St. Paul, were it not for aur innate generosity and good :""'~~~~ nature, I would throw him into such confusion, as should make him pope. a bye-word, an astonishment, an example, and a prodigy to all the world. For is not the king of England our vnssal? nay, more, our mancipIe.... (to use the very words of mine author), "who only needs a nod from us, to imprison him and put him to utter disgmce?" When the pope, in his great fury and rage, had uttered this amongst his brethren the cardinaIs, who were scarcely able to appease the fuous viulence of the pope, with mild moderation of words they said unto him, that it would not be ex~edient to proceed against the bishop in a iigorous manner. "For, said they, "to confess the troth to your holiness, it is but very truth that be affirmeth. We cannot condemn bim. He is a rotholic man, yes, and a most holy man; more religious and more holy than ourselves ; a man of Gil..,. a more excellent spirit and more exceIlent life; so that it is believed ~:~~~l~~ib he has not his superior or evcn his equal among aIl the prelates. ~:~,rio Both the Frcnch and English clergy are well aware of this, neither tb. pope.
Flolegus,
(I) H. mcanetb eithcr Chrl.t and thc ohurch, Dr Peter and PauL
(2)

(3) M. P.r1., orlil. Lond. 1640, p. 8iO.

(i) .. MaDclpium."

Tbat la, both to Chrl_t and hl. churoh. M.

Pa . -E .

li~8

.DEATH-BED OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD.

Hm, would it be of any avail for us to contradiet it. The 8tatements, ~ moreovcr, of this his epistle perhaps are known by many to be true. A.? Rnd, were he to be harshly treated, might stir up many against UB: for ]2;>3. he hath the name of being a great philosopher, and is singularly secn both in Latin and Greek learnin~, zeslous in the cause or justice, a reader of divinity in the schools, a preacher amongst the people, a lover or chastity, and a persecutor or simon y.'" These ",/~<li. words spake Giles, a Spanish cardinal, and others besides, moved by their owo conscience to speak. And this counsel they gave to the pope, that he should dissemble and wink at these things, as one not seeing or regan:ling them, lest otherwise perhaps IlOme tumult might rise and spring thereupon; especially seeing there wns a manifest conviction among aIl men, that at last there muat needs ,"'Orne a uefection and secession from the church of Rome. 1 Th. god!y N ot long after this, the canicular days being past, this revereml ~::.~r and godly Robert, bishop of Lincoln, lying at his manor place at ~f:~i~~- Buckden, felI grievously sick Whereupon, he sent for a certain nm. frillJ' of the Preaching order, named Master John of St. Giles: a man expert and cunning both in physic and divinity, paruy to receive or him some comfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in "P~'" spiritual matters. One day, the bishop conferring with the aforesaid Master John, and reciting to him the doings and proceedings of the pope, did grievously rebuke and reprehend his feIlows, the Preaching friars, not sparing either the other order of the Minorites; that, whereas their ordrs were planted in wilful poverty, viz. poverty or spirit, on purpose that they might with the more freedom carp at and reprove the vices of the mighty, and not flatter or spare them, but severely censure and gravely reprehend the same; the said friars, contrary to their profession, did not boldly cry out and inveigh against the abuses of their superiors and men oC power, nor did uncover or detect their fauts and wickedncss; and "therefore," said tlle bishop, " I judge you to be no better than manifest heretics.'" " For what is heresy?" added the bishop, demanding of Master John that he should give him the true definition thereof. Whereat when ,,~ the friar did stayand pauae, not remembering any approved definition of that mater, the bishop thereupon inferreth, giving a definition Deftnlllon in Latin by a faithful interpretation of the Greek: "Hreresis est orb....y. sententia hurnano sensu electa, scriptul'lll saCl'lll contraria, paliun edoctn, pertinaciter defensa: hreresis enim Gl'lllCe, electio est Latine.'" " Heresy is a sentence takcn and chosen ofman's own brain, contrary 10 ]lOly Scripture, openly maintained, and stifHy defended.'" And this definition given, consequently he infcrred (sharply reprehending the prelates, but cspecially those of Rome, who committed the charge of souls unto their kinsfolks, being both in age unqualified, and in learning insufficient) thus :-" To give,'" saith he, " the charge oC soula unto a boy, is a sentcnce of a certain prelate chosen and taken oC the man's own head, only for some carnal and earthly respect; and also it is contrary to holy Scripture, which forbiddeth any such to be made shepherds, as are not able to drive away the wolvcs; it is also openly maintained, becauac an instrument commanding the
(I} M. Parli, p.872.-ED. (%) .. Caolcwar dlrl;' Ib.

(II) See IUpri, p. 373.-En.

dor daYL M. Paril, p. 874.-&>.

THR POPE ACCUSED OF RN'ORMITU~S BY BISHOP GROSTHEAD.

5i9

88me, sealed with wax, Ol imbuJJed witb lead, is openly produced; H ..."" and Dnally, it is stifHy defended, for if any man shaJl presume ~ to withstand the same, be is suspended and excommunicated, A. D. and a holy war proc1aimed against bim. Now tbat person to _1253.__ whom tbe entire definition of a beretic dotb apply, he certainly is a heretic. But every faitbfu1 christian man ougbt to set bimself against a heretic as mucb as he may. Wberefore, be that can resist bim and doth not, be sinnetb, and seemetb to be a favourer of such, according to the saying of Oregory; He is not without conscience Saying Dr or secret partnership, who forbeareth to resist open iniquity,'l But Gregory. tbe friars, both the Minorites and Preachers, are specially bound ".,,"::dlz. to withstand such, seeing both of them have the gin. of preaching committed to them by tbeir office, and are more at liberty to do it by reason of tbeir poverty; and therefore they do not only offend in Dot resisting such, but also are to be counted maintainers of the same, according to the saying of tbe apostle to the Romans, ' Not only they which commit such tbings, but also they that consent, are worthy of death.' Wherefore it may be conc1uded, that as weIl the pope, Th. pop. unless he cease from tbis vice, as also the said friars, unless they show b.~~:;~ of tbemselves more earnest and studious in repelling the same, are aEke yorthy of death, I mean, eternal death. Nay, tbe Decretum itself saith, 'That UpOD such a vice as this of heresy, the pope himself both may and ought to be accused.''' After this, because the nights were getting longer, and that the bishop {elt his weakness and infinnity to grow upon him, the third night before the feast of St. Dionisius he willed certain of his clergy to be called to him, thereby to be refreshed with some conference or communication. U nto whom the bishop, mouming and lamenting for the 1088 of 80uls through the avarice of the pope's court, sighing, said on this wise, as by certain aphorisms. Certain Aphorisms or Artic1es ol Robert Orosthead against the Bishop of Rome.
l. Chriat came into the world to win aouIs; ergo, be tbat fearetb not to destroy BOula, may he not justlr be called Anticbrist? 2. The Lord created tbe umverse in six day., but in reltoring lost man he laboured more than thirty yean; il not therefore a destroyer of souls justly to be counted tbe enemy of Gad, and Antichrist? 3. The pope is not ashamed impudently to disannul, by tbe obstacle .. non Th. pope obstante," privileges granted by tbe holy Roman pontiffs, his predecessors; "f~j"d wbicb ia not dane without tbeir manifest injury and prejudice, for in sa doing ~ck:d be dotb reject and destroy that whicb so many great and boly men had builded clau, before. And what a contemner, then, must be be of the sainta! but he tbat ~~~n ~b contemneth sball justly be contemned, according to the saying of Isaiah, n~ .. Woe to thee wbo despisest, shalt not tbou thyself be despised ?" Who, in "",...... time to rome, will respect privileges of his granting ? 4. Tbe pope, indeed, in anlwer to this defendeth his error by saying, .. No And rOI one batb power over bis equal: tberefore, no farmer pope can bind me, who ;"rogatBm a pope as well as he." To which I reply, " It does not appear to me, tbat I~~mh~:e be wbo 18 yet sailing on the perilous sea of this world and be who is arrived du.; and sare in the baven are equala; for grant that aome particular pope is saved (far be ~:::'I~be it fmm us to uy the contrary) ; yet aur Saviour wth, .. He that is least in tbe equal. bul kingdom of beaven is greater than Jobn the Baptist, a greater tban whom did ~~~;r~~~~
(1l Decreti DI.t. 83, cap. 3: D1.I. M, cap. 3: Cau.a 23, Que.l. 3, cap. 8.-Eu. (2) Decrell, Dl.I. 40, cep. 6.-.t:u. J\I )II VOL. II.
cellorl.

530
H ry

THE CRAl"TY J'RACTICE OF USURERS,

never arise among thoso bom of wamen." Ja not tberefore t11e Raid pope, as a giver and con/inner of pvileges, greater than the living pope? truly, meA. D. thinks, he is greater, and therefore hath power over his infeor j who, conse1253. quently, ought not to deapise hia predecC880rB. 5. Doth not tbe pope, speaking of moat of hia predecesaora, aay, " Such ar Acculed RlICh an one, aur predecea80r, ar pious memory;" and frequently, .. We, followr~:~:~ ing in the steps of aur hall predece880r?" and whr then do later popes destroy &cli of hll the foundationa whieh thmr predece880n bad laid preaece.6. Many apoatolie men bave afterward confirmed a particular privilege ;?~'pope pioualy granted by their predecea80n: and are not, then, many bishopa who ~1I"e II are already aaved by the grace of God to be counted greater and better than lnfeylor one wbo ia yet militant f ~~:.l:~ 7. Again, aur ancient apostolic fathen take the precedency of otbenr who :herefore are subaequent in time, and tboae whom the eatimation of antiquity doth exto 1~~r?l~a~- we are boUnd to eateem venerable. Tbis pneiple the holy Benedict, a man IlIfrlnge himaelf replete with the apirit of the saina and venerable for his virtue, bad ~1:~~!.r1- respect to in hia rule, wherein he givea the preference to the fint acceden. Men m~re whntever they were, hefore othera who might afterwards become membel'1l or fnclenl hil aociety, how worthy loever they might be, and direeteth that the former o:~ht'~~ ahould have precedence and vaneration. Whence, tberefore, cometh tbia ~ had In intolerable raslineu of revoking and cancelling the privilegea granted by many ~~~~:~ere- ancient sainta f ... . 8. Moreover, tbough many other popea bave afllicted the churcb, yet tbil ~ pope hath more gevoualy enalaved it than othera, and bath multiplied tbe no pope inconvenienees: for example j the Caunini are notoolJll uauren j aud our holy acc~.ednf fathers and doctors, ",bom we bave ouraelvea aeen and heard (name1y, tbe :~:'~::~- learned Master Fulco, I the famoua preacber in France; also Euatace, abbot or . Flay, or the Ciaterci&n order; Master Jacobua de Viteri j Master Stephen, arcbbisbop ofCanterbury,when in exi1ej and Master Robert deCureon), expelled them bv tbeir remonatraneea from tbe parta of France: but the present pope hath brought them iuto England, where the peat Wal beCon unknOWD, and there protected them; and if any one presume to open hia moutb againat them, he immediately becomes obnoxious to trouble and damage, witneaa Roger, late bishop oC London. 1 Againll 9. Every body knowI, tbat DlUry ia eounted a deteatab1e thing in both tbe u8ury. Teatamenta, and ia Corbidden oC Gad. But naw the pope'a uauren or exchangerl, to tbe diaguat even oC the Jewa, are openly allowed to exercise tbeir ulAlJ}' in London to the great damage and oppreasion ot al1 ecelesiaatica, but especlally the religioua, compeUintr the needy to tell falsebooda and to put their signature to lying documenll, whlcb ja no 1esa than to commit idolatry by renouncing Tho troth, that ia, God bimself. For iuatance, I borrow one hundred marks" for a <rAf'r ar lear Car one hundred pounda; and I am eompelled to drawand aign a writiug ~~:'~~:. m which I acknow1edge tbat I have borrowed and received one hundred pounda Tho to be repaid at the year's end: but iC it ahall ebance me within a month after, ar POpe'l a few daya only, to acquire the principal, and I wiah to repay it to tbe pope's ~~;~:n usnrer, be will, nevertheleBB, accept notbing abort oC bis fnll hundred pounds; 'han Ihe which OUlrageoUI UlUry is Car wone than t)le Jewisb; for wbenever you bring Je"l. the pncipal to a Jew, he will kindly take it, requing on1y such interest with eTany it, as ia proportioned to the time you bave bad bia money. ~~~~:IY 10. Moreover, we have known the pope iuatroct and command the friars popo \o Preachera and Minotea to inquire diligently after dying peraons, and to go to gel motbem and Ule every meana to penuade them to malte tbeir willa for the benefit noy. nnd relieC of the Holy Land j ao that when they reeover, they may wng aomeMen, thing from tbem for a dispensation, ar if they die, they may receivc ar force it liKned to fi th Ihe Holy rom elr executors. Land,lOld 11. He also sella men that have taken the erosa to !aymen,' just as formerly ro~ m~'''1 aheep and oxen were sold in the tempIe. We have actually aeen, too, an instru':yti."e ...p ment of hia in which it was inserted, that tbey who devised money Cor the popo. benefit and relief oC the Holy Land, ar tooli. the cross, should receivc indulgence ~~:~i proportioned to tbe sum they gave. ,Inl oold 12. Over and besides al1 tbis, the pope in many oC his 1eters hath comIII.
for mo-

n"y

(I) See menUon made nf Ihl. Fulea, lupr" p.318. <31 A mark was Ihi"een ,hillingo anu foul'Jlo"<e.-ED.

(2) See Appondix. (4) See Appendlx.

THE POPE ACCUSED OF UNLAWFUL DlSPENSATIOl'S.

581

manded prelatea to provide in same ecclesiutical benelice, such u the party H .." himself Bhould choose to accept, BOme alien, though absent, and wholly dis- lU. qualified u being both illiterate and ignorant of the langnage of tbe pashionen, and therefore unable to preaeh, ar to hear confesaion8, or BO much u Iteep 1253' residence to refreah the poor and harbour travellen. 13. We alBO know that tbe pope aetually wrote to the abbot of Sto Alban's, '[be po,," to provide in BOrne competent benefice one John de Camezana, whom he had e:;Je't~h_ never seen. Shortly after, provision wu made for the party in a rectory worth eo In bia upwards of fo~ marka bI: the year: but be, not being therewitb conlenled, prod,loiooa 'd a bbot comman ded h' reter. . to th e afiorell&l com!!lain ed to e pope, w o wnting lm to an ntlona. provIde better for tbe aforesaid clerk, reserving to himself, however, the A1ao 10 presentation to the fint benefice. ~~~~.bt'~ 14. Again, not many days after, tbere came to tbe abbey twa despicable ban'o. {ellows bringing witb them lelten from the pope, in tbe tenour whereof the Tbe ~ abbot was commanded, incontinent1y upon the light thereof to give " tbese :rc:;olenl noble penons" ten marks in hand, without demur, for the expedition and exlOrtion. despatch oC their business j and tbe men blustered and threatened bim sa, that he wu fain to make up the matter with them u well u he could. 15. Again, of those holy and leamed men, who for the better serving and oc tron imitatian oC Gad had left the world by a cOUl'lle wbich wu never to be retraeed, bling ~d tbe pope appointeth his to1nen,l to cajole men out of their money j which r::;u~. charl?" IIOre against their wi1h they undertake, only lest they should seem dill- od men ot obedientj and thus they become more world1y than &ver they were, and their ~~~IrI' homely chimmers and lICapillen prove a coml!lete imposture,a wbile under the wllb bla garb ol poverty there lurketb the spit of pnde and elation. Again, whereu : r a l a legate ought never to eome into Eng1and un1ess the king himself deme it, the .; pope evadeth this by a quirk, and sendetb many legates, not robed indeed in -""'" p~le, but armed with mighty powen; neither would it be difficnlt to produce an wBt&nee, nay, BO frequent1y do these concealed emiuarieB come, and BO numerous &re they, that it would be tedioU! to hear their namea recited. 16. Lastly (wbat i quite a noveltya), the pope, for BOme world1y respect, will TIIe ':er grant a man a bishopric without bis ever bemg consecrated, but only Ilon elect ~Ull fram year to year j wbich i u much u to say, that he is to have the milk and t".:J.~'i:w. wool of the sheep, not driving away the wolves, but only receiving the stated pen.... reveDDeS oC the biehopric. t1onl.

AD
o

And "hen this godly bishop had bus expressed hill det.eatation oC such practices, and of many other enormities which prevailed in the com of Bome; as, all kinds of avarice, usury, simony, and extortion, aIl kinds oC fi1thiness, feshJy lUBt, gluttony, and sumptuous apparel; insomuch that the proverb concerning the said court ia truly verified, Ejus avatial totus non sufficit orbis, Ejus luxurim meretx non aufficit omnis j , Ali the world cannot suffice, their greedy covetoue mind, Nor all the drabs and naugbty packa, their filthy lusting kindj'-

al\erwards he went about further to prosecute, how the aforesaid court, opening its jaws BO wide, that the flood of Jordan might run jnto its mouth, aspired to usurp the goods of them that died intestate, and legacies bequeathed without due form of law; and how, in order that they might practise this with the greatcr freedom, they wouM associate the king as sbarcr and partaker with them in their rapine. " Neither," saith he, "shalI the church ever be deIivered from tbis
et) .. TeloDulo ." M. Parls, l"ollec:ton.-----:ED.
(2} u Tragulorum "Uital mentltur." Chimmers and Scapillera." fi Slmarre" In Frencb III a IoDlIOYD or robe. A I ~pulary" wu a frlar'. "elt, part of wbich COl'ered the Ihoulderl.-ED. (J) A.1lwling lo Elbelmar, elect ot Wlncbeater, Ib. king'o baltbrolber.-En,
lO

HH2

532

DEATH Ol' ROBERT GROSTHF.AD.

E,lO'Pliun scrvitude, but with thc edge of the bloody sword. Albeit," "thcse be as yct but Jight matters ; yet, shortly, within the A. D. next three years, more grievous things than these shall come to pass... 1253. At the end of this his prophetic speech, which he scarcely could ncalh ar utter for sighing, sobbing, and weeping, his tongue faltercd, and his ~~~ breath began to faiJ, and so, the organ of his voice being stopped, be ~~~.;p ar made an end both of his speech and life. I Lincoln. And, forasmuch as mention hath been made before of the in8&tiabJe avarice of the pope's eourt by his inordinate provisions and reservations, it is testified by Matthew Paris, that the aforesaid Robert Grosthead, being bishop of Lincoln, caused to be viewed and considered diligenlly by his clerks, what the revenues of foreigners and strangers within England, set in by the pope, came to by the year; and it was found and evident1y tried, that this pope now present, Innocenl IV., did impoverish the universal church through~~~th' out Christendom more than all his predecessors from the time the r.Y.nn~ pope first began. BO that the revenues of foreigners and clerks, placed ~~:rr.pe I by him here in EngJand, mounted unto the sum of threescore and ten ~~;I~~d thousand marks and above, whereas the mere revenues of the crown cam. to. came not to a third of that sum.lI Of this Robert Grosthead writeth Oestrensis (lib. vii.), tbat partly for that it grieved him to see the intolerable exaetions of the pope in lhis rcalm; ano, partly, because he refused to admit a certain yonng nephew of the pope to be canon of his church (as hath been before rccited), be, therefore, writing unto the pope, and signifying that he could not admit any sucb persons into his church, who neither knew themselves, nor the tongue of the people, nor the charges committed llnto them, was calicd up to Rome, and there excommunicated; who, The pope thcn appcaling from the pope, shortly after departed, A.D. 1ll53. It "rocb" ' h'In two years a fi. er h'IS decease, t hat t h d pope I nn~ wlth Ih. CIlanced ,wit e' Enl ~~t~r cent being asJeep, a certain bishop, apparelled bishop-like, appeared h~ad. unto him, and striking him with his staff on the Ieft side, said, b.. hop ar "S . .In .. d' . "h' R' Lincoln. urge mISer, vem JU lClUm: t at IS," l8e, WIetch , . an d come to thy judgment." The next day, the pope was found amazed, as 3 man stricken on the side with the stroke of a staff. This Robert, though he was greatly commended for his sanctity and (as Cestrensis saith) for his miracles, yet was he not permitted in tbe court of Rome to be inscribed in the catalog'ue of sainta. And thus much out of Oestrensis conceming this matter. Matthew Paris, and the author of Flores Historiarum, prosecuting this story more at Inrge, add this unto it, and say that pope InnoA.D.125 cent the year following (which was A. D. U54), being passing angry, contrary to the mind of his brethren the cardinaIs willed to have the bones of this bishop of Lincoln cast out of the church, and, to bring him into disgrace wilh the people, that he should be counted an ethnic, a rebel, and a disobedient person, throughout the whole world; and thereupon caused he a Ietter to tbat effect to be written and trnnsmitted to the king of England, knowing that the king would gladly serve him therein, to have the spoil of the bishop

-.!!.!.:.- saith he,

H ...

r,

(I)

Ex Malth. Pari. [pp. 874-876.-En.]

(2) Id. p.

~511,

ad ODo.

J~2.-ED.

THK POPI'; STRLCKKN ON ONE SWE.

533

lInd of his rhurch. But, in the night foIlowing, tLe said bishop of nrory Lincoln appeared unto him arrayed in his ponti6cnlibus,1 and ap- ~ prooching him as he lay restless on his bed spake to him with a A. D. severe countenance, stem look, and terrible voice, at the same time 1254. striking him aviolent blow on the side with the point of his pastoml staff, and thus said, "Sinibald, thou most wretched pope! hast Tbo thou purposed to cast my bones out of the church to the shame of :\:':"d me and of thc church of Lincoln? \Vhence could such rashness ~uo lIto come into thy head? It were more meet for thee, adyanced and ~;:.~ '1 bonoured by God as thou art, to make much of the zelllous servants ~~~~pof of God, although departed. The Lord, however, will not suffer IJncoln. thee henceforth to have any power over me. I wrote unto thee in the spirit of humility and love, that thou shouldst correct thy manifold errors; but thou, with a proud eye and disdainful heart, hast despised my wholesome admonitions. W oe to thee that despisest, shalt not thou also be despiscd ?" And BO, bishop Robert retiring left the pope half dead, groaning lI'ith the anguish of the wound which (as was said) he had recciyed in hjs side, which was just as if he had been pierced with a lance, and sighing and crying out lamentably. The gentlemen of his bedchamber, hearing these things, asked him in astonishment what aIl tllis meant. He replied with groans and sighs, " The terrors of the Tho popo night have much disturbcd me, and I shaIl neyer recover, so as to be ~uJ:~ myseJf again. Oh! my side, how it pains me! I have been.struck mlnd. with a lance by a spirit." Neither did the pope eat or drink aIl that day, pretending to be iIl ot' a high fever. And yet, even so, the wrath and vengeance of God had not done with him. For after God I rethis, the pope not regarding these wholesome admonitions given to ~~ol~n bim by God through his seryant, but giving his mind wholly DoceDt. unto military and secular affairs, yet, with all his labours, counsels, and expenses bestowed upon them, never prospered after that day in what he went about; for the pope at that time havinK war witli the Tbo Apulians, his army 6ghting under the command of the pope's nephew =~an was routcd, and to the number of four thousand slain, including their ~:::~~_ commander; whose lamentable slaughter all the country of the Romans founded. did much bcwail. The popc, afterwards, directeth his journey towards NapIes, although sordy pained in his side, like a man sick or a pleurisy, or rather smitten with aspear; neitlier could cardinal Albus, his physician, relieve him; "for Robert of Lincoln," saith the A,,;,."':. r. story, " did not spare Sinibald of Genoa; who, for that he wouId not hear the other's gen tle reproofs being aIive, did feel his stripes when he was dead; so that he neyer after that enjoyed one good day or night." And so continued hc untiI his death, which shortly after Dealh of popo ensued, he bcing at NapIes, A. D. 1!55, or as . NichoIas Trivet 1 onocelU recordeth, 1~54. And thus haye ye the whole dlscourse bctween IV. Robert Or06thead and pope Innocent" In this story is to be noted, gentle reader, that altllOugh in Ceslrensis, Matthew PariB, and Flores HisloriaruID, it is expressly
(I) E. Maltb. ParU. [p. 883.] El< Flor. HIoI. t!) Tb. for"llolDg aceount of hilhop Grollll.ad bu lleon collat.d wlth Iho orlginal ID M. Parla, ond ..wd.rabIJ revloed and corrected.-ED.

THK .TEWS CRUCIFY A CHILD AT LINCOLN.

H ..."

~ Robert, the aforesaid bishop or Lincoln, yet thou must wisely

tcstified and reported, that the pope was smitten with the staff or

A. D. understand, tha1, howsoever GOO's hand dealeth here in this 1255. world in punishing his enemies, ar howsoever the imagcs of thiDgs
A nole

:r::"g of God working

m_n.

f~~~ of man (his senscs being asleep), by the operation ar permission

not seen but fantasied offer themselves to the secret cogitation

after some spiritual influence iD our imagmatiOlll, certain it is, that no dead man materially can ever rise again ar appear before the judgment-day to any man, with his staff or without his staff, to wark any feat, arter he have ance departed this life. Dlllen Arter the death of this Robert Gr08thead, bishop of Lincoln, tbere :~;'.::e- was great dissension between Boniface, the archbishop of Canterbury, ~~ebarchf and the canons of the said church of Lincoln, about the rigbt or c:z,:'.,:-o giving prebendships, and aOOut the revenues of the said churcb, tbe :~.7 and bishop's see being then vacant; which right and power the arcbbishop ~:::.~ c1aimed to hmselt: but the canons of that church, maintainin~ the Excom- contrary side, stood against him; and, for the same, were excommu~:..nl"" nicated of the arcbbishop. Among whom, one Master W olfe, reaistabused. ing the archbisbop to the face, in the name of all the other canons, made up his appeal to Rome, where much money on OOth sides was spent. At length, after this Grosthead, Henry Lexinton was elected to the see of Lincoln. AOOut this time the wicked J ews at Lincoln had cruelly crucified, A chlld cruclJled whipped, and tormented a certain chiId, named Hugo, of nine years by th. Jewl at of age, A.D. 1!55, in the month of August.' At length the child Llncolll. being sought and found by the mother, being cast into a pit, twa and thirty of those aOOminable Jews were put to execution. Of this ~ ehUd Matthew Pans reciteth a long story. The same ar like fset was also ~::~~;. intended by the J ews at N orwich, twenty years before, upon a certain ~~J;~"c' chiId, whom they had first CircUDlCised, and detained a whole year in &Whol. custody, intending to crucify bim; for which the Jews were sent up ~;:.JJ~~ to the Tower of London, of whom eighteen were banged, and the reat remained long in prison! Of this wicked Jewisb people I find alBo in the book Flores Historiarum, that aOOut this year they began Th. Je... first to be expelled out of France, by the commandment of the French ~~r~:ed king, he being then in Palestine, warrin~ against the Turks; on the Franc.. occasion of its being objected by the Turk, against him and other christian prince&, that they retained the Jews among them, who dUJ crucify aur Saviour, and warred against th08e who did not cmcify him. Of the J eWll here, moreover, king Henry the same year exacted to be given unto him eight thousand marks, on pain or hanging ; who, being much grieved therewith, and complaining that the king went about their destruction, desired leave to be given them by the king, that they might depart the realm, never again to return. 1'he leWI But the king committed the doing of that matter unto earl Richard, ~~~~:: his brother, to enforce them to pay the money whetber they would ~~e;:~m or not. Moreover, mention is made in the story entitled ' EuloLwd. gium' of the Jews at N orthampton, who had among themselves
~ppnodU. " " IYB1...i.r'1 .. Anglia Judalca."-ED.)

...

(l) Ex GuaU. GilburD. [On tb.... and olher matterl relating to Ib. Je... ID Englilb h1atory. (2) Ex Nich. Trivet. (3) Ex Flor. Hlltor.

Ex eeltren.i. !ib. vII. cap.

I.

JEWS BURNED AT

NORTHAMrTO~

535

prepa.red wildfire, to burn the city of London; for whieh divcrs of Henry them were taken, and burned in the time of Lcnt, in the said town ~ ofNorthampton. This was two years before, or about A.D.1!253. And A. D. forasmuch as mention herc is 'made of the Jews, I cannot omit 12,')9. what some EngJish stories write of a eertain J ew, who not long after ~e"'ed this time (about A.D. 1257), felI into a privy at Tewkesbury upon a N~b- al sabbath day; who, for the great reverence he had to his holy sabbath, amplOD. would not suffer himself to be plucked out. And so lord Richard, carl of Gloucester, hearing thereof, would not suffer him to be drawn out on Sunday for reverence of thc holy day. And thllil the wretched superstitious Jew, remaining there tilI Monday, was found dead. Further, to note the blinu superstition of that time, not only Superamong the Jews, but also among the Christians; to omit divers ::':'~Ii~';; 1ed iu other stories, as of 'VaIter Gray, arehbisllOp of York, who coming W up to the parliament at London, A. D. l ~55, with inordinate fasting &l:~~er, did so overeharge nature, and pined himself, and (as the story men- ~~~:~ of tioneth) did so dry up his brain, that he, losing thereby alI appetite of stomach, going to Fulham, there, within three days, died, as by th~ eompiler of Flores Historiarum is both storied anu reprchended ; let this only be added, which, by the aforenamed author, and in the same ycar, is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce, who, dying in France, A. D. 1255, left by bequest in his testament six hundred Superslimarks for lands to be purchased to the hause of Merlon, for God to ~~~I~g be served there perpetually, "Pro anima ejus et omnium fidelium ;" rlvatiou that is, "For bis sou1's heaIth, and all fait1lful souls." As one who D;e:D~.ng wouJd say, christian faith were not the ordinary means sufficient to sal'ration of faithful souls, without the choir service of the monks of Merton. Ye have heard it oRen complained of before, how the usurped Tbe po~ power of the pope hath violently and presumptuously encroached ::j~~ou. upon the church of England, in giving and conferring benefices and ~~~:,~f prebenda to his Italians and strangers, to the great damage and ruin of Cltrist's flock in manifold ways. This violent injury and oppression of tllC pope, as by no lamul and gentle means it could be reformed, so, by occasion and means inordinate, about this time it began sO:ijlewhat to be briJled. The matter whereof was this, as it is by the coIlector of Flores Historiarum rccited under the forty-fourth A';:diZ Jear of the reign of this king Henry III. The late bishop of London, named Fulco, had given a certain prebend in tLe church of SL Paul to The &"1110 one Master Rustand, the pope's nuncio here in England; who entering ~~~::-o~d into the profession of the Grey friars, and shortly after dying on the SI Pa~I:' other side of the Alps, the pope immediately conferred the said f~:e:;,.p~ prebend to one of his specials, a like stranger. 88 the other was before. :~~gt~: About the same instant it befel, that the bishop of London deceased, ~~~~me whercby the bishopric, now vaeant, fell into the king's hands, who, dltrerenl llearing of the death of the aforenamed Rustand, gave the said penon. prebendship, given of the pope before, to one John Crakehale, his treasurer; who with all solemnity took his installation. nnlmowing as yet that it was bestowed by the pope before. Not long after, as time grew, this being noised at Rome, forthwith cometh down a certain proctor, named John Gras, with tho pope's embulled letters, to receive the collation of the lcnefice, by his commission

586

A HXnW!1S )(URDJl:Il.

H"'rr procuratory given by the pope, wherein John Crakehale bad been ~ already installed, as is aforesaid, by the king's donation. This A. D. matter coming in traverse before Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury. 1259. he, after inquiring and searching which donation was the first, and The. d finding the pope's grant to be the former, gave sentence with him ::rro~ o- agallst the king; so that, in conclusion, the Roman clerk bad the l:~: advantage of the benefice, although the other lmd long enjoyed the klng'l, posscssion thereof before. Thlls the pope's man being preferred, and the Englishman excluded, aft.er the party bad been invested and sta1100 aft.er the use and manner, he thinking to be in sure possession of his place, attempted to enter the house belonging to his preben~ 'but was not permltted 80 to do; whereupon the pope's clerk, giving place to force and number, went to the archbishop to eomplain. This becoming known to tbose inside the bouse, they pursuOO him; and he T ....o being 80 compassed about, one in the tbickness of the throng, being ~~~ never aft.er known, sudden)y rushing upon him, alittle above his eyes Ing to so pareth oft' his bead tbat he felI down dead; the same also was ;~m:~ done to another of his fellows in feeing away. Tbis heinous murder ~;~. being famed abroad, strait inquiry thereof was made, but the deeddoer could not be known; and althougb great suspicion was laid upon Crakehale, the king's treasurer, yet no proof couId be brought. But most men thought that bloOOy fact to be done by certain ruffians or other light persons about the city or the court; disdaining perhaps that the Romans were BO enriched with Englishmen's livings, by "'horn neither came relief to any Englishman, nor any godly instruction to the fock of Christ. And, tberefore, because thev BaW the chureh and realm of England in such subjection, and so much to be trodden down by the Romans and the p;>pe's messengers, thel thought thereby something to bridle, as W1th a snafHe, the pope s messengers from their intemperate ranging into this land.1 Tbe Ilory Here, by the way, is to be noted, that unti! the death or this J!J&~lh, aforesaid FuIeo, bishop or London, continueth the bistory of Mat",,";th~r. thew Pana, monk of St. Alban's, which was to the year of grace 1~9. The residue was eontinued by another monk of the same house, but not with BUch like commendation, wortby to make sny authentic story; as l have seen it noted in a written book. It were too curious and tedious to prosecute in order what happened in every year, through this king's reign; as how it was provided by the king, that whoBOever could expend fift.een pounds from land by the year, should be bound to find the king a Boldier ; tbat watch should be kept every night in cities; that whosoever was robbed, or otherwise damnmed in any part of the country, he that had the custody thereof should be compelled to make up the 1088 again, or else to pursue the roalefactor. 2 (A. D. l !53). !tem, how the king making his voyage into Gascony, his expenses were reckoned to amount to two hundred and seventy thousand marks, beside thirty thousand marks bestowed upon his brethren by the mother's side, and besides othet great gift.s given abroad. By reason of this, great axes, and tolonies, and tenths were required of his BUbjects especially of the churchmen, who, being wont to receive tithes or others, now were constrained to give tithes to the huty! (A.D. 1!t54.)
(I) E11'1or. Hllt,

(2) Ibid.

(3) Ibid,

[~Appendlx.]

TNE POPX'S ARMY SI.AIN.

587

Item, bow in the year following, the Londoners, offcring onc hundred H ...ry pounds for a gin to the king, with a precious cup of gold, at his ~ return out of France, were shortly aft.er compel1ed by the king to A. D. pay thrce thousand marks for the escape of a certain prisoner, bcing 1255. a clerk condemned; which clerk being granted by thc king to the bishop, and he having no prison sufficicnt for him, borro:wed or the Londoners the prison or Newgate, to have him kept therein; who escaping, there was demanded of them, as it is said, this recompense. (A.D. 1255.) Item, how the king, greatly eomplaining of his debts the same year, required the whole tenths which should be gathered in three years, to be taken up aU at once; at whose request the nobles and commons agreed to strain themselves, so that the charter or their Iiberties and customs might be ratified, and fulIy by him confirmed; and so for that year they wcre. J Item, how pope Alell:- Pupo ander IV., to destroy the eity Nuchera, with king Manfred, the son :~:iV: of Frederie the emperor, sent forth the same year Octavian, his m&ketb cardinal, with a puissant army; who, coming to the city with his war. siege, through the counsel of the marquis of HoembUIgh, one of the chief captains, discharged a great part of his h08t; whereby the most Tbo of the pope's army was slBin and destroyed, almost all, &ave only the ramily of ~e marquis,' A. D. Ht55. 11&10. Many other things during the time of this king' might be heaped Tbekl.., together, 38 the rising of Llewellyn, king of Wales, and of the ':.:.~~ 'V clshmen against Henry III., and wasting the land unto the town :r.i~i~g of Chester, who dcstroyed divers of the English horsemen taken in ot Engthe marsh ; with whom at Iength they came to agreement by means or land. Octobonus, that his successors should only be called princes or Wales, and should do the king homage, and that Henry should receive or him three thousand marks. And this bein? established in writing, A.D.J257 was confirmed by the pope's scal, A.D. 1~7. About the same time such famine and Iack of victuals oppressed the land, that a somme l of com was then sold for six and twenty shillings; insomuch that the poorer sort were forced to eat nettleroot&, thistle-roots, and whatsoever they could get" Some authors, howcver, rcfer this to A.D. 1262. Hcreunto, moreover, might be added, baw pope Alexander, Pupo abusing and mocking the king's simplicity, made him believe that :'::.~';" he would make his son Edmund, king of Apulia, 50 that he would sustain the chargcs and cost thereof, to maintain the war which thr king thereto should appertain ; whereby the king, cast in a sudden hope, ::rli:;~ caused. his son inrontinently to be proclaimed king of Apulia; and ~~~~I~rbe upon the same sent up to the pope alI the riches he could well ~~la. procure in his realm. And tl1US was the realm, in manirold ways, kin~'1 miserably impoverished to enrich the pope. About this season, ~~~er Richard, carl of Exeter, the king's brother, was made king of ~J&c::. Almain by the electors. Here niight be showed, moreover, and added to the stories above, how the next vear (A.D. 1~59), as Nicholas Trivct writeth, the king entering into France, required thc restitution of such lands in Normandy and Anjou as of old ri~ht were due to him, and wrongfully

=;1

::::::rb

(1\

."

fx Flor. Hllt. A b"""lload.-Eo.

(2) Ex Flor Hilt., ot l\fRlth. P&ril. (5\ Ex Autharc :ulugii.

(8) Ex Pnlychron. 17.

'6)
:x

t'lur. 1Ii.t.

538
Hm,

BIlOlL BETWEEN THE WEI.SH AND THE MEN OF OXFORD.

~ that the country or Normandy, in old time, was not given away from

Wlthholdcn trom him.

But the French king again allcged, Bllying,

A, D. the crown of France, but was usurped, and by force extorted, 1257. by Rollo, &c. In conclusion, the king, fearing and BUspecting the
ci.i! cord

d. d urst not try WIt . h t h em, b ut was compeII ed to agree WI 'th them upon ;:~ BUch conditions of peace as he could get; which were these: that

What

hearts of his nobles, and looking for nothing but rebellion at home,

he should have of the French king three bundred thousand smalI T ours poUnWl, .1_' h . 1'1 _ WIt BO much lands el se In UBIICOny, as came to :~n~_ the value or twenty thousand pounds in yearly rent; BO should he jou. resign fully and purely to the hands of the French king, all BUch .:::-. lands and possessions as he bad in France. Wher~by the king giving over his style and titles which he had in those parte, ceased then to be ealled duke or Normandy, or earl of Anjou. Albeit, ir it be tme that Gisbum writeth, the king, aft.el"l'ard repenting of his deed, did never receivc the money all his life, neither did he cease during his life to entitle himself in his letters duke of Normandy; but aft.er him, his BOn and streeetlllOr Edward in his letters left out the title to be called duke of Normandy.l Con1l1ct Besides many other matters omitted, here I overpsss also the sore :i~~~ and vehement confl.ict, not between the noga and the mice of which ~~;:.,tb. Homer writeth, but the mighty pitched field, fought A. D. ] V>9, W~lab_m between tlIe young students and scholara of the university of Oxford, ~:~:.:'3.- having no other occasion, as I read in Matthew Paris, but only the :~;r:'.i. diversity of tlIe country where they were bom; for tlIe Northem men joining with the Welshmen, to try their manhood against the Southern, felI together in BUch a broil, with their ensigns and warlike array, that in conclusion divers on both sides were slain. This heavy and bloody confl.ict during and increasing among them, the end 1a8 this: that thc N orthern lads with the Welsh bad the victory. After that fury and fiery fierceness had done what it could, the victors bethinking at length with themselves, partly what they had done, partly how it would be taken of the higher powers, and fearing due punishment would fall upon them, especially seeing the brother of Llcwellyn, prince of Wales, and son of Griffin, was newly dead in prison; drawing their counsel and helps together, they offered to king Henry four thousand marks, to Edward, his son, three hundred, and to the queen two hundred, to be released of their trespass. But the king answered them again, that he, setting more price on the life of one tme BUbject, than on all which by them was offered, would in no wise receive their money. And BO the studentB without hope of peace went horne with smalI triumph, learning what the common proverb meaneth, lO Dulce bellum incxpertis." Notwithstanding, the king being then occupied in great affairs and wara, partly with Llewcllyn and the Welshmen, partly inwrapped with discord at home with his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the correction of Variance thcse university rnen. 2 Likewise, concerning the dissension following ~'::,? in the ncxt year (A.D. ]~60) in the university of Paris, between the ~:n~.nd students there and the mara, the number of whom then did so much In .p.l~ increase, that the comrnons were searcely able to sustain them with :~~C;;;? their alms. AIso, betwcen the universitie~ both of Oxford and
:Iooorthe carldom of Nor(1) Ex Giabum.n.L

(21 Ex Hatth. ParI..

':OMMOTION BETWEEN TRE KUW ANI> Hl8 NOHI.ES.

539

Cambridge, for a certain prisoner taken out of prison by strengtb, and H...-y f ied' sanctuary the same year, as " IS tesb m M atth ew III. _ brought mto Pa.-is. (A.D. 1259.) In like manner toucrong the variance between A. I? the arcbbishop of Canterbury, and the chapter of Lincoln. Again, 12.J8._ between the said archbishop of Canterbury, and the chapter and :~~~~~~.: bishop of London; and how the said bishop at his consecmtion an.d Camwould not malee his profession to the arehbishop but with this :~';'n exception, "Salvis jure et libertate ecclesim Londinensis, qUIIl pro l:barcbr posse meo defendam in omnibus," &e.1 All wroch wranglings and ean:':._o dissensions, with innumemble others reigning daily in the church in ~~: those days, if I bad leisure enough to prosecute them as I find them ~rorLin in stories remaining, might sufficiently induce UB to understand what Be~~een smalI peace and agreement were then joined with the doctrine and ~~b:br O religion of those days, during the state and reign of Antichrist. eanter_ These, with many such other matters, which here might be dis- ~~?c~~~ coursed and storiOO at large, being more foreign than ecclesiastical, ~D';[on. for brevitY I do purposely contmct and omit, cutting off aIl such Llttle_ superfluities as may seem more curiOUB to write upon, than necessary f:';,~~'1 to be known. cbnn:b. This that followeth, collceming the pitiful and turbulent com- Hiltorlel motion between the king and the nobles, wroch lastOO along season ; f:~~~ble because it is lamentable and containeth much frnitful example both ample for princes and subject.s to behold and look upon, to see what roischief and inconvenience groweth in commonweaIs, where study of mutual concord lacketh, that is, "here the prince regardeth not the offending of his subjects, and where the subjects forget the office of christian patience in suffering their prince's injuries by OOO's wrath inBicted for their BinB: therefore, in F}>laining the order and story thereof, I thought it not unprofitabTe to occupy the reader with a little more tarriance in perusing the fulI discourse of this so lamentable a matter, and BO pemicioUB to the public weal. And first, to declare the occasions and first beginning of this OccaaIOD tumult, herc is to be understood, that ",hich before was signified, ~oTI:I how king Henrv mamed with Elenor, daughter of the earl of Pro- bebl"k"e1en t e ng vence, a stmnger, WhlCh was about A. D. 1!36; whereupon a great and hll door was opened for stmngers, not only to enter the land, but a1so to DOb~ replenish the court, to whom the king seemed more to inc1ine his A~_g favour, advancing them to more preferment than his own natural English lords; wroch thing to them was no little grievance. Moreover, bef'ore was declarOO how the king, by lsabel, his mother, who was a stmnger, had divers brethren, ",horn he nourished up with grent Jivings and posscssions, and large pensions of money; which was another heart-BOre to divers, and aIso an hindmnce. Over and besides hath also been declared, ",hat unreasonable collections of money from time to time, as quindecims, subsidies, tenths, amercements. fines, payments, loans, and taxes, have been levied by the king, as weB on tlte spiritruility, as on the lay sort, partly for maintaining the king's wars against Wales, Scotland, and France, and to recover N ormandy; partly for helping the king's debts, voyages, and other expenscs; partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which was promiscd the king's BOn by thc pope; partly for moneying and supporting the
ol

(I ) Flor. HlsI.

540

APPEAL OP THE NOBLES TO THE JUNG.

pope in his wars against the emperor: by reason of all which sundry importable collections, the commonwealth of the realm was A. D. utterly el[coriate, to the great impoverishment of poor Englishmen ; 1258. neither did it a little vel[ the people, to see the king calI in sa many legates from Rome every year, who did nothing else but transport the English money into the pope's coWers. Besides all this, what variance and altercation have heen hetween the king and his subjects about the liberties of Magna Charta and De Foresta, granted by king John, and after confirmed by this king in the former council holden at Oxford, hath been hefore deelared. Perhaps this might be also some piece of a cause, that the king. considering and bearing in mind the old injuries done of the lords and barons to his father king John before him, did bear same grudge ther&-for, ar same privy hatred. unto the nobility, to revenge his father's quarrel; but of things uncertain I have nothing certainly to affirm. This is certain by trutb of history, that the year of aur Lord 1!l60, A.D.IUG. tllus writeth Nicholas Trivet : That the king's justices, called Itinerarii,l being sent to Hereford to execute their office, were from thence repelled: the cause being alleged by tbose who were against the king, that theywere proceeding and enterprising against theform of the provisions enacted and establisbed alittle before at Oxford. ~trange.. It befel, moreover, in the same time above other times, as Walter I;;e all Hemingford writeth,' that a great number of aliens coming out of ;;,~~~~~ France and other countries resorted to England, and had here the ~nderth. doing of all principal matters of the realm under the king; unto mg. whom the wardships and reliefs and other emoluments of the land did most chiefly redound. Which thin,l;t to see, did not alittle trouble and vex the nobility and baro~e of England, insomuch that Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liberties and we:1lt.h of the realm, conferred together with other lords and barons Thear.: upon the mattcr; who then coming to the king aftcr an humble sort ::~I:. It~ of petition deelared to him, how all tbe doings of his realm and his [~.p~~ng. own affui.rs were altogetber disposed by the hands and after the wills ~l'l> 1258 of strangers, neither profitably unto him nor to the weal publie, forroHY~er.J . much as his treasures heing wasted and consumed he was in great debt, neither was able to satisfy the provision of his own honse, but was driven to tally for bis own cates, to no smalI dishonour unto his own state. "And now, therefore,'" said tlley, "pleaseth your highness to be informed by aur advice, and to commit your house to tbe guiding and government of your own faithful and natural subjects, and we will take upon us to discbarge your wbole debt within one year of our own proper goods and revenues, sa that we witllin five years may elear ourselvcs again. N either will we diminish your family, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue; providing 50 for tbe @8fety, and seeing to the custody, of your roya person, as your higbness shall find and understand aur diligence most trusty and faithful unto you in the end." rh. king To these words, 50 lovingly deelared, 50 humbly pretended, 50 f~~'i~lh hcartily and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended, lord.. assigning unto tbem both day and place where to confer and to deliberate further upon the matter, which should be at Oxford, one

-!!.!:....- and

II..."

(I) .. JuaU.uln Err." 8... Appendix.-ED.

(2) Ex Gualt. Gi.burn.nol.

THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.

541

month after Pentecost [June 11th]. At which day and place a11 n ...... the states and lords, with the bishops of the realm, were summoned to ~ appear at the said town of Oxford, for the behalf of the king and the A. D. realm convented together; where, fust of the king himsclf, then of 1258. the lords, an oath was taken, that what decrees or laws in the said A parli.assembly should be provided to the profit of the king and of the ~:r':~: rea1m, the same unive~l1y sho~ld be kept and observed to the ~~~:I~r honour of God, the utIhty of his church, and the wealth of the lal'I rea1m. Besides these lords and the king were also nine bishops, ~~:. who swearing to the same did excommunicate aU such as should Tb. kio~ gainstand the said provisions there made, the king holding a ~~~:.lh buming taper in his hand, and the lords openly protesting to rise lh.~ with all their force I against aU them that should stand agninst the ~/z. same. There were at tbat present in thc realm four brethren of the king's Tbo (most part of them by the mother's side) who would in no case agree ~::F~:.n hereunto, but in anger derarted privily unto Winchester. The aeains.l nobles hearing thereof, in al speedy wise pursucd them, fearing lest ~~~v~~ld they should take the city of Winchester, and forcibly keep thc same. "'OOL Wherefore the lords preventing their purpose, and seeing them stifHy to persist in their stubborn sentence, wrought no other violence against them, but, retuming to Oxford agnin, prescribed to them these conditions: That they, departing the realm, should repair to their APJ":."');z" own lands and possessions which they had beyond the sea; and that forthwith they should put this injunction in execution. Notwithstanding that the king made for them grent intercession, yet it took no place. And because thia should seem to proceed of no special displeasure against them, they enacted, moreover, that aU strangers and aliens, of what state or condition soever, should forthwith avoid the realm on pain of death. Divers other provisions the same time were ordained and established; that if any did hold of thc king in whole or in part, and should chance him to depart, his heir being under age, the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly before been specified.
1'doreover, it was there decreed, that the wool or England should be wrought GocI graot 0I11y within the realm, neither should it be transported out to strangers. Ibll law IterA, That no man should wear aoy doth, but which was wrought and made :~lak_ ooly within the realm. again. Ilem, That garment8 too sumptuous should not be brought in nor wom. And lbla. Ilem, That all excesaive and prodigal expenses, wasted UpOD pleasure and ~;~~~ Dr mperfuity, should be eschewed or all persons. lh_nalm.

Many other laws and decrees, saith the author,' in this assembly D n In were ordained, wherein they continued the space of fineen days; and :,tl~=;'~: many of them were impoisoJled, of whom was the abbot of Westminster, IOno<1. a man in that order much commendcd. AIso William, brother to the carl of Gloucester: also the carl himseJf, being impoisoned, hardly escaped with life, his bair and nails falIing off his body; whereof the author not long after was taken, and duly executed at Winchester. In the menn time, the nobles considering those dangers and jeopardies, were constrained to break off for that time, appointing the
(I) .. V.lnt ,""cpilree In CDrTUJO," H.mlngrord.-ED.

(2) Ex HI.t. GualL G1.bl1rD.n.l..

54!

TUE KI NG ABSOLVXD OF HI8 OA TH BY TUK POPE.

H"". thireenth day of October next following to convent together at ~ London with weapon and hamesa, to prosecute and finish the residue A. D. that was in the said council to be concluded. AlI wbich, at the 1261. time and place appointed, was fully aceomplished, and the acta AP:::'-' thereof in order of writing promulgated, and 80 committed to execution. Th. tlng Aner tbe promulgation whereo( many things therein displeased ~~~~lelh the king, and it began to repent him of his oath. But because he oalb. could not at that present otherwise choose, he dissembled for a. A.D.1261. sea&on. Thus, time passing on, three years after (A.D. l!t61) the king, seeing himself more and more to grow in debt and not to be relieved according to promise made, but apecially being egged (as may be thought) by his brethren, taking it to stomach, sent up to tbe n. tlng pope, OOth for him and bis BOn Edward to be released of their oalb :~:~ made before at Oxford. The benefit of which abeolution being ~.:;~= easily. obtained or rather OOught at the pope's hand, the k~g, hil oath. seppmg back from all that W88 before concluded, calleth a parha~" ment at Winchester, wbere he before the lords and nobles declared, abloluhow in the late council of Oxford they bad agreed among themselves ~~~. for tbe common utility of the realm and of the king, as they pretended, for the increasing of his treuure, and his debt to be dimillH "'""...tU nisbed; and thereupon OOund themselves with an oath, causing also [June himself and his son Edward to be OOund unto the same. But now, I2tb.] by experience proving and trying the matter to be otherwise t.han tbeir promise was, and that tbey, contrary to their covenant made, BOught not BO much the profit of him and of the realm, 88 their OWU, taking- him not as their lord, but going about to bring him undel their subjection as an underling; and for that, moreover, his treasure greatly decreasing, his debta increased, and his princely liberality was eut short and trodden under foot-they &bould not manel therefore, if he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel, but would provide bimself with some other remedy, such as be migbt. And moreover, 88 touching the oath wherewith be and his BOn stood bound unto them, he had sent already to Rome, and had obtained absolution and dispensation of the same, ooth for bim and his son Edward also, and for aJ] others that would take his part. And therefore he required of them to be restored again to that state and condition he had enjoyed in times past. 'rb. To this again gave answer tbe state or nobility on the other lide, . h I . th e num b er of wh om was Simon Bn....ror Ih.nobl.. bcmg ID t e same pace present; In ~r.:I:i~~. Montfort, carl of Leicester, Richard of Clare, carl of Gloucester, Humphrey de Bohun, and tbe carl Ferrers, with a grcat number of barons, as lord John Fitz-John, lord Hastings, lord Geffery Lucy, lord John V escy, lord William Segmve, H ugh le Despencer, lord Robert Vipoun t, with divers and many more; whose answer to the king again was this : That the provisions made at the council of Oxford, whereunto they were swom, they would hold, defend, and maintain to tbeir lives' end; forsom uch as they did BOund, and also were agreed upon, OOth to the honour of God, to the profit of tbe prince, and the stable wealtb of tbe realm. And bus OOtb sides discording betwixt themselves would so have departed, had not certain of the bishops, coming betwcen both, lahoured to make up the matter. By whose means

A UNIVERSll'Y ESTABLISHED AT NORTHAMPTON.

548

(saith 'ValterGisburn) and procurement the determination of the eause Hm~ was brought in compromise and referred to Louis, the Freneh king, ---.!!!10 judge betwixt them, who, bearing botb the allegations (saith he), like A. D. no equal judge but a partial friend, incIined whoIly and fulIy to the ~ king's sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the autbor of Flores The Historiarum saith, that by the mediation of certain discreet men, two ~~~;be_ were chosen, one for one side, the other for the other, to whom a ~~~;~:,l~e third also was annexed, who bearing, as welI what was brought of the thenobles s part, as aIso what was answere d of the other, should define co~proput m k 'mg between them botn; and 50 peace was between them concIuded tiII mil;':' the coming of Edward. AIl this wbile the pope's absolution for the Appnodiz. king, although it was granted and obtained at Romo, yet was it not brought down in solemn writing, neither was prince Edward as yet rcturned out or France into England. I In this ycar it pleased tbe king, afl.er suit to bim made, to license a university or academical school to be planted in the towu or Northampton; and of a special favour wbich he pretended to bear (and like enough did indeed) unto the scboIars that went there to seat themselves, and to prosecute the exercise of studies, he wrote his letters mandatory unto the chief officera and otbera of the said borough in the said studenta' bchaIf; the tenor wbereof folIoweth agreeing with the record: The Kiug's Letta to the Mayor, Bailiffil, and othera the Inhabitants of Northampton, in the behalf of certain Scholara minded to plant themseIves thae, as in a University.2
11Ie king to his beloved and trusty the mayor, baili1Fs, and other honest men, his IUbjects of Northampton, greeting: Whereas certain masters and otber BCholars do purpose to tarry in your towu corporate, tbere to ell.ercise scbolarly dUcipline, as we hear: we, regarding tbe glory of God, and tbe great profit of DUr klDgdom bereby, take in good part tbe coming tbitber of tlle lIaid scbolars, and liking well tbeir abode there, do will and grant tbat tbe lIaid ICholars may wey and securey abide in tbe said town corporate, under our protection and defence, and there ell.ercise and do BUch things, as to slIch ICholara appertain: And tberefore we command you and straitly charge you, tbat wben tbe .aid schoars sball comeunto yoll, to tarry in your lIaid corporate town, yOll receive them courteoUBly, and treat them as becometh the state of scholara, not doing or suffering to be dane unto tbem any impediment, molestation, or grievance. In witne81 wbereof we bave caused these our etters patent to be made. Witness the king, at Windsor, the fint day of February, in tbe five and fortieth year ofhis reign. [1261.J

At lengtb. the writing of tbe king's absolution being brought frorn The pope Rome, the king eftsoons commanded the same 10 be pubJished tbrough- ~:~e:'1~~~ out the realrn, and sendeth to the French king and other stmngers or t~11 for help; moreover, he seizeth all his castles into his own hand, oa ;.... rejecting the counsel of tbe lords, to wbose custody tbey were before Appntd... committed ; also removing the former officera, as tbe justices and the chanceIIor, with othera placed before by the lords, he appointed new in tbeir stead. To this aforesaid absolution proeured from Rome for the king and
111 Thll pasoage In uteriskl II not In the Edltlonl publlohed previoUl lo the year 15!l6.-ED. (2) .. Rex dUeclis et fidelibul lulI majori, baUlvll, et coeterll problo bominlbus lulI de N orthampton, salutem. Cum quidam magiItrI et alllacholares proponant," &c.-Tunil Land. [The above tranllatlou 11 revlsed !J'om Ihe Latln ortglnal printed In Rymer.-EJJ.]

THE KING'S LETTER TO IUS PROCTOItS AT ROIU:.

his son, Edward, retuming out of France at that time, did not give consent, but held with the lords; who then putting themsclves A. in arms, with a great power repaired to London, keeping there in ]262. the suburbs and places about, while the king kept within the tower, causing the city gates to be watched and loeked, and all within the said city, being above the age of twelve years, to be swom unto him. But, at length, through the means of certain coming between, this tumultuous perturbation being somewhat appeased, at least some hope of peace appcared; so that the matter was taken up for that Wlcked time without war or bloodshed. Notwithstanding, some false pre::~~ tensed dissemblers there were, who secretly disclosing all the counsels and doings of the lords unto the king, did all they could to hinder concord, and to kindle debate; by the means of wbom the purpose of the lords canJe not to so good effect, as otherwise it might. I .sIn this ycar the archbishop of Canterbury, with his suffragans (after their wonted manner), standing against the king, bad marle their appeal to Rome: whereupon the king was fain to answer by Ordl proxy, as appeareth by this brief note, dmwn out of record :_U Rex ~:~c.. constituit J ohannem Hemingford procuratorem suum in causa appella~::I;t~ tionis," &c. "The king hath appointed and made John HemingLondon rord his proctor in a cause of appeal which is moved in the com oC :~~~g'l Rome, between the king on the one part, and the archbishop of r1gbL Canterbury with his suffragans on the other, about certain ordinances, constitutions, and decrees lately in a council :plOvincial at London by them published, to the prejudice of the king's right, his cl.ignity lOya, the liberties, lawa, and customs of his kingdom."" This matter no doubt was laboured very diligently by the said John Heminword, who was to that end authorized by the king to make his abode at Rome, during the time that any manner of process was held and maintained against him to the impeachillg' oC his royalty ; whereof the king had a special regard, perceiving the waywardness oC his own clergy, or rather rebelliousness in daring to decree and ordain laws against him, and therefore he was the more careful to bavc all matters depending in the court of Rame conceming him and his to be earnestly foIlowed, insomuch that he joined to the aforesaid Hemingford, in the charge of plOcuration, one Roger Lovel: unto which two, residing at Rame, the king sent his letters, charging them 80 to manage his afiRirs, as that nothing might pass to the deroga.tion of his roya title. The copy of the said letter foIloweth, agreeing with the prototype or origina!.
H ,.,

...!!.!:..- his

A Letter of the King sent to his Proctors at Rome, conceming a Case of his in the said Court depending"
Agaln"1 The king to Master John of Hemingford, and Roger Lovel, his proctors. ~k;1 pleading in the court of Rame, greeting: Forasmnch as upan you, our tnlstJ in tbe c;::eoc tendlng to Ibo

hU1

king.

and vowed servants, the defence of our "&ht anu honour doth He j and, as we hear, certain of our rea1m, pleading in e court of Rame, do move ilivers matters to the prejndice of aur right and honour, presuming anu intending to prevail against UB, we command yon, and atraitly charge you, that on our di'd bebalf you straitly forbid all and every of them, that they presume not any ~~~o co further to Wldertake such thillgs as tend to the hurt of aur majesty, and Ule
(I) Ex Flor. Hiat. (2) In no Edltlon beCore Ibal oC 1591l.-ED. (3) E:r Flor. HlaL (4) .. Rex mag\strla Jobannl do HomlngCord ot R0ll"ro Lovoll.'n>cUraloribuallUia. In cum R<>m..... agonUbul, salutem, etc. Cum vobls tanquam fidllibua nOltrll~ eC.-Turril Land. [MaJ' 27th.]

THR REBKLLION OF TBK WELSBMEN.

derogation or our bonour, but wholI)' rorbear 1IO to do, 88 they will avoid aur indignatioll, and the peril "C them and tbeirll. Tbi8 inhibition alBo we will by III. JOU all and every oC Jon (80 often 88 you 8ball8ee needful) to be made known, and thereupon by you ar some of yon to be certmed oC the contemners oC the 1263' same. WilneM d1e king at Westminster, the six-and-twentieth of March, in _ _._ the six-and-fortieth year oC biB reign...

H,.,.,

AD

In this present year aIso (as affirmeth the forenalOed author) it Blahop.o was rumoured abroad tbat all tbe bisbops of England went about to ~~n~ lo recover again out oftbe hands of religious men al1 such churches and ;:o~er benefices, which were to them impropriated or appropriated; and that ap;';.,..CM they, for the expedition of the same, had sent up to Rome both c;~;re messengers and money, nothing misdoubting to obtain thcir purpose. ~oua But as little good fruit in those days used to spring out of that see, - .. so I do not find tbat godly suit and labour of the bishops to take 80y fruitful effcct. Tbe same year died pope Alexander, after whom succeeded pope A~ U rhan IV. or the which pope Urban, tbe next year, the king also A.D.I262. obtained (or rather revived) a new releasement from his oath made to ~~:':r be provisions and statutes of Oxford; which being granted, he com- Ih~bt~. mandeth incontinently all the aforesaid laws and provisions through ~mo. ID England to be dissolved and broken. This done, the king witlt the queen taketh his voyage into France, where he fell into great infirmity [Iuly 71b, of sickncss, and tbe most part of his family were taken with the ~~tl quartan fever, of which many died j ID the number of whom was Haldwin, carl of-Devonshire. About the same time died in Kent Richard, the worthy carl of Gloucester and Hertford, aner whom succeeded Gilbert Clare, his son. The WeIshmen this year (A.D. 1262), breaking into the borders Tbo of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Morti- :~~' mer, but mightily &gain by him were expelled, not witltout great T~i proslaughter of tbe invaders. About which time, tbe king, through Oxf~:o( some discreet counsel about him, inclined to peace and concord with =:'':ed his nobles, granting, of his mere voluntary will, tbe constitutions and provisioD8 of Oxford to take place in the realm, directing his commandment to every shire. Albeit, the realm yet was not altogether pacified for aU that. In the latter end of this year, the king's palace at Westminster Palaee al was bumt, and for tbe most part was all consumed witb fire, which ~::~; Ileemed to many an evil prognostication against tlte king. 4 witb fire. In some English chronicles it is also recorded, tbat the same year UIUry five hundred Jews at London were slain for taking usury more ban puniabed. two pence a wcek for twenty shillings, being before forbidden by the king to take above that rate by the week. After this followeth the ycar 1!68, in which the barons of England, A.D.1263. confcderating tbemselves together for maintaining the stntutes and Tho laws of Oxford, and partly moved with old grudge conceivcd ngainst ::I~~ the strangers (maintained by the king and the queen, and Edward agaln., their son, in the realm of England), joined powePs in all forcible wise, :~~~gors. and fint invaded the said strangers, namely, those who were about the ~::"':m king. Their goods and manors they wasted and spoiled, whether t1tey :~~~~

:r:.

(I) lJt Flor. Hblorlarum. [i.. MaIlb.... or Wellmln.ter.-ED.] (2) no pope'. bulili lo Rymor, dalod Pob 25Ib,.l. D. 1262. a110 Ibo ting'l procl.unalioo on Ibo _Ipl ol It, cIaled May 2d.-ED. 13) 1'tOIIl M. W.ltmlnalor, ...ho &dcil lbal bo ..... burlod al Towteobury, wilb Ibl. opllapb: .. Hlo pudor Hlppollll, Parldl. gena, .onlua Uly..b; JEo. . pletu, Heetori. Ira Jaco':' () Ex. Plor. Hill. X N VOL. II.

l>46

At.REEMENT BETWEEN' TRE KING AND TRI': J!ARONS.

were persona ecclesiastical or temporal ; among wbom, besides othel'!, ~ was Peter a Burgundian, bisbop of Hereford, a rich prelate, with al! A. D. his treasllre apprehended and spoiled : also his countrymen, whom he 1263. had placed to be canons of tbe same church. With like order P.ter, a handling, other aliens also, to whom was committed the custody :i~~~~n. of divers castles, as Gloucester, W orcester, and Bridgenortb, were ~~~ F.ng- spoiled, imprisoned, and sent away. Briefy, whatsoever he was in bi.hop. aU the land that could not utter the English tongIle, was of every rascal disdained, and happy if he might so escape; by reason whereo! it so came to pass, that a great number as weU of other foreigners, as especiaIly religious men, and rich priests (who here had gathered much substance), were urged to that extremity, that they were gIad to fee the land; in the catalogue of whom W88 one most principal, named J olm Maunsel, l a priest notoriously grown in riches and treaJohll lIaunael sures not to be told, having in his band so many and rich benefices, ricb prl 1. that ne'er no bishop of this realm might compare with him in riches: who, notwithstanding he kept with the king at London, yet was compelled privily to void the realm, and was pursued by Henry, the son of Richard king of Almain. Certain other strangers there were, to the number of two hundred and more, who, having the castle at 'Vindsor, there immured and entrenched themselves, to whom at length prince Edward also adjoined himself. The king In the mean time, wliile this stir was abroad, the king keeping tben =~th in the tower, and seeing the greatest part of his nobles and commons :~~~e~~a with the Londoners to be set against him, agreed to the peace of the barons, and W88 contented to assent &gain to tbe ordinances and provisions of Oxford;" albeit tbe queen, by all means possible, went Tha about to persuade the king not to assent thereto; who, 88 it seemed, Queen a was a great worker in kindling this fire of discord between the king greal ('ause ar and the barons : insomuch tha1, when the said queen Elenor should thl. debale. pass by barge from tbe Tower to Windsor, the Londoners standing upon the bridge, with their exclamations, cursing and throwing or stones and dirt at her, interrupted her course, causing her to return to the Tower again. Notwithstanding, the peace yet continued between Form Dr the nobles and the king, the form whereof was this: Firs1, that ~~:~~c~ Henry, the son of Richard king of the Romans, should be delivered ~~wk7n~ up by the king and queen: secondlv, that the castles ajSain should ond1lhe be committed to tbe cllstody of Englishmen, not of strangers: nob eo. thirdly, that the provisions and statutes decreed at Oxford should as weU by the king, as by aU others, inviolably be observed : fourthl)', that the realm henceforth should be ruled and govemed not by foreigners, but by personages bom within the land: fifthly, that all aliens and strangers should void the land, not to return again; except only Buch, whose abode should by the common assent of tbe king's trusty Ilubjects be admitted and allowcd. Thus the king' and thc nobles, joining together after this form or peace above prcfixed, aJthough not fully with heart, 88 afterappeared, put themselves in arms, with aIl their power to rccover thc castle or Windsor out of the strangers' hands. But Edward, in tie mid-way between London and the castle meeting wilh his tather and the barons, entered communication upon the mattcrj which being finisbed and he thinking to return into the castle agin, by the policy of lhe carl of Leicester, and WaJter," bishop or W orcester, W88 not per-

B......

or

li)

fi) Fox., mli1ed by Heming!'ord, "Y' William: Godwin " de Pr...tu1ibw Itr " -

s... Appcndb.

(2) July 10th.

Rymer.-En.

WAR BETWEEN THEKING AND THE BARONS.

547

rnitted to re-entcr: whcreupon tbe strangcrs within thc hold (des- e."., titutc of all hope to withstand the great force approaching) rendcred -!!!:...the castle unto the king and thc barons, UpOIl this convention: that A. D with horse and harness they might be suffered safely to depart the ~ land, not to return any more. This being granted, certain of the ~':f.or barons conductcd them in their journey towaros the sea side, and oove,';,d'e-~~ t h ere th ey left th em. hand. oC In the same year, about the beginning of October, the king and .trangera. queen made over to France, with Simon Montfort and other nobles, to hear and stand to the arbitrement of Louis, the Freneh king, con- ".:::-. ceming the controversy between the states of Englanrl; and aU through the procurement of Elenor, the queen. For she, not forgetting the old contumely of the Londoncrs, exc1aiming against her upon the bridge, wrought always what revenge she could against tbem.
II Manet alta mente repoatum Judieium Paridia.'"

Concerning the arbitrement of this matter referred to the French king, part bath beeu said before, and more shall be said (Christ willing) hereafter. Some stories do add, moreover, that the king continuing long in France, word was sent to him out of England, that unless he returned again to the realrn, they would elect a new king; whcreupon the king, returning out of France to Dover, would have entered the castle, but was stopped. Wherefore the king, in fieree anger and grent indignation, prepared his power towards Loneon, where Simon Montfort, the worthy carl of Lelcester, through a subtle train, was almost betrayed and circumvented in Southwark, by the sudden pursuing of the king's army, bad not the Londoners, with more speed, brenking bara and chains, made way to rescue him; by the means of whom the carl at tbat time escaped the danger. Now to come to the sentenee of the French king: Forasmuch as the Sentenee arbitrement of this matter was committed to him, as hath before been ~~~h specified, he, with a grent assemblage both of French and English ~~krth persons about him, considering and poising the cause on both sides, oC'E,,;K between the king and the nobles, clcarly and solemnly pronounced ~.t on the king's side against the barons; ordaining tbat the king of t:on. England all this while bad suffered wrong, and that he should be restored again to his pristine state, notwithstanding the provisions ~ made at Oxford, which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated. 2 The sentence of the French king thus awarded, as it gave to the War beking of England with his retinue no little encouragement, so it ~~~t~h: wrought in the nobles' hearts grent indignation; who, notwithstanding ~~.~ that partial decreement of the French king, sped themselves home glnnetb. out of France to defend themselves with all their strength and power. And not long after followeth also the king, by whose train Simon Montfort, carl of Leicester, as is above recited, was well nigh circumvented in Southwark. Then the king calling his council together The uniat Oxford (from whence he excluded the university of studenta for a :teu~~t,r:c season, who were then at Northampton, as you hcard before) thcre ~mov~ cousulted, conferring with his fricnds and counsellors, what way was ;~.:: tllne best to be taken. And henring that the barons were assemhled in ~~~~~ to
(I) Vlrg. lEoeid. i. 26.

(2) Ell Flor. Hlaloriarum, Globurn. et a1ll0. N"l !

ampton.

548

THE TAKIl"G OF NORTHAlfTOl'l.

great nurnbers at the town of Northampton, he 'Went thither with bis ~ host and with his banners displayed, aeeompanied by Richard, king of A. D. Almain, and William de Valence, his brothers, also by Edward, his ~ son, John Comyn of Scotland, with many other Scota, John de Balliol, lord of Galloway, Robert de Bruce, lord of Annandale, Roger de ....::-. Clifford, Philip de Mannion, John de Vaux, Roger de Leyburne, Henry Percy, Philip Basset, Roger de Mortirner, and many others. Therefore the king commanded the barons that were within, to yield unto him presently the city and the pledges, or else he would immediBtely destroy them. But t.hey, counselling with the younger Simon de Monlfort, who, by his father's commandment, had got the residue thither to take counsel together (for his father and the earl of Gloucester were not yet come), boldly and with one mind answered, that they would not obcy the king's will, but would rather defend themselves and the city, if need were, even to the denth. The noblemen of the king's part hearing this, sent word again, that at least they should come to the wall of the city to speak to the king, if, by any means, peace might be made. They, suspecting no deeeit, followed their counsel, and lcaving their holds, came to the wall towards the meadow, for there lay the king and his strong host hard TUlng ot by. But, in the mcan space, whilst divers matters were reasoned ::~t~~ and trented of between the king and the lords, the lord Philip Basset, by tbe who before was appointed to work that feat, with mattocks and otller 1I.\0g. instruments of iron, and with men prepared for the onset, near to the monastery of St. Andrew, did undennine the wall of the city; and by this means the wall soon fell down, and there was made a great plain, so that in one forefront there might have gone together on a row forty horsemen. Of this subtlety the alien monka that were there were thonght to be the workers, because they made way and entrance for them that caDle in; but when they that passed by saw this, and that the king's bannera were ereeted rcady to enter in, there was a great howling made, and the noise of the people came to the ears of the barons, and they made speed to resist them; but it was aIl in vain, beeause they were already prevented by a great comSimon pany of their enemies. But Simon Montfort the younger, after he ::'t~l;b. hnd valiantly fought a while in the midst of his enemies, with Peter ~::.rr. Montfort, and a few that were with him, when Edward the king's prilooer. son came, was by his commandment taken and led away prisoner. Tbe But the clerks of the univeraity of Oxford (which university by the :rb~~':rd king's commandment was translated thither) did work against tbe ::;'..'J~.t king's men more hurt than the other barons, with their slings, long \he kJog. bows and cross bows; for tlley had a banner by themselves, and that Ar~"" was set up on high ogainst the king. Wherewithal the king being greatly moved, sware at his entering in, that they should aU be hanged; which when they heard, many of tbem shaved tbeir crowns, and they that were able ran away as fast as they could, and wben the king entered the city, many fied in their armour into the castle, others left their horse and harness, and ran into cburches, and a fcw wcre slain, and tbose wcre of the common people; but there was not much bloodshed, because aIl things were done as upon the 8udden. Wben the city was at length set in quiet, the king commanded his oath to be executed upon the clerks. But llis counseIlors said unto

H....,

IlO:HI:STJrR

BKllIEGEP BY tRI!:

BARO~S.

bim, "This be fur from thee, O king! for the BOns or thy nobles, and 11-., of other great men of thy kingdom were tbcrc gathered together into -.!!.!:the university ; whom if thou wouldst cause to be hanged or slain, A. n. even they that now take thy part would rise up against thee, not ~~~._ snffeng, to tbe uttermost of tbeir powers, the blood of their sons Thr Iluand kinsfolka to be shed." And 80 the king was pacified, and his ~e:Jo'ro.C1f wrath against the clerka was staid. opared. In the same day, after little more than an hom, the king's h08t assaulted the cast1e, and the new hold-keepers werc afraid, for that they bad not victuals and other things necessary for their resistanee ; therefore they sent immediately messengers unto the king, and yielded themselves to the king's mercy. Tbere were taken that day these Th.lonl. knights and barons under wtten: William earl Ferrers, lord ~~~_a Peter Montfort, companion oC tbe said Simon de Montfort the younger, lord Baldwin de Wake, lord Adam de Newmarch, lord ~. Roger Bertram; lord Simon Fitz-Simon, a va1iant wwor, who fust erected his banner against tlte king; lord Berengaus de WaterVJle, lord Hugh Gubion, lord Thomas Maunsel, lord Roger Boutevi. lein, Nieholas Wake, lord Robert de Newton, lord Philip de Dby, and Gmbald de Pauncefoot. AJ) these aforeband did the king take psoners, and many more, of whom he committed some to tbe lord Nieholas of Haversham, to be kept in the same castle well defended ; BOme be led away with him; and some be sent to divers castles; and appointed Simon Montfort to be cast into Windsor Castle. And all tbese tbings, as touehing the taking of Northampton, were done on the Saturday before Passion Week, being tbe fif\h oC April, A.D. lft640: and the king went forward even to N ottingham, buming Rnd wasting the manors of the lorda and others his enemies; and there he gathered togetber bis nobles, and greatly inereased his number. Wben tbis j)) luek was toJd, of them that were run away, to the carl Simon, who was coming towards N orthampton with a great host, he was in a great rage, and yet was not diseouraged; but imme- Simon diately going to London, he caused a ehariot to be made after the :~ur:~ manner or litters or eouches, wherein he might de as tllOugh he were blmsick; for he feigned himself to be feeble and weak, whereas he was Iick. indeed a stout and valiant warrior; and there gathered to him other nohlemen that were eonfederate with him, carls and barons, every one hnging with them their several arms, and preparing their engines .::::-. of wood, they went to besiege Roehester; for the carl of Warren, Rochin the king's behaJf, kept both the town and castle. Wben they had b) gotten the first gate and the bridge, the~ were ~rtly wounded and ~~nl. compeJ)ed to retire; and there that vabant kmght, Roger de la Boum, was wounded, and very j)) handled. Wbilst they eontinued siege there awhile, it was told them tbat the king was coming towards London with a mighty host; and they said one to another, " If the king at his coming shonld take London, we shall be shut in as it were in a strait eorner; let us, therefore, retum unto London, that we may keep in safety both the place and the people." Therefore, appointing certain persons to keep the siege, they:returned to London. At length when the king camc, they went forth with thc citizens to meet liim, not with flowers and palms in their hands, but with swom and spcarB. The king shunned them, anu after he had scizcd thc castleof

&Ul,:n.

:re

:i:

550
H....,

LETTERS BETWEEN THE BARONS AND THE JUNG.

~ Rochester ; where, aft.er he bad killed a few; he brake the siege, and A. D. uom thence the king went to Tunbridge, and the town and castJe
1264.
London.

Kingston, which was the earl or Giouctllters. he went from thence to

now being given up to him, he took there the countess of Gloucester, whlther she would. And he left for the custody or the castle and city a great part of his host, to the number of above twenty picked out bannerets, for that it was commonly said that the carl of Gloucester would come out of band to assauJt tbem. Wbich being done, he continued on his joumey to Winchelsea, where he received to peaee the seamen of the Cinque ports. And three days after, upon the Saturday fol1owing, he came to the town of Lewes, and was received into the abbey, and his son Edward into the castle. Then tbe barons sent letters to the king the twelfth day or May, the tenor wbereof followeth. Letter or the Lords to tbe King.

no k1n g and put her into an abbey, not to be kept in hoJd, but to go at libertv Ibunne th '"

..~.

To their most excellent Lord Henry, by the grace of Gad ~ of England, lord of Ireland, and duke ofAquitaine, his barona and others his falthful subjects, being willing to keep their oath and fidelity to Gad and bim, send greeting and due obedience with honour and reverence. Whereas by many experiments it ia manifest, that BOrne of your ~e's assistants have reported to your ma.jesty many lies of UB, working mischief, as much as in them lieth, not only against UB, but against you wo, and your whole realm: Be it known to your highness, that we have been always willing to defend the health and safeguard of your person, with alI our power andfealty due to your grace, purposing to vex to the uttermost of our power and estste, not only our ill-willers, but wo your enemies, and the enemies of your whole realm. If it be your good pleasure, give no credit to them; we shall be always found your faithful subjects. And we, the earl of Leicester, and Gilbert of elBIe, at the request of the othera, for UB and them bave put to our aeala.

These letters being read and beard, there was a council caUed, and tbe king wrote back to them, and especially to tbe two earls or Leicester and Gloucester, in manner and form folIowing : The Answer or the King to the Lords.
Henry, by the grace of Gad king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aquit8ine, &c., to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de CIare, and their confederatea. Forasmuch as by the war, and general disquietne88 by your means raised up in our whole realm, and wo the burnings and other hurtful enormities, it appeareth manifestly, that you keep not your fidelity to UB ward, nor care any thmg for our health and safety ; and for that ye have unorderly grieved our nobles, and others our faithfulsubjects sticking faithfully and constantly to UB, as you have certified us; we, accounting their loBSes as our own, and their enemies as OUn, and seeing these my aforesaid faithful subjects, for the keeping of their fidelity, do assist UB ma.nfully and faithfully against your unfaithfulne88: we therefore care not for your fidelity or love, but aefy you as our and their enemies. WitneBS myself, at Lewes, the day and year aforesaid~

Also Richard, king of AlIIlllin, and lord Edward, the son of king Henry, wrote to the barons in this wise : A Letter or Richard, King of Almain, and Prince Edward, to the Barons.
Richard, by the grace of Gad, king of the Romans, always Augustus, and Edward, eldest BOn of the king of En~land, and alI the other barons and nobles constant\y and faithfully in hem anll decd clca\ing to the aforesaid king or

THE BATTLE OF LEWES.

551

Engand: to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de C1are, and to nll and singular HtfIftJ othen theiradherents in their conspiracy. By your letters which you sent toour ~ lord, the noble king of England, we have ullderstanding that you defy us i although A. D. before any ruch word, your defiance towards UB was apv.arent enough by your 1264. CI'Ue1 persecution, in buming aur pOBSessions and spoiling aur goods. We-therefore give you to wit, that we a11 Rnd every one of Ul, as your enemip., do defy yon a11. And further, that we will not ceaae, wheresoever it .ha11 lie in aur power, to the nttermo.t of aur force and migbt, to subvert )'our persona and a1l that yon have. As tonching what yon lay to aur charge, that we give neither faithful nor good counsel to aur lord the king, yon Bay not the troth. And if your lord Simon Montfort ar Gilbert de Clare, will affirm the laIDe in aur lord the king's court, we are ready to get BaCe conduct for yon to come to the said court, to try and declare the troth of aur innocency, and the falsehood of JOu both, as foreswom traitors, by some maD equal with you in nobility and stock. AlI we are contained with the seals of the aforesaid lords, the lord Richard and the lord Edward. Dated the dayaforesaid.

Both which letters being read, they drew ncar to the king; for they Balll.of were not far distant from Lewes. And because there was wanted to ::l';.~il the king's store, provision for their horses, it was commanded them, ~~~~~~g on the Tuesday, to go forth to seek for bay and provender; wbo, baroni. wben they were gone forth, were prevented by their enemies, and most of tbem killed; but the residue retuming, BaW their enemies coming, very carlyon tbe Wednesday moming, and making outcries, stirred up the king and his host to arm themselves. Then the barona, coming to tbe fulI plain, descended there, and girding and trimming their horses, made fit tbeir barness to tbem. And there the carl Simon made the carl of Gloucester, nd Robert de Vere, and many others new knigbts. Which being do~ne, he divided and distincted his host into four several hatteIs, and he appointed noblemen to guide and govem every bttel; and over the first battel were ordained captains .Henry .,.::.... Montfort, the eldest BOn of tbe earl Simon, and Guido, his brother, lord John de Burgh the younger, and lord Humfrey de Bohun; over the second hattel lord Gilbert of CIare, earl of Gloucester, lord Jobn Fitz-John, and lord William of Montchensi; and over the third, in which the Londoners were, at their request the lord Nicholas Segrave was assigned, who required also very instantly that tbey migbt have tbe first stroke in the battel, at the ad venture, come wbat would; but over the fourth hattel the earl himself was captain, with the lord Thomas or Pilveston. In the mean season camc fortb the king's host, preparing themselves to the field in three battels; of which Edward, the king's san, led the first, witb the earl of Warren, and Valence the king's brother; and the second the king of Almain guided, with llis san Henry; but the king, with his nobles, guided the third; and the fourth legion the king appointed not, by reason that he had left many ar his bannerets behind bim, to keep the castle and town or Tunbridge against the carl of Gloucester; there also were most or the young men of the king's ,1':::'01' army, for the king thought not that his barons bad been come sa nigh to band. Their annies being on both sides set in array and order, they emorted one another on either part to fight valiantly; and after thcy bad buckled together, the battle was grcat, and many horsemen were overthrown, even in a moment. But by and by Edward, the king's son, with his band, as a fierce young gentleman and valiant knight, fell upon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to recoil

55:l

TliE BATTLE OF LEWES

Hm., back a great way, so that the hindmost (thinlring by reason of thcir ~ giving back, that the foremost wcre sain), ran many of them away ~ A. u. and taking water to pass over, almost threescore soldiers were drowned, 1264. and a few of tJem being slain, all the rest fIed. Stmightway the Londoners, who had asked the fust fight, knowing not how the battle went., took to their heels, whom Edward pursued with his band, killing th' hindmost of them, for the space of two or thrce miles; for he hatN them because they had rebelled against his futher, and disgmced his mother when she was carried by barge upon the Thames, from the Tower to Windsor, as is before recorded. Whilst prince Edward was thus in chase of the Londoners, who bad the vanguard of the barons' battle ; in the mean time, tbe main battle of the barons set upon the king's main battle, of which the king of Almain, thl.' brother of king Hl.'m.y, had thl.' leading; who being soon discomfited, and be with bis son Henry, :Robert de Brure, and J obn Comyn, with divers other cnptains taken prisoners, tbe rearRichard, ward, wherl.'in the king himself fought, being immediately so hardly ~'::..i~. beset, and he, seeing his knights and soldiers on every side abont bim wlth~' benten down and slain, and divers others of his soldiers to forsakc ;a';;'ne:' tbe field and sbift for themselves, thought good to take again to The main the town; and so retired into tbe abbey from whence he came, batU. ' . up t he gates, an d cnused t 'he same to be d!leom.Sh uttmg an d mmpenng ~~:dk:gd strongly warded with soldiers. To be brief, the barons thus getting rain to tbe field, after long figbt, and many men on either side slain, entcred ~~:~Y' also the town of Lewes, pursuing in ewe such soldiers as thither fIed for succour. Prln.. In the menn time, prince Edward returning from the cwe or tbe ::~g Londollers, as ye heard, who desired to give the first onset, and :f:'.':' b. espying the chariot of the carl Simon (which be cnused purposely to chllle, be made for him), and the horses in the same, without either waggoner, findeth LII h h ~ 11 lmme . d'lateIy upon t he clano~ . tOlll'ther or any ot er to govern t e same, 11.' losl. and brake it all in pieces, and sIew two burgesses that were within thl.' same. But when he came near to tbe place where the bloody battle had been fought, and saw the great discomfiture and overthrow, which, in his absence, with great mortality and slaughter, bad happened, his benrt was much dismaycd, and his countenance altered. Yet notwithstanding, comforting and encoumging his knights and so1diers, whom be had a valiant company, in battle arm)', he marched towan Thc the town, against whom came the barons again with all their power ~ h~\:'t~~ and thus was begun betwixt them a fresb field and a new battle, and L~~i:. many men were slain on either side. At len~h the earl de Warren, with the king's two brothers, forsook the field and fled; after wIJOm went more than seven hundred chosen soldiers. who were of their. house and family, who the same day came to Pevensey, and there took shipping ovcr the sen. AIso Hugb Bigot, with divers otbcrs, fied, and left the valiant prince fighting in tllC field; which thing he Ile woo i. also pcrceiving, took to the town; and wben he found not tbe king ~I~~:~~~~ his father, at the castle, be went from thence to the abbcy where he ~:~ne ~~ was. In thc mean season, tbe town was in complctc confusion, both Ihetown. parties fighting, spoiling, and getting of booties. whilc sCtlrccly one A';":"". of them could know and discem anothcr, whcther he was fricnd or enem)'. But when, within u wbie, t1c barons had assembled some

or

DETWEEN TIJE KING AND THE BARONS.

553

company, they. gave an assault upon the castle, tbinking to bave H""rr rcscued Jobn Gifford and othera, whom the king's soldiers bad taken ~ pri80nera, and put therein. But tbe soldiers within manfully defended A. D. thc same, and in throwing out balIs of wild-fire, whicb for the defence 1264. ihereof they bad, they also fired part of the town. Then the barons ~~aatJe retired and left the castle, and purposed to have set upon the abbey, ::".Ie~ "here the king and prince Edward, hiR son, were, which also was set on fire by the assault given to the castle; but yet it was shortly rec{)vered and quenched. Then Edward, the king's son, perceiving the bold enterprise of the barons, prepared with the coursgeous knights and soldiers yet remaining and within the abbey, to issue out, and w give a new charge upon thcm. But the barona, perceiving that, sent unto the king messengers to entreat a truce for that day, and on the morrow to talk of and condude a further peace between them. This battle was fought upon the fourtecnth day of .May. The next day, which was Thursday, there were sent on cither side Pe......... two preaching friars, between the king and the barons, with certain ~7,~~f~::~. articles and demands of peace, so that with certain others, these con- ~ ditions were agreed on: that on tbe morrow, being Friday, the na. pnce should give himself as hostage for the king, bis father, and Tbe two others of his part)', ami tbat Henry, the king's son of Almain, should ~inc.. also give himself in like manner for his fatIler; that those things which h':~ should be concluded upon for the benefit and commodity of the IW realm, and peaceable quietness thereof might be performed, and that ~ aU such prisoners as were taken on either side, should be freely mnsomed and sent horne. The next day, which was &turday, the king discharged all his Il()ldiers, and otbers tbat were with him in the abbey, licensing them to depart whither they listed. And furthermore, by the advice ol' bis son and the barons, he gave commandment to those whom he bad appointed to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they should rnake no The. atternpt to the prejudice or hurt of the barons ; but in hope of the :':;:11:.. Peaec which was now on the point of being concluded, they also ~~r,::, should depart every man to his house and habitation. But they, giving aft.! . l where t hey .poillng , t hereunto, went Wit . lI t h' no credlt eu fum'Iture to B' nsto, th. LoIIkept themselves in garrison, until the eseaping of Edward the king's ~~~;~,~t son, out of prison. But first, before tba1, when they heard at Tun- kec~ In bdge that the king was vanquished in batde, and that the Londoners !~~;i~::'I, in the fore-ward were put to Hight by prince Edward (by a messcnger tbat eseapcd from tbe same), and that also the same Londoncrs were at Croydon, they set upon tbem in the evening tide, and taking from &hem much spoil, sIew also many of them. But when thus .Mortimer's part began to decrease, and Simon thc Earl earl's part on the other s.~de to increase, the ~l bare himself mo~e ::~;~hl. stou1, for tbat both the kmg and a11 that was hiS did depend upon hIS ~areth good will and favour; and he led with bim the king and tbe king's ~~:~,~. son to such h01ds and castIes as be thought to be most strong, till ~~a:r~.~ .... almost all of tbem were in his hands; and he kept the hostages elh Ib. more stmitly than was usual, insomuch that when it was blowo ~~~':,'l" abroad that the king's son was kept as prisoner, divers that were hiB t1ng. friends counselled bim, tbat be shollld desire to disport himself at the barriers, that the people might 1lavc a sigbt of bim. But he,

554
H ..",

ARCHnISHOP BONI FACE IN DlSGIlACf:.

A. D. In this troublesome yesr, which was A.D. l !64-, as the Londoners ~ with the nobles were thus occupied in war and dissension, tbe malignant Jews, thinking to take vant.age of that time, with pvy treason ~onspired agarnst the wbole city and state of the nobles; wbo being taken with the manner, were ahnost aU slain that dwelt in the city or London. In this ycar al80, Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, the 80n of Peter, carl of 8avoy, and a stranger, having been certain years beyond tbe seas in disgrace with tbe king of England, upon OCClISion ..:::-. of 80rne misdemeanour belike (for he was, as Matthew Parker writeth of him, "U t moribus gestisque peregrinus, sic nomine ipso et appellatione creteris arcbiepiscopis dissimilis"), howbeit the king being ofarelenting nature, and bearing much with clergymen's in80lencies, which for a while he might perhaps gainstand, but at last bare with them as supported by tbe court of Rome, did consult with his nobles about the return of the said Boniface into England conditionally, as followeth.

-.!!..!.:- thought good to refuse their counscl, and 80 did.

being narrowly guarded as he knew, and fcaring 80me tumult toarile,

.1

Acts passed in the King's Council, touching the Archbishop of Canterbury's return into En~land, under eertain conditions.t
In the year of our Lord 1264, in the month of March, it was enactea ID !he presence of the renowned king of England, by the counsel of the peers and statee of the Illid realm, that the reverend father Boniface, by the grace of God archbishop of Canterbury, prirnate of all England, should return into England, and abide in the realm peaceahly, upan the conditions under--wntten :Fint, therefore, it ie enacted,. that the archbishop at his return, do wi!hool any difliclIlty release in form of law hie sentences of excornmunication, publiihed agninet aU perlone whateoever, on occasion of the late troublee in the realm of England j but yet so, that they who should be found el[communicate be rudy to make eatisfaction for their exce8les, and for the same receive the canonicaJ commandmeuts of the archbishop, in form hereunder in the nen article CODtained. Secondly, it ie enacted, that in making amende for el[cel8e& clone to !he churchee and cburchmen within such placee as are irnmediatcly Bubject unio bisjurisdiction, tbe archbisbop do arbitrate according to tbe couneel of all his eufli-agane, ar the greater and lOunder part; and of weighty a1Fairs belonging to the church and rea!m of England, do in tirne to come after his return order and dispose likewise by their cOUDse!, and the coUDse! of other discreet men of the realm. Thirdly, it is enacted, that be bring with him Master Henry Mortimer,l archdeacon of Canterbury, and Pont Sab!er, hie familiar clerks or househohl chap!ains i and that these be the only clerka, being strangers bom, whom h. shall keep and retain of his council and hOUleho!d. Fourth!y, it is enacted, that any otber clerks wbatsoever, beneficed in the cburch of England, williog to return with the archbishop, may safe1y return and abide on their benefices, and shall expend the church goode within the realm as they are bound i carrying or sending nothing out of the realm, unleu neceasary occasion, al10wed of the king's counci!, do so require. Fifthly, it is enacted, that the archbishop or the clerk! comiog witb him, shall bring nothing with them in letters, me8Sl1ge, or commandment, nor shsll procure any thing else, duriog their abode in this rea1m, either by tbemse!ves, or by others, wbereby any damage, danger, or prejudice, may redouod to the king, or to any of his realm. And for memory of tbe premises, the seal of the Illid renowned king of England is hanged unto these preseotB.-By the whole council.
(I) Thl. pallage \o not In tb. UlUon. pr...lou. to 1~96.-ED. (2) "Anno Domlnl 126, menie Martlo, In pr....ntia U1u.trl. regl. Angll.., d. eoneUlo procelUm et magn.tum ejuldem relui actum elt," &c.-TurriJ Lond. [The tranalatOD n!yiAed fNm tlat Latlu in Rym.r.-En.] (3) H.nriona d. mortuo mar!. [Seo Appondls.]

'1

ORDEBED TO RETURN TO ENGLAND.

555

Notwithstanding this conclusion, the archbishop did not presently H..,., return, but continued in Provence and elsewhere, behaving himself ~ imperiously as a prelate of the right Romish stamp. In the mean A. D. time many matters incident to this place, were omitted and neglected, 1264. which personally by him should have been executed; but by reason or his absencc the sanle werc despatched by deputation, and the same ordered likewise according to his own fancy, which he preferred before the king's authority and commandment. The copy or a letter describing the contumacy of the said Boniface doth sufficiently testify this to be true, the same being set down agreeable to the prototype.

A Letter ar the King to Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury,

charging him to return into England, there personally to discharge

his archiepiscopal function.\

The king to Boniface, archbiahop of Canterbury, primate of all En~land, Again.t greeting. Although hitherto by patience we have BUffered oftentimea blahops th. ar<be1ed, abbots, and other prelatea in our realm, for the benefit of their confirma- ~~~t:_oI lion to be obtained, to pass over beyond Rea unto you, we thought not to receive bury, ablat 10ur banda any BUch reward, as that against the right and custom of our :l~ a reaIm (to the which we mean not by thia our patience, that prejudice shall any c~unlr)', way be procured or bred), you ahowd attempt thia to be followed. We do marvel tbemore, and Bre moved that yOll, at the requeat of us, have refused to commit tbe examination of the election of our well-beloved in Chriat, Master Walter Gi1ford, late of Bath and WeUs biahop elect, and the confirmation of the same election, unto BOrne diacreet persona of our realm; we having detained, and as yet detaining, the same Gifford againat his will, that he might not repair penonally unto you: whereunto common right and the very cuatom of the realm ought to have led you unrequeBted, whilat you abide out of the realm. Lest, therefore, our too much patience might breed in you a contempt, we will yan to underatand, that benceforward we mean to bear le88 with BUch dealing, especiaIly in theae day&, wherein there ia no we paasage for Engliahmen unto yw tbrough the parta of France, as it ia reported. Wberefore we thought good to desire your fatberhood, and alao to admoniah yon, giving yon, moreover. in charge and commandment, and upon the fealty wherein you are bound unto Ul, firmly enjoining, that in reapect of the aforeaaid election and other ceremoniea, yw come personally into England, to execute your office and charge, or aend lOIIIe otber in your room; or at leaat procure and cause BOrne diacreet persona ri our realm, ",hom you Bhall repute more meet for thia matter, to aerve the tum for yOll in thia behalf: leat, if with contumacy you refuse to hear our requesta and commandmenta the Becond time, which yeu are by duty bound to obe)', we be compelled to take indignation againat you. as a contenmer of the righta, tbe h"bertiea and the cuatoms of our kingdom, and 80 to proceed againat yw more aharply by way of revenge: neither will we BUffer, if you ahowd do ~, that the revenuea of your aaid archbishopric ahall henceforth be conveyed unto yon out of our realm; but as you refuse the burden, 80 will we in 1iU aort do what we can to withdraw. hereafter, the profita and commodities from yon during your abode ont of our land. Finally, we, if need ahall be, are readv to give yon a Bure and aafe conduc Witneas the king at St. Paw's of London, the twenty-fifth of June, and the forty-eighth year of our reign.

Now after aU this ado, we read that at last Boniface returned, and beroming more holy towards his end, he went with other bishops to tiJe king, requesting hirn, that being mindful of the decay of his kingdom, by ecclesiastical livings bestowed upon strangers, he would hereafter prefer learned and godly men of his own nation. 1'0 whom the king answered that he would willingly do it. "Wherefore," said
(I) .. Rex Bonitaclo CaJllWllien.1 &rI:hieplacopo, totlUl Anglia!," &c.- TurrIa Lond.

;~C;;i~:n. =van~

n. &d-

656

POPE eLEMENT A MARRIED MAK.

H ...,., he, li I think it mect that YOll, who are a stranger and unleamed, ~ and wo my brother Ethclmer, bishop of Winchester, whom I have A. D. preferred to sllch dignities only for kindred's sake, should first gi1'e 1265. e:mmples to others, and forsake your churches, and I will pronde Bo.:ic.I~ other learned men to serve in them.... This answer of thc king 50 ~r.ile~C pierced tllis Boniface, that he always after lived a weari:some life in t::h'::r~~, England; wherefore, perceiving himself to be misliked of the king :,~~ and the people, he deslled to return into his country, and thereupon, first felling and selling the wood.s, letting out the archbishopric, taking great fines of his tenants, and making a great mass of money of the c1ergy of his pronnce, he went, with the curse of all men into &1'oy ; whcre, in the castle of St. Helen's, after he bad misgovemed the see su and twenty years, su months, and suteen days from his con~ cration, being nine and twentYle&rs from his filllt election, he dicd the fifteenth of the kalends of ugust. And so ceased the troublcs bctween the king and the snid bishop, whose contumacy, with that of others of the like brood, doth largely appear in this book. Dealh .Hut to leave Boniface now dead, note ye this, that in thS year, died ~r:r. rope Urban IV., aftcr whom succeeded (A.D.l!65) pope Clement ~c;:.l ?:~ V.; which Clement, as affirmeth Nieholas Trivet, was first a married Popo man, and had a wife and children, and was the solicitor and counseIJor ~~:,,:nl to the French king; then, after the death of his wife, was bisbop of married l Le Puy, after that archbishop of Narbonne, and at last made cardi:'~:r:lll nal; who being sent of pope Urban in legacy for reformation of r':n~hl1. pcaee in England, in his absence was elected pope by the cardinals. Aqulnaa About this time fourished Thomas Aquinas, reader at Pans among :~~I~~~,a- the Dominie friars, and Bonaventure among the Franciscan friars. 1 ~:rt::' a l . ' N OW, after aIl the aforesaid tumults and broils of the king and his barons, to the 1'exation of the whole land, it was thought meet ~. and necessary that all parties at variance should be reconciled; whereupon, it was concluded amongst them as followeth.

A Form of Peace between the King and his :&rons.

This is the fonn of peace allowed by the king our lord, by the lord Edward his son, by aU the prelates and peers, and by the whole commonalty of the realm of England, with common consent and agreement: To wit, that a certain ordinance or decree made in a parliament holden at London about the feast of the nativity of Sto John Baptist last past, for the maintaining and keeping of the peace of the realm, shall continue all the days of the said ki.nl!' our 80vereign lord, and the time of the lord Edward, after he shaU be received" as king, even tiU the end and tenn that shall be thought meet and convenient. The aaid ordinance or decree is this: For the redressing of the state of the realm oC England, let there be choeen or named three discreet and trusty persons of the realm, who may have authority and power from the lord the king to ChOO8C or name, in the king's behalf, nine counseUors; of which niue, three at least, by course or tumB, may always be present in the court. And let the lord the king, by the counsel of the said nine, order and dispose of the keeping of castles, and the managing of aU the affairs in his realm. Let the lord the king alBO, by the advice oC the aforesaid nine, appoint justices, chancellors, treasurers, "!lud other olficers, greater and lesser,in those matters that pertain to govemment of his court and realm.
(I) Ex Nich. TrIvel. (2) Thc ne"t rew pogel, are not in Ihe E<litlon. prevloUl to 1596.- En. <"l II Hec e8l romla pacil B domino rege, et domino Edwarda filio lUD, pr.21ati. et procfl'lbul nmnlbua, el C<'mmunilate lAlla regni Anglile communlter et colIConlitcr approbala, ac.-Tlanit Lon4.

A PORM OF PEAeE.

557

The cbooeers or namers shall swear first, that according to conscience they 1[."., wiU choose or name BUch counsellors as they verily believe will be profitable [II. and trusty in respect of Gw's honour, the church, the lord the king, and his "AD' realm. The counsellors likewise, and alI the officers greater and lesser in their 1264' creation shalI swear, tbat to the uttermost of tbeir power they will faitItfully execute their offices to tbe honour of God and of the church, and to tbe profit of the lord the king, and his realm, witbout bribe or gift; meat and drink, which are commonly wont to be set upon the table, excepted. And if so be thal the aforesaid counseUors, or some or any of them, in tbe charge to thern committed (whether tbey be he or she), have behaved themselves ill, or that opon lIODle otber occasion BUch officers are to be changed j the lord tbe king, by the counsel of tbe tbree former chOO8ers or namers, may remove BUch as he shall see meet to be removedj and in tbeir rooms by the same men's advice may appoint and place other persona trusty and serviceable. And if BO be that either the greater officers, or the lesser, do disorderly weno thernselves in their offices, tbe lord the king, by the counsel of the aforesaid nine, may displace tbem, and witbout delay by tbe same advice set others in their room. And if 80 be tbat the tbree fint or chief choosers or namers, in the choice or naming of counsellors, or perhaps the counsellors in the creating of officers, or in other affairs of tbe lord tbe king and the realrn to be ordered or done, shalI be at disagreement, then, whatsoever by consent of twa parta shalI be concluded or decreed, let the same be firmly kept and observed j 80 that of those two part&, one be a prelate of the church in the bO!inen be10nging to the church: and if it so happen, tbat two parts of the said nine in 80me matter disagree, then shalI tbey for their variance stand to the ordinance of the three first choosers or narners or tbe greater part of them. And if 80 be it seem expedient to alI the prelates and barons, by consent, that some or one, in place of BOrne or one of the three first narners be put and appointed, then let the lord the king, by the counsel of all the prelates and barona, ordain sorne others, or one other. And let tbe lord the king do all the premises by the advice of tbe said nine in manner above rnentioned. or let them do it in the lord the king's behalf and by his authority, by this present ordinance to continue and hold out tiU BUch time as this agreement, made and afterwards sealed by tbe parties, be perfected by consent, or BOrne otber proviso be bad, which the parties by consent shalI judge allowable. This ordinance was made at London, by the consent, will and cornmandment of the lord the king, and also of tbe prelates and barons, with tbe cornmonalty !hen and there present. In witneBS whereof R. Bishop of LinclIIn, and H. Bi;hop of Ely, R. Earl of Norfolk and rnarshal of England. Robert de Vere, Ear of Oxford. Hurnphrey de Bohune, William de Montchensi, and the ma,vor nt' London, to this writing bave set tbeir seals. Acted in the parliament at London in the rnonth of June A.D. 1264. . It is also ordained. that the state of tIte English church shall be reformed ~roml8' lOk) a stste rneet and convenient. hon ofu.e II is also ordained, that tIte three choosers above named and counselIors, of ~ou:~:::n_ wbom mention is made in the said ordinance at London, and the keepers of gers to l.. castlea and others the king's bailiffs be homebred. And as for strangers born, kf~irs lei them come, tarry, and depart peaceably, as well laymen willing to dwell ~In(: upon their po88essioDs, as c1ergyrnen residing upon their benefices. ... tle... Merchants aIso, and alI others, to further and see to their affairs, shalI corne &tely, and tarry peaceably; but yet conditionally, so they come without arD10ur and a 8USpected mu1titude. And that none of them be received in any sort into any office or bailiwick in the rea1m, or otherwise in the king's house and senice be entertained. As for the charters of general Iiberties and forests granted unto the homebred of late by the king, and the statutes made upon revoking of grievances, which the lord the king, the third yellr past, in every sbire by his letters patent hath caused to be pubIished. with the cornrnendable CUIIoms of his realm, and a long tirne alIowed, let them be for ever observed: and tbat it migbt be provided how they may be beter and more soundly oblenet!, it ia also provided, that tbe lord the king, and the lord Edward. the barom and those diat stand with them, let go all iujury and rancour, so that 1hey neither grieve, nor suffer to be gril'ved by any of theirs, any one of them by occuion of things done in the hurly-burly past, and also cause all their
o

558

ACTa FOR SETTl.IKG THE PRACE OF TRE REAI.M.

AD 1264:

H-r bailiffs at the undertaking of their bailiwicu, that they shall grieve none by III. the occasion aforesaid, but shall do justice and right to eve~body with equality. And let there be good security provlded bow all these thinga may be finnly observed.

When this agreement was despatched, to set the realm in sorne quietness, alittle leisure was aIIowed to look into the losses and damages of the church, whereupon it was provided as followeth. Of the repairing of Trespasses cornmitted against the Cburch.
I is provided by common assent of the king, of the prelates, earU, and barons of the land, that the trespasses which are committed against the church of England, by reason of the tumults and wan that bave been in this realm oC England, shall be reformed and amended in this manner. There shall be chosen by the earls and ~eat estates of the land, with tbe liking and assent of the prelates, three bIshops authorized and having full power to establisb and provide for sucb reasonable amends, BB are to be made for thc aforesaid trespass committed against boly cburcb, BO far fortb BB &hall be fit and convenient. Those that shall be found excommunicated, shall be absolved in form of rigl,t by BUch as have power and authority HO to do. The allthority of the prelates shall be established in this manner: Fint, it shall be faitbfu1l undertaken by the earls, justices, and tbe other laymen of the king's councJl, and other great barons of the realm, tbat all those things which the prelates that shall be chown sball reasonably ordBin and appoint by wav of reformation, they themselves &hall observe and fu1fil, and shall do their elllleavour faitbCuIly to cause the same to be observed by others, and tbereof they shall deliver their letters patent. Moreover, unto the prelates, after they shall be chosen, fuli power &hall be granted by the king, and the commonalty, the earIs, barons, and great men oC tbe land, to ordain those things whicb are needful and profitable to the fuli reformation of the estate of holy cburch, to the bonour due to the fealty of OUI lord the king, and to the profit of the realm. And that tbe promiae made by the king, and by the earls and barons aforesaid, and by the other great men oC tbe land, may appear to be made in good faith, tbey &hall thereof make their letters patent, to wit of things that have been done a year past before the last EBBter. If any be found that will not stand to the ordinance and appointment oC the prelates in the causes, and according to the form aforesaid, he shall be compelled thereunto by doom of holy church j yea, if need be, he &hall be thereunto forced by the secularlower. And that it may the better be done. the justice shall have a hundre or more of choice men at arIDS, or seJjeants, soldiers elect, to distrain the maleCactors when by the said prelates he shall be required. Those soldiers to be BUstained of the common goods oC holy church, during the time tbey shall be employed in that business. And this ordinance shall cntinue for a year or two, till such time as matters be quieted, and that the provisions oC the prelates, and the peace of the land be weB observed. Provided always, that the profits oC benefices of holy church belonging to aliens, and others that have been enemies to the land, shall be collected and safely kept in tbe hands of the prelates, until slIch time BB order be taken by common advice what is to be done therewithal. And for the more assurance and further testimony hereof, the king and the high estates of the land bave IInto this writing set their seals.

r.

Besides all this it was considered, that non-residency being a default blameworthy, deserved reformation. To this the king having specja regard, wro,e his mind to the bishop of Hereford for the redress of the same; whose letter, because it is memorabIe, and convenient matter is therein contained for non-residents of our time, we have here introduced according to the record.

ANn REFORMATlON OF THE CHURCH.

559

A Letter oC King Henry III., direcled lo lbe Bishop of Hereford, H ..." conceming bis Non-residence.\ 111. The king to the bishop of Hereford sendeth greeting. Pastora or shepherda A. D. ue set over Hocks, that by exercising themselves in watcbing over them day 1264. and night, they may know their own cattle by their look, bring the hunger- Agaln.t slarved sheep into the meadows of fruitfulness, and the straying ones into one non-re.lfald by the word of salvation, and the rod of correction j and to do their endea- ;;e';l~e~~ f aur that unity indissolubly may be kept. But some there be who, damnably IW despising this coctrine, and not knowing to discem their own cattle from othera, ~ do take away the rnilk and the wool, not caring how the Lord's Hock may be nourished; they catch uJ> the temporal goods, and who perisheth in their parlsh with famishment, or IDlscarrleth in manners they regard not; which men deserve not to be caIled pastora, but rather hirelings. And that even we, in these daya, removing ouraelves into the bordera of Walea to take order for the disposing of the garrlsons of our realm, have found this default in your church of Hereford, we report it with griefj for that we have found there a church destitute of a pastor's comfort, as having neither bishop nor oflicial, ricar nor dean, who may exercise any spiritual function and duty in the same. But the church itself (wbich in tirne past was wont to How in delight, and had canons that tended upon days' and nights' service, and that ought to exercise the worka of charity), at their forsaking the church, and leading their Hves in countries far hence, bas put olf her stole or robe of pleasure, and fallen to the ground, bewailing the loss of her widowhood, and none among all her mend. and lovera will comfort her. Verily wbile we beheld tbis, and considered it dilill'ently, the prick of pity did move our bowels, and the sword oC compassion did inwardly wound our heart very sorely, tbat we could no longer dissemble so great an injury done to our mother the church, nor pass tbe same over uncorrected. Wberefore we command and straitly charge you, that all occasions set aside, Tba yau endeavour to remove yourselves with aIl possible speed unto rour said blS.hor churcb, and there personally to execute the pastora! charge comnutted unto ~~~~d you in the same. Otherwise we will you to know for certainty that if you have to ~r not a care to do this, we will wholly take into our own handa all the temporal i~:un?. good.s, and wbataoever else doth belong unto the barony of the same church, hent and which goods, for spiritual exercise' sake therein, it is certain our progenitors of abldlng a godly devotion have bE:stowed thereupon. And such gooda and dues as we ~:,',,~ bl. have commanded bitherto to be gathered and wely kept and tumed to thl' profit and commodity of the same church, the cause now ceasing we will seize upon, and suffer no longer that he shaIl reap temporal tbinga, wbo feareth not irreverentl,Y to withdraw and kecp back spiritual thinga, whereunto by oflice and duty he 18 bound j or that he shall reccive any profits who refuseth tu undergo and bear the burdens of the same. Witness the king at Hereford, the fint of June, in the forty-eighth .year of our reign. [A.D. 1264.] Aboul lhis time (as appeareth by course of record, and tbereby An &1be gatbered) a redress of ccrtain sects was intended ; among ill~~~: of which one by name especially occurreth, and caIled tbe Assembly Ofl:"dpee-Harlots; a kind of people of a lewd disposition and uncivil. Of lbcir .alled manners and life tbe king baving becn informed, addressed his letlcrs ~:~~~y to the sberiffof Oxfordsbire, a place whicb thcy baunted, and wberein :~.t;:d they praclised their evil conversalion; wbose letter bere followeth. ~:n~~;sl ofthat A Lelter oC King Henry III. to tbe Sberiff of Oxfordshire, concem- nam. ing tbe Banishment of an unlawful assembly called Harlots, out of that Country.2 The king to the sheriJf of OxfordsRire scndeth greeting. Because wc understand that there be certain vagrant persons who call themselves Harlots, main(I) .. Rex eplacopo Hereford, &&lutem. Putore. gregibuI pnrponuntur ut d1ei nocti.que viglllal exereendo, &c.-Twrls Land. (2) .. Rex vi Oxoo. salutem. Qui. Intellexlmu. quod quidam, qui le barlotlll appellant, ..".1 et

may well

otium toventel, In diveni. partibua regni nostri, corgregll.tioues et cODventirula, oeenon contractUI iUldloo, &C. Turl Land.

560

TUE POMP OF POPISH PIlELACY.

taining idlenesa in divers parta of our realm, most shamelessly making lw lI!IlIemblics, and unlawful matches against the honesty of the chureb A. D. and good manncrs, which abuse we will not, neither ought w(' to sulfer j we 1264. charge thee that on our behalf thou forbid tbe said Harlots hcnceforth in the - - - Baid count.ries to mue any more Buch meetings, conventicle, Ol contracts; ar to presume BCcording to their lewd manner and wonted fashion to rogue aboul our realm j and hereto thou shalt (if need be) bind them, as by law may be done. Wherein BO behave thyself in this behalf, as we may commend thy cliligence. Witness the king at lteading the twenty-third of November, in the forty-eighth year of our reign. [A. D. 1263.1

-.!!!:.- mectings,

Hm,.,

\Vhat manncr of person S thcse were, or what their conversation was, it doth not further Ilppear; nevertheless by thelremiscs it may seem to be some pretended order of religion. An it is most probabie that the reproachful name of harlot had its bcginning from hence. To conclude with speeial matters of the churcb, whcrein we lmve made somewhat the longer delay, by occasion of such necessary records as came to hand, and brought with them their necessary use. this one remembrance, notwithstanding, remaineth, no less worthy of note than the rest, and falI ing within the re"olution of the forty-eighth year of this king's reign, a year of grcat trouble, as by the premises may be gathered. y ou are therefore to note tbat at tbis time the prelates of England stood upon their pantofes, and jolly fcllows (I tell you) tbey would be known to be. For in an inquisition made aUer tbe dcalh or one Alfred of Lincoln, being, as is supposed, a baron of this realm, tbere is found, among other things, as foJIoweth: 1 "The beforenamed Alfred held a certain piece of the park of Dunetish and Tiley of the abbot of Cerne, by service of holding his stirrup when the abbot should take horseback, and to give him place in the shire at such time as he should be present." The circumstances hereof being considered, together with the time when it was done, give probabIe cause to conjecture that the occasion of this matter came by this mcans: viz. That whereas the said Alfred was desirous to enlarge his park. and could not so do but by purchasing part of some other ground next adjoining, whereof the said abbot was owner, ne was therefore constmined either to lack that he liked, or to admit such conditions as pleased my lord abbot; who, like a lord, as you see, was eontent to let bim hve his land, reserving such service as is above said. Wherein should be noted the pomp of prelates in those days, and how near they drew in imitation to the pope, in whose footBteps they trod. But leaving these affuirs of the church and churehmen, into which we have gone Bomewhat largely, we will now enter into other troubles of the tempoml state. Y ou heard before of a pacification coucluded between the king and his barons, A.D. 1!64; the same having been admitted by mutual and common consent of the temporalty and clergy. Nevertheless, as a sore not well searched and tentcd, but Buperficially and overly skinned, dotiJ break out into a more dangerOUB botch, BO it came to pass among the lords and barons; betwixt.
t

(I) "Quod pnrdrtuI Alluredua teuult '1UAndam partIeuJam parellI! de Dunetllh et mel de abbale e CenIe, per aervlcJum tenendf .tropem luum, quando abbu debet uoendere equum luum, et dare el locum In comitatu 'luando p""leDl fuerlt.

PIUJ.:CJl: EDWARD ESCAl'ES liROn CUSl'ODY.

5bl

whom no sucb firm reconciliation was made as was likely long to IasL; N."r, wherellpon ensued, arter secret grudge and privy hatred, open arlIlS ~ and conflicts. A. D. For in tbis year,1 the sons of Simon tbe carl, to wit, Henry, Simon, 1265._ and Guido, being all putfed up, and witb the pride of their success elevated, did tbings which notbing contente~ the earl of Gloucester; insomuch tbat he challenged Henry tbe eldest son of the earl Simon Montfurt at tbe barriers to be tried at Nortbampton. But that challenge was taken up, lest some furLher inconvenience migbt have 1?1..,nrisen tbereof. But the carl of Gloucester, being moved therewith in ~:~~ ... his mind, sent unto his father tbe carl, that he should deliver him 8uch earl Siprisoners being noblemen, as be had captured with his own hands at ::ne::i~,f be battle of Lewes; amongst wbom the king of Allllain was named ~~~uces first. But he by countermand answered bim and said, that it migbt content and satisfy him, that he had saved and preserved to him bis lands, that day tbe battle was fought at Lewes." The carl Simon, tberefore, would not send him such prisoners as he demanded, but llimself kept tbe more noble in tbe castle of DOler. Among them was Philip Basset, wbo undermined and brast down the walls of N orthampton at that conflict, as is said before and specified." The carl of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soon as he The ..rl " answer, sent . . ly to t he lord R oger M' orGiou]leard t b18 lOcontlDent ortlmer, ....lerand who bad always taken tbe king's part, desirin.!!' tbat tbey two migbt talk ~::mer together toucbing the benefit and commodity of the king. 'Who, coo.pi.. doubting some deceit, desired sureties and pledges for bis safe return, =::~~r and he would come and talk with him. When tbey met, and had a :~~~i. while talked familiarlv, tbe carl of Gloucester showed bim all tbat he was purposed to do. and 'that furtber, he lamented he had so much and 80 greatly otfended tbe king; and that be would with alI his power an~ abili ty make amends for th8t otfence, in the restitution of the king again to his kingly dignity, as much as he possibly might. Therefore thcy sent sceretly to Thomas,' the brother of the earl or Gloucester, who was ocar abont the carl Simon, and, informing him or this coalition. begged him to watch some opportunity and procure tbe escape of the king's son. Roger Mortimer, also, sent to the king's son a horse excelling alI others in footmanship, unto which he might be sure to trust, when he saw convenient time tbereunto. After which things thus contrived, prince Edward desired Icave of the carl to prove the coursers against such time as he should ride at the tilt, as they had 80metime wished him to do.' As soon as he had got leave, and thl1t with galloping and ranging the field he had wearied divers of their horses, at be 188t gettiog up upon be horse which for that purpose was sent, and spying a servant on horseback com ing towards him with two II words, he turned about to his keeper, whose name was Robert de Ros, and to others his attendants t1lat were with him, saying, " My Prince loving lorcls, thus 10ng have I kept you company, and have been in ::':~h your custodies; and now not purposing to use your companies any fi,"';: oul longer, I bid you adieu!" And quickly tuming his horse about, put :";~y ol to the BpUrs, and away went he, Thc others pricked after apace, but :~:,8~;. yet came far enough behind, and overtake him tbey could not. At IlaD. last, when they saw Roger Mortimer coming from hiB castle or Wig- A~~"'.
(I) T1Ie rollowillg paru, lo p. 567, are probahly all rrom Scala Mundi; moll

Dr lhe matler,

ho w-

eYer, 1. in HemlnJrord &nd KnygluoD, wbeoce rhe te .. t 11 reTilted.-Eo. (2) 8ft AppoDdlx. (3) 8ee .upr&, p.548. I) See AppetJdlx. (5, See .upr'. p. 553.-I'D.

vui..

II.

o o

PRINCE EDWARD GATHERS

1I8

HOST.

H...,., more, aeeompaniecl with many armed men, to meet him, as before Ul. . was appomte d , t ley retume d llome a~1D . as wlse . as t ICY came _ _ It A. D. forth. And when this tbe prince's escnpe was divulgated, much l 26.S. people came forth unto bim'out of every quarter, witb great joy tbereof; amongst wbom, tbe first was the earl of Gloucester, and then other partisans of tbe king, wbo bad long now lain at Bristol and thereabouts; and within a sbort space be had a great and a mighty bost. Ear. Whieh thing when the earl Simon understood, he much doubted Simon W ales, he got fro m t bence ""lIdelh llnd mistrusted bimself ; and sending into i~'::: and a great many men, and augmented bis power as strongly as be might hu lo h from every part of England. He sent also Simon, bis son, to the ~a~:':rl. noblemen of the nortb parts, that witb a1l possible speed be might bring them with him ; who with a grent eompany came with him, and at Kenilworth awhile they staid, and there pitched their tenta. But leaving Kenilworth for a certain time, they went to Winebester, and Ar:::..... spoiled tbe sanie, and then retumed again to Kenilwortb. And wben this was by a eertain spiall declared to Edward the king's son, wbo was tben at W orcester (wbieh place, as well as G1oueester, he bad won a little before), he prepared himllelf witll bis soldiers tbat very night to The lInl go to tbe plaec where tbe spy should bring him, whieh was into a deep :~I;~~~ va1ley, ncar unto the place wbere Simon and his company bad pitched. Edward And when in the moming tbey were very carly about to arm tbemselves ~.I~y and prepare tbeir borses, they beard a grent noise of their enemies ~~:':;:.'" coming towards tbem. Tben, thinking tbat the later had prepared themselves ~O'Binst their coming and so bad themselves been betrayed, tbey set. forth in battle array, marcbing forwards, till they met certain larga baggage-wagons oC their enemies going a foraging, lpld to procure victuals: whicb they took, and witb tbe fresh horses new horsed their own soldiers wbo bad their horses tired witb long travel, and so marcbing forward came very carly in the morning upon their enemies, whom for tbe most part they found sleeping; and laying lustily about them. they sIew divers, some they took, tbe rest they put to fight, and fifteen of tbeir chiefest bannereta tbey took, with many ricb spoils. But young Simon himself bad lodged tbat night in the castlc, and so with a feli' escnped being mnde prisoners. And tbis was tbe fourth day before tbe nones of August, A.D. li65. Prince Edward immediately returned to W orcester. The dl.. But wben Edward heard that earl Simon was coming toward ~~.:~: Kenilwortb, to join witb his son's battel, he marched forward and met c~tt~;:'" him the third day after at Evesham, where he dividcd bis host into lj(ain.1 tbree battels, he himself baving the leading of one, tIte carlor ~~~~Si Gloucester oC the second, and Roger Mortimer of tbe tbird, wbieh ~~I:~;'. took them in the rear. The king's son Edward came from the north ward, as though be were coming from Kenilworth to Evesham; and because be would not be descried, he caused bis owo standards and ensigns to be taken down, and young Simon's, whieh be had taken before, to be advanced. The earl Simon's scurier, whose name was Niebolas, l showed tbe carl that sueb bands and eompanies were marchA"''':.', ing towards bim, and thougbt tbe same to be his san .8imon's power, not knowing of the overtbrow which be had just had. The carl thought the same, but advised caution; wberefore tbe said Nieholas, thc better to desery tbem, went up the abbey steeple of Evesham, wbence he might plainly discern tbema1l and their standards. By this timc
(I) Th. king'I barber, "''1 clever al dlsllngui.hlng ""coutremenls.

Hemlnl'ford.-EI>o

BATTLE OF EVESHAM.

563

tbt'v were mOllntcd the hill, which they had marlc a push to attain, HrfI~ thinking to have that vantage when they should give their charge as thcy ---!!.!:..bad purposed; and Edward !lad advanced again his own standards, and A. D. had pulIed down Simon's, whereby they were the more easily descried 1:l65. and known. Then the aforesaid Nicholas cried aloud to the earl ~D~, 8 Simon, and said, .. Weare all but dead men; for it is not yonr son, hOI~ deas you suppose, that cometh, but it is Edward the king's son that :~e~~t corueth from one part, and the carl of Gloucester from another ~~';,,~:~ part, and Roger Mortimer from the third part." Then said the earl, abalhed .. The Lord be mercifu1 unto aur soWs, forsomuch as our bodies and "F~"" li \Tes are now in their hands ;" and so saying, he commanded that every man should confess, and prepare for baule, who was willing to die for t.he laws and in a just quarrel; and such as would depart, he gave lcave to go their ways, that they should be no discomfiture to the rest. Then l came unto him his eldest san Henry and comforted him, desiring him to have no uespair nor yet mistrust in the good success of this battle, with other such cheerful words. " N o, my son," saith he, " I despair not; but yet, it is thy presllmption and Tbe the pride of the rest of thy brethren that hath brought me to this end you see ; notwithst.anding yet, I trust I shall die to God, and in ::iun lo a righteOUB quarrel." Aner words of comfort given to all his host, lon. and the oration made as is the manner, they alI armed themselves. The king also, whom the carl always kept witll him, he armed in an armour of his own; and then dividing their battels, they marched towaros thir enemies. But before they joined, the Welshmen ran their ways, and thinking to escape over the river Dee, were there, Bome drowned, and some slain. Then when the battels joined and came to handy strokes, within short space many of the carl's pal't fell and were slain; and the kin~ himself being struck at cried with King a loud voice to them, saying, "Kill me not, I am Henry)'our king." ~~nn::t And with tbese the king's words, tbe lord Adam de Montalt knew him, ~~~;t~le and saved him. At whosc voice and ery came alllo prince Edward his at lengtb' son, and delivered him to tbe gnard and custody of certain knigbts. :~o;ol':: In the mcan season the carl Simon was hard bestead and beaten down, ~~~dr~~ and also slain before Edward the prince came at him. Howbeit, bil lali. hefore he felI, when as he fought for life, and Henry bis son and other noblemen on his part were about him, he brake out into thesc words unto his enemica, saying, "What, is there no mercy and compassion with you ?" Who again answered, " What compassion should tbere be showed to traitors ?" Then said he, "The Lord be merciful unto our soula, our bodies are in yOUT hands." And as soon as thesc woros were spoken, thcy slaughtered him," and mutilatcd his members, and cut off his hend, which head Roger Mortimer sent uoto his wife. But after the battle was ended and done, certain of them that loved ,lp/;:,J,r the carl. upon an old ladder gathered up such parta of his body as remained, and covering the same with an old gowo, brought it to Evesham, where tbey, putting the same in a fair linen cloth, buried it in the church. But not lon~ after, 8uch as thought themselves not sufficiently revenged by his death, to wrcak them of the dead corpse, Th I' took up the same and threw it into another place, saying, that he who car~:::' I was both accurscd, and n traitor, was not worthy of christian burial. ~~~~o-

=.r:;or

fn Tbe next lix pages (taken trom II Scala Mundl" and II Eulogium") have been reviled and aome*bat re-arranged accordinl!C tu the beat authorltiel. 8ee HemioR'ford, M. We.tm. WilleB, and the Wa.erler Annals.-ED. (I) .. !IIart,rlzaverwlt," He"'illllrord anu Knyghton.-E..
002

56'"
Hrrt,.,

NEW

AS8E~BJ.Y

OF THJo: BARON!!.

~ lord Rugh le Despenser, the lord Ralph Basset, the lord Thomas de

And not far off from him also were slain Henry, his eldest BOn, tbl'

. A. D. Astley, the lord William Mandeville, the lord John de Beaucbamp, 1266. the lord Guy de Bardolf, Sir Roger de Rowele, knt., and many other oul forth noble men besides, wilh a f"i)6 O"I"Pat multitude of people, the Lord kDoweth ot chri.~ .... tlan how many. Thls battle was fought on the fourth of August, and ~r11al. continued from one o'clock till it was night; in the wbich was not 50 si':;on" much as one man on the earl's part of any estimation, fortitude, and :;~;"d courage, but in that battle lost his life, more than the lord John! r.:~: and who by the great grace of God escaped death. Neithcr is tbis to be baron., forgotten, \hat the same day, being Tuesday, at tbat very hour when ~~':~a the battle began, which was at one o'clock in the aftemoon, there was ~:~~~~. such a darkness over all, such thunder and tempest, that the like before that time was never seen, being very calm and fair weather OOtb imrnediately before and after j which seemed (saith mioe author) to give a plain demoostration of that which afterwards chanced and folIowed. A parli". After this grt'8t slaughter and overthrow there was a parliamenl ~~~~on- summoned at Winchester by the earl of Gloucester, and others of ~t\ his part. Here, by the way, is to be considered, that the king, although ter~~i~~ he was in the camp of the carl of Leicester, being then in custody, ::::; and his son Edward with the carl of G1oucester, yet the king was 00 ~~"~ir.d. that side against his will, and thereforc in the said parliament the king was restored to his kingly dignity, which was before that time ~~~~; under the cllstody of the barons. I n this parliament the king di&of Simon inherited all those that took part with the carl Simon, and aIl their ru~~:~h children.1 After tbis the king kept a parliament at Northampton: ~:~ ~~I!. there also the pope's legate, Octobonus, bel<l a convocation, and :;h.~il.d excornmunicated all sucb bishops as had taken any part with Simon kin~"and against the king; of whom divers ~e afterward sent up to Rome, to ;:~::I. be absolved of the pope;1 and further, the said legate caused to be ;:;.Ib. proclaimed certain decrees which he himself had marle, and also the legale. new grant of pope element to the king and queen, of all the tenths -:':~tt~~ for seven years to come. And shortlyafter, the Norwich valuation by th. was made j to the making whereof Water, the bishop ot" Norwich, popoln . d' th. klnl\' was appomte ~,:,::...n In the mcanwhile, the barons who were yet remaining had gatbered AI robly themselves together again in the isle ofAxbolm ;5 amongst wbom :.:,~~ et John d'Eyvile (being a subtle and stout man of war) began to han .uholm. a name, and was well esteemed amongst them; who, altogether, did what mischief they might. The next year (A.D.l!66) died Walter Cantilupe, bishop of 'Vorcester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Ely, the king's chancellor! Th.J.,," At this time also the barons ogain assembled with John d'Eyvile, ~lI~:ln and so proceeded till they came to Lincoln, which tbey also 1ook. at Lin- and spoiled the J ews, and slew many of them; and entering their ft:~n~: synagogue, tare and rent the book ot' their law, and burnt th~ same, ='dl':.hn and all other writings and obligations which they could come by. oomftled. Which thing when the king beard, he sent thither his son prince (I) Simon d. Monl!ort and olh.... eaoapod, and Guy de Mnnllorl, Hrn,.,. d. Hutinp, Humphre1

pllt;:

v.rlft.d I>y Dl18dale'. Baronag.. 90. Appendlx.-En. (2) Tbll parllam.nl met sept. 81b: M. Parli; "" allo Pat. RoI fg H. IU. m. 8 d - . dlrd by Tyrrell.-Eo. (3) 8ft Willtlnl'l Conom_, ,nd Appendlx.-Eo. (f) S. . AppeDdiL (6) Tb. barnnnlered Axholm (in Llnooln.hlr.) St. CI.m.nt'l day (No... 13d1, and aunntdored Dec. 27th. Ann. Wav.rl. T. Wit, I. Pal1l. S.. Apperdix.-KJ>. (6) 8ee Appomdl1.

de Bahun, Jun., Peter de Vnci, Peter d~ Montfort, jWl., and NicholIlI de Segrave, wilh ot hen. wece taken prhlOnen, beldel lord John Fita-Jolin. Tbe Ust of th~ 11aln, aUttle abo't'e, hu l:tMtI

'l'HE KENILWORTH JJECRI'V..

565

Edward; hut as soon as they beard that, they Bed. This was in H .., the month of April; l and in the month of May they assembled at --.!!.!:..Chesterfield, under the said John D'Eyvile and the ear! Ferrers, upon A. D. whom the king's soldiers coming suddenly in tbe night, took them ~ sleeping and siew many of them. Then the said John D'Eyvile Newa.quic:kly arming himself came forth, thinking with more defence both .~mbly nt to savc himself and to escapc, wbo, in the wav, struck the lord ~:nn. at Gilbert Haunsard such a blow with his demi-Iance, that he felled ~~d:t.r both bim and his borse to the ground, and so Bed with a few more ~~e~ad after him. And thus. while the poor soldiers fought and werc slain, th/om. the barons Bed awayand saved themselves. AIso the earl Ferrers tbrow. 800, and hid himself in a church; hut being betrayed by a woman, he was taken forth, and led away prisoner." l'he same year, the king perceiving that unless the castle of Kenilworth were recovered. and the boldness of them restrailied who kept the same, many evils and inconveniences might ensue thereupon, to thc prejudice of his kingdom, for that the number increased every day more and more, wasting and spoiling the country all about, therefore he gathered an army and came down to Warwick; where he awhile tarried. expecting the meeting and assembling of his marquisses and lords, with ensigns and other saultable munition. When Kenn their bands were furnished and mustered, and all things ready, the =~~ bemorrow arter Midsummer-day he displayed his banner, and bt'gan bis ged u( viage, marching towards Kenilworth, and besieged the same. During t e kltlg. which siege the barons assembled with the aforesaid John D'Eyvile nIe in the isle of Ely, and fortified tbe same witl) bulwarks as strongly ~:r~~:lh. as they might, at every entrance into the same. Shortly after, by 1.lalUiol the advice and counsel of the king, the pope's legate. and other Ely. noblemen. twelve persans were chosen, who should have the dis- A"::'UT. posing of those things that pertainOO to the state of the realm. and of those that bad lost their lands and inheritances: who amongst other things made and established this one proviso, that was commonly called the Kenilworth decree, that aU those who had lost their Kennlands by attainder (although not yet attainted) sbould fine there-for;:b deat the king's plcasure, and take their lands of him again; paying agatn.t , some t IIrce JeRrs, 'd dblnsome two years, an some " lour years' revenues of the herltt:tl. the same, according to the quality of the crime and offence committOO. AU which provisos were established and confirmed as well by the c:orporal oath, as by signment of the same with tbe hands and seals, of all the prelates and c1ergy of England, there 8ssembled for that purpose by the pope's legate, upon the feastof Ali Saints. When these things were thus finished. messengers were sent on tha king's bebaJf, as well to those that kept the castle of Kenilworth, as also to th0ge that were assembled in the isle of Ely; willing them to come .mder the protection of the king's peace, and yield to the aforesaid provisos established by the twelve commissioners i who altogether an8wered and said, that tbey would in nowise condescend thereunto, bolb for tbat it was dane without their c:onsens, no~ bein~ caJIed ~~~,~- Ilennto it, and also for that the said decree was over-stralt and mtoler- ero. ~.In i ' an d pestl '1 ence chanced .ayed h' abJe. W It In Sh ort space a ft er, great f amme dhe...I,y (I) The ",""ue eC Lincoln took place about Tuesday, Aprll27th (Annale. Wayerl.): wbleh (by !'iiehol.. Tabl..) IIhe. the year 126ti.-:n. (21 The alIlllral ChOlter6eldbappelled on the Ide. oC May, on Whiuun-eye (Ann. Waverl.), ..bioh (by Niehol... Table.) gin. Saturday, M.y Ulh, 12t16.-EI>. (3) On .be en oC SI. Lauru.. (AU' 9tb). M. Pari.-LI>.

566

IENILWORTH YIKLDED TO THK Kll'G.

H-, amongst those who kept the castle, in90much that they were without

-!!!.:..- all hope of keeping the same; wherefore soon after, the king sending
A. D. again to them to yield the castle and take their pardons, thay, con1267. suIting together of their own estate, thus answered the king's mes-

..p,,::....

;i:U~

Ienll-

~rn~ ~
tore the t

~b~u::e:.
:.~g:r

France.

The tent'" (1'&Ilted

~~ehY

::L

authorlty toII -

4'::-'
.
The klng

:;t~~t

~;i0rt7'

sengers: .. If it please the king and his counciI to permit us to send aur messengers to the lord Simon Montfort, who is beyond the sea, that he may come by a certain day to the defence ofthis his ganison and fort, and that in the mean space we be not disturbed by tbe king's army that hath environed us, tiII the return of our messengers ; if, by the day appointed, he come not, we will yield up be same, so that we may be pardoned of life, limb, and moveables." When the messengers were retumed, and bad declared to be king their answer, he, consulting with his nobles about the matter, agreed unto their petitians, and caused the truce to be proclaimed througbout all his camp, aft.er that sufficient hostages were on either Bide given for the performance of the same; whereupon they set forwaro their messengers, as before was said they would. But aft.er tbat, many ol them within the castle being very gevously vexed with be bloodyflux and other diseases, insomuch that the wbole men might not abide be corruption and annoyancc of those thatwere diseased, they delivered up the castle before tbe return of the messengers again, and were permitted to go whither they would to refresh themselves, as men molested with great vexations and misees. King Henry besieged the castle of Kenilworth from the seventh day before the first day of July unti! the thirteenth of December ;' wbither came Octobonus, the pope's legate, hy whose entreaty the same was delivered unto the king by Henry Hastings, who stoutly had defended tbe same and resisted the king, having pardon granted hoth for him and his, of his life, lands, goods and chattels. After the rendering up of the castle, the king committed the custody thereof to his son Edmund, and 80 with his host departing from the !iege, he came upon Chrislmaseven's even to Osney; where with grcat solemnity and triumph he kept his Christmas during seven clays. The same ycar pope Clement IV. promoted Master \Valter Gifford, bishop of Bath, to be archbishop of York. 2 In this ycar also the church of England (the regulars as well as the seculars) began to pay the tenths of all her revenues to tha king, to continue for three ycars' spaee; and this WlUl dane by the authority apostolical.' . In the beginning of the next ycar, which was A.D. 1267, be king with his host came to Windsor, from whence after a few daJS he marched towards Ely; in whieh island he besieged those who were disinherited, and sharply a1so assaulted them; upon which John D'Eyvile and severnl other of tbe barons fled to London, wbere of the Londoners they were well entertained. After this, bath the king and Edward his san came to London with a great power, but yet were kept out of the city by the barons and citizens for the space of forty days. And Octobonus the legate (wbo for fear bad fled into the Tower) they narrowly laid for, that he should not escape. At length, by tbe entreaty of the carl of Gloucester and other earls that were his friends, botb the barans and the citizens
(l) I I The Idei or Dccemb~r." saY6 HemiDworrl: Annals; eitherofwhicb means Dec. 13tb.-Ev. 12\ Sec AI'Fendl .-ED.
rl

The !rut ol St. Luty,""y "he Wavcrle'f

(3) Ibid.

PEACE BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BAltONS.

56'7

'vere pardoned, and admitted to the king's favour. ' After Lilis, HenrN Edward. thc king's son, retumed to besiege again the rest whiclt were ~ in the isle or Ely; who, when he came thither, for the great abund- A.D. ance of waters in the same couId by no means enter the island, till at 1268. length, by the counsel of the inhabitants of that province, he caused ~~lale with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, a...!Jted somewhat to convey away the water; and so long used he their ~;~:~~ counsel in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at tLe last ~~':.J. they entered the island; who as soon as they were entered, the rest which were in the island yielded themselves; amongst whom were tlte lord Wake, Simon the younger, and Peches, saving their lives and members. 3 Meanwhile, four bishops and eight other noblemen had been chOBen, such as were at Coventry first nominated, that they should order and disp08e a11 matters between the king and such as bad l08t their inheritance, as also the form of thcir peace and ransom ; Peace and a proclamation was made, upon the feast of A118aints, of perfect ::n~~rtpeaee and concord through a11 the realm. tw..nlh. In the year or our Lord above recited, eight days after the feast of ~u~u St. Martin in the fifty-second ycar of this king Henry's reign, he king. held a parliament at Marlborough, where, by the advice of wise and ~:~~~ discreet men, and with aIl the consents of the nobles, he ordained and ~::~~~it enacted divers good and pro6.table statutes for the reformation and A.D.1267: bettering of the state of the realm and execution or common justice, which are ca1led the statutes of Marlborough.' The next year (A.n. ] !68), upon St. Gregory's day, Octobonus, Conv'ocathe legate, called a council at London, where were five archbishops, ~~:ilUil1 and a grcat numher of bishops, abbots, and ot1ler prelates; which Londun . h' . by the councI'1 aIso WIt ID t hree days brak e up agam. legale. The same year, upon St. John the Baptist's day,' Edward the Tho king's son, and divers other noblemen of England, took upon them dlegatet' !a t:par lig the cross by the legate's hand at N orthampton, to the rehef of the out ot Holy Land and the subversion of the enemies of the cross or Christ. EnglaDd, Which done, the legate the same year went out of Englad,~ not purposing after that to return again. This holy legate (saith mine ~~atlon author), who might well be resembled to a lynx, tbat monstrous ~burebe. beast whose quick sight penetrateth every thing, enroUed to perpe- ~n~t~e tual memory the valuation of aU the cburches in the realm of England ~~,~:i~na 80 narrowly as by any means possible he might inquire the certainty out or thereof. The same was be that made all the cathedral and con- ;~'J'~~~ ventual churches to pay pensions; so that those churches which gave ;~~~~:.. not the vacancy of their benefices to their clerks and strangers, should Pbayed lo, . d' t epopei . year1 pay unto th em a certam y pensIOn, urlDg the vacancy of the cler.... benefices which they should have. -. The same year died pope Clement IV., after whose dcath the NOT.29th, chnrch of Rome was two vears and nine months vacant; and then A.D.12G8. was chosen the archdeacon of Liege, whose name was Theardus or Thiballd, while he~was with prince Edward in tbe Holy Land; and they ealled him Gregory X/ Then also did Edmund, carl of Lancaster and Leicester, and second Martiage or t:dmundearl (I) Juoe 151h, acconllng to Rot. Pat. 51, H. m. m. 16, N 4P, .Hed by Brady.-En. (2) On lhe reasl ot SI. James IJuly 25th). T. Wlke.. S.. Appendi:r.-t:n. (I) Ell SCala Mundi. [Holinabead aay.lhnt thia council mel 011 SI. George'. day: Wlke. say' i met on theQulndene Dr E..Mter, i.e. (by Nichol8!" Tablei) April 22d th21t bt:ing a Sunday, tbey pwbably proceeded lo bua!lIathe nut dny, April23d. which ia SI.George'. day. S.. Appendi.l.-En,J (4) Wblcb Wike. ril:htly oboene. ren Oli a Sundny thl. year, 1208.-Eo. (5) Jwy 201h. WikeL (6) See Al'peul1lx. (7) Ibid.
j

568
tl.....,

DISPUTED ELECTION OF ARCHBISH01'.

son of king Henry, take to wife the enrl of Albemarle's danghter, and at which marriage were tlle king A. D. and queen, and all the nobility of Eng-Iand. 1271. The same year was the body of St. Edward, the king and confestlOr. olLancu- by Walter Gifford, archbisbop of York, and other bishops entombed ~~IYIOlb. in a new and rioh shrine of gold and silver, heset with precious stones. ~~.269. in the presence of Henry, king of England. In which year also feli Bar.] grent rain and inundation of waters, such as hatb not lightly beeD ~~n:d ~; seen, which increased and continued the spnce of forty days, and more. ~~le=.tlOr During this king's reign, there was made a great and genel'lll exi~~l~l3;b. pedition of sundry and divers christian princes to Jerusalem, taking I.Wllr.eo.] upon them the Lord's character, that is, the cross, among whom (as is said) was also Edward the king's son one; to the which expedition was granted him 1\ subsidy throughout all the realm ; and in the month of May, A.D. 1!70, he set forward on his journey.l About the time when prince Edward WIlS preparing his joumey Dealb ol toward Asia, Boniface of whom ye heard before, the archbishop of ~tfM>e. Canterbury, ended his life in the country of Savoy, going belike to ~:.or Rome, or coming thence. After whose death the monks of Canterbury, r bury, proceeding to a new election granted by the king, agreed upon \~~] the prior of their house. named Adam Chelindon. But the king Adal'i' and his son, prince Edward, consenting and speaking in the ~:~ .i~l-- behalf of Robert Burnell, the prince's chaplain, and aterwards ~~.biI chancellor,2 did solicit the matter with the monks, partly entreating, partly threatening them, to choose the said Robert to be arch hishop. Notwithstanding, the monks being stout would neither relent to their courteous request, nor yet bow to their boisterous threats, but constantly persisting in their farmer election, Appell... appealed from the king and prince to the pope. Prince Edward being l;:,n tom naw on his journey, and seeing himself thus frustmted of the monks, ~~b~" writcth back to the king, his father, devoutly praying and beseechin~ r.;~ by him in no wise to admit the election of the aforesaid monks. And ~kl_or so passing to Dover with Henry, the son of Richard his uncIe (kin~ bu.;~r of the Romans), with their wives, they took their passage in the ~:~Ih:';'lh month of August. After this the prior thus elected (as is foretold), up but not admitted by the king, to he archbishop, went up to Rome. Rom.. In the mean time the monks, in the absence of their elect, ordained one Geffrey Pomenall to be their official; who, seeing himself advanced to that dignity, and bearing belike some old grudge against Varianc. the prior of Dover, caused him to be cited up to appear in the chapter:':::"~ci- house of Canterbury. The prior of Dover seeing this citation to he &loce.n- prejudicial to him and to the church of Dover, and knowing the monk. l.rbury, _lo.' d"' And tbe O f Canterbury to have no SUL"II Juns lcbon, t he see ofCanterbury be' mg ~~~~.r vacant, but thatall things appertaining to thatchurch ougbt to be reserved Appella whole till the consecration of the new archbishop, therefore, for the ~~':n~~ state both of him and of his church, he appealed up also unto Rome. [Jan. 3d, The next year died Walter de la W yle, bishop of Sarom, the third A.D.I~71. day before the nones of January; after whom succeeded Master ~Rl~~.l Robert of Wikhampton, the dean of the same churcb; and because ~:or the see of Canterbury was then vacant, he was confirmed by the :le;:tedt chapter of Canterbury, which 'chapter had always the jurisdiction in ':0::' spiritual C8uses during the vacancy of that see, in as ample manner ~raled. as the bishop himself had bemg alive. After thia, the bishop elec..

...!!.!:- the niece of the earl of Gloucester;

t:

(l) Thil wu Ihe lAli atlempl '! recovering Ihe Holy l.and.

(2)

see AppenlliJr.

LAST CRIJSADE TO THK HOLY LAND.

569

toming tbither, thinking to have had his consecration, was, notwith- "OJ'" standing, put back for two causes ; one was, for that there was present III. tben no more than one bishop ; the other was, for that all the other A. D. blshops had appcaled that he might not be consecrated to their pre- 1271. judice, that is, by the allthority of the chapter of Canterbury, saying, that they would not be under the obedience of the monks. After this, when solemn messengers were for tbis cause sent to the cardinaIs of Rome, for that then the see of Rome was vacant, they received answer, that, during the vacation of that see, the confirmation and consecration of the bisbop elect pertained to the aforesaid chapter of Canterbury. But to return to tbe archbishop again. The next year after, Adam Chelindon, the aforesaid archbishop Cb.linelect, remaining all this while at Rome, at last resigned up his elec- :l~~:;b lo tion to the pope's hand (beingo Gregory X.), who then W've tbe Ib. POP'" same to Robert Kilwardby. Who then coming to Dover, restored ~::~. again the prior of that house, being before cxcluded upon certain :r,ho':.b~r causes (as ye heard). By thcse contentions judge, good readcr, of ~.nlerthe religion of thesc men, and of tbese times. A~'1272. About which time came out the great concordance byan English Tb. gr.at friar, called John Derlington. 1 ~~:.'. And now to return to our former story. It was above dec1ared how a general viage beingo proclaimed to war against the Turks, and a 8nbsidy being coUected in England on the same, prince Edward with olhers was appointed to take their viage, and were now onward in their joumey. Who at Michaelmas following with his company came to Aigueslllortes, which is from Marseilles eight leagues westward. and there taking ship again, having a merry wind and prosperous, within ten days arrived at Tunis, where he was with great joy welcomed and entertained of thc christian princes, who were to this purpose assembled, as, of Philip the French king (whose father Louis died alittle before), of Charles the king of Sicily, and of the Aug.25rh. two kinga of Navarre and Arragon. And as this lord Edward n..alh or came thither for his father the king of England, thither came also ~~:dR~~'I:~' Henry, the son of the king of Almain, for his father; who, at his ~dA~~ng return from the viage, was slain in a chapel at Viterbo, hearing ~u" mass, by the lords Simon and Guido, the sons of tbe lord Simon ~I':;,:;". Mon~fort, carl of Leicester. I :'';;~~2~(:: Wben prince Edward demanded of these kinga and princes what was to be done, lhey answered him ogain and said, "The prince of this city (said they) and of the province adjoining to the same, hath been accustomed' to pay tribute unto the king of Sicii)" every year. And now for that the same hath been for the space of seven years unpaid and more, therefore we thought good tli' make invasion upon him. But the king, knowing the same tribute to be but justly demanded, hath naw, according to aur own desires, satisfied for tLe time past, and evcn paid his tribute before-hand. Tben said he, " My lorda! what is this to the purpose? Are we Exped\o not here a11 assembled, and have taken upon us the Lord's character, :~ovnJ: to 6ght against the in6dels and enemies of Cbrist ? What mean ~t;:;:~~d yon then to conclude a peace with them? Gad forbid we should do by sa, for naw the land is plain and hard, so that we may march etraiKht to the holy city J emsalem.'l'I Then said they, " Naw bave we made a

_o.

(lJ Ex F.ulo~io. f!'oo Appendlx.J

(2) CllI1lIn4.d by Ib.JUug ot llleuy', letter in Rymer, d.led March 23c1.-ED.

570

/II

GREAT TEMPEl'T.

II...,., league with them ; neither is it Inwful for us to break the same; but ~ let us return again to Sicily, Rnd when the winter is past we may "ell A.D. take shipping to Acre." But this counsel nothing at all !iked him. 1271. neither did he show himself well pleased therewith i but arter he bad Th. gr.at made them a princely banquet, be went into his closet or p rin r.(le ort~e I . . . Frellch C IBmbcr from amongst them, nClther would he be partaker of any :~~rll.t of that wicked money which they baa taken. They, notwithstanding, the~ continuing their purpose, at the next meny wind took shipping, but :~:;; a for want of more ships left. two hundred of their men ashore, crying :::'t:~. out and piteously lamenting for the periI and hazard of death they Clemency were in ; wherewith prince Edward being somewhat moved with comU!.r. ::;~~ passion, came back again to the land, and received aBd stowed them ~wre: in his own ships, being the last that went aboard. Within seven days [Oet.26th. after, they arrived in the kingdom of Sicily, over against the city H.mlllr J Tmpani, casting their anchors a league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burthen, and thoroughly &aught; and from the I13ven of the city they sent out barges and boats to receive and bring such of the nobili ty to land as would ; but their horses for G~nl the most part, and all their armour, they kept within board. At Iength, ~'r:k nr towards evening, the sea began to be rongh, and increased to a great :::n~~~:; tempeat and a migbty, insomuch that their ships were beaten one 'rrapalll. against another's sides i and sunk there were of them at that tem~t;~t, pest, Iying at anchor, more. than a hundred and twenty,' with all their f;.~.Vil borses and munition, with innumemble souls besides; and that wicked ~ Non money also which they had taken before likewise' perished and was e:~~u. drowned. But the tempest burt not so much as one llhip of prince ;~;:~. Edward's, WIIO had in number thirteen, nor )'et had he one man lost ;:'.;'0." thereby; for that (as it may be presupposed) he consented not to the wicked counsel of the rest. When in the moming the princes and r::~;~~ kings came to the sea-side, and saw all their ships sunk, and saw t;';.&.in- their men and horses in great number cast upon the land drowned, they tegrily had fuli heavy hearts, as well they might. For of all their ships and re... arded manners, . num ber fift. een h un dre, d b'd wGod. who were m esl es t he common soldiers, there were no more saved than the mariners of one only ship, and they in this wise : there was in that ship a good and wise matron (a countes8 or an carl's wife), who perceiving the tempest to grow, and fearing for herself, called to her the master of the ship, and asked whether, in attempting the shore, it were not possible to save themselves ? 'Who answered, that to save the ship it was impossible; howbeit, to save the men that were therein, by God's help, he doubted not. Then said the countess, " For the skip care no whit; save the lOt1I therein, and I will give thee double the vaIue ofthy ship." Who immediately hoisting the Bails with all force mn the ship aground, BO ncar tbe shore as possible was. Thus, with the vehemency of the weather and force he came withal he brast the ship, but saved all that was witllin tbe same, as tbe master had showed and said before.' Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose aft.cr this so great a shipwreck) retumed home again evrry one unto their own landa; only Edward the king's son remained behind with his mcn and ships, which the Lord had saved and preserved. Then prince Edward Crenovating his purpose) took shipping again, and within fift.eeu

Ed=:d

~1)

II

Centum xx/' Knyghton;

f\Jn'~ujll~ paI3'w..,h.

li

(2) Ex Scala Mundi.

Ex Gualt. Giaburn.

nLl.lJc in thc

xx/' Hcmtn,t'ord.-Eu. Ex Flor. Hilt. [Whence leverR} correC'tlonl ue Tlie same authoritiea auppl)' the re.1 ar tWf rtiGn.-l::D.J

PRINCK EDWARD'S SUCCESS.

571

days ILfter Easter, nmvcd at Acre, and went on shore, taking with /l",. him IL thousand of the best and most expert soldiers, and tarried ~ there IL month, refreshing both his men and horses, s9 that in this A. D. space he might lcam and know the sccrets of thc land. After this ~ he took with him six or seven thousand soldiers, and marched forward Arrivlng twenty miles from Acre, and took Nazaretll; and those that he there ~k~~~e. found he sIew, and afterwards rctumed again to Acre. But their Nazareth. enemies i'ollowing arter them, thinking to have set upon them at some strait or other advantage, they were by the prince premonishcd thereof, and returning again upon them, gave a charge, and sIew many of them, and the rest they put to Hight. After this, about Midsummer, when the prince had understanding that the Saracens began to gathcr at Cackhow, which was forty miles from Acre, he, marching thither, set upon them very carly in the moming, and sIew of them more than :1 thousand; the rest he put to Hight, and took rich spoils, marching forward till they came to a cast1e namcd eastrom Peregrinorum, situated upon the sea-coast, and tarried there that night, and the next day they retumed towards Acre. In the" mean season the king of Jernsalem sent unto the noblemen of Cyprus, desiring them with speed bat they would come and aid the Christians; but they would not corne, saying, they would kccp thcir own land, and go no further. Then prince Edward sent unto them, desiring that at his request they would come and join in aid with him, who immediately thereupon Tbo or came unto bim with great preparation and fumiture for the war, saying, that at his comma~d they were bound t~ do no less, for that his :~:l; predccessors were sometJme govemors of therr land, and that they fid.lIty ought always to show thcir fidelity to the kings of England. Thcn ~~~:f the Christians being: herewith animated, about the feast of St. Peter ad Eng~nd Vincula [Aug. 1stJ made a third viage or rode, and whcn they .._""oz, bad slain certain, not finding any to make resistance against them, they retired from whence tlley came, about S1. George's day [Au~. ~7th 1'Vhen thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his encmies, Guil~n,j and they began to stand in fear of him; they devised among them- ~~.~~~:_ selves, how by some policy they might circumvent and hetray bim. l ~.~~prac. Hereupon the grcat prince and admiral of J oppa sent to him, feigning again.t himself, under great deceit, to become a Christian, and that he would ~~~. dmw with him a great number besides, so that they might be honourably entertained and used of the Christians. This talk pleased thc prince well, and persuaded him to finish the thing he bad so weB begun, by writing &gain; who alBO by the same messenger sent and wrote back unto him divers times about the same matter, whereby no mistrust should ~ring. 1'his messenger, saith mine author, was one 'ex cote AP::Ji. nutritus, one of the stony-hearterl, who neither feared Gad nor dreaded death. 1'he fifth time when thiB messenger came, and was of the prince's servants searched, according to the manner and custom, to discover what weapon and annour he had about him, a'l also his purse, and when not so much as a knife could be found about him, he was had up into the prince's chamber, and after llis revercnce done, he pulled out certain letters, which he de1ivered to the prince from his lord, as he bad done others before. This was about cight days aiter \Vhitsuntide, upon a 1'uesday, somewhat before night: at

C::::.

(1) Ex Gi.bum. et Scala MuudL

57:!
H.,.r~

PRll'CE I,;DWARD WOUNDED BY AN ASSASSIN.

which time the prince was laid upon his bed, ba.re-headed, ID hit intemperature af the weather. A. D. When the prince had read the letters, it appeared by them, that ~271. upon the Saturday following, his lord would be there ready to acenmplish all tllat he had written and promised. The report of this new&, by the prince to the standcrs-by, liked them well, drawing Immewh:!.t bnek to consult thereof amongst themselves. In the mesn time the messenger, kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince, who was questioning further with him, put his hand to the belt, as though he wouM have pulled out same secret letters, and suddenly he pulled out an envenomed knife, thinking to havp. stricken it into the prince's bell y as he lay; but Edward, lifting up his hand to defend the blow, was Ed..ard stricken agrest wound in the arm; and the messenger being about ;~~n:"ed to fetch anothcr stroke at him, the prince with his foot took bim such enYe-d a blow that he felled him to the ground. Witb that the prince gat ~~r;: him by the band, and with such violence wrested the knife from him, !p;,~~:, that he hurt himself therewith in the forehead, and immediately m....n thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and gor. sIew him. The prince's servants being in the next chamber not far off, hearing the bnskling, came with great haste running in. And 6.nding the messenger lying dead on the fioor, one of them took up a stool and beat out bis brains; wherest the prince was wroth, for that he struck a dead man, and one that was killed before. The rumonr hereof, as it was strange, sa it soon went throughout all the court, and from thence amongst the eommon people; wherefore they were very heavy and greatly discouraged. To him came also the captain of the tempIe, and brought him a eostly and precious drink ngainst poisan, lest the venom of the knife shonld penetrate the lively blood, and in blamingwise said unto him, "Did I not show your grace before, of the deceit and subtlety of this people? NotIn perli withstanding," snith he, " let your grace take a good beart; you ~~~~~l~n shall not die of this wound, my life for yours." But straightway the ffhia surgeons and physicians were sent for, and the prince was dressed, 1 :~or~ed and within a few days after the wound begun to putrefy, and the ~hY~i~ Hesh to look dead and blnek; whereupon those who were about the <iwI. prince began to mutter amongst themselves, and were very sad and hcavy. Which thing he himself perceiving, said unto tbem, .. Why mutter you thus amongst yourselves ? What see you in me, can I not be.healed? Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid." Whereupon one sald to him, "Y aur grace, you may be healed, we mistrust it no~; ~ut ~et it will be very painful for you to suffer." "May 5uffermg, sald he again, "restare health ?" "Yea," saith the other " on pain of losing my head." "Then," said the prince, I co~mii mys~lf unto, ~ou, do with me what you think good." Then ssid one of hiS physlcl~ns, "Is there any of your nobles in whom your grare repo~eth spe~lal trust?" To whom the prince answered "yea," nammg certam of the noblemen that stood about him. Then said the physician unto the two witom the prince first named, the lord Edmund and the lord John V oisie: "And do you also faithfullv love your lord and prince?" \Vho answered both "Yea undoubt" " Th . h he, " take you away this " gentlewoman and (' dl Y'" ,en," . S81~ lady, meanmg hiS wlfe, "and let her not see her lord and husband

-..!.!!:..- jerkin, for the great heat and

RKCO\'KRS, AND RETURNS TO ENGLAND.

5j3

until such time as I will you to let her; '" whereupon they took her H.,ny . ,s presence, crymg . out an d ' . her han ds. _III out of t he pnnce wnng1ng _ ._ Then said they unto her, "Be ye contented, good lady and madam, A.p. it is hetter th",t one woman should weep alittle while, than that aIl the ~ realm of England should weep a great season.'" Then, on the morrow, they cut out all the dead envenomed fiesh out of the prince's aron, and threw it from them, and said unto him, "How cheereth your grace? We promise you witllin these fifteen days you shall show yourself abroad (if God pennit) on horseback, whole and well as ever YOII were..... And according to the promisc he made the prince, it camc to pass, to the 110 little comfort and adIll;iration of aIl his subjects. ~. 'Vhen the grest 8010an heard of it, and that the prince was yet alive, ~:~:.'.c:: :;. he woud scarcely believe the same; and sending unto him three of ~;&I~i his nobles and prinees, he excused himself by them, calIing his gods d";' for . . nClt . her by h'lm, nor h'IS consent. ... ,earelh to Wltness, t hat the same was done bimlei! The princes and messengers standing aloof off from the king's son, worshipping him feli fiat upon the ground. "You," saith the prince, .. do reverence me, but yet you love me not." But they understood him not, because he spake in English unto them, speaking by an interpreter. Nevertheless he trested them honourably, and sent them away in peace. 'rhlLI\, when prince Edward had heen eighteen months in Acre, he n. took shipping about the Assumption of Our Lady, as we call it, ~nc~t retuming homeward; and, after seven weeks, he arrived in Sicily, at to E~~~ Trapani, and from thence travelling through Palcstrinu aild Metmes, land.o.. . and 50 through the midst of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he "--~'' was of the pope honourably entertained; from thence he came into France,' whose fame and noble prowess was there much noised about among the common people, and envied of the nobility, especially of the carl of Chalons, who .sent unto him, and required him that he might break a staff with him at the tilt in his country. This the prince, because he would not diminish his honour and farne, willingly consented to do, although he might have weIl aIleged a sufficient excuse by means of his travail. It was therefore proclaimed, that prince Edward, by such a day, with those that were with him, had A da)' of challen~ aU comers at the tilt and barriers. Hereupon great ~i~h assembfies were made in the country aU about; and divers, as well ~~e~~:_o borsemen as footmen, had confederated among themselves, and con- nest. spired against the Englishmen, selling their horses and annour beforeband, and drinking one to another in' boon viage,'l of the spoi of them whom thcy would take as their prisoners. Prince Edward, in the mean time, sent into England for divers carls and barons, who came unto bim. 'Vhen the day appointed was come, the prince had with bim more than one tllOusand horsemen, who were knights, besides his footmen; but yet there were as many more, on the other side, both in borsemen and footmen.When the parties met, the French footmen, Conlplwho had before conspired, began both to spoi, rifie, and kill. The ~r.y of Englishmen resisted and defended themselves, hath with bows and Frencbsings; manv of the Frenchmen they sIew, and drove them to the ::'~nlt gatcs of the~ city; the others they chased over a river, where many ~~~~::
(1) .. Drlnkng one to another ID boon vage j" a common expreaaion in ald authora, in other worda, .. Drinking one anotber good IUoce.. in the lpoUini of 'hOle .. horn thoy bad delUned for thelr pr\Ionerl.n-ED.

574

PRINCE EDWARD'S VAl.IANTNESS.

of them wcre drowned. In the mean whilc the carl, with 6.fty ar knights who followed him, came forth and joined together, &O A. D. many for 80 many, and a long time together they tried with j, 1272. their swords, laying one on another. At last the carl, perceiving himself not able to match with the prince at anns' length, closed with bim, and taking him about tLe neck, held him with his anns very straigbt. "What mean you, my lord," saith the prince, "think you to have my horse?" "Y ea, marry," quoth tbe carl, "I mean to have both thee and thy horse." Hereat prince Edward, being indignant, lifted up himself, and gave him such a bow, that therewithal he, forsaking his horse, hung still about the prince's neck, till tLat he shook him off to the ground. Herewith the prince, being somewhat in a heat, left the press to take the air, thereby to refresh himself. But when he saw the injury of the Frenchmen IDwards his men, and baw they llad slain many of them, he then said unto them that they Ex..cl... used rather the exercise of battle than of tourney. "Spare ye not, i'~.'::~~r therefore," saith he, "from henceforth, any of them all, but give them ~~tto~r- agnin as good as they bring." Then they essayed to kill eaeb other ne)". freely on either part, and. let their swords walk. By this time the English footmen were again returned, and seeing the confliets of horsemen, and many other Englishmen overthrown, they put themselves amidst the press; some raunching the horses, and same cutting aslmder the girths of the F rencLmen's saddles, they overthrew the riders, and gavc them holy bread. When the aforesaid carl had been horsed agnin by some of his men, and bad got amongst the throng, prince Edward also rushed in amongst the thickest, and copcd again with him, to whom he often spake and cried, that be should yie1d Limself as vanquished; but that the carl would not do. '"icloT) Notwithstanding, when the earl's strength began to fai Lim, he wns or lht' fain to yield himself unto a simple knight, according as prince ;"I:Ii.h a:tRln!t Edward bade him, and all the rest of his horsemen and knights the rarl de Chr_ flecI and saverl themselves; howbeit, many of them in tLat pace Jonl. were I!lain; and sa our men retumed, ha,ing the victory. But when, after this, they thought to be quiet and at rest, they were killed by the citizens by twos and threes at ance, as they walked in the streets. When the prince Leard this, he sent for the mayor and burgesses, commanding them to see the same redressed, and that immediately; for otherwise, of his knighthood he assured them, that upon the morrow he would 6.re the city, and make it level with the ground. On this they went their ways, and set watchmen in divers paces of thc samc to keep peace, by wLich means the prince and his men were in safcty and quiet. Thus, in this pastime of tourneying and barriers much blood was spilled, whereupon the name of the place was changed; sa that it is not called 'Torniamentum de ClllV lons,' but' Parvulll Bellum de Chalons.' Prince FlOm thence the prince came to Paris, and was of the French f;:l;;:~ king honourably entertained; and after ccrtain daya he went from ny al hl. thence into Gascony, where he tarried till he heard of tLe denth (athe". death. the ki ng his l' lather. A.D.I2BS. In the ycar of our Lord 1268, died" pope element IV.: art er ~"!nW;-: whom succeeded pope Gregory X.; who, in the year A.D. 127-i-, dl... called a general council at Lyons, about the controversy betwee~

--.!!..!:..- his

lf-,

or

oCCUaREN'CES IN' FOREIGN COUNTlUES.

575
Hm.. /lI.

thc Greek church and thc Latin church, and for the vacancy of the sce apostolical.
CEIl.TAIN NOTES OF OTHEIl. OCCURRENCES CHANCED IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES ABROAD, WITlIIN THE C01\lPASS OF THE YEARS AXD REIGN OF TUE AFORESAID KING HENRY III.

A.D.
1~16

to

1272,

Having thus completed the life and history ofking Henry II!., with BUch accidents as happened within this realm, I thought good to adjoin unto the same, same other foreign matters not unworthy of note, incident in other countries during the time of the said king: namely, from A.D.l!16 unto this year, 1!7!. These I thought the rather not to be omitted, for that even from and about the beginning of this king's reign, sprang up the very well-springs of aIl mischief, the sects of monkish religions and other swarms of popish orders, which, with their gross and horrible superstitions, have encumbered the church of Christ cver sincc. First, to omit the repetition of pope Innocent III., the great grcat grandsire of that faul monster transubstantiation and auricular confession, mars Dominie and Franciscan mars, Thomas Aquinn.s, APJ;~~rlU~ Jacobns de Voragine, and Vincentius, with pope Honorius III. ooiner of the canon law, and the cardinal of Ostia, as also Bonaventure, Albertus Magnus, with pope Urban IV., the first founder or the feast of Corpus Christi, and the procurer ot' the adoration of the body of Christ in the sacrament, besides Durandus and many more: it foIloweth further to be noted, that the Tartars, about Tho Tar. A. D. ll40, issuing out of Muscovy into the parts of Poland, made :;~;nake great waste in Christendom, and this so much the rather, because the opoiJ in . d be"mg at vanance amongst t hemsclves, use d no dom. Chrlolenpnnces about P olan, other remedy for their defence but heaps of masses, the invocation of the dead, and the worshipping of images, which indeed did not at all relieve them, but rather lDcreased their trouble. In the year following, the whole nation of the Tartars, mustering Tho like loeusts, invaded the parts of Europe with two mighty armies, fn~~ whereof the one, entering on Poland, made great havoc, and carricd t;:.rope away many Christians .from thence captives; the other overrunning lo<u.tA. Hungary, made no less spoi! there. .Add hereunto another fresh A"::;:<liJt. army oC Tartars, to the number ar frve millions,' who at the very same time joining themselves together, entered Muscovy and Cracow, and made most horrible slaughter, sparing neither sex nor age, neither noble nor ignoble within the land. From thence passing to Lower Sclavonia, they made great spoi] there also, and thinking there to win the castle, were, by the miraculous working of the Lord, at the instance and prayers of good people, discom6.ted beyond aIl expectation af man, by thunder and lightning fiilling upon them from heaven in a most terrible manner. The same year, immediately after Easter, another army of Tartars was gathered against Lignitz, drawing ncar to Germany; by the rumour whereof, the Germans, being put in great fears, werc aItog-ether dismayed, but yet not able to help themselves, because thcy lIlcked a good guide and governor amongst them. Ali this came
(I) Ex AnnaJibue SIleo"".

576

DEATH OF KING HENRT.

an'. to pass, especially by the mischicvons proctice uf tl'e Roman ~ popes, raising variance and discord among them. N otwitLstanding A.D. Henry, prince of Poland and Silesia, gathering a power as well HS he 1216 could, did encounter witL him; but in the end his whole annv was 1~2. vanquished, and the king himself slain. Notwithstanding this'over- throw of Christians, it hleased Gad to strike such a fcar into the Henry or Po'and hearts of the Tartars, t at they durst not approach any further or ~l~I';:,.;,~d nearer into Germany, but retired for that time into their country ~~r;hed. again; who, recounting their vi.ct?ry by taking each. man but one Nin. ear of every one of the Chnsbans that were sIam, found the :ft~:~ slaughter so great, that they flUed nine great sacks ful] of eaJ1l. ~r~~ Nevertheless, after this (A.D. 1!60), the same Tartars, having the .!aln. Muscovites for their guides, returned again into Poland and Cracow ; ,fp;:'" where, in the space of three months, they overran the land with file and sword to the coasts of Silesia, and bad not the princes of Oermany put to their helping hand in this lamentable case, they had utterly wasted the whole land of Poland, and the coasts therea.OOut. RI.bard This ycar also, in the month of April, Richard, king of Almain, ~l;;:::~ died at the castle of Berkhamstead, and was buried at the abbe)' or ~: Hailcs, wbich he built from the ground. The same ycar also, at bet.:::" N orwich, there arose a great controversy between the monks and the ~:"kI citizens, aOOut certain tallages and liberties. At last, after much alter~~ Ibe cation and wrangling words, the furious rage of the citizens 60 mm'h of ;:~-' inereased and prevailed, and so little was the fcar of Gad before thcir wleb. eyes, that altogether they set upon the abbey and priory, and buroeJ both the cburch and bishop's palace. When this thing was heard abroad. the people were very sorry to hear of so bold and naughty an enterEx..u prise, and much discommended the same. At last, king Henry, ~~r;.:~.b calIing for ccrtain of his lorda and barons, sent them to the city of ::~~. Nomch, that they might punish and see exeeution done on the maod or cllief malefactors; insomuch that some of them were condemneJ and ~ l heels with Henry burnt, some of them hanged, and some were drawn by tle ~. horses throughout the streets of the city, and afterwards in much ~rlo~o~ misery they ended their wretched lives. The JllUI\C year Adam, the b::;'y:' prior of Canterburv, and bishop eleet, in the presence of Pope Ore~u::~~ gory X. refused to' be archbishop, although he was elected; wherefore ~~~o::~ the pope gave the archbishopric to mar Robert Kilwardby, the provost Robert of the preaching friars, a man of good life and great leaming. He ~r:~t was consecrated at Canterbury, on the fourth day of March, by six ~,:~.or bishops ot'. the same province. The same ycar also, at Michaelmas., bury, t11e lord Edmund, toe son of Richard king of Almain, married the Dealb or sister of Gilbert, earl of Gloucester. Also in this year, A.D. l!7!l, ~~:ry on the sixteenth day before the kalends of December, being the day Ul. of Sl. Edmund archbishop and confeBsor, died king Henr)", in the ~ fifty-seventh ycar of his reign, and was buried at Westminster, leaving behind him two sons and twa daughters; to wit, Edward, the prince, and Edmund, carl of Lancaster and Leicester, Beatrice, and Margaret; which Margaret was marned to the king of Scots. This king Henry, in his lifetime, began the building of the church and steeple of WestminBter, but did not thoroughly finish the same before his death.

KBW

EDWAIlD'S .1IRACULOUS PIlESERVATION.

~j7

EDWARD THE FIRST! l N the time of the death of king Henry, Edward, his eldest son, Ed_rJI. 'Was absent in Gascony, as alittle beforc you heard; yet notwith-- AD ~tanding, by Robert Kilwarby, archbishop of Canterbury, and other 1272: Ilisbops and nobles, he was ordaincd heir and succcssor to his father; - on hcaring ofwhose death, he returned home to his country, llnd was crowned A. D. 1274. On that occasion he laid down his crown, saying, ,~'.n . he would no more put it on, before he bad gathered together all the lands appertaining to the same. This Edward, who bad always before becn a loving and natura! child to his father, whom he bad delivered out of prison and captivity; hearing afterwards of the death of his son, and of that of his father, hath together, wept and lamented much more for his father, than for his son, saying to the French king, who asked the cause thereof, that the 1088 of his child was but light; for children might afterwards increase and be multiplied, but the 1088 of his parent was greater, which could not be recovered.~ Sa Almighty God, for his piety shown to his father, rewarded him again Piel,. to with great succe88, felicity, and long reign, insomuch that he being :':~':.':~"ro young, as he was playing at che88 with a certain soldier of his, ofGud. suddenly having occasion given, rose up and went his way; who had A ~Ir."'. only just voided the 'place, when incontinent feli down a mighty stone ;~.~_ln from the vault above, directly upon the place where he !lad sat, able~: ~ to have quashed him in pieces, if he bad tarried ever so little more ; w in whose preservation, as I see present the hand and mighty pro-. vidence of the living God, so, in the king's order ugain, I note a Fal... fault ar error worthy of reprehension, in that he, after receiving such ;';;.~fp a livcly benefit at the hand of the living Lord, and going therefore h~ded. on pilgrimage tu 'Valsingham, gave thanks not only to our Lord, but ~Ve~lhe rather to a rotten block." ~~~e~l. Of the gentle nature of this courageous prince, sufficient proor is d~m: ~ven by this one example. One day being in his disport of hawking, ~a':"h th. he cbanccd sharply to rebuke the negligence of one of his gentlemen, IhaJlk for what fimlt I cannot tell, about his hawk: the gentleman, being on the other side of the rivcr, hcaring his mcnacing words, was glad, as be said, that the rivcr was between them. \Vith thia Ilnswcr the courageous blood of this prince being movcd, upon prcscnt heat hc leaped stmight into the flood, being both of a swift strca.m and ol' a dangerous deepness, and no less hard in getting out. N otwithstanding, cither forgetting his own life, or neglecting the dangcr prcsent, and having a good horse, he venturcth his own dcath, to havc the deatl of his man. At Icngth, with much difficulty recovering the ~/;';~':~~ bank, with his sword drawn he pursueth his Ilrovoker, who having not meney 1y cle- l . . . . o 50 good a horse, and secmg himsclf m dangcr of bemg taken, remeth be learn up his horsc, and retuming back uarehcadcd unto the pnce, sub- ~n~&nd mitteth his ncck undcr his hanu to strikc. The pnce, wbose fcrvent prince
(I) F.dition 1563, p. H. ElL 1583, p. 339. Rd. 159/1, p. 310. Ed. 16'1, vuL i. p. 386. (2) Rob. Avosbury. Alau rrulU Ih. Chronicl.- uf ThuDlaa WalsinghaDl. p. i. (3) Ibid.

VOl II.

l' I'

578
Bd.".,dl.

WALES SUDDUED.

stornach tbe

waer

of tbe whole river could not queneh, alittle sub-

A. D. mission of his man did so cool, that the quarrcl droppcd, his anger
1272. ccased, and his sword was put up without any stroke given. And so - - OOth rctumcd to their game, good mends agam.1 Wal.. In the beginning of his reign.the king had mueh 000 in WaleJ!, oubdllOCl. where he bad divers conflicta wiar the WelBhmen, whom he at last subdued, and cut down their woods, suppressed rebellions, and vanTlIo quishing their kinga Llewelyn and his brother, ordaincd his eldest son ~I~';: ocn Edward, bom in the same country, to be prince of Wales. This Llew~~~:;:.Of elyn, captain of tlte Welshmcn herc mcntioncd, rebelIing against king Edward,3Jlkcd counscl byway of conjuration, what event should comc upon his attempt; towhom it was told, that he should go forwaro boldly, for doubtless he should ride through Chcapside in London, with a crown on his head. Which so came to pass; for, being slain, his head with a crown of silver was carricd through Cheap to London Valn pro- Bridge. By this, men may learn not to scek or stiek to these vain ~:;"'~"be prophccies, which though they fali true, yet are they but the trains or ocUllbtto. the devil to dcceive men. AOOut this time there W3Jl a grcat carthquake, and BUch a rot, that it consumed a great multitude of sheep in the land, through the occasion, as thcy say, of one scabbcd shcep that came out of 8pain. The king retuming from Wales to England, oroered certain new PuD\ah. laws for the wealth of the reaIm. Among many others, this was one: ::k~~for authority was given to all mayors, bailiffil, and other offieers to see and mil execution and punishment with the pillory on all bakers making ~::': ota. brcad under the assizc; and with the tumbrcl, on millers stealing tule of com, &c. Within two ycars after this, the statute of mortmain was ~~~maln first enactcd, which is as much as to say, that no maIl should give enocle<!. unto the church any lands or renta, without special lieense of the king. A.D.11n AOOut this time, being the scventh ycar of king Edward's reign =i,y (A.D.I!79), Jews, for money-dipping, were brought to execution, LudllOle and in the same ycar began the foundation of the Black-friars ~ bullt. Ludgate. The town of Boston was greatly waste d th' 18 ycar wi ~'::~h fire. The halfpenny and farthing began first to be coined aOOut tlie ed .. th same time, which was the eighth ycar of this king's reign. The liro... . fourth ycar aftcr this, the great conduit in Chcap began to be made. =:~_ A. D. 1!84. In the ycar following, the new work of the church or :~~reh Westminser (bcgun as is beforc prcmised in the third ycar or lInlalIcd. Henry III.) was finished, which was sixty-six ycars in edifying. "he Jews were utterly banishcd this rmlm or England at the same time, for which the eommons gave to the king' a fifteenth,2 &c. Aft.er that, the country of Wales was brought in a fulI order and quiet by the hewing down of their woods, and casting down their old holds, and building of new; whieh aU was brought to a perfcct end, about the twenty-fourth ycar of this king's reign. U ndet the same king, about the beWnning ofhis rcign, the ycar was so hot and dry, tbat from the month ofMay till ncar the month ofSepternber, there feU no rain; in80much that many died for heat, and the vuJgar people, in their rcekoning of years, did eount the time Crom the
;~.'.
(I) Rob. A"..bury, Nlcb. TrI..I, and Tbo.WalaIngbam. (2) TlIo. Walalngbam and Walt.Giobum. (3) The neal four paflCl are placed by FUle after Ibe hillory uf Ihe rlilputc bch.cen BonU_ VIII cud Philip the Fair, at p. 600, and ue brought bark. biUter. to auit the cbronulog.cal Order.-ED

CLERGY EXEMPTED FROM TRI DUTE.

579

S3id dry ycnr long aner. In tbc reign or tbis king, Walter Mertan, Rd_rdI. bishop or Rochester, built Merton Coll~, OxfonI. AJ)' About this time; in the days of king Edward, the churcb of Rome 12'96: began daiJy more and more to me up, and swell so high in pride and ~ worldJy dominion, tbat no king alm08t in his own country could do any thing but as the pope pleased, who both bad and ruled all, in nil ~~~~~. rountries, but chiefly here in England; as partly by his intolernble A.O.lm. taUage and pillage, before signified, mayappror, pnrtly by his injunctions and commandments sent down, also by his donations and reservations or benefices and church livings, al80 in deposing and 1')1e. disposing such as him listed, in place and office to bear rule: inso- :;.::Ftl:n muw, tbat wben the king and the church of Cantcrbury, in their In hi. election, bad chosen one Robert Bumell, bishop of llath and W ells ~:;'m and chancellor, to be archbishop of Canterbury, popc Nicholas III. ~~::~. or his own singular presumptuous authority ruling thc matter aner hammad. his pleasurc, frustrated their eIection, and thrust in anotber, named ::;~por John Peckbam : for among all others, this hath always been one ~~tcr. practice of the court of Rome, ever to bove the arcbbishop of their A.V.'1278. own setting, or such one as they might be sure of on their side, to A po~tlOr weigh against the king and others, whatsoever necd should happen. r~.ce By this John Peckham was ordained, that no epilitUM mimster ;'.,~eor shouJd bove any more benefices than one which al80 was decreed by AP;'''':.;'' the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus, the pope's legates formerly in England. AIso, in the parliament he resisted the king in the right o, certain liberties pertaining to the ClOwn, touching patronages and such church matters. Abollt the ~nning of this king's reign, aner the decensc of A.D.m9. Walter, archbishop of York, William Wicewanger BUcceeding in that see, and minding to go on visitation, came to Durhwn to visit the church and chapter there; but the clergy and thc people of the city VarIanr. _L . h' belwe.II Il1lnt the gates agamst lm, an d k ept h' lm out, wIlcreupon rose no smaII lho archdisturoonce. The archbishop let fIy his curse of excommunication ~~~.(a~~ and interdiction against them. The bishop of Durham again, with 1~'DI.~y llr biB c1ergy, despised all his cursings, grounding themsc1ves upon the bam. ' collstitution or Innocent IV. 'De censibus et exactionibull:' and 80 . they appealed to Rome, saying, That he ought not to be rcceivcd thcre, before he had first begun to visit his owo chapter and diocese, which he had not done; for so say the wonIs of the constitution-" Wc ordain and decree, that every archbishop that will visit his provinec, flrst must procure to visit his own chureh, city, and diocese." I Aner the dcath of John Peckham, archbishop of Cantcrbury, above ad"'rl mcntioned, succeedcd Robert Winchclsey. To this Robert Winchelscy :~:I~;:~ pape Boniface VIII. dirccted down a Bolemn bulI from Rome, as also ~~~:r.~r nnto all other quartersof the universal church, in thc which bun was con- ~u;r'129 tained and dccreed, directly against the rule of 8cripture and christian F~cl~.las obedience, that no ehurch or eeclesiastical person Bhould henceforth lica! por yield to his king or tempoml magistrate either any giving, or lending, ::;~~, . Of'b 'dy, or portlOn . whatsocver, O f th e 5"""B t-Hvv1 popo by tbo or plOml8lDg tri ute,or BUbBl rrom and possessiODS to him belonging ; but should be cJearly exempted :rit~~ to and discharged &om olI Bl1ch subjection of tallage or subvention to be the king. exacted them in the behoof oC tlle prinee and his nffuirs. Which ~~~ decrec manifcstly rebclIeth against the commanded ordinnnce of God, ~n.t

eou.::

Or

(I) Seni Oecrel, Ub. Iii. lit. 20.-En

thc mani-

}' p ~

580
R_rdI.

VAUIANCE BETWEEN TIlE KING AND HIS CLEl1t;Y.

ar,d the apostolic canon of 8t. Peter, and 0.11 other examplcs of holy

A. D. Scripture. For as there is no word in the Scripture that excludeth 1:!97. spiritual men more than temporal from obedience and subjection to
in lett'n~ lhe ('lerj(Y

r."t ...ord, princes, 80 if it chance the prince in his exacting to be too rigorom or cruel in oppression, that is no cause for the clergy to be exempted, f,.,rrulIl but to bear the common burden of obedience, and to pn.y to Gad :~~~~~" to tum and move the prince's mind, and 80, with prayer and patiem~, not with pride and di80bedience, to help and amend that which is amiss. Conceming the bun or Boniface, if any there be who do nol credit the same so to contam, or would for his mind see and read the same, the words thereof are /.riven below.' This bun beiog directed, as it is said, from Rome to the archbisbop of Canterbury, and likewise through the whole universal church, under A~. the pope's authority, it chaneed, not long arter, that the king heM his parliameot at 8t. Edmundsbury, where was granted to him of all cities and boroughs an eighth, and of the commons a twclfth of their The c1~r- g'Oocls i only the clergy by virtue or this buli stood stoul.. denying to ~h~~~~. pay any thing to the king. This answer not well pleasiog the king, :~Ib~~. to he willeth them to deliberate better with themselves upon the maUcr, nI!. and after long advisement 80 to give him answcr thereof against the next parliament, which should be holden the morrow after 81. Hilary [Jan. 14th], at London. Th. In conclusion, the parliament came; the c1ergy pcrsisted still in cJ~rJO' 8t:duded denial of their subsidy, alleg-ing the pope's buli for thcir warrant ano (rum rbe discharge ; whereupolI thc king likewise secludeth tbem from undtr killgl pr nee.. his protcction and safcguard of his laws. And as conccrnin~ the tioll'
(1) Tb, Ct>py oj lhe P"fHI" B"'I, ..ber<i~ IeClern a...z_pl.dJro_git>i_,l Trio..w loKi_!1'1Uo4 Prince. _ O l BOOlfaciuli, &c. Ad lempfternam rri memnriam. Clerici_ lako! inCestOII oppido Incit antiquitAIJ. Quod et pneaent1um exprrfmenta temporum m&nlf~te declarant, dum !lUli blbOI non contrnti nituntur in vetitum et ad illiclta "ua frena relaxant, nec prudenter attendUDI quoDuxio lit eis in c1ericoe ec("l~.lasUc&lve perlOnu et bona interdkta patena. Guinimo e"leslarum pnrlatil, eccledil, ~le.iB8tlclsque perJlioni. regularlbul et secuaribu., imponuorur ooera gra~j... ipsoaque t811iBllt, et ell colIeC't&a imponuIlt, et ab iplill luorom pro"entuum vet bonorom d.Jmidl.m, d('jmam, Iit:U viceimam, '-el quamvi. alam porttonem aut quotaJU exigunt et extorqurnt, eolQue muIillntur multirarie lubjicere tervitutl, 8uzque Bubdrre ditioni. Et (quod doleDttoI' reft'rimu8) nonnulli eccle!darum pt~lati, ecclesAsticeque peraonre. trrpidantel ubi rrephLmdu.m Ilon elit, tr:tn8ltoriam pacem qwerentell, plul tlmentel majestatem trmporalem Ciffendere quAm rternam, talium abu.ibu. Don tam temerarle quam lmprovide acquie.cunt, ledia ape.stoIn authOlila~ non obtenU1. Noa ilCitur talibuI actibul obviare volent~., de (tatrum DOSUorum con.mo apostoJica authoritate &tatuimul-quOd qucunque prrelati, ecclt'aiA81icre'"e rt"1IKiolUe "el lel"u]arel, quorumcnnque ordinum, condltionis, IeU Btalu" collectaa ye t&ll~ dimidi3m, dt"Cimanl, Yicelimam, seu centeaimam .uorum et ecc1eliarurn luarum proyrntuum -wl bo1nonlm laicts .olverlnt, v~l promilerlllt, vel le loluturOl concealerint, aut quamvh aliam qoanhtatem, portionem, aut quotam tpmTum provellluulo, vel bonorum E'ltimationis, Tel ..alom iplorum, Hub adJutorll D1utul, BUhVt'Dtionil, lut.idi,vd dnni noroine, seu qUOl'ilalio tituIo, ..el modC'.. vel qU~8ito colore, absque Butorltate .edis eJuadem i necnon imperatorel, r?K't"8, kU prind~ ducel, comite!, vel baronn, potestatel, capitanei, onlclalel vel rectoreB, quocunque nomine rel'lRantuT, ctvltJllum, eaitrorum, seu quorum"'unque locorum conltitutotum ubilibt-t. et quivi. aliu. cuJult'unque pneemincutiE, conditloniJ, et Btatu8, qui talia lmposucrint, e:xegl"rin~ vel reeeperint." aut apud mdeR aact8ll depOIlt& eeclellarum vel ccelesiasticlltum penonarum uhilillf't &J"T'e1Jlavent. Bayaierint, sen occupare prrelump&erint, '-el arre$tBri, sa}'IJfi, aut occllpari mandnverint. aut occupata, 'Byaha, leli lureltata reeeperiht i necnoll omnt's Qui .ciellLr in pnedictil dederint C'NIlutum, auxilium, vt'1 favorem, publice vel occulte; en ipso sententiam exc:ommnnications incunant. Univeraitates quoque qure iD his culpahilei ruerint ecc1t'.iaBtieo lilJpponimuIi iotffdieto: pt1l'lnti!l t:'t penonia eccleflwticb lupndictll, in .irtute obedient~ et sub l)(rn.ll dcpositioois... diltricte mandantes. ut talibua abaque licentia exprella diet&!' eedi. Dullatenul Bl'quie5C&llt; qubdque pta=lexru cuju!'Cuuque obli~tonis, promiBI'lonis. et concesllionil factarum bactenuI \f'1 Caciendarum in ante&, priulquam bujulmodi conltitutio, prohibido, MU pnrceptum ad l:Jotliam ipsorum per\'enrrit, nihllOlvant, nec luprAdkU "lCCularel quoquo modo rec:ipiaut. Ei ai aoJrmllt vel prledcti reeeperint, In lententiame"communicationis incidant iploracto. A ,upradietia StIlem excommullicationi. et interdlctl .ententiil nuUuI ab!'lol,i "aleat, pneterquam in monis articuJu. absque Iledia apo~to1iCe anthorttatet't licentia Ilpeclali, cum nORUJE intentioni. rxbtat tam hont'ndlUIl lrecularfum poteatatum abulum nu1Jatenua lub di".iruulatione tr&n8ire. Non obstantibul quibu&cunque prlTilegttl lub quibuac:unquc tenoribuI, seu formi., len modl., aut verbotum conceptiooe conceo8Bil!l imperatoribul!I, re~ibu., et alit. Bupradietlj qu&!' contra pnrmbu. In nullo volumol akui vel alquibu. lutfragart. Nulli igitur hominum Iiceat h\no pA;.dnam nostrre l'onatitution1J, prohlbltionil, leu prmcepti inrrin~ere seu aUlu temerarioconlraire. Datum Romre ad sanctum Pettum. VI. Kal. Martil, pontifieatuB nostrl ann'J 8eCulldo." [Feb. 24th, A. D. 1296.}-Rx Chron. Rob. Gitbllmenlta. [Collated with the capy in Knightoll, alld lu the COlp. Jurh;. CanoDici, aud CUtllCt'!~ Dr. Brlldy gh.. a tran.lation ofit.-En.]

rl'lCllUl".

'"ARIANCE BK'fWKEN l'HE KING AND IIlS SUBJECTS.

5~1'

archbishop of Canterbury, above mentioned, hceausc he was found' EdlOardJ. morc stubbom l1l:m t1le rest, and was tllc incilcr to t1le other, he A/) scized \tpon all his ~oods, and caused an inn'lIlory of the same to be 1297: cnrollcd in the exchcquer. N otwithstanding, divers of t1le othcr Tht;:: bishops rclented soon afer to the king-, and contributed the fifh Ofbi'~::~f . goo d s unto l 11m, . an d were rece\ve . d agam . to ~ Cantort h elr HIVOUr. bury'. In the life of this king's father it was dcclarcd before, how the said ~:;:..';;'nkin~ Henry lIT., after divers wars and commotions had with his f"ntobbarons, had gTllnted certain liberties and freedoms written and eon- bornll_. taincd in ' Magna Charta,' and in ' Charta de Foresa.' Concerning which matter, much business happened in this king's days also in the Vari.noe realm, between the king and his barons and commons. The occasion ~~;';~~_ was this: A sack of wool which before paid bll.t a mnrk to thc king, d a"d' was now by this king raised up to forty shillings. Afer this, the an~~~7.~~ king having a journey to make into Flnnders, sent to his bnrons and mOll. divers other to give their attendance and serviee in the same, which they refused and denied to do. The king, notwithstanding, persisting in his purposc, with such a power as he had prcpared toward his joumey. To whom bcing in his way at Winchelsea t1lc aforesaid earls, barons, and commons, sent certain petitions contained in writing, under Petltioll. thc name of the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, carls and of th. I~. barons, with the whole eommonnlty of the realm. In whic1l writing, ~~~,;'~". 6rst lamenting and complaining of their affiieted state and miscry, ~~~~. arter humble manner they desired their lord the king to redress and ""':::ds amend ccrtain grievances among them.

:r

And first, they dec1ared in the name of the whole community of the land, that the premunitions Dr writa directed to them for their attendance upon hi. grace into Flandera, were not sufficient; for that there was no certain place in be said writa specified unto them, whither to come for makio!\, tbcir provision, and preparing money and otber things accordiug to the same. And if tbe place bad been to them signified, yet, because none of their anceslors ever served the king over into F'landera before, the commons therefore thought tbemselves not bound to any service in that country. And albeit they bad been sa bound thereunto, yet they were not able to do it, being BO beavily opprcssed with sa many taJlagl'S, taxes, tolls, cu.toms, llnd such prices of corn, oata, tin, wool. leather, oxen, kine, fesh, fiRh, &c. : and besides all this, having no penny of wages given tbem to relieve their charges. Wberefore, they were not able to render service, seeing that ponrty Iike a heary burden did for the aforl'said reuons miserably oppress them, insomucb that BOrne of them had not enough to sup;r.rt themselves wilhal, and many of tbem were not able to till thcir own groun . Tbey alleged, moreover, tbat they were not naw bandled after the old laws and cUBtoms of the land, as their anccstors were want. Many also found lhemsehe. aggeved in that they were not med according to the arlicles contained in' Mapa Chartaj' and again that the' Charta de Foresta' was not observed MAlfn& nor kept, as it WaB want to be. Wherefore, most bumbly they beseeched thc CharlA. king, both for his own honour and for the wealth oC his pcople, that of these ~~::::~.'" thingB they migbt find redress. For the custom, moreover, of wool, the whole commons bewailed to the king CU8tOnl their grief, in that for every sack of wool there wu fined to the king forty for .. ""I sbillinga, and for every anck of tosed wool l seven marks; the which woal of England, as it doth rise to the value of half the realm, sa the toJlage of the same surmounteth to the fitth part of the valuation of the whole land. Anr hecauae the commons wished tbe honour and preservalion of their king (as they were bound to do), they thought it not good for his grace to sail nver to Flanden, unless he had betler assurance of the fidelity of the Flemings, f'speciallyat this tima' when tbe Scota were 80 busy; who, if tbey began to rebel he ?cing at bume in his laud, much more were lhey like to stir he bf'ing nbroad
(11 To l toM,' the same al tea&c,' i. t. to comb. Todd'. JohnlOn.-ED. ,S) For lhe eJtjllanatlon of lhillillualon, ...., tllerA, p.684.-I!:D.

58!!
Edw1tIrdl.

A&TICLE8 ADDED TO MAGNA CHARTA.

out of the land. And that, not only for the Seota, but alao for tllat the like - - - peri! wal to be doubted of other foreign naliOM and kingdolD8, whicb l1lI }"et A. D. were in no firm pcace with England. 1297. To these petitions, tbe king Illlid that he could 118 yet make no ~'~(a resolute answer, for that some of bis council were gone over a~y

"::......r\to

~i;r':r- return ogain from Planders (which he trnsted should be speedily) they
mon..

to Flll.Dders, some were yet at London.

Notwithstanding, at his

~~~~':. should then hcar his answer, lI.Dd know more of his mind conceming the same. In the mean time, this he required of them. to kcep good rule at home while he WII8 forlh. What answer the king had minded to make them at his return, it is uncertain, which peradventure bad turncd to a bloody answer, but occasion served otherwise, and tumed all to agreement; for the Scots with their eaptain William \VaBace, [Sec\nrra, hereafter speeified, in the mean time (the king being absent) invaded p. m.J the realm with such violence, that prince Edward, the king's son, who AJ>~":w,. was len to role in his father's stead, WII8 forced to assemble a parlia[Sept.30.J mcnl, and to cali for the earl of Norfolk, high marshal of Englll.Dd, and thc carl of Hereford and Essex, high cODstaLle, with other earls, barons, knights, and esquires, to cntreat peace and eoncord between his father and thcm. Who coming up to London, with fiftcen hundred wellarmed solJiers, and obtaining the gates of the eity with their own men, feli at length to agreement with the prince, upan eomposition to have the articles of ' Magna Charta,' and ol' ' Charta de F oresla,' confinned ; and that, by his means and mediation, they might be assurcd of tlte king's displCll8ure to be removed from them. To the which aforesaid artielca of Magna Charta' certain other articlca were adjoincd withal, which herc follow.
Arllclea added lo Maglla Cbarta.

Fint, No tallage or mblidy by the king or hil bein to be imposed or levit'd hereafter within the realm of England, without the common l18Sent of the arch bishops, bilhops, and other prelateB, earll, baroni, knights, burgesses, and colomons of the realm. Item, No taker or lervitor of the king, or of his heirs, hencl'forth, within this realm, to take grain, wool, leather, or any other goods of any man, without the will and coment of the owner. hem, No taking to be hereafter, undl'r the nameoftribute, for auy sackof wool. !tern, To be granted by the king and his hein after him, both to thl' clergy and laity of thia real m, to have and to enjoy an tbeir law l, liberties, and free customs, in RB ample manner RB thl'Y were wont at any time heretofore. Item, lf any decrees or ltatuteB have been madl' and let forth by thl' king or his predecessorB contrary to these aforesaid articles, the BarDe to Itnnd void and of no effect for evl'r.

Agrcc.

~~~~~"ded that all grudge and displell8ure between the king and barons for not
:~ ..aIed

Besides these articles, also in the same composition

WII8

conlained,

going to Flanders ceasing, the earls and barons might be assured to lb.~~ be reeeived again into the king's favour. :~~:. Thcse things thus agreed upon, and by mcdiation of the prince The mo- alBO confirmed lI.Dd scaled with the king his father's scal, so was aU ~~~~':xxt the vanance pacified, to thc great eomfort of thc people, and no less
~~~rE1! strength of the realm against thcir cnemies; and most chieHy to the
wanl.

commcndation of the gcntlc and wise naturc of tbe king, who, as he was gentlc in promising his reconcilement with his subjeets, 50 no lct!ll constant WII8 he, in keeping that whieh he had promised. In this meanwhile tllere happencd another broil, as great or grcater. with Scotland, to the gTcat disqlliet of the king and the rcalm or England lor many ycars. ThiB troublc first bcgan by thc denth of Alcxander, king of Scots, who died without issuc lcft alivc bchind

JOHN BALIOL MADE KING OF SCOTLAND.

588

llim: ahhougL Ji'abian in tLe Beventh book of his Chroniclcs uffinncth Bdrvo,dl. that he left. three daughters, the eldcst married to Sir John Baliol, AD the second to Robert Bruce, the third to one Ha.~tings. But this in 12!J2~ Fabian is to be corrected, as which neither standeth not with itself, - but is clcarly convicted by the witness and history of Robert A vesbury and also of Gisbum. For 6rst, if king Alexander bad Jef\ bis eJdest daugbter married to Sir John Baliol, then what controversy migM riBe among the lords abont succession, needing BO diligent and anxious deciding by the king of England? SecondJy, what claim or title conld the king of N orway have to the erown of Scotland, who was one of the challengers, claiming the said erown in the behalf of Margaret, the niece' of the aforesaid king Alexander, her grandfuther, if the eldest danghter of the father bad been left. alive? Thirdly, what can be more plain, wLen Laek ar by the affinnance of the afore8l1id story it is testi6ed, that king Alcx- :1'o"::bat ander bad twa wives, of the Becond whereof he had no issue? Of dl.,~rb thc first he had two children, Alexander, who died before his father, ~~~:~b and Margaret married to the king of Norway, who dicd also before ~~rn. her {ather, of whom came Margaret the niece' of Alexandcr, and daugbter to the king of Norway before mentioned; and she also died in the joumey between Norway and Scotland, the fourth year after the decease of her grandfathcr. Whereforc, as this matter standcth most c1ear, BO let us naw, returning from whcncc wc digressed, pr08eCllte the rest that followcth. After that Alcxander thus, as is said, departed without issue, and alBO Margaret his nicce in Norway was dcceased, the matter came to a grcat doubt among the nobles oC Scotland (especially twe]ve by name), to whom the right of the erown sllOuld ncxt pertain. Aft.er much variance among parties, at Jength the election and detennination of the matter was committed to the judgment of king Edward of England. Who, aft.er sufficient proOfTbo king made to tLe Seots, and firm evidencc brought out of aU tLe ancient ~:n~ng bistories both of England and Scotland, testifying from time to time P:3V~ by that he was chief bead and so\'creign of the rcalm of Scotland, first, ~rdr: by necessity of tLe law, and by aH their consents, took ful possession g~I~:.ad of the same; and, that done, adjudged the rigbt of the erown to John ~~&1292. Baliol,2 .",ho deScended of tbe eldest daughter of David, carl of HunLingdon, brother to William I., king of Scotland in the days of king A"::U. Henry II. This carl David had three daughters, Margaret, marricd to Alan carl of Galloway; Isabel, to Robert Bruce; and Ada, to Henry lord Hastings. Alan carl of Galloway had Dorvagile, marricd to J olm Baliol, father to this .T ohn Baliol, king of Scots; and Helen, m:lrried to Roger Quincy, carl of Winchester, constable of Scotland. When tLcse things were thus finisIJed in Scotland, and Sir John SI, Jol.n BoJiol, as most rigIJtful inhcritor, bad reccived the erown of Scotland ~:I at tlle hands of king Edward thankfully, and Cor the same in the ~fl ofd presence of the barony of England and of Scotland did unto tLe said by ki': king Edward bis homage, and sware to bim fealty;' the Scota, with ~:~. tbeir new king, retumed into Scotland, and king Edward removed ~~~~th again to England, A.D. 1!l9!t. ::: Ibe r But not long aft.er, the falseness of thia Scottish king Boon appesred, E::;Dd. who, repenting him oC his homag~ dane, untruy forsook his former
(I) S<-e note

(2). yoi. i. p. 89.--:n. IJ) At N....caalle. Uee. 26th, ... D.

un.

(21 The whnle Vroco.. ili giVCD iD !tymoL-En. ItYlUer.-Eu.

5S4
Edward/.

TIE

SeOT!! RISZ, ANlJ AKY. AGAIN SUBDlJKD.

ooth and promisc, nntl macIe war agninst king Edwnrd, through Ule A. D. counsel of thc abbot of Melros. Whcreforc the king with a. grent 1299- host spep. him into Scotland, and in proeess Inid siege to the town of
Ih.

Berwiek, which the Scots did eagerly defend, not only to the discomfiture, but also to the derision, of the king nnd his English host. But :h:~~I'b in concIusion, the Englishmen prevailed and won the town, where To~nand wcre slain of the Scats to the numher of Iive and twenty thousand. i:::::i~~ While the king was there busied in winning other holds about the ~~;lIt;t same, he sent part of his host to Dunbar, where tbe Englishmen agnin meD. had the victory, and siew of the Scots twenty thousa.nd, Gisbum saith J~~l~~ll." but ten thousand; so that very few were lost of the English company. puouned. The king, with a great number of prisoners rcturning into his realm. l AUR 22d, shortly arter sped him over unto Flanders (as is above touchcd ), where A.lJ.1297. he sustnined great trouble by the French king, tiU truce for certain spaee W:1.8 between them concIuded. But. in the mean while that king Edward was thus occupied beyond the sens, the French king, rtlllorting to his old-practised manner, set the Scots secretly against Tbe 8co11 the Englishmen to keep the king at home ; which Scots, making them~:t:.. . selvcs a Cllptain named \Viiliam WalIacc, warrcd upon the borders of NorthumbcrIand, where they did much hurt. At length the king, re8econd tuming from Bordeaux into England, shortly upon the samc took his ~~{~: journey intoScotland, where mccting at York wilh the host, he marches ~:~ into thc realm of Scotland, winning, as he went. towns and castles, land. tillnt length coming to the town of Falkirk on Mary Magdalen's day, Notable he met wilh the power of Scotland, and had with them a sore fight, ;~c,:;~7t but, through God's providence, the victory felI to the right cause of ~I~~~, Englishmen: so that of the Seats were slain in the field, as il is of divers A. lJ. 12!l8. wrilers affirmed, above the number of thirty and two thonsand, and of Englishmen but barcly twenty-eight persons. 1I Whercupon the king, agnin taking po88ession and fcalty of the whole land, returned hofIlc. A.D.1299. And yet the false nntruth of the Scots would not thus be ruled, :~:;.~c;:,L' but rose up in a new broil; so that the king was cnforeed to make is powheelrl~gain the ycar t'oIlowing- intoScotland, whcre he so supp~cd ~Itt,,~~ng'. hh Klice. t e re lOn of the lords and of the commonll, that they, swearmg to the king's allegiance, presentcd thcmsclves by great companies, and put themselves who11y at the king's grace and merey: so that the king, thinking himself to he in peacenble possession, and in a grcat surety of thc lanu, caused to be swom unto him the rulers of lhe boroughs, cities, and towns, with other officcrs of the land, and so returncd unto Berwick, and so into England, and lastly to Westminster. These martial affairs betwcen England and Scotland, although thcy appertnin not greatly to thc purpose of onr story ecclesiastical, yet BO much, by the way, I thought brieHy to tonch, whereby the hetter it might be understanded by these premises, that which foIIoweth in the sequel hereof. I As the Scots were thus warring and raging against the king, and saw thcy could not make their party good, they sent IW A~. privily to pope Bonifacc VIII. for his aid and counsel: who imme1'he diately sendeth down his precept to the king, to this effect. that he pope'. melllagM should hereafter surccase to disquiet or molest the Scots, for that they to the were a people exempt, and .properly pertaining to his chapc1; anu kln~ therefore it could not otherwise be, but that the city of Jcrusalcm must needs defend its own citizens. anu, as the Mount Sion, maintai:l
or
(I) SUPI', pp. 581, 582.-EJ>
(2) Ex Fabiano.

(S) ~ Chlon. Tbo. WA1.ing~m" !t.nllbur,

THE POPE'S CHALLE]I;(;E AND THE KING'S ANSWKR.

585

such as trust in the Lord, &c. Whereunto the king briefy makcth Ed/l'artll answer again, 8wearing with an oatb, that he would to his uttermost A. D. keep and defend that which was his right, and known as such to all 1:101. the world. Tbus the Scots, bearing themselves boJd upon trle pope's n;;;-message, and a1so confederating themselves with the Frenchmen, king'I passed over that year. The next year aner that (which was the twenty- an_wer. cighth year of the king's reign), the said pope Boniface directcth his letters again to the king, I wherein be dotb vindicate the kingdom The POI'" uf Scotland to be proper to the cbnrch of Rome, and not subject to the ~:hl~~~~~ king of England; showing, therefore, that it was ~aainst God, against land to /,t. justice, and also prejudicial to the church of Rome, for him to have or ~~ hoJd anydominion upon thesame; which he proved by thesereasons: 2- ~~;:~~ First, that when king Henry, th03 father of this king, roquested aid of Alexander, king of Scota, his son in law, in his wars against Simon Mountfort, he ree~ised and acknowedged by his letlers patent, that he received the same or king Alexander, not of any subjection Ol' duty, but only of special favour. Item, that when the said king Alexander attended the coronation of this king Edward, he did it as a favour, not as a duty, as Edward confesscd by his letters patent. !tern, that when the said king Alexander did homage to the said king Edward, he did it not as king of Scotland, but only for ccrtain lands of Tindal and PcnriLh, l}ing in England. Item, that when the said king Alexander len behind him Margaret his heir, being niece to the king of England, and yet under age j yet the wardship of the &Bid Margaret was committed not to the king of England, as hel' superior lord, but to certuin lords of Scotland, deputed to the same. Moreover, when any legation was directed down from Rome to the real ms of England and Scotland, for collecting of tenths Ol' other causes, the said legation toolt no place in the realm of Scotland, and might well be resistcd (as it was in king Alexander's' days) in virtue of a specia priviege granted to the Scots by the holy see, except another special commission touching the real m of Scotland were joined withaI. Whereby it appeareth, that these he two several dominions, and not subject under one. Adding, furthennore, that the kingdom of Scotland first WIUl converted hy the relics oC the blessed apostle St. Peter,' through the divine operation of God, lo the unity of the catholic raith. Wherefore, upon theae causl'8 and reasons, pope Boniface, in his letters to tbe king, required him to give over his claim, and cease nis wars against the Scottish uation, and to release all such, hoth of lhe apiritualty and the lait}", as he bad of them pri.oners. Also, to cali horne again his officers and deputies, _roch he had there placcd and ordained to the grievance of that nation, to the sander oC aIl Caithful people, and no less prejudice to the church of Rome. And if he would claim any right Ol' tille to the said realm, Ol' any part thereof, he sbould send up his proctora specially to the same appointed, wilh aU that he could for himself allege, Iwto the see apostulic, there to receive what reason and right would require."

I:m

Tbe king, afLer be had received these leters of tbe pope, assembled A.D I~OI. a council or parliament at Lincoln, by tbe advice of which couneil and ;'~Il~~fo parliamcnt, he addressed other letters responsal ' to the pope again; tho pOI"" wherein first, .in all reverend manner, he desireth bim not to givc light car to the sinister suggestions of false reporters, and imaginers uf . miscbief. Then he declareth out of old records and histories, that Ol From the first time of the Briton8 the realm oC Scotland hath alwaya, from Scotland , time to time, been all one wilh England, beginning first with Brutus in the time &llone oC Eli and Samuel the prophet: which Brutus, coming from Truy to lhis isle, ~~. Eng.
(l) 27th,

OITen at length In Rymer, daled Anagni, 5 Cal. July, 51h year ot Iho ponlillc"te. I. June ".D. J300.-ED. (2) Corrected and ampliOed trom W&lllngham and Rymer.-Eo. IS) .. When Ulo cardln&l ot St. Adrian Iaflerward pol'" Adrian, my inlima. li'lend) ...u leg.le Iheno." Walaingham and Rymer.-ED. (4) .. SI. Anorew." Rymer.-ED, (5) Ginn at Iength In Rym.r, date.1 Komuey, 11th May, A. D. 1301.-Eo.

586
E<ifI1ard/.

THE TITLE OF SCOTLAND PROP),;R TO RNGLAND.

Clllled lIIen Albion, arter called by him Britanllia, had thrce IOna; Locrinua, . ' - - to whom he gave tbat part or the land, Cll1led then or bim La!gria, now Anglia; A. D. Albanactua, his lecond lOn, to whom he gavf: Albania, 1I0W called Scotia; and 1301. bi. third lon, Camber, to whom be gave Cambria, now called Walca. " And thua mueb eoneeming the firat diviaion ol this isle. as in ancient historie. is found recorded. In wbieb matter, paaaing over the drowning ol king Humber, the acta of Donald, king ol theae rea1ml, tbe diviaion of them between his IOnl Beyn and Brenne. and tbe victoriea ol king Arthur, we ,.,ill reaort," aailll the king, "to more near limes, testified and witnesaed by.umeient authora, as Marianua Scotua, William Malmeebury, Roger Hoveden, Henry Hunti~on, Ralph de Dleeto, and othera, a11 of whom malte apecia declaration ani give manifest evidence of the execution of thia our right," aaith be, " and title oC auperiority ever continued and preaerved hitherto .. And firat to begin with Edward the Elder, beCore the conqueat, BOD to Alured (or Alfred), king of England, about A.D. 901, it ia plain and manifcat, that be bad under bis dominion and obedience the king of Seata: and herc Ul to be noted, that thi. matter was 10 notorioua and manifest, that Marian the Scot, writiog tbat story in thoae daya, granteth, confeaseth, and teatifieth be lIlIme: and this domimon continued in that .tate twenty-four yeara. At that time, Athel.tan succeeded to the crown oC England, and haying by battle conquered Scotland, he made one Conatantine, kin~ of that party, to rule and govC"n \he eoulltry of Scotland under him; adding th18 prineely word, tbat it was molO honour to him to make a king, than to be a king. " Twenty-two yeara afier that, whieh was A.D. 917, Edred the king, our p~ genitor, Athelstan's brother, took homage ol Yrie, then king of Seota. " Twenty-six yeara arter that, whieh was A.D. 973, king Edgar, our predecessor. took homagc oC Kcnncth, king of Scots. Here was alittle trouble in Ellgland by tbe dcatb of St. Edward, king and martyr, destroyed by tbe deccit of his mother-in-law, but yet tbe Scots did not rebel. I. Forty-Cour yeara afier tbe bomage done by Kennetb to king Edgar, tbat i. to sny, A.D. 1017, Maleolm, tbe king oC Seota, did bomage to Canute our predecessor. Aner this homnge dane, the Seota uttered IOme piece ol tbeir natura! disp09iion, whcreupon (by war made by our progenitor St. Edward tbe Confessor, thirty and nine yeara after that homnge dane, tbat i. to lIlIy, A.D. 1056), Macbetb, king oC Seots, was vanquisbcd, and the realm of Scotland given to Maleolm, son of the king oC Cumberland, by our aaid progenitor St. Edward, unto whom tbe sald Malcolm did homnge :md fealty. .. Within ten years afier tbat, William tbe Bastard entered tbis realm, wbereof he accounted no conquest perfect unti! he had likewise subdued tbe Seota; and, therefore, in the sixth yearoC bis reign (whieb WIlS A.D.I071) Maleolm, king of Seota, rebelling, was Coreed to do homage to the said William as to his superior. u Sixteen yeara aftcr tbat, whieh was A.D. 1087, the sald Malcolm did bomage and fealty to William Rufus, san to the 9Ilid William the Bastard; and after that, being .Ialn in tbe third year of his reign, his son 1)uncan was substituted in his place, wbo likewise was trcaeherously slaln; and thereCore was ordained in that estate by tbe said William RuCus Edgar, brother to the last Duncan, and son to Malcolm aforesaid, wbo did his homnge and fealty accordingly. A.D.109ft " Eleven yeara after tbat, wbieh was A.D. 11 07, the anid Edaar, kinit of the Seota, died; when bis brotber Alexandpr was substituted in bi. pYace by Henry 1., our progenitor. " Twenty-nine l'eara aner that, David king of Scota did homage to Matilda, tbl' emperatriee, as daugbter and beir to Henry 1., A. D. 1136. Wberefore being afterwarda requircd by Stepben, tben obtaining pOlSession of the realm, to make bi. bomnge, be refused so to do, because be had before made it to tbe snid Matilda, and thereupon Corbore. Notwithstanding, Henry, the eldeat IOD of tbe sald David, did homnge to the said king Stephen .. In the sixtcenth year or the reign of Henry II., wbieh WlIlI A.D. 11 iO, William, king oC Scota, and David bis brother, with all the nobles oC Scotland, did bomage to tbe san of Henry II., with a rescn'alion oC tbeir duty to bis father. u Four yeara after tbat, whieb was A.D .11 H, William, king of Scotland, aner mueh rebellian and resistanee nceording to their natural inclillation (king Henry I I. then being in Normandy), acknowlcdgcd finlllly his error, and made his peaee and composition, eonfirmed with his gn'llt seal, and the seals oC the Jlobilily uC Scotland, doing thcrewith his bOlllage and fealty.

LETTER OF PARLIAMl!:NT TO TUK l'OPE.

587

.. Within fileen years after tbat, wblcb was A.D. 1189, the said William, king Ed_dJ. of Scotll, came to Dur city oC Canterbury, in the month oC December, and there --0did homage to Dur noble progenitor king Richard I. . A.. "Eleven years after bat, tbe said William did bomage to Dur Jlrogenitor 1301. king John, upon a bill beside Lincoln, making his oath upon the CI'08Il oC Hubert, then archbishop oC CalIterbury, and there present, and a marvelloua mnltitude asaembled Cor that purpose. A.D. 1200. " FiCty-one years after bat, wbich was A.D. 1251, Alexander, king oC Scots, married Margaret, tbe eldest daughter oC Dur p~nitor Henry III., at onr city oC York, at the feast of Chriatmas: at whieb t1me the said Alexandl'r did his homage to Dur said progenitor, who reigned in this realm fifty-six yean. And, therefore, between the homage made by the said Alexander, king oC Scotland, and the homage done by the same Alexander, king oC Scot&, to U8 at our coronation at Westminster, there was twenty-three years. At tbat time, be said .Uexander, king oC Scot&, repaired to the Ceast oC Dur coronation, and bere did be his duty as is aforesaid." 1

Besidcs thesc letters of the king, the lords tempoml al80, in the name of the whole community and parliament, wrote another letter to thc pope answering to that, whereas the popc arrogatcd to him to be judge fi)r the title to the renlm of Scotland, wllich the king or England c1aimcd to himsclf; which lettcr I also thought herc to llDncx, containing as in the worda of the same herc followeth to be rcad and seen. The Lords Tempoml, and tllc wllOle R'\rony of England, to the Pope.
The holy mothcr eburch oC Rome, bv wbose ministry the catholie CBilh is A leuerol' govemed, proceedctb iD ber acts (as we flrmly believe and hold) with that ripe- :~~~~ nesa in judgmellt, that sbe would prejudice none, but, Iike a fond mother, would to tlte have every one else's rigbts preserved unimpaired as well as her own, Whereas POI"" tberefore in a general parliament convoked at Lincoln by Dur mOlll serene lord Edward, by the grace of God the illustrioUB king of Engoland, the same our lord calUed eertain apostolic letters which he had received from \'ou, abuul c~rlnill rnattcrs touching the condition and state of the realm of Scotland, to be openly exhibitcd and rend to us seriatim: having heard and diligently considered the same, we perceived lhat they contained things which amnzed UB, and such Ba were bitherto unheard of. For we know, most holy father, and it is notoriou8 in be J'artB of England, and not unknowo in Rome quarters besides, that ever lince England first became a kingdom, as well in the tim~s of the DritoDS as uf tbe English, its kings had the supreme and direet dominion over tbe realm of Scolland, and have been in p088CB810n of the snid dominion without interruption in a11 succeaaive periods ; nor did the said reaJm at any tim bclong, nor does it by any BOrt of right belong, to the aforesaid church ; nay, the same realm of Scotland of old lime was in fee to tbe kings of England, aneestors or aur aforesaid Jord, 88 well as to himself. Furthermore, the kings and the reaIm or the Seots .ele never subject to, nor want to be subject to, any other than the kings of England; nor have the kings of England ever answered, nor ought they lo answer, for their rights in the aforesaid realm, or for any otber their temporalilies, bcfore any judge eccleBiastical or secular, by reason of the free pre-emmenee of lbe stale Dr their royal dignity and custom, kept without brench at uli times WbereCore, after treaty had, and diligent deliberation on tbe eontentB of your aforesaid letters, it was and is tbe eommon, agreeing, and unanimoUB feeling oC one and all, and BbaIl be BO immoveably in time to eome, by God's grace-that our aforesaid lord the king ought by DO means to answer, judicially, touching any of his rights in the realm of Scotland, or any other his tcmporalties, bcfore you, nor undergo your judgment by any means, nor should bring bis aforesaid
(I) Tbo fO'''Ioing hlllor!",,1 lummary la In Avelbury and Wal.lngham: It II allO glven by Rymer. rrum tha &uniJ, who alto glvea a precept of the king (d&ted Scpt. 26, .... D. 1300) lO di'eTa Cbal'll'rl and monuteries, and Oxford lawyen. to produco aJl the informatioTl thcy could di8co'Jcr [auch!lliC t!le queation , by the octnvel af 8t. Hilary. A aiml\ar hihturicall'pitonh~ JIt nhjf) ~ivcn by RyUll'f, \.D. 1292, much mole reacwbiiug tbj::i. Frum AVl::ilJury iLlul lt)wcr 'Ul;.c', h;~t id correctcd.-~lI.

588
Ed_/.

ANOTHF:R

COTTlSH KEBELLION

llu"i'&ESSKD.

righta iuto qucatioll, lIor ought to send any proct0r5 Dr meaengera to your - - - presence for that pu pose: especially seeing that thefrt'misea would manifestly A. D. go to the disinheritillg of the right of lbe crown o England, and the pwn 1306. overthrow of the state of the said realm, and alBO lo the prejudice of lhe liberlica, customa, and laws of our fathers i to lhe keeping and defeoce of whicb w-e are bound by tbe dUly of aur oath made; add whlch we will maintain with aD our power, and defend, by God's help, wilh all Dur might. And further, we neither do nor will (neitber cali we nor uught we to) sujf~r aur aforesaid lord the king by any means to do ar to atten:rt be premises, being 80 uousua1. improper, prejudicial, and hitherto unhear of. Wherefure, we reverently and humbly beseech your holinelll', that ,e would kindly alow lbe lIll11Ie our lord lhe king (who among other princes o the world, showelb himself catholic and devout to the Romiah church) peacenbly to enjoy his righta, liberties, custonu, Rud laws, without diminution or molestation, and to let bem continue uotouched. In witneu whereof we have set aur seala to these preaenta, as well for our selvc8 as for the whole community of the aforesaid realm of England. Ginu at Lincoln, on the twelfth day of February, in the year of our Lord 1301, and in the twenty-ninth year of Edward J.1

~.D.I302. The year ncxt following (A.D. 180!l), the said pope BODifllce. thc ~~:'el':"" eighth of that name, takiDg displcasure with Philip the French kinl!', ~~fn.1 cxeited. king Edward of England to ~ar against h~m, PT?mising bim king. great mO. thereunto. But hl' (llB mmc author salth), httle trusting the popc's falsc unstable affection toward him well provcd before, put Jlim off with delays.2 Whcreupon, thc French king, fearing tlle power of king Edward, whom tLe pope set against his friendship, [Moy 20, restored unto him aguin Gascony, whieh he wrongfully had in his ~yl~~~~{ hands detained. Coneeming this varianee here mentioned between the pope and the Freneh king, IJow it began 6rst, and to what end it feli out, thc scquel hereof (Christ willing) shall declare, after I bafC 6nished the discourse begun between En!'rland and Scotland. AnOlher Ncxt year the aforesaid William Wallace, who IJad done BO many ~:::::::~n displeasurcs to the king bcfore, eontinuing still in bis rebeJJion, ::;pprou- gathcrcd grcat multitudes of the Scota to withstand thc king, tiU at . leng'th in the ycar following hc was taken, and scnt up to London, [AUjl.23d, and there cxecuted for the same. After whieh things done, the king ~io~i tllcn hcld his parliament at W cstminster, whither eame out of Scot[8epl.15.] land the bishop of St. Andrews, Robcrt Bruce, grandsan of Robert Druee above mentioned, tbe carl of Dunbar, the carl of Atbol, and sir John Comming,' with divers others, who volunlarily "ere sworn to Tbe pope be true to the king of England, and to keep the land of Scotland tu ~I~bd~ his use against aU persons. But shortlyafter the said Robert Brul't', :'~d:~~e forgctting his oath before made unto tlle king, by the cOUDSel or tlle ~~~ub~ta abbot of Scone and the bishop of St. Andrews sent up unto pope lh~l~ Clement V. for a dispensation of his oath made, insinuating to him. prmce. that king Edward vexed and grieved tbe real m of Scotland wrongfully; Ar::'u". whereupon the pope wrote unto thc king to lcave offsueh doings. Not'I'ho , withslanding tbis inhibition of the pope, the king, prosecuting llis owo ~:;~~:liOD right, after be had understanding of tbe doings of the Seota and of the 1:7g~~ mischief of Robert Bruce, who llad slain with his OWD handa sir John land. Comming, for not consenting with him and other lords at his parJia,\""Ihor ment, arrayed his hower and strength of men. ~eparing himself rclJcUioQ d Scotlan d ; w lere, joining with t h e sai d sir ul lho towar.. bert an d all his /leolo. power of Scotland in a plain, Dear unto St. John's Town,' he put !lim to iigllt, and so chased thc Scols, that of them wcre slnin to the
(1) Corrccled rrom Ihc orlginaJ, ptlnle<1 111 Ilymer.-.:n. (21 F.z Rob. Avcobury. 'S) .. Commlng, or Com1D.-Eu. (4) Al /IIO\b\cn nca. \'c.lh, Junc 24th, 1S116.-Ea,

CHARACTJm OF POPF: nOlC'IFACE VIII.

589

nnm ber of seven thousnnd. I n tlle which vietory, such bishops and Edwardl abbots as were taken he sent to the pope ; the temporallordsand other A.D.- Scots he sent to London, &c. Sir Robert Bmce, after this discom- 1307. fitnre, when he had thus lost both the field and his chief friends, Agaln seeing himself not able to make his party good, Hed into Norway,'UbdUe4. where he kept his abode during the time while king Edward lived. When this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scols, he yielded thanks to God for his victory, and sa setting the land in a quiet and an order, Ile retumed unto London; which was in the thirty-fiftb and last year of his reign, A.D. 1307. Now returning to that wllich I promised bl'fore, touching the variance and grievous dissension between Philip the French king and pope Bonifilce VIII. After the bishoprie of Rome had been long void through the dissension of the cardinaIs, fi1r the space of two Pope NIyeurs and three months; at length pope Celestine was chosen suc- ~hol~IV cessor to pope Nicholas IV. Which Celestine, in his first consistorv, v::llt"m began to reform the clergy of Rome, thinking to ~ake it an exampie ~:~ears. to a11 other churches; wherefore he procured to lumself such hatred CeI..Uamong his c1erg-y, tllat this Bonifaee (then called Benedict) speaking nUl v. throngb li. reer by llis chamber wall, nigbtly admonished him, as it ....,::,... llad heen a voiee from heaven, that he should give over his papaey, as being a burden bigger than he conld wieId. This popl' Cl'lestine, after hl' lJad sat six months, by the treachcry er.nr and falsehood of this BoniFace was induced to givc np and rl'sign his ~~~~:~R bishopric, partly for the voiee spoken of beforl', partly for fear; being po,:;~ a~~ told by eertain craftily subornl'd in his c1lamber, that if he did not cat lila resign he would lose his life; who then, after his resignation, going to live in some solitnry desert, bcing a simple man, was vilely taken and thrust into perpetual prison by pope Boniface, craftily pretendillg that he did it not for any hatred to Celestine, but that seditious persons might not have him as their Itead to raise up some stir in tlte church; and sa he was brought to his dcath. Whercforc this Boniface Tlte was worthily called the eighth N ero; of whom it was right1y said, he ~;~.h c:lme in like a fox, reigned like a lion, and died like n dog! This pope Boniface sncceeding (A.n. 1294), or rather invading POl'" aflt'r Celestine, b::haved himself so imperiously, that he put down t~~ll:~.ce princes, and e.xcommunicated kings, such as did not take their con- Mi.chier firmntion at his hand. Divers of his cardinaIs he drove away for fear; ::::E li.',sorne of tltem as schismatics he deposed and spoiled of nIl their sub- ~i ace m bod stance. Philip, the Freneh king, he exeommunicated, for not snffer_ .. . ing' his money to go out of the renlm; and therefore cursed both him and his to the fourth generation. Albert, the emperor, not once or twice, but thricc songht at his hands to be confirmed, and yet was rejected, neither could obtain, unless he wouId promise to drive thc French king out of his reahn. In the factious discord in ltaly be tween the Guelphs anll Ghibellines, which the part of a gOGlI Guelpha Lishop had been to extinguish, so little he helped to qllrnch the ~fli~~~I: smoke, that he of aIl others was the chiefest firebrand to increase the :r.,~:~~, f1ame; insomuch that upon Asb \Vetlllcsuay, whcn Porchctl1s,' an Rome.
(1)

Es M.. ,,,,o.

[Soe Appendix.-En.)

(2) '"QloolllUl {de licri~t. Lat.) tell. thill story of Jacohu!I rle Viraginr, archbiihop ot Genoa, eiting Bh;udul' ilud Philippua lh'q;omcllIsib for hil, autholitit:'s.-:D. J

690
F._1I

VAllIANCE BETWEEN "HE FRENCH J1:1"G AKD BON'IFACE VITI.

1/"~. pope Boniface looking upon him, and pe~eiving thBt he was one oC

arcltbishop, came o.nd kneelcd down beforc bim to receive his ashes,

party, cast his ho.ndful of ashes in his cyes, lIaying, "Memento, homo, quod OibellinU8 Cli,'" &e. Thn is," Remember, man, thBt a Ohibelline thou art, and to ashes thou Ilhalt go." This JuhUee pope, moreover, ordained first the jubilee at Rome ; in the BOlemnizing ~::: whereof, the first day he sllOwed himself in his Pontifico.libUll, Bnd Rome. gavc frce rcmi88ion oC sins to as many as cnme to Rome out oC alt ~~:'eS:' parts of the world; the sccond day (bcing nrrnyed with imperial ~~t~e ensigns) he commanded a naked sword to be cnrried beCore him, and power oc said with a loud voice; "Ecce potestatem utriusque gladii,'" that is, ~. .. Lo! here the power and authority oC both the swords.... FlOm that very ycar, as most stories do reeord, the Turks do bcgin the first eount oC their Turkish emperors, whereof the first was Otto. man, as you shalI henr discoursed hereafter by Ood's grace in the history of the Turks. PI:!: BoBy this said pope Bonifaee, divers constitutions extravagant ~I"~ au- of Ius predecC880rs were collcctcd togethcr, with many oC his own :~:rsl~lh newly added thereto, and so made the book co.lled ,. Sextus decre~re- talium.'" &c. By him also 6rst sprang up pardons and indulgences laIL from Rome.
A.D. the Ohibellines'
1301.
A grlev.
OUI

ance betwern

'.ri

nie-.

and Bo-

Phlllp

These things thus premised of Boniface the popc, now will I eome the occasion oCthe strife bctwcen him and the Frcnch king'! Concerning wItich matter, first I find in the Itistory ofNicholas Trivet, that, A.D. 1301, the bisItop oC Pamicrs, bcing llCCUSed for a conspiracy against Philip tlte Frcnch king, was brought up to his court, and BO committcd to prison. The popc, hcaring this, scndcth word to the king by his legate to set him at liberty. At the same time Ile scndcth the king a buli bcginning "Ausculta fili,"" wherein he rcvokcth all the graccs and privileges granted cithcr by him or his prcdccc880rs bcforc to tlte kingdom of Francc, and thrcatcncth to tIlUndcr out the scntence of his curse agninst him, and, morcover, citcth all thc prdatcs and divincs of Francc, and thc IawJcrs botl. civil and canon, to appcar pcrsonally beCore him at Romc on a certain day, wbich was the first of Novcmbcr in thc following year. Ovcr and bcsiucs, Philip had offendcd thc popc by giving and bcstowing prcbends and bcncficcs and other ccclcsiastica1 livings, contrary to the popc's profit; for tllC which cnuse thc popc writeth also to tbc king by the aforesaid lcgate, in form and effcct as followeth : t.J

Leller oC niC""" lo Phillp, king or

pope Bo-

France.

Bonifacc, bishop, and servant to God's scrvants, to Philip, king of the French. Fear Gad, and observc his commBndmenta. We will thce to understand, that thou art subject to UB both in 8piritual tbings and temporaI, and that the givinR or benefices or prebenda belongeth not to thce: and if tbou have the Ir.eeping orany being vacant, thou mU8t rescrve the fruits thereofCor the SUcceS8Ors; but iC thou have given away any, we judge the !(ift to be void, and revoke, 80 far as thou hast procceded. And wh080ever believctb othcrwise, we judgc tbem beretics. Given at Lateran, the nones oC December, the seventh year oC our pontificate.s [December 5th, A.D. 1301.]
(l) The Collowlng """"nnl oClhe Camonl dllpule bclween PhUlp le Bel.nd Bonlr..... VIII. hu beeu eollalect wllh and ..,rrec:led tram M. DupuY'1 .. llbloire du Diffi>rend d'entre l. P.... Iloni C ... VIII. el Philippe Ie Ilel, Ro)" d. France: ensemble Ie proces crlmlnel CalI a llern.rd eveaqu~ de Pamien, l'&n. MCrXCV. Lo lout JuaUtie par lei AcwI et McmoirellJril IUl lei OrlgineuI quI lont au Tr610r des Clulrte. du Roy. Paris) 1655." Set' Appendil..- -Eo.\

(I) Dupu)", Preu'el, p. K.-t:D. (I) Ex Iib.81ephan. Aurrer!!. (cilcd by 111yrI<uI, col. 2101, eclll. &arelber wilh Ibe repty Col1u"lng, Prcu.cs, p. t.-EIl.J

IG08.

II

il

a1Io iD

Dupuy.

THE FJlENCH KING SUKMONS A PARLIAKENT.

591
h'ROII Hidor,

Unto tlis Icttcr of the pope, king Philip IV. maketh answcr again in manner anl ordcr as followeth :_

.. Pbilip, by tba grace of Gad king of France, to Boniface, beang himBef A.D. for chief pontiff, littla bealth or none. Let thy extreme fooliahne&s know, that ~02. in temporal things we are subject to no man; that it beongeth to us by royal Kinl{ prerogative to give vacant churcbes and prebenda, and to make tbe fmits thereof Ph;llV;" our owo dung the vacancy j and that tha gifis of prebends and beneficea, made ~~ " and to be made by UJ, were and Bball be good, for the past and future; and tbat lIonif.ce. we defend manfully the fOSSetlllOrs of tha said benefices against all men: and them tbat believe otherwUle, we think fools and mad men. Given at Pas, the Wednesday after Candlcmas, A.D.1301. [February 7th, 1302.]

The French king, however, not daring to the controry, looscth the bishop of Pamiers; but when he had done that, he dischargeth both the bishop and the legate, commanding them to leave his realm. Moreover, to provide against the popc's further proceedings, the kinA" summoneth a parliament of the prcIates, barons, and commonalty of the realm, to lISSemble in Paris at the chureh of N otre Dame, on Tuesday, the tenth day of April A.D. 1302. In the whieh parliament, the king's chaneellor, Peter Flotte, on the king's behalf deelared mndry griefs, wherein the church and realm of Fronce were burdencd of the said Boniface, and required their counsel and aid for the remedying thereof. Whereupon, they aIl solemnly engaged to support the king in his just quarrel; and moreover utterly forbade the prelates to attend the pope's couneil aforesaid, nor so much as lcave the realm. The king, likewise, commanded by stroit procIamation that BO manner of person should cxport out of the realm of Fronee either gold or silver, or any other manner of ware or mcrehandise, upon pain or forfeiting all their goods and their bodies at the king's pleasure; providing withal, that the ways and passages should be dili""ently kept, that none might pass unscarched.' Arter these things thus in parliament deerced and agreed, the prelates of the elergy consulting with themselves what was to be done in 80 doubtful a watter, and dreading the pope's displcasure for this wbich was done already, to elear themselves in the matter, contrived among tllemselves a letter to the pope, po.rtly to certify him what there was done, and partly also to admonish him whal he should do: the tenor of whieh leltcr contained these words following : 2 _
To tbeir most boly father and most beloved lord, tbe lord Boniface, b, Lellor divine providence tbe chief bishop of the holy Roman church an<.\ of the UD!- "hl)eh the versal church, his humble and devoted tbe archbishops, bisbops, abbots, priors r.i;~:~~e. of convents, deans, provosts, cbarters, convents, and colleges, of the cathedral lU ..oli and collegiate, regular and secular, churches of the whole realm of France, ~";'i~:I:' gathered together at Paris, do offer most devout kissings of your blessed fect. lenI to We are compelled, not without BOrrow of beart and bitter teara, to signify lhel he uuto your holiness, thl!-t when the most serene prince, our most chstian lord .houl~l Philip, by the grace of God the illusmous king of France, bad heard tbe things ~'::~_ I .bicb were stated to bim of late on your bebalf by the worsbipful man, the pril6. Rrcbdeacon of Narbonne, your notary and nuncio, and had perused certain ;~,:::n lettera from you pr.eseDted to bim by the same archdeacon, tbe tenor wbereof r,roceedwas also communicated by him to a few of bis barons who were in attendance ; ngi t both aur lord tbe king and the said barons werc moved with great astonisbment ~: ~;III{. and vebement perturbation. Insomuch that the said our lord the king, witb ...... tbe advice of be said barons, commanlcd to be s\lffimoned before him tbe othcr A"""nd;z.
II) Soe Appcndix. (2) Ibid. Donirace,

59 !l

LKTTKR O,. TUF. FREXCll PItELATE'.

AD

Fr_" barans then alMent, and m al80, that is to say, all lhe archbishllf'l, bishofl'. lfu~, abbota, priOri of com'enta, deans, provll8ta, chapter., conventa, and college., lU well of cathedral as collegiate, reguar and seeular, churchcs, and also all the 13'02' universilietl, and commonalties of lhc towns, of his realm; so that we prelates, _.__._ bata liS, deans, provOlts, aud two of the 1II00t lenmed out of e\'ery catbedral and cole~iate cburch, should appear petlonally, and tbe relt by their stewarda, syndics, and. proc tors, WiLb fuli and suf6cienL authoritr' atan appointed place and time. Further, when we and the otber ecclesiuucn1 person. aforesaid, and al80 tbe barona, stewarda, and syndics, and tbe proctorl of tbe commonaltiea or tbe town., were thuI lummoned. and wben, according to tbe form of lhe aforesaid lummonl, by me king's commandOlent we stood before lhe said kin/( this Tuelday me IOtb of mis present montb of April, at tbe cburcb of Nolre Dame in Parii, aur lord the king camed to be propouuded openly and "Iainly to all men, mat it 111'88 .ignified to bim from you anlOng olber thingw, by tbe aforesaid arcbdeacon and by letten, tbat hi. kingdom, whicb be and bis anceston hitherlo have acknowledged they beld of Gad only, naw ought in temporaltiel to he subject to }'OU and held of you; and that, not content with tbese 80 marYellom and strange words, unheard of among the inhabitanta of the said realm lince the beginning of the worlel, ye went about to put them in aclnal practice; and lhat ye had summoned to appear hefore you the prelates of the &ai.d realm, and the docton of divinity, and such profes<on of both laws as were bom within the said renlm, for the correcting of such eltcesses, faulta, arrogancea, wrongs, and harms, 88 ye pretend to be dane by aur lord the king himself, anu his offieera and bailiffa, to the prelates, churches, and penans ecc1eswtical, both regular and 8eeular, abidinjt witbin the said realm and elsewhere, also to the peera, ellrls, barona, and other Bobles, with the unh'ersities and com mona, of the said realm ; insomuch thnt the said kingdom being utterly drained of its precious jewels and choic!'lt tn'asures, which are to be preferred to the shields of tbe mighty, ,'iz. of the wisdom of its pralntes nnd othar wise men, Ihrough whole ripe faithful counsel and prudent foresight the renlm should be ruled and governed, the failh established, the IIRcraments dispensed, and justice adminislered (and therefore in losing them the country loses its real riehes), must be exposed to eventa of a dubiuus issue and to jeopardy of miserable uecay and of being utterly deslroyed, In consideration, then, of these and dh'en olher grievnnces which the said king compll1ineth have been Ilnd are conlinually practised by you and lhe HOluun church a~ainst him, his renlm, and the French church-as, in your arbilrary reservation nnd disposa1 of archbishoprics nnd bishoprics, and your bestowing the greut benefices of the realm upon aliens and uuknown persun., yea and often upon suspected persons who ne\'er reside at tbe benefiees aforcsai<i, by rea<on whereof the decay of God's wonhip halh ellsued, the pious design~ of the faunden Bre disappointed, the accustomed almsgiving is withdrawn from the pocr of the realm, the realm iuelf is impoverished, the churehes become dilapidated; while they reulRin destilute of service, the benefices themsehe~ not supporting a curale owing tu their revenues beiug wholly paid away tu absenlees, and the prelates not having whel'ewithal adeqllalely lo pay (or rather repay) members of lhe nobIl' familie s whose anceslors foullded the cllllrches, ar olher peraons of education, to serve the cures j for wiJich causes de\'otiuD waxelb cold, and tbere is Done in lhese days that wOllld strelch out a Iiberal hand towards the churches, whereof out of published edicts examp!e i. afforded: item, in your levying on me churches new taxes and paymellts, Rnd imposing immoderale burdena, and extorting new exactions, wiliJ di\'Crs olh..r prejlldicial and hurtful novelties whereby lhe genera state of the church iij nltereel, the higher prelates being unable to give coadjutors lo their suflraguns, and neither they themse1ves nor lheir suffragans being nble to enler 011 the duties of their office witllOut ha\'ing first ruu with giits lo lhe aposlolic SL'e: item, in diven olher malters, some of'lollg standing but chietly within }'our own time-he, not intending (as he said), nor bing able, auy longer lo enduTe this so monslrous a disillheriling of him and his suceessors and of his who)!' realm, and so manife.t a di<paragement uf his OWi and his killgdom's honom; and being convinced lhat in tcmporals he halh nul his superior any more than his predecesaors had, 88 was nOlorious to lhe whole world; and being RSs\lrad by the unanimuus senlenec of Ihe soundesl judges, to wit, the docton in divinity

T.KTTER Ol" THE FJlENCH PREr.ATE5.

598

llIld ma..tenI of botb lawa bom witbin bia realm, and others who were aecountl'd 11,..", pre-emincnt among tbeir c\8lI9 for learning. that be did maintain in Ibia mllttcr Hu/ur,. ajust cause, and being dispOled to take wboleaome rneasurea tor the preaerva- A O tion of the ancient liberty and of tbe bonour and state of tbe realm ; for the l ~i02' easing of the grievances aforesaid, for .,reformation of the realm and lhe Frencl _'__ church; witb aur advice and that of bia barons; to tbe'glory of God, the increase of the catbolic faith, the bonour oC the universal cburcb, and promoting oC God'a worsbip; especial1y touching any grievances wbicb migbt bave been praetised by bis officers against the cburcbea and eccleaiastics (for wbicb he bad preparel! a remcdy oCwboleaome correction before tbe coming of tbe aforeanid arcbdeacolI, and abould by lbis time have put it in eltecution, but that be might be tbought to do it for fear,or at your commanment) ; aud furthermore, offering to sacrilice in the quarrel not only bis gooda, but aOO his persou and his cbildren, sbould tbe case 80 require ;-IIS aur lord he commanded ua, and as a friend he begged and earnP8tly besought us, one and all, both prelates, barona, and others, to Illpport bim witb aur counsels and timely aid, as we were bound to do by aur duty oC alIegiance, especially seeing theae were matters wherein tbe good oC all in general and of each in particular was clearly at atake, and the common cause Wilii promoted. and the intereat of every one was toucbed; and be requeated to be 8Oall'ered by us, eacb and all, on these pointa diatinctly and definitively. Then the barona retiring aaide with tbe ayndica and proctors aforeaaid, after deliberation comin~ back to our aforetl8id lord the king, and greatly praiaing and beartily thankmg him for bis laudable purpOle and good will, answered unanimously, that for these IDatters they were ready not only to sacrifice tbeir gooda, but oWered tbernselves and tbeir persona to tbe very deatb, not refusing 80y kind of torrnent, adding with a loud voice, that if our aforesaid lord tbe king would (as Gad forbid) auffer ar connive at the aforesaid grievances, they themoelvel would by no rneanl endure them longer. Then anlwer being neltt dem80ded of U9, althougb we desired of Dur lord tbe king and of the cbie( of the aforesaid baronI longer respite for deliberation, urging with many gentle words and E'8mest persuasions and manifold apologiel aur conviction, tbat your letters bad not been &ent to the king with any intention or ...isb to illvade tbe liberty of the realm ar make innovationl prejudicial to the king's bonour, entreating bim moreover to keep the bond oC unity wbicb ia known to bave IUbliated so long between the Roman cburcb and bimaelf and bis predecesaon, yet being denied longer respite, and it being openly announced tbat if any one abould appear to be oC a contrary mind be would be decidedly counted an enemy to tbe king and tbe realm-we then considering warily and aeeing plainly t.bat except aur lord the king and tbe baroni aforesaid sbould be content witb onr anlwer, besidel otber innumerable and infinite dangers and offences, their devotion to tbe Roman and Frencb church and also the obedience of the laity would thenceforth be irrecoverably lOlIt. not witbout great pain and besitation we thougbt good to anawer thus,-That we would help our lord tbe king with counael and timely aid, for the preservation oC his person and family, and uf bis eartbly bonour, and of tbe liberty and lawI of tne said realm, according II IOme of us wbo bold of him dukedoml, earldoma, baronies, fees and otber noble portiona of the l8id realm, are bound to do by the tenor oC aur oatb, and as alI tbe others are bound by tbeir alIegiance. Yet we made bumble suit to the same our lord the king, tbat leeing we were bound to obey tbe pape'l boline., be would luffer UB to go and visit your blessed feet, according to tbe tenor of your aforel8id summom. Then on the king'l and barona' behalf (ulIowed answer, that in no case would tbey auffer UB to go out oC the realm, and tbat by no meana would they bear to bave tbe kingdom 10 miserably and dangerously eltpoaed, ar ratber utterly deapoiled. Tben we-considering 10 great anger and perturbation, 10 jeopardous and 'CI great tbat none could be greater. botb of the king, the baronI, and otber lay people of the realm; and now knowing asauredly that by the wiclr.ed operation of the old Enemy, the haler of peace, wbo, ever lince the Fali, bath been going about IOwing tarea to break tbe unity oC the cburch by dislurbing ita peace, and to inCect tbe aweetnell ofgood worka with the poison of bitter eovy, and by aU meanl to ruin and confound the bumaD race; and tbat naw, alas l a door was opened (or tbe lamentable diaaolution oC the lonly band oC tbat amity and
o

,"UL. 11.

Q Q

5941

APPEAL OF NOGAJlET AGAIN!IT BO:NIPACJt.

AD

Iinll'u1ar ftiendship which baY8 bitherto flouriabed betwsen tbe Roman chmch and lHIr lord the king and his predecel80n in the realm, to tbe glory ofGod, tbe adY8ncement of the chriltian faitb, and the glorioUl esaltation of tbe ehureb, )'O.j tbe king, and tbe realm; lleeing alao that crying ofFencel are riaing up on _'_o_. every side, and that tbe cburchea and eccleaiutiea are tbreatened witb apoliation and even del&tb, and that the laity do abhor and shun the company of clerk.. and utterly elLelude them from tbeir couneila and doinga, 1&1 if conleioua of a cunlpiraey ~ainlt tbem, to the great peril of IDUla, with otber IUndry _d divers perila, whlcb neither tongue ia able to tell nor writing to dedare,tbought Rood in this msia of extreme nece..ity promptly to run witb weeping voice ana: lamentable ligbl to the eireumlpect wiadom of your boline... beseeebing your fatherly mildnesa, and bumbly praying you to cundea8nd to provide IOme wholelOme remedy in the fremiaea, whereby tbe profitable agreement and mutual love wbich han continued 80 long be~een the church, tbe king, and the rea1m, migbt be maintained in tbeir inLegrity, and tbe ltate oftbe French churcb might continue in gadly peaee and quiet, and tbat you would youchaafe to provide, tbat we and our st&tea may be aeeured br tbe recall of the aforeaaid aummona, and tbat by the atudy of your apoatoIJc wiadom and fatberly lliety, tbe aforeaaid dangen and ofFences may be obviated. The Moat High long preeerve your boline.. to his boly chureh.

H"""".

PrmM

A"::-.

These things discoursed and done, then folIowed the year of our Lord 1808. In that year we find in the French king's recordsA Declaration of Master William de Nogaret, made against Pope Boniface VIII., with his Appellation also made at Paris, before We King and his Council in the Palace of the Louvre.1

peal

In the name of tbe Lord, Amen. In the year of tbe same Lord 1303, the fint indiction, tbe 12th day of Mareh, and the nintb year of the popedom of Noprel the mOlt holy father the lord Bonifaee VIII., by God's providence pope, in made the presence of Ul public notariel and witnesses subaeribed, tbe noble William q.ind ~:eBo- de Nogaret, knight, worshir.ful profel8Or of lawa, standing before the mOBt ell:ce11ent prince the lord Philip, by the ~e ofGod mOlt noble king of France, VIII. apake vivd t1OC', and delivered in in writing, the things following : Ol There were falae p,ropbets among the people, u tbere lbalI be alao among you false teacben. &e. ' (2 Pel. ii.) SI. Peter, the glorioUB prinee of the apoatles, here foretold, that, lik/l u there were false propheta in fonner time.. 10 tbere Ibould we falae teaehers, bringing in lecta of perdition, by whom the way of trutb Ibould be defaeed, and who Ihould covetously make merch8lldiae uf Ul witb fet~l:ords; and be furtber added, tbat BUch teacben did follow the way of of 8oaor, who loved tbe wBgea of wickedness, but had bis bridled 811 to correct his madnellj whieh, lpeaking in a man's voice, did utter tbe foolishneu of tbe prophet. Ali whieb thinga lIS tbey were foretold by tbe great patriarch himself, 10 your eyel aee tbem fu1fi1led tbis day to tbe letter. For An In tbere Bittetb in SI. Peter's chair tbe muter of liea, causing bimaelf to be called 1'ecllve 'Bonifaee,' tbat is a well duer, whereu he is notable for allkind of em doing, :g:tn.t and thus he hatb BllUmed to himself a false namej and whereaa be i not tbe ~Jacl"ll or true ruler, he calletb bimself tbe lord judge and muter of all meno And v'l'~~ baving cume in contrary to the order appointed by the holy fatbert, and also Ibe ~ contrary to the rules of reBlOn, and lO not entering in at the door, into tbe Lord', _. sheepfold, be is not the shepherd or bis hireling, but ratber a tbief and a robber. For whiJe the true husband of the Roman church wu yet livingi (being one who delighted in simplicity), tbia man deceived him, and induced bim with feigned flatteriea, and gifia, and bribes, to put away bis lpouae, con~ to tbe truth, who cried, ThOl8 whom Gad hatb eoupled let no man aeparate i and at length laying violent hands upon bim, having falsely persuaded him that what ibis deceiver Baid came rrom the Holy Spirit, he dared to talr.e to himself with wieked embracel that Holl Cbureh whieb il mime.. of all the churchea, ealling bimaelf her husband, whereu he eannot be; for Celeatine, tbe true Haman biahop, agreed not to tbe Baid divorce, being deceived by luch deep IUbtlety; but nothing is 10 incompatible with agreement 81 errar aud
Thp apo

or

(I)

Ex reslltro. [Dupu)', PreU"", p. Sll.-ED.]

(2) MeaniDB

Celeatllll.-ED.

AIlTICLE8 UF NOGA RET AGAIN8T nONIFACE.

595

deceit, as eveo human lawa bear witnelllo I say nothing or his violence. Prmdo But because the Spirit iospireth where be will, aod he that is led or the Hu""'. Spirit ia no~ llnde~ the law, th~ holy unive~ church or ~od not knowing the A. D. craft or thls decelver, uncertain and doubung whether It proceeded from the 1303 Holy Ghoat tbat Celestine should part with his government, and the people _ eotreating it for fear of a schism, suifered the aforesaid deceiver until, according lo the doctrine of ollr Lord, by his fruits it migbt be Mown wbether the man came to the said authority by the Holy Gho.t or otherwise: but his fruits, as ia plainly hereunde"r declared, are now manifest to all men, by which it is apparent to the" world that he came not in by God but otberwise, and so not by the door, into the aheepfold. His fruits are most evil, the end whereof is death; and therefore it is necessary that 80 evil a tree, according to the Lord's lentence, should be cnt down and cut into the me. NDr cali that avail for his excuse, which ia said by some men, that the cardinals did agree upon him again der the death of the said pope Celestine, seeing that he could not be the huaband of her, whom it ia manifest he had defiled by adultery, whilat her first husband was yet Iiving and worthy to bave tbe vows of marriage kept nuto him. Tbererore, because that which i& done against the Lord turneth to the injury oC all men, and in 80 great a crime (by reason oC the consequences) any one oC the people, a "'oman, and even an infamons person, is admitted to bear teatimony-thereCore l, Iike the bridled ass, using the voice oC a mere man, mflicient to bear 80 great a charge only in virtue of the Lord'. power and not my owo, take in hand to rebuke the madne81 oC the said CaIse prophet Balaam, The pope who, at the inSlance oC king Balak, that is, of the prince of the devils whom he well <omserveth, is ready to CUrie the people blessed or the Lord; and J beseech you, ~~o mOlt excellent prince and lord Philip, by the grace oC Gad king of France, that who w~ like as tbe angel of Gad, in time past, met in tbe way with a drawn sword tbe want to propbet Balaam going to curse GOO's people, so yon, who are anointed to ~.~ exeeute justice, and thereCore (like the angel) "a minister oC the Lord, would people for meet with the drawn sword of your power and office this said wicked man, who ::n":; of is Car "'Orle than Balaam, that he aecomplish not that evil wbich he iotendeth . to the people. I. I propound fint, that the aroresaid man, wbo nameth hirnself BoniCaee, Artlclel is no pape, but wrongfully keepeth the .eat whieh he indeed hath, to the great prodamage of all the IOUI~ or GOO's holy churcb. I say a180, tbat his entering poU!'d~ was in many ways raulty, and that he entered not in at the door, but otherwiae, and thereCore is to be judged a tbieC and a robber. ul(...,.,. 2. I propound allO, that the said Boniface is a manifest beretic, and ulterly cut oif from the body of the holy chureh, becanse oC many kinds oC heresy, which shall be declared in convenieot place and tinJe. 3. I propound a180 tbat the said BoniCaee is a honible simoniac, and such an one as hath not heen since the beginning oC the world j and the mischief of tbis sin of his is 80 notorions to all the world, that it is maniCest to all tbat will iDlpartially judge, for he blasphemously declared in public, tbat he was incapable oC the sin oC simony. 4. I propound also, that the said BoniCace, being implicated in manifest The naand heinous sin. without number, is 80 hardeoed in them, tbat he is utterly tu... ar incorrigible, and lieth steeped in a depth oC wickedness, inlOmuch that he ~ :;:JH'. canoot be suffered any longer without ruin to the state of the churcb. His POJH:' by mouth is fuli oC cursing, bis feet and steps are swift to shed blood. He utterly hll ;,:-ntteareth in pieces the churches ",bich he ought to cherish, wickedly wasting the OUI. goods of the poor, and making much oC wicked men that give bim rewards j peneeuting the righteoua, and lording it over the people, not ministering nuto them j Iaying a grievous burthen and an into1erable yoke on the churches, on tbe people Dr God, and on the nobles or the people, dC8J?isiog the humble and penecuting the low1y among the people; not gathenng af'ter Christ, but IClIltering, bringing in new and d8mnable heresies never before beard of; apeakjng evil Dr the way of troth, and with robbery makin!!, bimself equal to The popo the Lord JesUI Christ, who is blessed Cor ever. And he, bemg most covetons, thlnketh tbinteth Cor gold, coveteth gold, and by subtle device getteth gold oC every hlm~elf lO of people; and with feigned worda, sometimes by fiattering, IOmetimes by ~~h threateDing, 80metimel by false teaching, utterly disregarding the honour oC Chrll&. Gad, and ooly to get money withal, he maketh merchandise oC us alI, eovyin~

=Bo-

:r

QQ2

M6

.\PPEAL OF CERTAni FRENca NOBLES.

all, lovlng none but bimlelf, nourilbing waTl, bating and aisturbing tlle peace of his lubjeeta. He il hacknied in all atrocious linII, contending aud Itriving against all tbe ways and doctrinel of the Lord; he il truly that abomination .. . of tbe tempIe, which Daniel, the Lord'. prophet, described. Therefore I 1.103. IlDswer, that lawll, weapona, and all tbe elementa, ought to rise againlt bim Th. pope who lhus overthrowetb lhe ltate of tbe eburch; for wbole .ins God plagueth Ih bo- tbe wbole world: and, finally 10 inlatiable il be, nothin!: umainelh lo Batisfy :rl~::~;: bim wilbal, but only lbe inlatiable mouth of heli, and the fire that cannot be Uan. quencbed, but contlDueth for ever. Tberefore, seeing that this wicked man, who oft'eudeth both God and all men, onght to be eondemned by a general eouncil and senlenee of all men, I ask, wilh all pollible eamestneu, and beseech you, my lord and king aforesaid, that ye would give notice to tbe preates, doctors, princeI, and people, our brethren in Chrlst, and especially to tbe cardinals and al\ preates, tbat they all convene a council, in whicb tbe aforelaid wielr.cd man having becn CO~ demned, the church may by tbe wonhipful cardinala be provided with a .hepberd, and before sucb council I oft'er mylelf ready awfully to purBUe the pointa aforesaid. And wbereas tbe said man, being in the higheat diguity, cannot in be mean time be suspended by a luperior, and therefore ~ht to be beld as IUlpended ipIo facto for tbe causes aforesaid, the moment hi. state is called into judgment in the manner aforesaid j therefore I beseeeh and require the said cardinals by rou, and I preseotly require them of the ehur<:h of Gad, tbat the pel"BOn of tb18 wicked man being put under arrest, tbe cburch of Rome may be provided witb a vicar who may minister lbose things tLat may appertain, until the church of Gad be provided with a pontiff, and that Ule said wicked mao may not let and binder the prosecuting bereof. But I require be.e things of you, my lord king aforesaid, affirming you lo be hound to comply for many C&UIeI: fint, for the faith'l lake; secondly, fOl' tlle dignity of yOllr kingly offiee, to which it belongeth to root out BUch pelllilent menj thirdly, for your oalL's lake, whicb "au made for tbe defence of the cburcbes of your realm, but wbich the aforesaid ravener utterly teareth in pieces; fourtbly, beeause you be the patron of the cburches, and tberefore are bound not only to tbe defence of them, but to the getting back again of their property, wbicb this man hath waated; fiftbly, because, following tbe footstepa of your predecessorB, yau ought to deJiver aur mother, the Roman chureh, from 10 wicled a band wberein by oppreuion sbe is tied and hound. I require tbat a public instrument be made of these requells by these notariel bere preaeJlt, under be witnellll of be wonbipful men that be here present. These things were dane and lpoken, Ba is aforesaid, at Parn, in the king 's palace of the Louvre, in tbe year, indiclion, month, day, and pontificate aforesaid, in the presence of the reverend fathen in Cbrist, tbe archbilhops of St>na and Narhonne, and tbe bishops of Meaux, Nevers, and Auxl'rre, and tbe noble earls, Cbarles of Valois and Louis of Evreux, Robert, duke of Burgundy, John de Chalons, lord D'Arlay, John de Dampierre, lord de St. Diziers, Gaucher de Cbatillon, con.table of France and earl of Porcean, and many othen speciaIly caJled and requested to be witneues thereto.

AD

J"nwd HI_lor,.

After this protcstation or Master de Nogaret, immediately ensucd the appeal or certain nobles, pronounced and published againsl the Illlid Boniface, in form as followeth ;1_
'I'h. apIW U.tlan

In tbe name of tbe Lord, Amen. In tbe year of the lame Lord 1303, the fint indietion, the 13th day of June, and the ninth year of the popedom oC ~:~~a1n Boniface VIII. By tbe tenor of thil public inltrument, kno\ll' all men, tbat in Dobl.. tbe preleoce of the most serene prince, lord Philip, by Ibe grace uf Gad king a~.tn~t of France, and of tbe famoUl and reverend fathen in Chrlst, tbc archbilhop. ~7:ce'" and. bishopl, religioUl men, abhots, and prion, and of the noble earls and VlU. baronI, and diven otber perIOnI, eccleaiaatical and temporal, bel'l!UIIto Hub8Cribed, aud in the presence of Ul public UOtarilll hereto subscrincd, especially called and required for thil purpose, as il con1ained in the IUbscriptionl hereto. the famoUl and noble, tbe lord Louis, lon of France s and earl of Evreux. and Guy earl of SL Pol, and Jobn earl of Dreux, and William de PI6sian, lord of
(I) DupuY. Praua, p.IOI.-En.

(2)

s.. Bibliach. d 9cl.nc:eo, T. "Ea!all. de Frsnce."-ED

PRTE8T OF WILLIAM DE PJ.':SIAN.

597

Vezenobre, knight,-moved, as they 8aid, with a fervent faith, with a1fectfon P,....A of sincere love and zeal of cbarity to be sbowed to the holy Romish ehurch, Bldo't/. and baving pity fram tbeir beart on their motber, the universal church, which, as they IlBid, WaB dangerously oppresaed under the rule of tha said lord 1303' Boniface, and suffered outrageoU8 defacing and loss; and pitying the right faith, in whicb 81andetb tbe salvation of lOuis, and which, alBII! for pity, in their times miserably pined away and perished tbrougb all Christendom for tbe Iack oC wbolelOme govemment of tbe cburcb; and earnestly taking pains, as ther IlBid, Cor tbe repairing and enhancing of tbe catholic faitb: especially, eretng it WaB necell8Bry fur the same church, for tbe foundation of the faitb, and the bealth of 1Ouls, that none should ruIe tbe fold of the Lord's f1ock, but tbe true and lawful sbepberd, and also tbat, hecaUBe tbe same cburcb WBII tbe spouse Dr Christ tbat bath no spot or wrlnkle, all error, offence, wickednesa, and wrong sbould be put away (rom ber, and that salvation, peace, and quietness, tLrough God'. ml!Tcy, might'be procured to the whole world, wbicb, they say, Iietb in wan and darknl'88 by tbe wicked deeds, cuned works, and burtful esamples of tbe eaid Boniface,-uttered and charged againlt the said Boniface (and tbe aaid William formally propounded and objected against him) herely, and other diven borrible and accursed faulta, wberein tbey affinn him to be entangled and commonly and notoriously defamed, tbe eaid king himself heing present with the archbishops, bi8hops, and otber dignitarie8 and churcbmen UlelDbled, to treat ,of their own matters and the malten of their churcbes, beaides tbe barona, earIs, and other noblemen, wbOle names are bereto 8ublll:bed, tbey Iwearing en tbe boly goapels or Gad, which they cOJ"l'Orally toucbed, that they believed and could prove all and every tbe preml8e1 to be true. And the aaid William de Plesian IWOro furtber, that he believed he could prove the premises, and that he would punue the matter to the uttermOlt agam.t the IlBid Boni(ace, in a geneml council Dr elsewhere, wbenever and before whomaoever o( right it ought to be done: requiring eamestly tbe aaid king, that, as a cbampion o, tbe faitb and defender of tbe church, (or decaring oC the truth hereof, to tbe praise o( God's name, to the increase and promoting of the catbolic faitb, to tbe bonour and wealth of the universal cburcb and o( all cbristian people, be would give bis effectua1 hell' toward8 tbe _mbling or tbe aail ~eneral counci\, because in all sucb cases IUI royal bouse eTer wae a zealoUB mamtainer of Ibe trutb, and that he would eamestly require the archbi8hops. bisbops, and other prelates befare-named, to cooperate. Tbe earla and knigbls tbemselves al80 eamestly and often besougbt the said prelates, as true sons and pillan or the cburcb. tbat tbey would efectua1ly help forward tbe caliing and assembling of tbe aaid councj) by alI lawful means, ac:cording to tbe ordinances ot tbe boly fathen and decrees of tbe canons. But "ben Ihe prelates beard and fuiy undentoad tbe complainta aforeaaid, conlidering tbat IUcb a matter was not only bard, but most bard, and needed matore deliberation, tbey departed out of tbe place. But OD the morrow, being Frida)', tbe fourteenth day of tbe same montb or June, in tbe presence of tbe aforesaid lord Ihe king, and also of the lord arcbbisbops, and of U8 public notaries bereto 8ubscribed, being especially ralled and required for this purpose, tbe aforesaid William de Plesian, knigbt, taili, propounded, affirmed. objected, and read, as was contained more fully in a certain paper wbicb be beJd in hi. hand, wbOle tenor was after tbil sort :1_
o

AD

l, William de PIesian, hight, say, propound, and affirm, that Boniface, Pro.a. ol who naw ruIetb tbe apostolic see, is a rank heretic in regard of tbe beresie8, William outrageoUl deeds, and wicked doctrines, bereafter to be declared j wbicb tbinga ~~ Pl.al I believe to be true, and Bucb as I am able to prove (ar at leaBt 80 mucb of knilhl, tbem as sbalI suffice to frove bim a rank beretic) at a convenient place and aplnaC time. and before a lawfu tribunal. l swear, tben, on the gospeis of Gad, corpo- b't.:'lrace ralIy toucbed by me, tbatVlII. l. He believetb not the immortality and incorruptibility of reaeonable lOuis, but tbinketh, tbat tbere is no everlasting life, and that men cannot at length attain joy, but tbat tbe wbole lot aAd portion of comfort and gladness is in this world: and consequently be attirmetb, tbat it i. no lin to pamper tba body
(1) Dupuy, Preu p. 102. S Appeudlx.-ED.

598
Prnd HllltJr'I.

PROTEST Ol' "lLLIUI DE PLESIAN.

:n::nch.

witb alllOrtI of dalnliea. And out of tbe abundance of this leaven, he not ashamed openly to aay and confetlll, that he bad rather be a dog or aD au. or - - - any other brute beast, than a Frenchman j which thing he would not have said, f:3~' ifhe helieved a Frenchman had a soul that could enj0' everlasting life. thing he hath taught to many, who han acknowledged lt at the point of death; Popo and he is commonly thus reported of in these thinga. ~~II::e 2. Alao, he believeth not faithfu1ly, that when the words ordained of Chriat, .her be a have been spoken over the hllll., after the fasbion of the church, by a faithful dog .hM priest lawfully ordained, the very body oC Christ is there. Hence it cometh to pass, that he giveth no reverence to i, no not alittle, when it is lifted up by the priest; yea, he riseth not to i, but tumeth his back to i, and eauaeth himself to be more honoured, and his seat whereon he sitteth to be more embellished, than the altar where the host is conaecrated; and he is commonly reported to do this. 3. Alao, he is reported to aar. that whoredom is no sin, no more than rubbing oC the harlCu together i and thls is a matter oC common talk and rumour. 4. Alao, he hath 88id often, that to thru.t down the French king and peopla, if it could not be otherwise dane, he would sacrifice himseif, the whole warld, and the whole church. And when he had said 10, some tbat stood by said, II Gad Corbid i" he anawered, .. God granL" And ..hen good men that heard bis aforeaaid worda rel'lied against him, that he should not say 80, beeawJe the church of God and all Christian men would suffer pat oWence thereby, he answered, II I care not what oWences come, 80 thbt the Frenchmen and their llride he destroyed i for it must needs be that oWences come.' " ~~. 5. Item, when a certain book made by Master Arnold of Villa Nova, physician, containing and 88\'ouring of hereay, bad been reprobated, condemned, and bumed by the bishop of Parla, and by tbe divines at Parls, and Iikewise by Bonifael' himself opeulr and in the Cull consistory oC cardinaia, yet he recalled it and re-allowed i, bemg written again, and cantaining the same Caulta. 6. Item, that he might make the mlllt damnable remembrance of himseif perpetual, he caused silver images of hinlseC to be set up in the churches, by this meana leading men to idolatry. 7. Item, he hath a private devil, whose counsel he useth in all thinga, and tbrough all thinga. Whence he said once, that if all men were on one .ide, and he on the other, they coud not deceive him neither in law nor in fact; which thing could not he, ell.cept he had used a devilish arl; and oC tbis he la openy reported. 8. Item, he is a wizard, asking counsel of 800thaayen hath men and women ; and such he is commonly judged to be. 9. Item, he said openly, that the pope of Rome coud not commit simon}', wbich it is heretical to 88Y. Tbis i. a sin reprobated as weU in the Old Testa!Dent as in the New, and in the holy general councila: wherefore he is WODt to employ 118 his tool a certain u.urer, named Simon, to make merchandiBe tor bim of the higher prdacies, dignitiea, and henefices of the church (to the which holy orden be specially &Ild necessariJy joined), and oC ablolutions and diapensations, like as uSIlren and merchants use to buy and sell worldly thinga in the market; and of this common rumonr runneth ~ainst him. 10. Iem, that peace which Christ bequeathed to hiS children as bi. apeciaI legacy, sayin~, " Peace I leave with you," he hindereth with al1 his migbt among christian men, and 8triveth to IOW discord and wara. Wberefore ODce, wben it was said before him tbat certain parlies wished to come to a Criendly agreement arter a good 1Ort, he prevented i, lrobibiting the ODe party from granting peace, and when the other party di humbly beseech him that he would give license to the fint to agree, he said he woud not, and that if the San of God ar the apoatle Peter were to come down to the eartb and commarld bim, he would 88Y, .. I will not obey thee." 11. Ilem, because the French nation (being manifestly a most christian nation) followeth not bis erron in the Caith, he reckoneth and open\y calletb them, one and all, Patarenes i using therein the manDer oC rank lieretica, wbo Bay that themselve8 alone are the Caithful church, but call the lrue follower1l of the orthodoll. faith Patarenes, becaUBe they keep alooC from their err'Dn. 12. Itern, he is addicted to the sin CIf Sodomy, ud oC thia fault he ia most commonly &Ild openly reported.
___ o

'nt.

PKOTE8T UF WILLIAM: DE PLEsIAN.

599

13. hem, b. balb caused and eommanded many murdera oC clerks to be Pr'" olone in his presence, rejoieing at tbeir deatb: and iC they were not deadly Hiriorr woundt"d at the first by bis servants, be ordered tbem to be smitten agaiII, erying .. Smite I" lO smite I" by whicb means many bave been slain. 1303' 14. Item, when be bad condemned a certain nobleman to prison, he forbad _ _._ the sacrament to be given bim at the point oCdeath. be desiring it and being penitent, saying, I that the sacrament oC penance did not appear to bim neceaary to salvation." 15. Item, be compelIed certain priests to show unto him tbe confessions of men, and be af'terward. publisbed them openly, eontrary to tbe will of tbem that were confessed, to their sbame and conCusion, that be migbt compel tbem to redeem their sins; insomucb tbat once be dep08ed a certain bisbop oC S'pain, for a certain privy horrible Cault that he conCessed under I Benedicite to a certain cardina1, wbicb conce88ion be eompelled the cardinal ageinst his will to reveal, and then publisbed it ; and yet af'terwarda he restored the aame bisbop &gain to his place for a sum oC money. WhereCore, he is tbought to play the berelic in regard to the sacrament oC penance. 16. hem, he fasteth not on the fasting-days, nor Lent, but witbout cause cateth flesh indiiferently, and without cause lIU1fereth bis household and menda to cat, saying, lO It is no sin :" doing in tbis thing against tbe general state oC the boly cburcb, and seeking craf'tily to overtbrow it. 17. Item, be oppre88etb and hatb oppressed tbe order oC tbe cardinaIs, and be ordera of black. and wbite monk" oC Grey friare and Pre.cbera, and bath said oft, .. tbat the world was destroyed by them, and tbat tbey were false bypocrites, and tbat good could never cbance unto any that would be confe88ed to them, Ol' wbo would be familiar with tbem, or would harbour tbem in their house:" and be never said good word oC any preate, reli~ous man, or clerk, but .. ver rebuketh and elandereth them, taking away tbelr good name; and, that he may compel them to redeem their faulta, he is gad oC accusations ageinst wem: and tbis is tbe common talk and report of bim. 18. Item, oC old time, he going about to destroy the feitb, conceived a hate against the French king, even to tbe abborring oC tbe feith, because of tbe ligbt oC faith wbich is and ever was tbere, and because oC tbe great witne88 and eumple oC Cbristianity whicb is and ever batb been Ibere. And be can be proved to bave said before be bad this see, tbat iC be were pope, be would overtbrow Christianity itaelC, ratber tban not overthrow and destroy the nation, or (as be calletb it) tbe pride, oC tbe Frencb. 19. A1so, it is reported tbat when the ambassadura oC the king of England, in be name oC tbe said king, did require and entreat for tbe tentb uC tbe realtn oC England to be given bim j be answered, lO That be would not give tbem tbe tenth but on this eondition, that he would make war with them against tbe Frencb king." And besidea thia, be ia reported to bave given great BUJD8 of money to certain persona, to cause that peace .hould not be betwixt the said 1tingL He bimself, a1s0, witb all his migbt batb letted it, by me88eugera, letten, and otber waya that he could, yea, by giviog bribes. 20. Iem, be ia reported also to have promised Frederic, the present king of Sieily, tbat if he would betray king Charles, and break the peace which be made and .1IJore that be would keep with him, and would stir ageinst him, and k.ill the Frencbmen, tbat tben he would give him &id, belp, and counsel Cor that end j and for 80 doing he would give and grant bim tbe seid kingdom. 21. He eoofirmed also tbe king of Almein to be emperor, and seid openly, Pope that be did i~ to destroy tbe nation, .or (as be caetb it) pride, ?f the Fren~h- ::~~:".: men, who B&Id, tbat tbey were subJect to none ID temporaI thinga; wberem, lo Ihe 1 saith he, tbey lied on tbeir own hew: decaring, moreover, tbat whosoever Pron.hwould say (yca, tbough it were an angel Crom beaven) tbat tbey were oot men. mbject to the said king oC Almein, be were accuraed; and yet be himselC hath often before said (tbougb, io repeRting it, I do oot pretena tbat be said wbat ..... true), that tbe aforeaaid emperor betrayed bis master and bad treacherously .1ain bim, and that he was not wortby oC the name oC king, nor bad been duy elected. 22. Further, he dissolved the agreements of peace between the said king of Pope AJmain and tbe king oC France, by 1lI'bicb each '11'88 to preserve bis owo rigbt; Booirl.u and be is said to bave enjoined them not to keep tbe oatbs wbich had been :' solemnly sworu by tbe procton oC tbe king uC Almain; tbus preventiog tbe blessingll ef pellCe, and sowiog the .tares of discord betweeo bretbren.

AD

;::::.1

(jOD

1'1l0TE5T Ol' WILLIA)J

lJj,;

I'LKSIAK.

23. Item, it is openly reported, tbat the 1I0ly Land was 108t, and came to tbe I'nemies of Gad and tbe faith, through bis faolt i and tbat he mf'ered tbi.. and denied to gin aid to tbe Chriatians who defended it, lor the nonst; I 1303' spending the treasurea and money of the church, wbich. as tbe pt&trimony oC Christ, sboold have been beatowed for tbat use, in persecuting faitbfol Chriauan. and friends of the cburch: and therewith be would eorich bis mend.. 24. Item, be is openly reported to Ule .imOlly, not onIy in bestowiog or beneficI''' but in giving oforders, and mak ing dispensation.. He hath set to 1&11' all benefices of the church, and beato.eth them commony on bim that would olf'er mOlt; and he maketh the church and her prt:lates his ser\'anlll and vauala, not for advancement of tbe faith, nor to thrust down iofides, but to oppreu the faithflll, and to enrich his kindred out of the church geods and w;th the patrimony of Him tbat was crucified j and presumeth to mate them marqw.es, earl.. and barona, and is not afraid to build them Btrong holda, rooting out and oppreasing many noblemen of RamI', and otbera. 25. tem, it is commonly reported, that he halb, cootrary to tbe Lord'. precept, diBBolved many marriages lawfully made, to the cootempt, hurt, and slander of many: and be did promate his nephew to a cardinalBhip, being marril'd, unleamed, and altogetber unworthy, and notoriouB for his diuolute life; and compelIed his wife to makI' a vow oC chastity, and ja reported aft er that to have had two bastarda by her himseIr j and 10 goeth tbe COWllIoD rUlllour of bim. Po"" 26. Ilem, it il commonly reported, tbat he handled ungently bis predecessor HonlCo]ee Celestine of boly memory, leading an boly life (peradvl'olure knowing in hi. ::::~hj:'" conleil'nce that hl' could not forsake his popedom, and therefore that he himaelC pred""c. could otherwise have no lawful entrance to the lee), and impri80ned him, and lor there quickly and privily caused him to die: and of thiB the common rumour uud re~rt is through all tbe world. Moreover, he caused many grellt and leam..d lIlen hving as regulars (who discUBBed the point, whether CeleaUne could renouoce tbe popedom Dr not) to be set inlri8On, and there to die. 27. Ilem, he is reported to have reealle religioUB person.. who were lhillg as regulars, without a reasonable canae to the world, to the olf'ence of many. 28. Ilem, he is rep?rted lo have said, that be would wit1lin short time make 1111 tbe Frenchmen I'lther marlyrs, ar apOlIlIIIes. 29. ltem, it is commonly reported, that be seeketh not the health of tbe soula, but the deBtructiou of them.

AD-

1""c4 11"10".

___ o

These things being propoundcd and read, the same William protested, said, declared, appealed, and added these words, reading tbem in writing.1
The prott"1ltAtton

orWII
liam ot llleliauo.

POIM!
HOIl l(3C8

proved a hereU..

l. William de Pl6aian, knight, protest that I do not propound the aforeaaid thingB for aoy special hate of Boniface himself (for l hate not him, but hi. aforesaid evil deeds), nor to injure ar slander him Dr any one e1se, but of zeal for the faith, aod Car tbe devotion that l have to the holy chureh of God and the holy Roman see; for t1ie same causes, and no otber, l apeak it, when I BaY. l swear by the holy gospel oC Gnd, whieh l toueh witb my band, tbat l believe him to be a perfeet heretic ; and tbat l also believe that from the premises, and other things, 80 mucb may be proved againll bim as sball be sufficient, according to the statutes of the holy fatbers, to prove him a heretic. l .wear alao, Ihut l will pllrllue the aforesaid tbings against bim to the utterm08t oC my power, in a genera council to be 8B8embled at a place tbat shall be we and lure for me, to the honour of Gad and iocrease of tbe cbristian faith, saving in aU things the rigbt bonaur and state oC the holy apoatolic see. Whl'refore, I carnestly and respectfully request you, my lord tbe king, to whom belongeth the defenCI' oC holy mother churcb aod of thl' catholic faitb, Ill'bereof ye .hall rendl'r an account in the last judgment, and you, my lords the prelates, wbo be the pillars of tbe faith, and who ought to be judges of the aforesaid things, logether witb the other reverend fathers the catholic prelates of the holy church, who would attend a general council, that ye would procure and take diligent pains that a general council may be gathered in a fit and safe place ard CODvenient lime, before which the aforesaid things may be propounded, e:umined, and proved agaiust the said Booiface, as is premiaed; and I likewise eameatl,
\1) l ' For the non.t,"' (or the purpoae; dcaigned!y ; (2) Dul'uy, Pr' es, p. 106.-1::".
II

Opera dati," Dupur.-EJ.

.APP~:AL

Ol" PHILIP THE FRENCH KING.

601

requellt you and my lord the k.ing, that ye would require, and effeetually induee Pmu:A the prelates, present ar absent, iu wbat country aoever they be, to wbom Hufu.,. it pertaineth manfully to labaur and to require othera faitbfuUy to do tbe same, tbat the aforesaid eouncil may be gathered for the aforesaid matters in such aort 1303' 8!1 may be agreed. And becaUBe, BO long as the matter is pending, I suspect _ _ o Boniface himself, lest be, being aDgry ana moved for the aforesaid tbings, should in any way proceed, ar attempt to proceed, against me and my partakers, proctors, and helpers, friends and familiars, and my goods and theirs; tberefore, by these writings before lOu, my lord tbe king and my lords the prelates, and you the public notaries, here in person refer and appeal to the said holy general council lo be _embled, and to the apostolic catholic pope that ia to be and to the ho[y apostolic aee, and to him and them to whom of rigbt I may ar ought to appeal ; aud I earnestly request ance, twice, and thrice, tbat letters dimilllOryl and testimonial may be granted me from you; puttinlI myself, my fol1owerol, favourers, familiars, frienda, proctors, and aU that shall bereafter adhere to me, and my goods and theira, uDder the protection and keeping of St. Peter and Slo Paul, and of the said holy general council to be _embled, and of the apostolic catbolic pope that is to be, and of the holy Roman aee i sticking nevertheless, and willing to ariek, to Ibe appeal and appeala, procesa and procesaes, mnde bereupon by tbe noble man Master William de Nogaret, k.night, BO far as they ahal1 be fOUDd lo bave been mnde lawfully, and yet not foraaking tbis preseDt appeal.

AD

When these things were tIms read and done, the king answered and rcquired the prelatcs, making request, provocation, and appellation, as is contained in the paper underwritten, which was read there and then in the presence and andience of him, the prelates, and others underwritten, the tenor whereof is as followeth :~We, Philip, by the grace of Gad king of France, hearing and underatanding The tbe objectiona propounded by William de PIesiano, knight, and previOUBly by king'". our beloved and faitbful William de Nogaret, knight, against Boniface, naw haring the regiment of tbe Roman eburch: although we would gladly or "p~~ cover with aur eloak the sbame of an ordinary father; yet for aur love of theFnsncla the eatbolie faith Bnd tbe great devotion tbat we bear to the holy Roman ~n:, tho and universal chureh, mother oC UB and oC all tbe faithful, and tbe 8pouse pope. ol Christ, following tbe footateps of aur ancestora who heailated not to abed tbeir blood for the inerease and defence of the church's liberty and tbe faith, and eoveting to provide for the purity of the faith and state of tbe cburch, as Bisa to prevent the mischief oC a genera1 alander ; being not able lo connive at tbe ,\'remises any longer, seeing the eatimate and opinioll of him in these malters IS vebemently and plainly inereased by many and eontinual elamaura .repeatedly ineuleated upon us by men of credit Bnd great authority; fearmg moreover lest in tbe evident decay ofthe faith, same others, but eapecially we tbe kinga and prinees of the eanh, who acknowledge that we received aur power from tbe Lord expressly for tbe promotion Bnd increase of ie, may justly be charged witb negligence; we ogree to )"our requesls in thia behalf, and we be reody and of'er ourselvea g1odly, as much as in UB lietb, to bestow Dur labaur and diligent paina for tbe calling or the said eouneil, for tbe [flory of Gad (aaving in all thinga the honour and reverence due to the boly Roman ehureh), in order that tbe truth mayappear in tbelremises and all error be avoided; that the state of tbe universaf cbureh an oC Chrislianity, and the interesls of the faith and of the holy land may be con8ulted, and that lbe alandera and jeopardies banging over us may be obviated: and we eameatly require and beseeeh, in the merciful boweIs of J eaus Chriat, you the archbisbops, bishops, and otber prelates here preaent, as sons of the ebureh oud pillara of tbe failh, who are ealled of the Lord to B share oC the burthen of promoting and preserving th!!'t foith, that with all diligence ye would give heed as becometh you, and ef'eetually labaur by all fit ways and means, to the calliug and aaaembling ar thil council, at wbicb we intend to be personally presenl. And leat tbe aaid Bonifoce, who bath boldly and wrongfully threatened to proceed agaiust UB, Ibould, in his anxjety to prevent any oC bis worka of dark-

::er,or

(I) .. Apoololoa."-EJl.

(2) Dupuy, Preuve., p. IOT.-Eo.

PROTEST Ol' THK FaRNeH paELATES.

AD

ne. (if any IUch theTe be) from coming to li~ht, by directly or indirectly hindering the calIing and gathering of thia counciJ, actually proceed agaion ua or our state, churches, prelate., barone, and other our faithful vasaala and BUb130'1' jecte, or againlt our or their gooda, or our realm, or the state of the realm, __ ' ._ abuaing the apiritual sword, by ell.communicating and luapendiug, or by any other means; theretore, for ourselves and our weU wishera, and any who may hereaf'ter adhere to ue, we refer and appeal in writing to the aforesaid genera rouncil, which we delire inltant1y to be caUed, and to tbe lawfu1 pope that Ihall be, and to any othen to whom we Ihould appeal; and yet not departing from the appeal made by William de Nogaret, to wmch we adhered then and al.ao yet adhere, requiring earneltly a witneu of our appeal from you, the {lrelate. and notariee, expreasly engaging to renew &Uch reCe1'enee and appeal, when aDd beCore whom it ahal1 appear to na mee.
Fr...a Hu",..,.

r.~~J[:~
ol the

prrlal...

.and We, the archbishopl of Nicosia in Cyprus, Rbeiml, Sen., Narbonne, and Toun ; the bishops of Laon, Beauvaia, Chalons sur Marne,Auxerre, Meaux,Nevera,

Then the archbishops, bishops, abbota, and pors, within wttcn, answered the premises (as it is found in the acta), and made provocation and appellation, agreement and protestntion, as is contained more rully in a certain paper there openly and plainly read, whose tenor followeth, with these words :1-

Chartrea, OrleanI, AmienI, Terouenne, Senlis, Angen, Avranchee, Coutancea, Evreux, Liaieux, Seez, Claremont, Limogee, Le Puy en Vellay, and MB\1On ; and we, tbe abbots ofClugny, Premontrli. Marmoutier. Citeaux. St. Denia in France. CompiCgne, SI. Victor, SI. Genevi~ve at Parii, SL Martin de Laon, Figeac, and BeBulieu in LimoUlin; friar Hugh, riaitor of the houles of the order of Knighta Templan; and we,the priorlofSt.John of Jeruaalem in France, andoCSL Martin dM Champa at Pam ;-having heard thoBe things which were lBid, propounded, and objected yesterday and to-day by you the noble earl., and William aforesaid, againlt tbe lord pope Boniface VIII.; being moved with your sayinge, propoaitiona, _ertiona, oatha, and re9ue'ts, and by other lawful eaUlel, yea compelled by a IOrt of neceasity, conlidenng that the matter of our faith, which u tbe "hrislian faith, is toucbed in the premiaea: we that be called to a part oC thil cara for the defence and maintenance of the faith, Rnd tbe jrUidance of the lOull of the realm, albough nnworthy, yet eoveting to withstand the jeopardiea tbat bang over us by re&lOn of the premiael and other cauaee, and thinldng the calling and assembling of the &&id council profitable and neceaaary, that the innocence of the lord Boniface bimselfmay elearly appear, &8 in our consciences we deaire it may; or tbat it may be discusaed, settled, and dnne, by the council, touching lOch thingl as are laid againlt mm, according to the decrees ofthe holy canona,answer you our lord tbe king, and you aur lords the earls and William, that (saving in aU things the honour and reverence dne to the holy churcb) we agree to your requests in thil bebalf, for be caUing of the &&id council, and are ready to give help and diligent labour to the caliing and lWembling of the uid council, according to tbe decreea oC tbe holy falben, and the canonical onen, not intending by any meanl to make partiea oC this matteT, nor toadhere to aDY that make parties. Yet, lest tbe said Boniface, being moved or provoked by these things (lIS we fear be may be, from likely conjecturea and threatenings thrown out by him of proceeding against Ul for the aforesaid things), abould in any way proceed, or cause proceedinga to be taken, againat u... our churchee, our c1ergy, and nur suhjectB, on mI own or any otber authority, by excommunication, suspenaion, interdict, depoaing, depriving, or under any other means, and under whatever The ' colour, to the preventing or embarr&8ling"the said coullcil; and that we may ~i.bopl or sit in the &&id couneil to judge, and may do aU otber !bings that belong to the omce of prelatel; and tbat our ltate and th&t of all who adbere or shall adhere rrom r.::pe to Ul may remain in aU respects We; for ounelvee, nur churchee, our c1ergy. ~OD~-:;:. our IUbjects, and those who adhere, or mayadhere, to na in thil behalf, we refer r~tco:... and appeal in writing to the afore&&id council tbat il to be lIIII8JJlbled, and to dl. tbe true and lawCul pope bat is to be, and to bim or them to wbom oC right we

a;::;:

(1) DupU1. PleU,,"I, p.IOS.-ED.

ANOTHEB PABLIAMENT SUMMONED BY PHILJP.

60S
Pr...e1t
HiI/Dr'.

8hould appeal, and eameatly require htters of protection from tou, and we commit ounelves, aur churchea, our c1ergy. oUr subjecta, friends, and adherenta, and aur tate, rights, and goods, and thein, to the godly protection oC the aforeeaid council, and of the Lrue and 1awfu1 pope that is to be; and we pledge ouraelves to renew thia appeal, where, when, and before whom it shallteem to us meeL Dane at Paria, at the Loune, in the chamber of aur said lord the king, be year, indiction, month, the Thursday and Friday, and year of the pontificate, aforesaid; there being prl!8ent the noble earls of Anjou, Boulogne, Darnmartin. and other earls above named; Matthew da Trie, Peter lord da Chambly, Peter lord de Wirmes, and Hugh de Boville, knta.; likewise Mesaieurs Stephen, archdeacon of Bruges, NiehoJas arehdeacon ofRheillUl, William treasurer of A:Jgers, Peter de Be!le Perche, ReginaId Barbou, and John de Montaigne. and 801Illl othen both clerka and laymen, specially called and requeated to be witnesaes hereto.

A D1303'
_ _--:.

A~.u.

These things thus discoursed and done, the king summoneth another parIiament, sending down his letters to his sheriffs and other officers, to summon the prelates and barons or the reaIrn unto the said court or parIiament, according to the tenor or the king's letters bere rollowing :1_
Philip. by the grace of God king of France, &c. Wbereas we would take Allolber counsel with tha prelatea, barona, and other aur faithfu1 aubjects, about weighty parUamatten and hard, lUId sueh as belong greatly to aur right, and touching aur ::.:~ honour and state, and tbe libertiea and lawa of thia aur realm, ehurcbe8, and moned E'ccle8iaatical persona. and would a1so go forward and proceed in the aforesaid ~b~:ng matters according to their counsel: we command you, that ye dilill'ently in aur Parl.~" behalf require and atraitly charge aII the prelatea in your bailiWlck, and a1so all and aingu1ar abbota and priors of the llBIIle your aforesaid bailiwick (to certain ofwbom we have directed down our specialletters for the a8me cause), that, as they favour aur bonour, and tbe good estate both of tbe realm, of themselves, and of the church, they rel?air to us in their own penons, all leta and delays IIet aside, and a11 other busmess left off: ShOwlOg to them, moreover, that we can judge none of them to be either to us faithful Bubjecta or frienda to the realm, wbo shall fail herein, or withdraw themselves in tbe aforesaid business, counsels, and helps in time. Whereill if peradventure any Ihall slack, or refuae to resort and come towlU"d us within eight days from the time of tbis charge given by ]OU, or your commandment; then we require you to seize al\ bis temporal goodB into your band, and lO seized to hold them uotil you reeeive other commandment from us.-Given at Paria, the Monday before the Nativity of SL lohn Baptist, A.D. 1303.

AccordingIy,' on the Monuay following, being the reast or Slo Jolm the Baptist," a parliarnent or all the estates or the realrn of France assembIed in the king's garden at Pas, at which a vast rnultitude ur his faiLhfuI subjects were present; when the articIes, denunciations, protestations, and appeals, contained in the foregoing wtings, were public1y read, and unanirnousIy assented to; to the like effect whereof instrurnents, signed and sealed, to the number of seven bundred and more, were afterwards sent to the king frorn alI parta of France, agreeing to all things in the aforesaid parIiarnent concluded. Arter these things, the day berore the nativity of our Lady, an anny Pupe or hamessed 80Idiers well appointed, sent partly by the French king ::.~=o partIy by the cardinaIs or CoIonna, whom the pope before .had deposed, came suddenIy to the gates or Anagni, whither the pope bad taken refuge, because he was born in tlmt town. The captains ofthis army
(1) I\ae

Appondlx.

(2) Jbid.

(3) According lo Nlebolaa. T.bl<. -ED.

60...
F,t'Wc1I

poP E DOSIFACE BESIEGlm AT ANAGl\"l.

were one 5ellinrra, brother to the aforesnid cardiDBls, nnd the bero~ mcntioned William de Nognret, high-steward to the Frcnch king; A. 1>. who, fi.nding the gates open, entered the town, and a,;snuIted the ~~ popc's paJace, the palace ofhis nephew, a mnrquis, and those of three C8rdinals. And first, setting upon the palaccs of the three cardinaJs. who were then chief about the pope, they rifled and spoiled all their goods. The cardinals, by a back door, hardly avoided their !lands but tl\e pope's and the marquis's palaces, through thc valour of tbeir housebold servants, were somewhat hetter defended. Tbe townsmen, sccing all their intent and strength to be hent against the pope, caused the common bell to be rung, and so, assembling themsclves in a common counoil, ordained Adolphus, one of the chiefest lorda in the Campagna di Roma, for their captain in this emergency, wbo, unknown to them, was a great adversary to the pope. This Adolphu8 bringing witb him Reginald de Supine, another great lord in the Campagna and a great enemy to the pope, and the two sons of John de Chitan, a nobleman whom the pope had then in prison; at length joined he with the French company against the pope, and so wet. his and the marquis's palaces on every side. At length the pope, pcrceiving himself not able to make his party good, desired truce with Schiarra and his company, ",hiclI W88 granted from one o'clock tiII nine. During this time of truce, the pope privily sendeth to the townsmen of Anagni, desiring them to save his life i which if they would do, he promised 80 to enrich them, that they should a11 have cause never to forget or repent their henf'6.t hestowed. To this they made answer, excusing themselves, that it lay not in tbeir ability to do him any good, for that the whole power of the town was witb tIte Popo captain. Then the pope. all df'stitute arid desolate, sendeth nnto ~r::i~h":' Schiarra, beseecbing him to signify the points, wherein be and bi. loaolr.it. brethren had becn wronged, and he would make him amends to the uttennost. Sclliarra to this maketh a plain answer, signifying to him again, that he should in nowise escape witb his life, except upon Three these three conditions :-Firs1, fulI Y to restore again, both to tbeir ~ODh~I~UI temporal and spiritual rights and privileges, the two carrlinals, Peter lo blw. and James de Colonna, his brethren, whom be bad before deprived, witb alJ others of their stock and kindred ; sccondly, tha1, after their restitution, he sLould renounce his papacy; thirdly, that bis body sllould remain in his power and custody. These articles scemd to the pope so hard, that in no case he wonId agree to them ; wherfore, the time of truce expired, Schiarra with his army again assaulted lI.re may both the pope and his nephew, who manfully resisted. At length, ~: ~~~go the soldiers fi.red the gates of the church, which was hard by the ~,:ncb pope's paJace; whereby the army, having a full entrance, fell to lear~.ho... rifle and spoil the church. A t length the marquis, despairing of ~~.~~~ being able to hold out, on condition of saving his life and that of his son vieldeth bim to the hands of Schiarra and t1le other captain: which when t1le pope heard, he wrpt bitterly. Aner this, through windows and doors with much ado they bl'Blit in at length to the pope, whom "1hey treated with words and threats accordingly. But he held his pence. Upon this, he was put to his choice, wbether he would presently surrender his life, or give ovcr his papacy. But. this he stimy denied to do, choosing ratller to die for it, saying to
HM""".

THK POPK'S PRlDE PLUCKF.D DOWN.

605

them in hil; vulgar tongue, CI Ecco il colla, Ecco il cnpo;" that is,' F,..." Lo! herc my neck, lo! here my head ;" protesting that he would B.do,u. never while he lived renounce his popedom. Then Schiarra went A. D. about and was ready to slay him, but by certain that were about 1303. him he was stayed; whereby it happened 'that the pope received Boulr..e no !>oWly harm, alth?ugh divers o~ his servants were slain. The :'::':;:~ BOldiers, who ranged ID the mean tlme through all corners of the dl., than popC's house, did lade themselvcs with such treasure of gold, silvcr, ~~::Yhel' plate, vestments, and ornaments, that the words of my author ~,;;edom. (whom I follow) do thus express it; It is verily believed, that all "':l:~ lhe kings of the earth together were not able to disburse so much ~7~~r.. out of their treasure in a whole year, as then was taken and cnrried cape' out of the pope's paace, and out of the paaces of tbe three cardinaIs n~::J. and or Ule marquis." Thus Boniface, bereaved of aIl his goods, reniained in their custody three days, during the which space they set A prelly him on a wid unbroken horse, his face turned to the tail, causing the hr:~llng horse to run and course, whilc the pope was almost breathless. More- ::'pe~ over, they kept him so without meat, that he was thcreby near famished to death. On the third day, the Anagnians secretly mustering thcmselves together, to the number of ten thousand, brast into the palace The pnpo where the pope was kept, and slaying the keepers delivered the pope :~:j~('ed by strong hllnd, who then, being brought into the middle of the towo, prllOn. gave thanks with weeping tears to God and the people for his life saved ; promising, moreover, forasmuch as he was out of all his goods, ..and bad had neither bread nor drink to put in his mouth all the mean time, God's blessing and his to any good woman that now would relieve him with any thing either to cat ar drink, and absolution from all their sins to any who would bring him ever so little for his support. And here naw to see what poverty and afHiction can work in a man : Wh\l the pope before, in all his pomp and most rufHing wealth, was never poverty BO proud, but now he was as humble and lowly, so that every poor ~:~~ ~..::'" simple man, as mine author testifieth, might have a bold and free :~u~~lng lCCesS to his person, and talk with him as with any other poor man. dOl~n t~e To make the story short, the pope in that great distress of famine :.u~ was not BO greedy of their victuals, as they were greedy of Lis blessing. Whereupon, the women came 80 thick, some with bread, some with wine, same with water, some with meat, some with one thing, some with another, that the pope's chamber was too little to receive the offering; in80much that when there lacked cups to receive the wine, they poured it down on the chamber fIoor, not regarding the loss of wine, to win the pope's holy blessing. Tbus pupe Boniface being refreshed by the toWD of Anagni, took his Journey from thence accompanied wiili a great mu!titude of harnessed 80Idiers to Rome, where he shortly upoW the same, partly for the fcar he was in, partly for starvation while under custody, partly for sorrow of so inestimaule POl'" a treasure 108t, died. After whom succeeded Beiledict XL, of whom ~~edlo' these verses are written :

l"

" A re nomen habens, benedic, beneCac, Benedicte : Aut rem pervertens, maledic, malefsc, Maledicte."

And thus have ye the ",hole story of pope Boniface VIII., allthor of tbe 8ixth Book of the Decretals, which story I thought the more
(I) .. Et reye" etedltur, quod omue. reg mUDd non poaaenl tantum de th_uro reddere inr", UUUJD AUnUJD. quantum fult de papali palatia ..portatum, et de palatlio trlum oardinalium, et man:hloaia."-Ex Robert Ayeab. [found allO in Tb. Wallingham'. hi'tory, from whioh thi. whole paragraph haa heen re.1oed and corrled.-En.)

606

THE POP}O;'S EXEMPTIO)/S AGAINST TRE KING

....,1. diligently

to Bet forth, that 011 the Latin church might see what an

A. D. author he was, WhOlle laws and decretals so devoutly they follow. 1305.

:r:

:1::

Now, after the long debating of thia matter betwcen the French king and pope Bonirace, let UB proceed in our English story.l neklDg With Robert Winchelsey, archbishop or Canterbury, aOOve-men~b~~o tioned, the king had like variance as with his predecessor, and accused :r.~. him to the pope for breaking or peace, and taking part with them that ~Ca"l::er. rebelled against the king about usages and liberties of the reaJm. bury Wherefore, the king, being cited up to the court of Rome and there suspended by means of the said archbishop, directed his letters again to the pope, the content& whereof here follow in substance, taken out of the parliament rolls, where I find divers letters of the king to pope element against the said Robert, archbishop of Canterbury. And as this king was troubled in his time with OOth the archbishops, John Peckham nnd also Robert Winchelsey; so it happened to all other kings for the most part from the time of Lanfranc (that is, from pope Hildebrand), that every king in his time had some business or other Klnpof with thl1t Bee. As William Rufus and Henry I. were troubled with ~!.::::_ Anselm; Henry II. with Thomas Becket; king Richard and aJI ~~ro~-h England with William, bishop of Ely, the pope's legate; king John arcb~:. with Stephen Langton; king Henry III. with Edmund the arch~~":"ler- bishop called St. Edmund; I likewise this king Edward l. with John Tbe Peckham and Robert Winchelsey aforesaid; and so other kings after ~%":.~ l.im with some prelate or other: whereby ye have to underatand. :~~~ how and about what time the church of Rome, which beforetime was let lnal subject to kings and princes, began first to take head aOOve and against 1lI .nd kings and rulers, and so hath kept it ever since. ;Ule~I. AmOl1g other things in this king to be noted, this is not to be l:;,~ur:ade posscd over; that where complaint was made to him of his officers, ag&lnllll1 rulerund as Justlces, mayors, sherl'ffis, oo'l'fi I l s, eschetors, an d such other, who, olli abusing their officcs, extortioned and oppressed the king's liege people lA~.6Ih, otherwise than was according to right and conscience ; the said king, ~y~~~?r not suffering such misorder to be unpunished, did appoint certain justices or inquisitors, to the number of twelve, which inquisition was Trallba- called' Traibaston; or 'Trailbastoun ;' by mean of which inquisition lloun. di vers false officers were accused, and such as were offenders were either removed from their place, or forced to buyagain their office at the king's hand ; to their no smaU loss, and great gain to the king, and much profit to lhe commonwealtb. In the chronicle of Robert Avesbury' it is recorded of the said king, that he being at Amesbury to see bis mother, who was then in that monastery professed, there was a certain Plan who feigned himself blind a long time brougbt to the presence of the said Elenor the A r.lo.. king's mother, llllying how that he had his sight again restored at the :~~~~ed tomb of king Henry, her laLe husband, insomuch that she was easily ~:l ~y persuaded that the miracle was very true. But king Edward, her e Ing. son, knowing the man a long time lo be a vile GlSSembler and a wicked person, used to lying and crafty deceiving, dissuaded his mother not to give credit to the vile vagabond, declllring that he knew 80 well the justice of his father, t11at if he were alive, he would twice mther pluck out botb his eyes, than once restore bim one. Notwitbstanding, the queen his mother, remaining still in her former fond persuasion, Ol 8ee lUP", p. ~78, note.-F.D. (2) Poly.blnD. nb. ylL (3) EJ: Chlon. Rob. Av..b.

POPE CLEMENT V. CaOwNED.

607

would hear or believe nothing to the contrary, but was 50 in anger BIllJardI. with her BOn, that abe bid him depart her chamber ; and so he did. A. D. By the example whereof may easily be conceived, how and after what 1306. sort these blind miracles in those daYI and since have come up - among the blind and superstitioul people; for had not the king bere been wiser than the mother, no doubt but thie would have boon nmg a miracle, and percase king Henry boon made a saint. But as thie was a feigned miracle and false no doubt, lO in the A lrue same author we read of another milUner of miracle, sounding more m~le. Dear the troth, and 80 much the more likely, for that it sened to the eonversion unto christian fuith, to which use properly all true mimcles do appertain. The miracle was this: In the last year of this king's Vlctory reign, Cassanus, king of the Tartars (of whom come those whom ~s:.. we now calI Turks} fighting against the Soldan, king of the 88ra- cena cens, in the plain of Dam8llCUll, siew of them a hundred thousand ; and &gain at Babylon, fighting with the said Soldan, he siew him in the field, and two hundred thousand of his Saracen S, caliing upon the hely of Christ, and thereupon became Christian. This Cassanus, say, had a brother a pagan, who being in love with the daughter of the king of Armenia, a christian woman, desired of her futher to marry with her. Whereunto the king her father would not agree, unless he promised to be a Christian. Notwithstanding, the other being stronger in power, and threatening to get her by war, the king at length was forced to agree. In conclueion, it harpened that the child being bom betwixt them was overgrown and al rough with bair, like to the skin of a bear. Wbich child being brought to the futher, he commanded it to be thrown into the fire and bumed ; but the mother desiring first to have it baptized, caused aU things thereunto to be prepared. The infant being three times in waler plunged, after the sacrament of holy baptism received incontinent was altered and turned from aIl his hairy roughness, and appeared as fair and smooth-skinned as any other; the which thing anet the father saw and beLeld, he Wl\II christened himself, and an his house. 1 I n the reign of this king Edward lived Henry de Gaudavo, Arnold de Villa Nova, Dante, and other more: also Scotus, called Duns, who, in his fourU} book of Sentences, dist. 18, complaineth of the abuse of excommunication and of the pope's keys: .. Whereas before, excommunication was not used but upon great and just causes, and therefore was feared; now," saith he, .. it is brought forth for every triffing matter, as for not paying the priest's wages, &c. and therefore," saith he, .. it groweth into contempt." Af\er pope Benedict XI. above mentioned BUcceeded pope Cle- TIIe ment V., who in March A. D. 1809 translated the pope's court to~ Avignon in France, where it remained the term or seventy years ~ra;oI.1ed af\er. At the coronation or this Clement were present Philip king o rance, or France, Charles his son, and John duke of Bretagne, with a great Slauehler number of othcr men or state and nobility ; at which coronation, ;: ;;;, they being in the middle or the pomp or procession, a great wall coronapape'. broke down an d fe II upon them, by the falI whereof duke John and tlon. twelve others were slain, king Philip was hurt and wounded, and the Emperor pope being struck from his horse, lost out from the mitre upon his :~r~n,:r:. head a carbunc1e, esteemed to the value of six thousand Horins. By '{;'n,~;me4 this element it was ordained that the emperor, though he might be ~pe.e
(I) 8ee WalalUham, ....D. 13QI, 1307.

(2) PIalIn. d. Vit, Pant.

(3) lIIJrlcu., col. 1665.

008
BdtDartll.

THE ROMAN AND GRECJAN CHURCJlF.S.

called king of the Romans, might not enjoy the title and rigllt of tu,

A. Demperor, before he was by him confinned; and that the emperor'&

seat being vacant, the pope should reiWl as emperor, tiII a new emperor was chosen. By him the order of the Templars, who at that plan put time were too abominable to be borne, was put down at thecouncil of ~:n;.UI Vienne (A.D. 131~), as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared. ~~~~U. He also ordained and con6rmed the feast of Corpus Chrisli,' assiWling 8ePt;~;" indulgences to such as heard the service thereof; and as pope Bonipoerela- face before heaped up the book of Decretals, called Sextus Decre~~ talium,' so this Clement compiled the seventh book of the Decretals, ~~:n- called from the same Clement The Clementines.' In the time or tln... this pope, tlle emperor Henry VII. was poisoned in receiving the UIT." sacrament by a false dissembling monk called Bernard, that feigned r::~:~ himself to be his familiar friend; which was thought to be done not n th. h without thc consent of the pope's legate. The emperor, perceiving AC;:;: 24. himself poisoncd, warned him to fee and escape, for else the German& A.D.UU. would ccrtainly slay him i who although he escaped himself, yet divers of his oraer after that with 6re and sword were slain. PaI.oloAs this pope Clement V. had now well provided, as ye have heard. ~::r- against the empire of Rome to bring it under his girdle, in80mucb ~OD.~- that without the pope's benediction no emperor might take the stale .::':: upon him, be now proeeeded further to inlermeddle with the empire ~~:.:- of Constantinople. He began by exercising his tyranny and power ;I~~~I of excommunication against Andronicus Paleologus. emperor of b.rent. Constantinople, A. D. 1306, declaring bim to be a schismatic and berelic, because he neither would nor durst suffer the Greciana to ~~lf=~~g make thcir appeal from the Greek church to thc pope, neither would th. Gro- acknowledge him for his superior. By this it mayappear, that the elan. to Greek Church d'd . . as yet, nor at appeal In l not ad' mit t he pope's suprrlOrlly tD.~300. any time before; save only about the time of pope Innocent III., Noto tb. A.D. 1~0!t, at wbich time the Frenchmen with their captain Baldwin, ~~~'~R... earl of Flanders, joining together wilh the Yenetians, were set ~::: pro- againat the Grecians to restore Alexis to his right of the empire of . Constantinople, upon condition, as writeth Platina,1 to subdue the ~. Greek church under the clmrch of Rome. This Alexis being restored and shortlyafter slain, the empire came to the Frenehmen, A.D.11l0, with whom it remained the space of seventy years, till the coming of Michael Paleologus. who (in thedays of pope Gregory X.) restored the empire from the Frenchmen unto its pristine state again, A. D. When 1!l78. During all tbis time of the French emperors the Greek church and bo... long tb. was subject to Rome, as by tbe Decretals of pope Oregory IX. may Greek appear. Then folIowed after tbis, that the aforesaid Michael, empeeburcb wUIUbror of Constantinople, being called up to a couneil at Lyons by pope ~ Gregory X. about the controversy of the proceeding of the Holy Gbost (as is above specified) and obedience to the church of Rome; because the said Micbael the emperor did tbere submit himself and the Grecians to tbe subjection of Rome, as testi6eth Baptist Egnat, he thereby procured to himself such grudge and batred among the Greek monks and priests, that after his death tbey denied bim the ~. due bonour and place of buna),1 The son of tbis Michael was AndronicUB Paleologus above mentioned, who, as re have heani before, because he was constrained by tbe Grecians not to admit any appeal to the Bishop of Rome, was accursed by the pope's censures
-1306: ~

::t.::::I,

(I) 8ee AppendlK.

(I) PI.tlna, VII. InnDe.nlli.

(3) Ex Bapliat. Egnatlo. Rom. Prlne.lill 7.

FIRST FRUITS nENIED TO THE POPE.

609

ns a heretic. Whereby it appeareth, that the Grecians, recovering Bdeardl their stnte again, refused nil subjection at this time to the church of A. D. Rome, which was A.D. 1306. After this Clement V. fo])owed pope 1307. John XXIJ., with whom Louis IV., emperor, had much trouble;;;;IA.D. 13~8). After whom next in course slIcceeded pope Benediet G{eeth XII., whieh Benediet on a time, being desired to make eertain new ~e~~lh cardinals, to this answered again, that he would gladly sa do, if he also ~;:'~I~~-I!l. could make a new worId; "For this warId," said he, " is for these ~o,:::,:'or cardinaIs that be made already."l And thus much of the popes: . now to return alittle baek to the king's story again.

In the year of our Lord 130i,2 whieh was the thirty-fifth of the reign The of this king, on the oetaves of St. Hilary [Jan. !Oth], the king kept a ~:;~on. parliament at CarlisIe, where great eomplaints were brought iIi by the eomp!';n. nobles and aneients of the realm, eoneerning tne manifold and into- ;~f~~n lerable oppressions of ehurches and monasteries, and exactions of IDeo L money, by the pope's legate William Testa (otherwise termed ' Mala Testa ') lately brought into the realm of England. The coming or whieh William Testa was upon this oecasion, as fo])oweth: pope Clement, (who, as ye heard before, had translated his eourt from Rame into France, where he had been archbishop before), because he eontemned to eome and remain at his own see, the prinees of Rome thought him therefore unworthy to enjoy Peter's patrimony; and so by that means falling into bareness and poverty, he lived only on the money of sueh bishops as came to him to be eonfirmed, and with such other shifts and gifts; so that by this means, partly of bishops and other religioU8 men and persons, partly under the name of eourtesy and benevolenee, partly under the pretenee of borrowing, he had within the first year nine thousand and five hundred marks of silver; The all his other eharges and expenses, whieh he largely that year bestowed, ~~:g In being elear! y borne." Besides this, he sent moreover the aforesaid one year. legate, William Testa, into England with his bu])s, in the whieh he ;,",:'e. reserved the first fruits of the first year of a11 ehurehes being vacant ~~~Ifnlo at any time ar by any man, within the realms of England, Scotland, England. Wales, and Ireland, and also the fmits of abbeys and priories within ~l~;~finl the said realms, &e. \Vhereupon, the king with his nobles, seeing ~rongh~ the ineonvenienee and harm thereof ensuing to the whole realm, in;':' e the aforesaid parliament, holden at CarlisIe, withstood the said legate, ~ng rd charging and commanding him by the assent of the carls and barans, Wil~~ tbat henceforth he should abstain from a11 such exaetions; and, as ::,~n::~ concerning his lord the pope, he would direct eertain his messengers ~e~" unto him, purposely for the same ml1tter appointed: by the whieh ambassadors the king wrote unto the aforesaid pope, dec1aring and admonishing the pope, as right and reason was, that he should not ~~t oC exact the first fruits of the churches and abbeys, by his predeecssors ahbe~1 and noblemen of the land founded for the honour and maintenance of::;'~~~ God's serviee, for alms and hospitality ; which otherwise, in so doing, should aIl be overthrown. And so by this means, the pope at that nt ~ time ehanged his purpose eoneeming abbeys. But after that the tr;:~I:e::' Cmit of English churches was granted to the king for two years: in ~~ed whieh space. he obtained the fmits of the aforesaid chllrches. tlng. (I, E. ac:ripto Engethuaenlio. (21 Ex Nie. TrIvel. (3) Ex Hill. 'lu,", inelpll ab Henrleo Tertio.

VOI.. II.

R R

610
lldtl1...dl.

LKTTEI( Ol' FlTZ-CASSIODORE OX

nO~IlSll

ABL:SES.

Iluring the which pnrlinmcllt 1.Jcfore spcci6ed, as men were

t.alkin~

A.D. many things of thc pope's opprcssiollS, which he began in the English
1307. church, in the fuli of the parliamellt suddenly fcll down among them, - - - as srnt from heavell, a certaill paper, with this supcrscription : 1 _

An Epistle of Fitz-Cassiodore to the Church of England, conceming the Abuses of the Romish C1Iurch.
A. th. Je". dld

To the nobil' churcb of England, Rerving in e1ay and brick, Peter, san of ClUlsiudore, a catholic 80Idier and devoted champion of Cbrist, sendetb greeting ~::::':..~_ an.d his w.isheR, that she may cast alf the yoke of bondage, and receive the der .h. pnze of hbcrty. Iyran"yor " To what shall I compnre thee, ar to what shall I likcn thce, O daught.er of :J:::,~gypo Jerusalem ? to wbat shall I equal thce, O \'irgin daughtcr of Sion? For t!Jy breach is great like the se.. ; tlwu sittest alan c and without comfort, and faint witb gricf, all the day .Iong.; thou art gh'en up into. the han~,of one, from whom thou canst not nse Wlthuut the belp of onc to hft thce up. (Lamentations i. 13, 14; ii. 13.) For the Scribes and Pharisces wbo sit in tbe cbair of Moses, I mean the Roman princes, hre become thy ehicfest cnemies; who, while they makc broad their phylaeteries, at the same time (seeking to enrich themselves witb the marrow <Jf thy bones) "Iay beavy burden9 and grievous to be borne" on the shoulders of thee and tlly ministers, and unjustly put thce under tribute, who from of old wert free. But there i9 no matter for wonder herein, for thy mother, " tbe queen of the nations," after the cU9tom of widow9 marrying her inferior, hatb madc him thy father, that is to sny, hath preferred above all othcrs tbc pontif of thc city of Rome; who is far from showing tbe relationship by any thillg paternal in hi9 conduct toward9 thee. He ostelltatiously enlargeth, indeed, hi. frillge9 and vaunteth over thee, and maketh thee to fel'I by e.xperience that he is thy mother's busband: for fuli aft be rememberetb with himself that favourite text in the prophet, which he hatb 10 deeply digested, u Take thee a great book, and write in it witb a man 's pen; Seize thc spuis, and quickly fali upon the prey.''' (h. viii. 1.) Was it, however, to sanction such conduct as thi9 that tbe apostle wrole (Heb. v. 1, 2), " Every high priest taken from among men is appointed for men in things pertaining to God, that he may"-mark, not that he may impose yearly taxes and harass people to death, but-U that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for sins, and shew eompassioll toward the ignorant and them tbat are out of the way." Accordingly we read of Peter the tisherman (whose successor he vauuteth himself to be), that after the re.urrection of Christ he return cd with lhe other apostles to the trade of fishing; and that when he could catch nothing on the left side of the ship, at the bidding of Christ he turned to the right side, and drew the net to land fuli of great tishe9. Whicb teaeheth, tbat the ministry of the church, whereby the devil is to be conquered and abundance of souls brought to Chriat, to be useful for these ends must be rightly exercised; whereas the toiling on the left side of the ship importeth mis-managcment, whicb turneth out far otherwise ; for faith must be shaken and despOlldeney prevail, wbere tbat which is anxiollSly sought after ia no where found. And wbo is so foolish as to believe, that he can at the same time serve both Gad and marnmon ; or that he can pleage his fancy and follow the suggestions of flesh and blood, and yet offer acceptable services to Christ? And doubtless tbat 9hepberd, wbo watcbetb not for the edification of his fiock, doth but prepare anotber way for that "roaring lian who goeth about seeking wbom he may devour." And naw, O daughter, pry'thee behold tbe unbeard of praetices of your so-called fatber. He removeth good shepherds from the sbeepfolds. and placeth in their stead his own nephews, cousins, and parents. men quite illiterate, and as incapable as deaf and dUl11b persans of understanding and succouring lhe bleating sheep, and caring nothing how they are worried by tbe wolves, but, like hirelings, only minding to shenr their f1eeces; reaping where other men had Bown, and wielding the crook, not u ut prosint," but" ut pnellint," i.e. not lO
(11 El< nlUlto ehronleo Albanenll [prlnted In GoIdasli "d. MonarehiA" (10m. L p. I), dated Im; wheoce the above traullatioD il made. Callier tbink.a Fitz-Cauioclore b an aaaumed name. .. PetruI Cuaiod~ l lalus, quM Papam Antichriltum eaae acripalsaet, cum Petro Jobaune Bikrftl1ii [uf Besien] Francile&nO, rerouul et combuatua esl circa .A.D. 1300." Hoft'lUAD. On Peter Joba "" lupr" p. 621.-EI..

LF.TTI':R OF FITZ-CASSIODORE ON nOMISH ADUSES.

611

feed, but to rule; wbose bands are alwaya busy inside tbe basketa, but their backa Bd_dI. decline the burden.. The consequences of all tbis are evident-the priest- - - - hood b:llb lost men's respect, God is robbed of his honour, and the poor of their A. D. alms.. And thus the piou. devotion of kings, princes, and Christians, who 1307..: endowed lhe church, is frustrated of its objeet. Must it not appear mar\"ellous in the eyes of all men, that whereas Christ ordered tbe royal tribute to be paid for bimsef and SI. Peter, and refused to interfere in a dispute about property, and dec1ared his kingdom not to be of this world-tbat, nevertbeles8, a man who pretendeth to be the vicar of Christ should, contrary to bis will, strive to bring under his girdle the kingdoms of tbe world and the princes thereof, with no right thereto but his 8.'18umed atyle, nor any title but the stroke of his own pen! And as for you, his daugbter, what uaage doth he put upon you! Doth be not pull you abaut as he pleaseth? Nor doth fel'I content witb a titbe of your revenues, unle81l be get also the firat fruits of the beneficea of tby ministera. And what for? to raise a new patrimony for bimsef and his kindred, tberein defeating the piou! intentions of the founders. Other abominable taxes he imposeth, to pay his legates whom he sendeth over into England; not only pillaging you and yours of your fond and raiment, but aetually likI' dogs tearing your fesb otr your banes. May not such an oppressor be compllred to king Nabuchadonosor, wbo laid waste tbe tempie of the Lord and plundered it of its god and 811ver ves8e1s? For whatever he did tberein, the same doth this man. He al80 rifled the ministera of the house of the Lord, and len it destitute of its due support: this man doth the same. Ooubtless it is better for those who are alain outrigbt with the sword, than for tbose who are famished to death by inches; for the form er die instantly, but the latter pinI' away witb protracted pain, as the eartb ceaseth to yield tbem nourisbment. Truly, O daughter, "all they that pastl by" may well compassionate thee, for" wbat sorrow ia likI' to thy BOTrOW?" (Lam. i. 12.) For" thy visage is blacker than coals" through mucb sorrolll' and weeping, " so that thou art no more known in tbe streets " (Lam. iv. 8) : thyaforesaid governor '0 batb placed tbee in darkness, and made thee drunken with wormwood and gall." (Lam. iii. 2, 5, 6, 15.) .. Hear, tben, tbe aflliction of tby ~ople, O Lord, and their groaning : behold, O Lord, and come down" (Exod. hi. i, 8), for tbe heart of this man is harder than Pharaoh's. He will not let thy people go, except under the strength of thy band. For he not only cruelly harasseth them while upon earth, but be pur.uetb them after death: for all the property of Christians (be they wbo tbey may) wbich cometh within the description of 'intestate,' after their decease be encroacheth to himseJf. And by tbe way, the Englisb nobili ty would do weIl to consider, how in times past the French, directing tbeir longing eyes toward this realm, have bad schemes for brillging it under tbeir own domini on : and it is to be feared, lest what has hitherto been lacking in tbemsevea should be supplied by tbe craft, deaJinll'l of tbis Delii' enemy; for when the public trpasury is exhauated and the native clergy impoverisbed, thp kingdom must be in so mucb the worsc condition for repelling a foreign invasion. Whprefore, tbat neither thou, O daughter, nor you her ministera, be led into a still more miserabil' bondage, it i. expedient for your own lakI' and theira, tbat thy most cbristian king and the great men of the realm, wbo have already beaulified tbee with the ricbest benefices, and wbo in that case would ha'"e lo defend you and the said benefices, ahould resiat the devices, conspiracies, arrogancy, and pride of tbe said man, who, with no thought of serving God, but only to enrich his relations and like an eagle to set bis own nest 011 higb, goelb about through these and other impoaitions to drain Eogland of all her money, by a sort of usurpation; and let tbem beware lest faJse simplicity in tbe matter bring on tbe rum of tbe realm as weU as thy own, when it would be too late to think of afplying a remedy. May the Lord of all virtue takI' tbe veil from that man 8 heart, and beatow on bim a contrite and humbil' apirit, and cause bim to discern the waya of the tme God, and by them be extricated from bis own errora and compelled to abandon his aforeaaid sioister doings. Moreover, may tbe vineyard wbich the right hand of Gad planted, be filled with cultivatora of tbe pure faith. And to encourage you to resist tbese attempts at usurpatioll, attend to the worda of Gad in !he prophecy of J eremiah; .. Thou pastor, wbich hast scattered my people and hast cast them out of their habitations, behold I will vilit upon tbee the evil of thy doings, nor aball thete be a man of thy se&<! to sit on the throne of RR2

612
'tncll

:EXTENT OF ECCI.E8IASTICAL JUBlSDICTION DISCUSSED.

AD
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lUI/or,

David and to role in Judah any more. Let thy nest be deserted and be ove!'tumed like Sodom and Gomorrah." (Jer. xxiL 30; xxiii. l, 2, 14.) But if by these words he will not be deterred from tbese hia enterprisea, and will lIot be 1329' brought to make restitution of thllt wbich he hath taken, then let them regard him l18 a man hardened in impenitence, and sing against him the 1091h Psalm; " Hold not thy peace, O Gad of my praise," &c. For trulyas fllvour, grace, and benevolence, remitteth and neglecteth many offences; 80 again the gentle benignity of man, being too much oppressed and grieved, seeking to be delivered and freed from the same, strh'eth and sl'archeth to bave the trllth known, and casteth aft' tbat yoke, by allmeana possible, tbat glieveth him, &c.

'Vhat effcct this letter wrought in them to whom it was directed, is not in story expressed. This by the sequel may be conjectured, that no reason or persuasion could prevail ; but that the pope retained here still his exactions, whatever was said or written to the contmr)'.
A

~h.;;:~i:l_

at the same time 1 in Fm~ce, under the reign of Philip de Valo.is. I.d how Fomsmllch as about this bme (A.D. ] 329) was commenced a parharar lbe Ju- ment by th e sal 'd k' 'h rildiclion 'mg of F mnce agamst t e pope, touc h'mg t he ~~~e~~~ jurisdiction, both tempomI, pertainin~ to princes, and eccIesinstehdotb. tical, belonging to the chllrch; I thou~ht it not unpro6.table for the "'PP~&, reader to hear and learn the full discourse and tmdition thereof, according as we have caused it to be extmcted faithfully out of the true copy and records of Peter Bertmnd, bishop of Autun,lI and chief doer and prolocutor in the said parliament upon the pope's side against the king and state tempomI. Forasmuch as the high prelate of Rome, otherwise called Antichrist, being then in his chief ruff, extolling himself above aIl princes and potentates of the world, as in other countries, so al80 in Fmnce, extended his usurped jurisdiction above the princely authority of the king, claiming to himself fulI government of both the states, as well secular as also ecclesiastical; the king', therefore, not sufferin~ the excessive proceedings of pope John XXII. above specified, directeLh his letters mandatory to thc prelates and barons of the rea.lm of France, to convene and assemble themselves together at Paris, about the be~inning of December, the year abuve pre6.xed; the tenor of which lettem of the king, as directed to the prelates, fo))oweth in this form and manner. The summons of Parliament by Philip, the French King.
Philip, by the grace of Gad king of tbe French, to our beloved and trusty the bishop of Autun, health and affection. Possessing, as you do, a full~r knowledge of divinity and tbe holy Scptures, and more of that experience wbich ia the rnistress or other excellences, than our subjecta generally, tbe more sensihle are you how the clergy and laity of this realm, one and all, are boulId as membera of tbe same body to sympathize together, and mutually combine for the maintenance of unity and peace, and for avoiding the contrary as much as possible, every state contel1ting itaelf with ita proper righta. Being advertised, then, that you and your officials complain of aur bailiffs and officials, and of sorne of the barons of aur realm of France, injuring you and YOU1'1l, and in like manner that they complain of you and your officials, and the officera
(I) Our aulbor bere brew Into lbe ebronologlcal arrangemenl or bl. blatory... be eonf_ ., p. 640, bUllbere reverto to II agaIn.-ED. (2) Tbe work rererred lo II prlnted In lbe BlbHotb. Patrom de la Bigne (Pario, 1624, tom. iiI. eol. 863), the Ma1lma BIbliolb. PatrWD (Lugd. 1677, tom. xxvI. p. 107), and Goldasll de Mon, tom. H. p. 1861. Poxe'. aceount bu been collated "ltb thr orlglnal, aud numeroUl uron eorreeted.

~r~~~~ here in England, now to slip alittle into mattel'll happening nearly

parli...

And thus much being written hitherto of these acts and doings

and prelatel.

lo lbe ollhopo

Lelter

Oallla Cbrllliana. and Fleury'1 hiltory, bayo ailo hoen conlulted wltb greal ~al8. !lM! Appenrlix.-l:n.

adV&Dtap . .

to m.

SPE~CH OF LORD PETER DE CUGNl'RES IN PAULlAMENT.

61j

or your court, iojurillg ue and them, and olln and their8, al well In time Pr...rA past as now, by occasion whereof tbe bond of that true unity which ought HUlor,. to IUbeiat between you and tbem (as was Baid) bath been 80mewhat looeenedj and being anxiouB to maintain a good undel'lltanding between tbe 1329 c1ergy and laity, and, by God'B belp, to provide some remedy herein; we require _.__ . and charge you by tbese presents, to appear before UB at Paril by the OctaveB of the Fesst oC St. Andrew [Dec. 7th] next ensuing, Ildvised on the ~... 8ubject of tbe injuries wbicb you ll11ege to bave been done you by the partie. aforeeaid. But we are byotber lelten of oun cbarging in like manner our bailiftil and officials and our baron. aforesaid, to appear personally before Ul at Paria on the day aforesaid, adviled on the 8ubject of tbe injuries which they allege to bave been dane tbem aud tbeira by you and your officials; that a wholeBOrne remedy therein may by UB and our council be provided, whereby the bonds of love and attachment and mncere charity may for the future be preserved nnbrakeo, as they ought to be, between you and tbem. Given at PariI, tbe firat day of Septemher, A.D. 1329.

AD

At the day in the letters above specified the prelates assembled The parthemselves before the king at his palace in Paris, that is to say, the liamelll d .h B conYelle lord archbls ops of ourges, Auch, Tours, Rouen, and Sens; and s.. the loro bishops of Beauvais, Chalons sur Marne, Laon, Paris, "pp'.du. Noyons, Chartres, Coutances, Angers, Poictiers, Meaux, Cambra)', St. Fleur, St. Brieu, Chalons sur Seine, and AuLun. After due Lord reverence done l by the said prelates unto the king's majesty there ;el~ln sitting in his own person, with certain barons and his eouneil about lh. parhim, a certain noble and wise person, lord Peter de Cugnieres, being llamenl. one of the king's eouncil, rose up, and openly in the parliament Tbe 0':"house spake in the king's behalf on this wise, taking for his theme, ~:'.J".li'~ Render unto Cresar that which is Cresar's, and unto God that which to 1..0 is God's" (Matth. xxii.), whieh he very skilfully prosecuted and =::I~nce appIied, dividing it into two parts :-First, that obedience and :..I~;~ dirreverence is due unto the king; SecondIy, that there ought to be a f:,r;e:cen difFerence between the jurisdiction of the clergy and aity, so that IheJ:". spiritual matters should be defined and ordered by the prelates and ~~~l~~~l~: spiritual men, and temporal causes ruled and determined by the king, :'~,=';;_ his balons and temporal men. AU this he proved by many.IUlica!. reasons OOth of fact and law, 88 more fully appeareth beneath in the answers of the archbishop of Sens eIect and the bishop of Autun. Finally he concluded, that the clergy ought only to deal and have to do with spiritual matters ; in defence whereof, the king's highness would stand their good lord and maintainer. His oration being ended, he repeated certain words in the French tongue, which imported that it was the king's intention to renew the temporal jurisdiction; and tberewith he exhibited certain articles underwritten in French, whereof also he gave a copy to the prelates (translated into Latin), the contents whereof he affirmed not to appertain to the jurisdiction of the spiritualty, but only to the tem poral ty, complaining that the clergy had wrongfully proceeded in the same. But notwithstanding, having- made his proposition, he ssid, that tbe prelates were at liberty to deliberate and confidentially consult the king thereupon. The copy of the articles and the grievances of the kingdom of France, wrought by the clergy and exhibited to the king, with the answers ensuing upon the same, hereunder follow. Artlc1..
1. The cognizance of caulel affe~tin'" real property, w~et~e~ i? pOBBeasion ~':.:I~:_ or in right, by common law appertalDeth to the temporaI JUrJ8dlctlon. But the menl
propoun

(I) The flnl day, probably..... oc<upied in ceremonial. See Infra, p. 619, nole.-ED.

d_d.

6U
F"nCA

AItTICI.ES OF COMPLAINT OF

prelates, with tbeir officials, infnge tbe temporal jur!sdiction, by aking upon thcm tbe determination of such causes real; especiaJly in caBes of actual poaBellBion and aJI cases oC interdic. 1329' 2. Item, Wben a layman is disturbell or thwarted by a clerk in the poaaession of his land, and entereth a process before the secular power" in CASU noviLatis "I or otherwisc, the prelates' officials at tbe insLance of the clerk stop the temporal jurisdiction, warning botb the Becular judge and lhe party not to proceed any Curthcr in the cause, undcr pain of excommunication and forfeiture of a certain sum. Prelate. 3. Item, Although the cognizance of laymen's matteTB, except in spituaJ ~~~~Ie In causcs, belongeth to the secular judgc, yet will the bishops' officials, at the .emporal illstance of any parly, calI such before them; and if the laymen should demur meu'. to their jusdiction, or the sccular judges should require the cauae to be remitted UloUm. to them as the right judges, the officials refuse to do tbis, and even by excomIllunication compel the partics to proceed before them. 4. Item, If a clerk allege that he is injured in his immoveable property by a layman, the prelates' officials will, at the instance of the clerk, proceed against the layman. And if the layman allege that lhe cause is one of real property (it being lO indeed), and that for tkat cause it ought to be remittcd to the secular judge, this notwithsLanding, tbe officials afores!lid prohibit them, under pain of excommunication or some greal forfeit, from proceeding before the secular judge. 5. Iem, The bishopl' officials endeavoUl' to obtain the cognizaDce of contracts made in the secular courts eilher in writing or only by word of lUouth; and by their monilions and censures endeavour to make it excOUlmunicaLiou for any to enler into such contracts. 6. hem, The prelates decree provincial ordinances or by-laws and sJnodal sLatutes, enacting therein many things to the great prejudice of the temporaI jurisdiction, whereof they ought to have no cognizance at all, neither to intermeddle therewith. 7. IlenI, The aforesaid officials appoint sworu notaries to draw the fonn of conlracts made in places under the jurisdiclion temporai, cODcerning the sale of immoveable property or olherwise; encroacbing therehy upon the otber jurisdiction, when verily they have nothing to do with any contracts and obligalions, but with such as are made and agreed UpOIl wilbin the compass of their own see and jurisdiction. E:lofficlo. 8. Ilem, The said officials, by their mere office, frequently call1aymen before them to answer to cerLain matters which they lay to their charge, the cognizance JmprllOn. whereof, they say, doth appertain Ullto them j and when the said persans do m~Dttl:'''- appear before them. and deny the crimes objecled againsI them, tbe officiaJs ~~~~o the detain thcm and put lhem in prison; nor will they release them, although in deJU. such cases release on bail is allowcd by the law, and imprisonment appertaineth only to the temporaI power, and not to them. 9. Item, In the cases aforesaid, although in the illquiry and process instituted by the said officiaJs the parties be found innocenI of that which is laid to their charge and be acquitled, yel these said officials will in no wise discharge tbem, hefore they have paid for the writings and process in that behalf a good sum of money; when by law they ought in such cases to recover their costs. 10. Ilem, It must not be forgotten to rnentioJl the sentence of excommunication, which is summaly decreed by virtue of only one ciLalion, so often as a man faileth to make his appearance. 11. Ilem, Menlion iA to be rnade of a certain kind of obligations, termed De nisi j' whereby a man is instantly excommunicated, if he make not paymenl at the day prefixed, although he be not able 80 to do. 12. Item, Whosoever by virtue of excommunication in the bishops' court is so excommunicated, and does not then pay lhe sum mentioned in tbe cxcommunication, the sum is forthwith doubled; and the secular power is charged by tbe bishops or their officials, that they, undcr pain oC being excommunicated themselves, compel the excommunicated, by attaching their goods, to pay the said sum; which moniliolI if the seclllar power refuse to put in execution, thcy themselves are then excommunicated, and cannot be absolved tiU tbey disburse that money which the principal excommullicated person should bave paid.

AD
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lilllorl/.

II}
.'U

Ol
II

No,,'ita5," a la" term, ail:nifyiuK j1encroachment/' lu rtbU8 hcr~(lilariii !'tub." 8et.' J)uc8uo:t'.-Eo.

(Ir lC

tr('~l'16S."-ED.

TlIK LAITY AGAINST TlIK CLERGY.

G15

13. !tern, If the bailiffl, headboroughs, or other the king's officers and judge. Fr..uh of the temporaIty, should be disposed to execute the said monitions, but should llu~",y:_ find those tbat be excommunicated destitute of effects; the said officers are A. D. bound, at their own proper costs and charges, to resort to the bishop's court, 1329. and there to take a co~oral oath, that they found no effects with the parties - - excommunicated. This lf tbey fail to do, those officers are sure to be excommuni- Acllan. cated, and thereby lorced to disburse the debt of the excommunicated persom. real and 14. Item, If lwo laymen be in suit together before a temporaI judge about peroaual. an aclion either real or personal, and one of them after fair contestation oC law ~~;:; seek to evade the issue, and do appeal to an ecclesiBlltical judge, such judge pe.l f~am will often presume to take cognizance of BUch actions real and personal, a.~lr~ waming the tempora! judge to cease from meddling therein in consequence of ~: th':. ge the appeal; and if tbe secular judge obey not, he is pronounced excommu- temperal nicate. and compe11ed to make satisfaction; by occasion whereof, the temporaI tt,;p~pe" jurisdiction ia much infrin~ed and clean loseth its prerogative; because no man dlvlolty. ever appealeth from a spintual judge to the temporal. 15. Ilem, If a layman, illhabiting 80Y of the king's owns, procnreth his debtor, being al!lO a layman, to be arrested by the secular authorities of tbe place, then, iC he who is so arrested appealetb up thole wbo arrested him or caused him to be arrested, the bishops' officials will take upon tbem to IJear Ihis matter ; and if any thing should be attempted in the way of opposition to the appeal, tbey demand satisfaction oC the secnlar authorities ai representing the party on whom tbe arrest was served. And if any of the king's servants advise tbem to resist this injury, they are straightways pronounced excommunicate. 16. Item, The said bishops have a nnmber of officials nnder them, whom Dean. ar Ihey tenn deaus or the c1ergy, who frequently summon a11 som of people Ih. clcrthroughout the king's demesnes and elsewhere, only by word oC montb, lo g)'. eome berore them, and that without commission; wbereas in every diocese there ought to be one consistory, wherein alone callSes should be heard and decided. And hereby it happeneth oftentimes that many are so summoned without any cause, to tbe end that tbey may pay a large sum of money to extricate themselves, which is to the no smalI prejudice oC the king's maje.ty and of his subjects, and of the temporaI jurisdiction. 17. Item, The said deans seal up the houses of the clergy, and others belonging even to temporal persons, which are situate in the king', towns, to the prejudice of the king's majesty's jnrisdiction and that of the temporalty in general; for in such places the bishops have no BUch kind of jurisdiction. 18. Item, The sald prelates, or their officials, do preBUme to seal up the Marrird moveable gooda or clerks who are marrled and merchants; whereas, in such clerk caaes, the ordering thereof appertaineth to tbe secular power. 19. Ilem, They com pel the laity to give security to clerks to an,wer before themselves in the spiritual courts; yes, and chieHy the king's own servitors. 20. !tern, They claim the right, even within the jurisdiction or the king and his 8ubjecla, of making inventories oC the goods oflaymen deceasing. 21. Item, They presume to take cognizance of causes Ol hypothecarire," wbich are real, or at least-wise mixed, that is, botb real and persona!. 22. Item, The said prelates go about to have cognizance of such temporal men's matters as dwell in hospitals and almsbouses, whether situate in towns which are peculiars of the k.ing or his subjects, or out of tbem, although the plea thereof appertaineth to the king bimself and his subjects aforesaid; rorbidding auy man to be 80 hardr as to commence any suit against any of them but before them.elves, 011 pain o excommunication and forfeiting a great sum of money. 23. Item, To the end the ecc1esiastical rule should be nggrandized, they confer the tonsure on numbers or children under age, some oC them being sons of bondmen, otbers bom bastards i yea, and on many married folks, and disqualified and illiterate persons. 24. Item, Theydo cause theirdeans toattach widow-women and totake them oDder their BUrveillance, and will have the cognizance thereo1'; as in like manner they will have the wardship of minon, applying tbeir goods when tbey die, as they do also the gooda or those who die intestate, to their own use: the cognizance or all which matlers belongeth to the king himse1f, because those kinds or persona wilh their goods are in ward to the king, and under his tuition. , 25. !tern, They cause tempora! men of the king's demesnes, ar elsewhere, ~;. lo in violation of all order of law, to be apprehended by their aforesaid deans, money.

616
F ....A ~

.ARTICLES OF COMPI.All\T OJo'

objectillg to them that they have otfended agaillst some arIicle of christian faith, and forthwilh imprison them; whereas their apprehension and imprilOnA. D. ment appertain to the king, lill 8uch lime as they be convicted of the crime ] 329. alleged. 26. Item, They exercise their jllrisdiction in all places, having no regard either to the king's peculiar town! nor yet to those or his subjects, but ron into every hole; when, by law, they ought to have no jurisdiction without their own limits and precinct. 27. Item, When these prelates or their officials by their monitious do charge the king's officers and his justi.:es to execute any thing, if they do not perform that wbich in J?reacribed unto them, they infict a heny fine; yea, and denounce escommuDlcation against them. And this is a new invention sprung up of late amongst tbem, much to tbe prejudice of the king and his subjects. 28. Ilem, Wben the binhops or their officials do prosecute sny temporal man .. ex officio" in their own court, and have no proof or the matter, they compel mauy of the laity to depose wbat they know thereof, having no respect whether they be the king's burgesses, or not, or what they be; and yet will th ..y Ilot allow them any thing for their expenses: and if they appear not at their day, thev are excommunicated. 29. Ilem, If an otfender be apprehended by anr of the king', justices, and indicted of thet\, and he, to whom the stolen thmg belonged, cometh before the king's sheritfs, and proveth it to be his, and redress should be at"orded him by them; if tbe bishops or their officinls affirm the said otfender 'ex post facto' lo be a clerk, tbey will by their monitions and eitations compel tbe king'8 sberiffs to bring in the aforesaid stolen thing to tbem; and if they do it not, they are excommlnicated. 30. Ilem, If it happen that the king', sheriff or bailiff take an oifender for some offence, and he affirmeth himself to be a clerk, althougb be have no kind of tonsure and wear no habit appertaining lhereunto; yet the bishops or their officials will by their monitions cause the detainers of him instantly to deliver up the said offender to them as their clerk. 3 I. Ilem, If it happen that the king's sherifF, or any other secular justice, take a thief or even a murderer who bearetb a clerk's tonsure, and th..re-for delivereth him to the clergy to he ordered, il shnll not be long berore he be acquitted by tbem, nltbough he acknowledge the charge; yea, aud notwithstanding that any laymen who may have been his accomplices in that affair should have been brought to justice for the same, and impeached him lbereof; and BO sucb otfenders are thereby encouraged to commit the Iike again. 32. Item, If any complaineth and saitb that he is spoiled, by and by the officials will grant a monition againsl the spoiler, by virtue whereof BOrne one of the deans of the clergy will admonish him to resigu into his bands the things comprised in tbe monition, or else swear that he hath not spoiled the plaintill of such things as he sailh he was sroiled of. But if be refuse to take Buch an oath before him, then the dean wil straigbtways seal the monition and excommunicate him; and by no means shall he be absolved, before he restore and satisfy the things comprilled iu the monition, whereof the plainliff had said that he was Ipoiled. 33. Ilem, If any for hil lIifcnce be cast into priSOll by the secular power, although at the time of his taking he wore a lay babit, and bad no tonlure, but al! lhe days of bis life had lived like a la)'man ; yet, if he shall avoucb bimself to be a clerk, to tbe intenl to bave betler speed at the clergy'a handa than from the secular power, and to escape unpunished, the clergy will immediately issue a monition to the lecular Po0wer to give up and surrender the oifender to them, or elle an interdict Will be laid on tbe whole townlhip wbere the aaid oifender sbal! be 10 impriBoned; and, for avoiding the jeopardy wbicb migbt arise out of tbe said interdict, the secular judges are of necessity compelled to R.....rdeliver up tbe oifender, to the great prejudice of the lting's temporaI jurisdiction, lum. to whom tbe cognizance thereof appertained " in casu reasorti," 34. !tern, When &ny oifender is deli,"ered up by lhe temporai magistrate. to the ecclesiastical, on tbe J?lea of hil being a clerk, his friends will mae auit to tbe bishop', officials for hlm, and compound witb them, by reason whereofthey dilmiss parties unpunished; and 10 lltey do wone than ever, although their crimes before were sufHciently scandalou9.

THl!. LA 1'1

AGAINST THE CLERGY.

617

3.'>. Ilem, A. soon as any married clerk, being a merchant, or of whatsoever Frnch otber occupation he be, for same offence by him committed is called before thl' Hiolonl ceular judge, the said clerk obtaineth of the officials a monition, and taketh with him some priest, who doth inhibit the secular judge under pain of one ar 1329' ._ two hundred marks, yea and of excommunicatiou too, not to proceed further, nor to meddle in such causes, and not to molest such parties either in body ar ~oods : and, if the judge obey not, the celebralian of reli~ious rites is suspended m that place, although the matrer concernelh merchandlse. 36. hem, The said oficials grant citations without number agaimt the laity .. in eRBU assecuramenti," personally to cite befora them persons unknown ; but, i( lhe persons be known, it is contained in the cilation, that in no wise, and that nnder a great penally, they cause their adversary to be called before a aecular judge, whiJe he present citalion is pending and in force. 37. hem, When one is excommuuicated in any {'lace, the said officials grant out persona citations against th08e, who do particlpate or are conversant wilh tbe excommunicated, causing a wbole country for the space of one or two leagu.es round abolIt to be cited together. And flIrther, lhe fends and acquaintance of lhe parly so excommunicated, somelimes forty, somelimes sixty, yea and sometimes a hundred at once, are compelled to make their purgation before them, lhat they do not participate or keep company wilh their friends tbe excommunicates. Whereby ensueth, tbat many honest old men for a''oiding oC trouble and expense do pay some twelve pence, some two shillings; by occasion whereof many viueyards are unlooked to, much ground is untilled, yea, and many good men are conslrained to lay tbe key under the door and run away. . 38. ltem, The said officials do burden many persons ot good name and farne with being usuren, whereby Ihey are constrained to compound wilh them, to avoid the infamy that thereby might ensue. 39. !tern, The aforesaid officials cali by citation before lhem the honestly wedded, as well man as woman, charging them, that they have committed adultery; to the perpetual scandalof virtuous husbands aud wives: and all for nothing else but for extortion, to wng money from them. 40. hem, Mention must be made of the mllltitude of proctors, who eat and devour up all the world with lheir citations, and calch c1ients, and hold courts and assizes oC their own throughout the country, and oC their own authority drop their citalions for money which they extort from the parties cited. 41. Ilem, There be many other grieCs and enormities, which the chapters, abbots, priors, provosts oC h08pitals, and other ecc1esiastical persons in the realm of France, practise against the people; as, when they cause to be cited before tbem many oC the king's burgesses, and others belonging to divers pvileged pIaces: for instance, citizens of St. Brieu, Nantes in Bretagne, Lyons, Ma~n, with otber more. But especially the provosts of ho!pilals use this trick more commonly tban any olhers do, whereby tbe people are much endamaged, and will be every day more and more, if remedy be not had therein. 42. Item, Ecc1esiaslical magistrates labour to have cognizanee of eauses oC injury, of whatsoever nature it be, whether the injury be committed by word or deed. Likewise they take upon them to hpar the causes of the wives of mamed clerks, although botb they and their husbands be merehanls by oeeupalioo; and if at any time such couples be taken by the seeular magistrates, the official eausetb ao interdiet to be laid on that pari@h, by virtue of lhe council .. ofSenlis. 43. ltem, 11Iey challenge to have eognizanee concerning wldows' goods, bolb moveable and immoveable; and if it happeneth, at any 11me, that a merchant's widow, Jjving in any of the king'. peeuliars, by way of arrest procureth aoy temporal man to be eonvented beCore the secular judge, and the malter proceed 80 far that he should actually have been eondemned by the sen lence of tlte BeImlar judge, and then it come to the ear oC the eeclesiastieal judge lhat the widow did summon her debtor before the other tribunal, the said temporai judge will be called to account, and by lheir monilions and eeosures lltey will compel him to make amendB: and this oftentimes happeneth. 44. Item, Many oC the tenants and iohabiters oC the bishops' landB cal1 one another to the court of the offieials by a partieular kind of appeal termed Volagia,' whereof the officinls pre"ume to take cognizanee, to the pn-judiee of the temporaI jurisdiction of our sovereign lord the kil.g.

AD

618
P"nch HillorlI

ARTICLES OF COMPJ.AJNT UF

45. Item, If any man be apprehended by a secular justice in a riot wherein blood was shed, he is to be ordered by him, if he be lay; but ifhe be a clerk, he i. "A""I) to be Bllrrendered to the ecclesiastical jud~e. Whether he be a temporai mail 1329' ar a clerk, however, who is sa taken, if he appealeth to the officials' court, they will be sa bold as to takI' cognizance thereof, requiring withal amends of the The secular court, which undertook the aforesaid apprehension. If this be BUffered, ~~~rl~ o~enden shall never be punished! for by and by they will appeal, and immedic al lo dlately after the appeal By and vOld away. ro~lmon 46. Item, When they cause many "ex officio .. to be cited before them, tbey ;;~~Io. will not allow them to have procton ; to whom, when they come at the day U assigned, tbey object tha crime of usury; and except they answer as the procr~?;1 moten themselves wish, they are trodden under foot (although they be mere ohJecled laymen), and shall not be dismissed before they fine just as the officials them~r.:;; selves list, although they be no usuren; but if any be usurers, the said officiala againal takI.' of them fees and bribes, and then theyare permitted to practise their usury laym_n. as before, sa that the others may have their old fees and bribes. The pro47. Ttem, They procure their officen to apprehend c1erks in whatsoever soil lale. they be faun d, in spite of their appealing to the justice of the place: and if by ~':.~~~h: any they be bindered of their will herein, they by sentence of excommunicatioll dell ar do forth witb cause them to desist therefrom. Ihlevel. 48. Item, As often as any temporai magi"trates apprehend any person, who afterwards, on heing demallded by the ecclesiastical autborities as a clerk, is given up to them without de mur, yet, for all tha1, the officials caose those magistrate" to be denOl.mced as excommunicate by the canon law. 49. ltem, Tbe prelate" grant the tonsure as well to men of tbirty yean and upward, as al80 to married men, when they come to them in fear of imprisonment and pUllishment due unto them for same crimil1al offence before committed; and this is oftentimes put in practice. 50. Item, If it happen that any of the king'" servants ar any others are excommunicate, who would fain be absolved, being glad to pay reasonably for the same, the c1ergy will not accept satisfaction but such as shall please tbem; wherefore many of them remain sti\l excommunicate. 51. Item, When twa persom bave been at "trife together respecting immoveable l property, and the matter in dispute is ~ut into the hands of tbe king by same servant er officer of the king, for the takmg up of the matter, then do the prelates admonish the one part not to trouble the other who is in possession; otherwise, if he do, they excommunicate him. 52. Iem, The aforesaid prelates, deam, chaplains, and the rest of the c1ergy, put the king'" officen to 80 much trouble and expense in defending the king'. Juri"diction, invaded as in the aforesaid in"tances, that many of tbem spend and consume, in the maintenance of the king's right and title, all that tbey have. 53. Item, If any "ecular justice for a true and just cause, at tbe request of the party, putteth in his belping hand concerning immoveable1 property of cle~s, the ecclesiastical judges and their ministers send out monitians in writing against the ~aid justice, yea, under pain of excommunication and forfeiture, to takI' away his hand and leave off; enjoining him further to suffer the other party quietly to enjoy the said things. Otherwise they denounce him eJ:comIllunicate, Rnd he shall not be absolved before he have well paid for it, even as pleaseth ' master official;' to the prpjudice of the authorityot aur ~vereign lord the king. Nole Ih. 54. Item, Tbe ecclesiastical authorities, as soon as they hear that any rich ar p;""~c"..J fat' Cob' is dead,' ar think that he cannot Hve long, send out, forthwith, letten ~o:;..t "under their seal to the clergyman, commanding him in no wisI.' to presume to mOlley. bury him, although he made his testament and received the rites of the church. And when, afterwards, the friends and kimfolks of the dead resort nnto tl.em to know the cause of their inhibition, they as"ert that he was an uaurer, and that he kept not the commandments of the church: and sa long keep they the corpsl' of the dead unburied, tiU his friends redeem it with good store nf money ; by which means they have acquired large Bums of money.
___ o

(1) II Hereditagia." See Ducange.-ED. (2) I Qubd aliQuis divel deccuit," il the J..atin: II cab" was lometimell used for a licb, covcloU.i peRon. I I And of themall cobbing country chuffe'5. which make their beUiea and thejr bag;,res theyr 8'odl, are C'allcd lIch co1Jbes." Nabil" LcJlteu Stuff, cited in Nare.'. Gloasary.-RD.

TUK LAITY AGAINST TUI!: CLERGY.

619

55. Item, If there be any violeDt sheddiDg of blood in any cllUrch-yard P''''CA whereby aD interdict taketb place, the clergy causeth a fine of ten pounds to IIi"",,,. be levied on all the parishioners, as their cODsideratioD for the purgation of A. D. their church-yard, although some of the parishioners be exempt from their 1329. jurisdiction ; yen, and altbough he wbo shed tbe blood has already paid tbe whole - - sum which they levied, and more too. 56. I tern, CertaiD chaplains affirm themselves to have certain apostolic privileges, by virtue whereof they appoint wbat judges they will, yen, and ot\entimes of their own college, and so they be judges in tbeir own cause; which is plainly agamst tbe law. By this oftentimes it happeneth, tbat after great proceB8 and expenses incurred in some 'great cause (more often about realty than otherwise), on receiviDg a hint from tbeir OWD proctors and advocates that they shall have the foil therein, they revoke fortbwith those aforanamed judges; and so the king's subjects are damnified, and can have no jmtice Ol' redres8 at their hands. 57. ltem, lf any layman calI a clerk before a secular judge in case of inheritance,2 the ecclesiastical judges procure a stop to be made tberein, claiming to themselves the cognizance tbereof: and the layman ia conatrained to make satisfaction for taking such a courae. 58. Item, The clergy cballenge the cognizance of sucb causes as married clerks, being mercbants and artificers, do commenel'; wben by law tbey appertain to tbe temporaIty, especially about the matters of merchandise. 59. Ilem, They oftentimes lay interdict on the king's towns and castles, and cause the divine service to cease; cl'ntrary to the privileges granted by mally of the high bishops of Rome to our sovereign lord tbe king. 60. hem, To and for the maintenance and keeping of tbeir temporalties, they appoint their own clerka to be their bailiffs and olficers; who, if they do offend, are not condignly punished according to law and justice. 61. Item, The ecclesiastical judges have proc tors belonging to them, who, wben any man is excommunicated (be it right, or be it wrong), callse by tbeir monitions that no man sball work Ol' do any thing for bim tbat is excommllnicated: whereby the landa and vineyards oftentimes remain untilled, to the no smali prejudice of the king and his people. 62. Ilem, Tbe aforesaid promoters cause citations to be maie out, \vhereby tbey summon in one citation twenty, tbirty, forty persons Ol' more to appeal', for cDmmunicating with such interdicted persons; taking of some ten,of others tWQnty shillings, according as they are able: whereby the commoll people are much oppres.ed. 63. Item, The ecclesiastical judges cause all the advocates of tbeir courta to he sworn, that none sball retain them as cDunsel against them without their license: wbereby oftentimes, the poor man quite loseth his right, and the king's own pensionera cannot freely act as counsel, without special license of tbe judges. 64. Item, They will rnake inventories of tbeir goods who die intestate; and will have the possession of their goods, as well moveable as immoveable, to distribute with their own hands to the heirs, Ol' to whom they list. 65. Item, The execution also of wills in general they take into tbeir own handa, taking inventories of dead men's goods, and keeping Ol' diaJlosing of them to tbe heirs after tbeir pleasure. And they ha\'e officials properly deputed .for tbe execution tbereof. 66. hem, Tbey 80metimes \I ill not give credit to wills made before witnesses, llnless they be first hy their OWll officials approved.

After the lord Peter had thus spoken, the prelates required to Th. arch. have time to answer thereunto: whereupon, the Friday I next ensuing ~~'~I.OP "r was appointed for thc samc. On that dav, being December the 15th, elce t: . "' . h prolocu the lord Peter Roger, nrchbIshop of Sens eleet, In t e nnme of the tor rDr tli. whole cJergy answered for them nil before the king, holding his par- pre~ . liament that day at Vincennes; and thus he there propounded:- A1'I".dir.
(II Dec. 7th, thc day on whieh the parllament os.embled, fen on a Thurad.y In 1'29 (by Nichola.', Tables); the lord Peter de Cugni~r~ 8tated his case and produced the foregoing articles 8goain8C the delin' the next day, and i\ week was then given to the prelatel to rep1y. 8ee .upra p.61', nole.-ED. (2) "In cau'a hcrcditaria:" set: p. 614, note (2), p. 618, 1I0tc (l).-E.

ANgW~R

OF THE PRELATES

P... co
HUlor,.

Answer of the PreJates to the Lord Peter's Omtion before Philip, the French King.

A. D. At the lut meeting, the lord Peter de Cugnieres, propounding againat the 1329. Cburcb of France, took for hi. tbeme tbat whicb i. written in the twenty-secQnd Reeapltu- chapter of Mattbew, "Render unto Cresar tbat which is Cresar'., and unto Gad latlon ot that which is Gad'.;" in wbich worda, be said, twa pointa were to be noted: ~~e~nl first, tbe reverence and .ubjection which the prelates ougbt to sbew to the king oratloo. their sovereign j secondly, tbe aeparation of the temporal juriBdiction from the .piritual. The first wbereof he went about to prove out of the aecond chapter of tbe first epistle of Peter, wbere it is written, " Submit yourselve. uoto every human creature (ar the Lord's sake, wbether it be uuto tbe king, as unto the superior, ar unto governors, as unto tbem that are sent o( him (ar the punishment o( evil doers and for tbe praise of tbem that do well." Tbe oecond point he went about to prove by the words of our Saviour Cbrist in Luke (cbap. xxii.), where tbe apostle sailh, "Lord, hebold, here are two swords," and be said unto them, "It is enougb j" understanding br lbe twa swords the twa jurisdictions: and likewiae out of Mattbew (cbap. xvh.), wbere Cbrut would pay tribute for himself and Peter, giviug hereby an examrle, how that eccle.iastical persans were bound to pay and yield to the tempara power tbe temporallies j which also is proved in the canon law, Causa xi.Q\llI!8t.l. cap. 'Si trilmlum.' et cap. 'Magnum: And furlber, he argued the same pointa from the civillaw, (Corpus Authentic. Collatio i., Til. vi. Novella vi. in principia, 'Quomodo oporteat Episcopos et clericos ad ordinem reduci) j' where il is said, twa great gifts are bestowed, priesthood and empire, priesthood to role over matters divine, empire to bear domination over human matters. Wbence he concluded, tbat sel'ing tbese juriadictions are distinguished of God (the one being given and limited to the church, and tbe otber to tbl' temporalt)'), tbe church in no wise ought to intermeddle with the temporal jurisdiction, seeing it is written in Proverbs (chap. xxiii.), "You ou&ht not to pass the ancient limita and bounda, which the forefatbers have set.' And be laid mucb streu on the word ol ancient j" because customs (be said) brougbt in to the contrary be o( no force, but rather are counted abuses and corruptions. Neither (said hp) caD prescriptioD take place, for tbat ol jus fisci" is imprescriptible: neilher cali lhe king renounce such bis royal rigbt: proviug the same by many chaptera contained in tbe 10th Distinction. Wberefore seeing tbe king, at tbe time he was crowned, swore not only not to alienate or infringe lhe rigbta of bis real m, but even to restore auch rigbts as had been alienatcd and u.urped either by the cburch ar by any otbl'r, tbe king was bound by his oath to revokc Ibl' said abuscs. AIso, he did exbibit many particular articles in writing, wbcrein, as be said, tbe cburch did usurp upon lhe jurisdiction temporal. Reply to To answer lhese premisca witb rcconciling of tbe places, I take for my tbeme tbe abon that wbich is writteu l Pct. ii. j undpr previous rrotestalion, that whatsoever :~t~ I shall say, it iB not to ground or make any fina judgment ar dcterminalion ~I.hop ot herein j but only to inform the conscience of our sovercign lord the king and :i~ his asaessors here assembled. I proceed tberefore to consider what lhe apostle saith (l PeL ii.), " Fear God and bonaur the king." In wbich words SL Peter teacheth us twa things: Firat, that filial fcar and obedience are due Imto Gad for the mightine8s and puissance of his majesty, saying, " Fear Gad j" Secondly, that speciai honour and reverence is duc to lhe king for the excellency of hiB dignity, saying " Honour the king." BUL note you by the way, how the apostl. placeth his words: firat he saitb, that fear is due unto God, because princlpally and in chief we oughl to fpar Gad. For if lhe king ar any olher should command things contrary to God, we ought to have no regard thereof, but to conternn the king and obey Gad. For it is written in the Acta o( the Apostlca (chap. v.), "We ought ratber to obey Gad than men j" and also in the second book of Maccabecs (chap. vii.) it is said, Ol I will not obey tbl' commandments o( tbe king, but tbc law." Tbe reason of this St. Augustine givcth thus, in bis gloss upon Romans (xiii. 2), citcd also in the Causa xi. Qurest. 3. cap. 97. " Qui rcsistit :"-" But put tbe case, thou art commanded to do tbat wbicb thou canat not ar mayeat not do: doubtiess, that tbou must neglect tbl' leaser power and fear the higher in sucb a casc, is a Icsson whicb thou art taugbt by the degrees of worldly tbings. As for cxampll', be it so that a proCW'IItor commandptb lbee any tbing, and the same be against tbe procoosul,

TO lORD PETER'S ORATIO:s'.

6!l

\hau oughtest not t0.f0llow it. Yea, aud further, put the c~e that the proconsul Fr....Io commandeth one thmg, the emperor another, and God wIlIeth the third, thou Hul,,",. must not care for them, but obey Gad, for Gad is the greater power. For they ~ may threaten tbee with prison, but Gad threateneth thee with helI lire: they may kill thy body, but Gad may send thee, body and SOli I, to heli lire." And _._-_. therefore worthily it is pllt firat, " Fear Gad." And here the place in the last of Ecclesiastes is to be adjoined, where it is written, .. Fear Gad and keep hi. commandmenls," And methinks, a man's fear of God is lo be estimatcd FearoC chieHy horn three thinga: that is to say, first, from his bountiful bestowing nI' ~::'deth God's gifts aud benefits; secondly, from his honouring and providing for God's in three ministers; and 1881Iy, from his fuli rendering Ullto evcry man his own. poln'. First, I sa}', horn the bountiful bestowing of God's gifls and benefits. And for this cause the emperor Justinian wrileth: t Ol Althnugh hardlyan}thing is to be accounted good, which is unmeasured, yet for a prince \0 bestow unmealUJ'ed favours upon the church, is good," Nay, the emperor is bound to bestow 80 much the more, as Gad hath given him more, and to be himself, as it were, one great gift, and \0 give readily, especially to the holy churche., whercin the best measure i. an unmeasured II.bundance ofthe Lord'. property," And lO thi. end Gregory saith to Albert, a French noble [cap. l, Extra de donationibus '1, that a nobleman ought in a manner to prescribe tbis law to himself, lo think himself bound to give even wbat he giveth voluntarily; and un1ess he still increase in gi\'ing, to think that he hath given nothillg. 'Wherefore Abel, all

i:i?9'

.... tain No'u in Rqlr to hu PopilA Recuoru, addrelled to tlle Read". The aner oC the archbilhop ot Sens, in the name ot the othrr prclate8, to the or.tlon and &911de.. beton otJjected by the loni Peter, contilteth Dr two partl. Fint, lt declareth tbe fear dUI! to God. 8econdly, the honour due to the king. The fint ot theM la, theteRr or Gad, whlch, he IAith, oon,latdh In tbree tbings. I. In 1"lnlllo God. 2. In bonourlng hl, mlm'te". 3. In rtoring Ud .. hith hath been talten a..ay, /lic. Tbe ...ond, ...blob la the bonourinll of the kina. he Baitb. coubteth in a double aort j that is, in word. only, ",hereiu iI.flattery. AlBO in deed i which again he dlvidetb Into four memhen. J. When a man <oun.olloth a king to thal Car wblob hlo domInlon la land. 2. When tbe kIng la .0nn.eUed to tbat wbereby hla honour and exc'ellency la not

II) .4 briq RopilKlalion o/IM .4r.hbuhop o, S...... .4MV1er, ari/h

diminished. 3. Wben tbe king la counseUed to tbat whereby bil Came and renown lo malntalned.

4. Wben a king is counselled to that, whereby hill conscience iB not wounded. kc. And thl. il the order oC hil whole tractation. Naw remaineth with like brevity, lo reclte the reaaona and argumen in order, whereby he proveth tbe premises, with the 8ubdiviaion oC every member and part

thereoC. Wherein the atudioua reader may note OOth th. aubUe procecdlngs of Ih.se popish prelat.., and a1&o the fecble and Impotenl ground whereupon they bulld; whose buildlng, .. by thla diseourse and many olhera may appear, ...holly and finaUy tendeth to thla: To maln<ahl tbelr
libertiea, pomp, and etitimation, aboye aU other aecular princes and personll. PIrat, lL8 conceruing fear to be gi.cn to God, wbicb ru. lii.ldetb Into tbr08 parta, In givlng, In

bonourlng, IUld

~storlng;

for tbe fint, be pro.eth

bat

prlncea ought to gI.e largely and wllbout

meaaure to the churcb, by theae argumenta. By the toslimony oC Juatlnian: a1thougb notbing la good wblob la too mucb, yet, I anawer, tbat in the tim~ or JUltinian, good.! then given to the church, were the gooda ot the poorj wherein WlH'e nsed faithCul dlstribution, voluntary givlnil, and neceslary charlty. But naw, in aur popiah churcbes. revelluel and landa given are not diltrlbuted to the poor j and yet Bre men compeJled against their wHl to ghe Itlll. And agaio, BO UtUe necelBtty ls now to gh"e to auC'h, tbat almolJt a11 the 'Wealth oC realms 111 in their handa and houlel j inlomuch that they, tlowing in luch wealth, are now lIlraxen 80 proud, that kinga can Bcarcely bear &I1Y rule for them. aa waa proved berore, that the pope's reven1.1el here In England, amounred to more than three time. double the IUnt ot tbe king'1I Clown. 'Whererore by the counse1 of JUltinian, it was BO then, and then might lland, u quod religio peperlt divltias;" but nowy as the lime i. altered, 10 that connle1 holdeth not, I I pcMtquam nunc filia devoravit matrem i" that is, " arter that the daughtu hath devoured the mother." Finally, coDceming men', giving to the church in theBe aur popilh darl, four faulu I POUl fnnoe

Fint, tbat tbey give auper8uoualy more Iban la .umelent to nece..lty oC liCe. dltle. In 8econdly, that they ~I.e to .noh as abuse It wickedly. g1.lng Thlrdly, tl'at in gl.ing to them tbat necd not, noblemen In mcau limo dmaud tbelr poor nolgb- to Ihe
church. Three

Commo-

boun. who need indeed, and yet do not complain. Fourthly, because ot this tltle or giving, men have used, and yet do U!~e, to put great hope ol uhalian theTeln, contrary to the lestament or Gad in Chrlit'. death, whereor example. are berore. (2) "Abel offered ar the best to the Lord, and was bleued ot God i" erKO, el"eTy great mAn that ...ould he bleosed-oC God, mUllt oWor of Ihe heat he hatb unto the cbun:h. Answer: Tbla argument, .. It la far fetched, la it ia aoon anawerec1, wherein three notes are to be observed. Fint, that h. who olforetb unto the cburob of God, dalb not tbereln oWer lInto God Immedlately
U

Ihlng. to

In oWorAbel dld. . Ing to 8econdly, neltber la tbl. to he granIed, Ibat he wbo oWeretb to aII eburcbmen, oWeretb by and Gad and

be noteci

aoolber. Law~noe, tbo martyr, ahowlng fortb tb. cburcb oC Gad, brougbt out tbe poor of the chun:h. parlsb. and not tho prle.ta of tho cbun:b. Tbo thlrd nole l.; tbat if noble persona .bould olf.r unto God (by the example oC Abel) Ihat wbleh la the he.l and Catteat oC the 11001<,; then ahould Ibey otrer unto tbo Lord of tbelr own bodlo. for a ll.oly sacrUlce to Gad. He tbat oWoreth up to Gad a proud heart, and kllletb I wltb tho axe ar humili!}', Ilivolll unto bim th. best and falteat bullack he bath In aII hill1acl<. Wltb lik. reaaonal.. I anawor tbo place In Num. xviii. and of Chronldea [cap, ult.]
their Jlock. on1y, and not or thelr landa. Yea, and to note the very truth, they are taught thereby to oft'er to Gnd, neither cattIe nor land., but that which iB the very belt, that ia,

by to the cburch

Dr Gad j for

many limea the chllrchmen

&re

one, and the church ot God ia to the

ANSWBR
Pro"ch

O~

TIIE I'ItELATES

appeareth in Genesis h'., who uffered of the best to the Lord, was ble8800 of And therefore di\'crs kings, tbe more they offered to Gad, the more they were both spiritually and temporally blesaed of him j as we read of Joshua, ~fg: David, Salomon, and olhers in the book of tbe Kings. And tberefore it is written in Numbel'8 xviii.: "And ye sball separate unto tbe Lord's treasury thillgS tbat be best." As likewise David saith, in thc fint book of Paralipomena, l the last chapter : "I have willingly offered all these things. and now bave I seen with joy tby people which here are present offer with n free will unto thee." And no marve), for David saith in that place: "Allthings come of thee. and <.f tbine own have we given thee." And it seemeth to me, that WhOI benefit becau.e the kings of France, and the barans of the same, have given to Gad cometh hy glving and his church more than tbose of any other realm. therefore they have been bappy above all others, and the more they did give to Gad, the more tbey to the cburch. received at his bands : examples whereof we bave in Clovis, Charlemagne, St. Louis, and othel'8. For tbe more one giveth to Gad. the more one receiveth of him, agreeably to his o\\'n promisI' [LukI' vi.]. "Give and it shaJl be given unto you." Wberefore, a gil't tbat li prince bestowetb upon tbe church is rendered to him again with large increase, and tbat both in time of war, and in In limeor time of peace. I say in war time. becanse victory proceedeth of no other, but .ar. only of Gad j as it is written in the fust book of Maccabees, (chap. iii.) : "The victory of battle Slandeth not in the multitude of the bost, but strength cometb from heaven." And likewise in Exodus xvii. it is declared, "that when Moses held up his hands, hrael had the victory: but when he Ict down his bands. Amalek had the victory." To tbis end also serveth the Inst chapter of the second book of Maccabees, where Judas, being at the point to bave the victory over tbe enemy. saw Onias, who had been high priest and a very virtuous mant and Jeremy the prophet, holding up their hands tuwards heaven, and praying for III limc or tbe people and the whole city. [said also in time of pence, because the life ar po..... the king and of his sons, and prosperity, peace. and obedienee, are maintained in the realm by the prayel'8 of the ehureh. Wherefore, as long as Salomon waa intent on the building the house of Gad. 50 long he had peaee j who thus in I'roverbs xvi. teacheth us, "When a man's ways plell8e the Lord, he maketh his very enemies to be at peace wilh bim j" and also in l Esdras, chap. vi., it is relld, how the priests were commanded to offer oblations to the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the king aud his children. And wdl therefore may it be called a gin both favourable and irre\'ocable, wherehy victory is given, liII' granted, and peace and security preserved. To serve God therefore, and liberally to gin' towards tbe worabil' of him, ia the chiefest sign and token of Divine fear and loye. Ol O ye tha! fear the Lord, believe hi m, and laur reward sball not fail." [Ecclus. ii.] Secondly,' Conceming tbe fear of God, I would have you understand, that
Hu/ortl. Gad.
that to off'er up, Dr to separate unto the Lord'. treKsury, ts not now to give to prielta and chaplainl Dr the f.'hurch, who, peradventure, have more tllao they do well occupy; but to give libcrally to the communion ot laiob who ale needy, and are the true treasury of the church ndeed, aa Lawrence the true treasurer sald. (3) l ChronicIe., x~xb:. l7.-En. Ci) I I By God'. commandment we are hound in duty to honour Dur temporal fBtbers." Ergo, by the same duty we are bound much rather to honOUI Dur .piritual fathcI'I. lhat il, priests and preJates. Ana.er: A fatber in carnrnon speech 18 diversely taken, lU by age, by natnre, by oftice. And to all theae we or duty are bound toyleld honour, reverence, obedience, 8ubrninion; alOOit not a11 after one Bort, nor in like degree. For as we are bound to honour Dur fathers and mothen. BO aKcd men &od elden have 81so their honour and name of fathers; &O m2LJ{illtrates and !'ipiritual teachef5, in th~ir Twa kind, have their honour and reverence. And St. Paul saith, [l Tim. v.] .. hat au ch are worthyaf thiogl to double banour," l i qui bene pnelunt, et qui laborant in sermone." But, in lhiB, twa thinglt are to be be noted noteci: Wherein this honour CODlisteth, and how far it extendeth. These spiritual fathen or the in giving church tblok they be not honoured enough unlen kingi and emperon give and lurrender unto bonour, them aU the tempora! role and govemment, to do what hey Ud, and none to control tbem: and wbereiu unlesl tloblemen and 8ubjects endow them with temporal landl and poueBsioM 8.1 much as the1 con.i.l- would bave. And Ihl. tbey <aU bonour, which they define only by !(iving temporally: where eth hoindeed it rather consfsteth in giving l!ipiritually, Ba to have a reverent opinion of their mini~tration, nour to yield a prompt obedienre to their doctrine, to reverence them &I the miniaten or Gad, and given to not to despiIJe, derame, ar moleJt their pertliOtlS; whereor St. Paul I &l10. about the fiaJne p1.aL-e prielta. speaketh, writing to Timothy, II Let no man de8pise tby youth," Ilc. And to TituJ, .. kt no man deapile thee," &c. And this i. to honour aur spiritual fathen. Baw far Secondly, To conlider baw far tbis honour extendeth: as no maD doth deny, bllt that theAe honour plIstOrs &re worthy their double honour who rule well, 50, lf tbey adminiater not ther ofJice ~..enJ glven lo Ihey arc, under Ihe ovenlight or Ibe king bearing Ihe temponJ .word, worlhy or double punloh. prle.ts ment. And yet to cODl!iidcr this double honour in them that rule we.ll, hOlf ftlr it doth extend : if ntend- it be eomp&red to the honour due to our parent., a CMe or neceuity will 800n decid~ it. For be i eth that aur parenta on the one .ide, and pastor OD the other, Itaud lu c),treme n~d ofthe 10D. lUp-

TO LORD PETER'S ORATlOS.

8mong 'the precept.q of the Lord, the /irst and chiefest commandment of the second table is, to " honour thy father :" which precept is very well expounded in the Hebrews [chap. xii. J, where it is not only meant of the fathers of our bodies, but a1so of the Father of spirits. For as spiritual things do far exceed 1329' temporal matters; sa much more a great deal tllc spiritual 80n is bound to re\-erence the spiritual father, and to be in subjection unto him, that he may 8econd Ih-e. And that the priests and prelates be the spiritual fathers, it is provcd part of 2 Kings vi., where the king of Isi'ael called Elizeus "father," sayin!\,' "My ~~::.1nll' father, shaIl I smite them?" Vnto this effect aur Sa\-iour [Luke x. J said to IInnnurthe apOllt1es, whose successors the bishops are, " He that heareth you lll'areth i'.'1( i me, and he that des}?iscth you, despiseth me;" also the apostle Paul (l Thess. ~~~~~ .._ iv.J, " He that desp1scth )'OU, dcspiseth not men, but God." Wherefore Juslinian the empcror in another place saith, " We have great care to thc church of Gad, that therein may be true doctrine and integrity of priest's life, which having, we trust that for our great gifts wc shalI receive such rewards at God:s hands, as shall both be durablc, and rcmain; yea and also what hitherto hath not happened." Blessed St. Gregory, in his Register, writing to a certain emperor, which is also to be scen in the Decrees,6 saith, "Let not the emperor dis- }Ionour dWn priests, but have special regard to them for His sake whose servants they t~ ~ I be; and 80 let him rule over them, that due and condign reverence be given ~r;:~Lo \mto them. For they in the divine Scriptures are sometimes termed gods, &ometimcs named angels [Exod. xxii.l, ''fhen shalI both their causes come before the gods.' Al80 Malachi ii., '1'he priest's lips should be sure of knowledge, that men mlly seek the law at his mouth: for he is a messenger of the Lord of hosts.' And thcrefore it is no marvel, if we should vouchsafe to honour them, when God himself, in his speech attributing to them honour, termeth them gods and angels." And here is to be noted, how Constanline the emperor, when certain of bis subjects presented unto him libels accusatory against the bishops, received them at their hands. But calIing before him those bishops that were accused thcrein, in their sight he cast those libels into the tire, saying, " Depart you hence, and discuss these mattcrs among yoursclves ; for it i. not convenient and meet that we judge gods, because it is written, God stood in the synagogue of gods, and in the midst of them he did judgc gods.''' In the same chapter it is declared, how that the Pagans, who worIhipped golden and wooden gods, attributed great honour to the priests. What lIUlf\,el is it then, if the godly and grcat and christian emperors do honour and rC\-erence the priests of the true God? And, doubtless, it is their duty 80 to do. And it is reason, wbich the lord Peter, the last day, said in this point; Twa that tbere are two powers, priesthood and dominion, the one spiritual, the othcr pow..., tempora!, which no less differ one from the othcr, than thc sun from the moon, ter:;po~.~l the heaven from the earth, and gold from lead. And therefore if honour is iliu~~ due and to be given to the lesser power, by them that be underneath him: he and what that is chief of the higher power, of right good duty, is to be hOllOured and :~::;'..n:e reverenced by a1l under bim, as expressly is declared, cap.' Solitre' De maj. et obcd.them ..bere answer is fully made to tbe allegation of the lord Peter, alleged by him both. ID make for bis own purpose, that is to say, " Be ye subject to aIl creatures A Bot, Cor Gad's sake," &e. There he speaketh of the subjcction which standcth upon n~~I:" the merit of \mue, and not upon the duty of necessity. For else, if he should "?bjecspealr. of tbe subjection which IS by duty ol' ncccssity; then must it needs follow, ~~~~~~n !hat every bishop ought to be subject to every beggarly rascal 1Il the city of virlue, Paris. For the text is, .. Be ye subject to all human creatures :" but a rnseal is ~~y ~rn I human creature: ergo, bishops must be subject to a rascal. Of the digoity necenity oI'a bishop, Gregory talketll in his pastoral. "The honour," saith he, .. and ~Ulbo the majesty of a bishop is without a1l compari80n. If you compare it to the bl?t.:~ a royalty of 8 king, it is even as you would compare metal or lead to the beauty and a oC gard; for that is to be seen, when kings and princes stooping under the Jdnll'dcom koees of priests and ki8lling their right hand, think themselves to be dcfended ~"Of by their prayer." And because the kings of France have, more thllll others, tbe prohonoured and reverenced the prelates, they have, above all others, fourished laey.

AD
o

Hi.,...,.

F._
"r

portaticm., wberelD be can belp but the one: nature, I luppose, IOOner will and ought to run, and tbe word ofChriat willlOOner drlve Ul, to Dur (ather, than to the prtesl'. rorban [Maik Tii.]: M) that thia diltinctlon may hal'e place here: That u the one atalldeth UP'JD merit ot vlrtue, 10 the othtr IUDdeth upon mere duy of necelllly_ ~) DecreL Pan li. Caula xi. qu",.t. i. cap. H. .. Sacerdotibul."

ANSWER OF TJIE PRELATE8

nnd prospered. It is said, Ecclus. iii., " Ile that honoureth hiB father, BhaD rejoice in his 8Ons." And it tolloweth therl', " He that honouretb his tilther, A D shalllive a long life." This is therefore the sign of the fear of God. And as it ~s ~Titten, EccIUll. iii., " He that feareth God honoureth his parenta." Thlrd1y, I say, that a man ought to fear God, in the fuli reverencing and Thlrd restoring lmto maIl what is his; for he that doth not give to another what is part or his, but goeth about to ~' doubtless he feareth not God. Contrar", he that t!aring J 1:n.1 restoreth aU again, he is sai to love and fear God. [F..ccles. x\iii.] "He that feareth God will do good things j" and in the Psalm, " I have been lIfraid of thy judgments, and hnve done judgment llnd justice." 'or ns the lt.wyers say. A lhin which is tnIe, "n thing mny be made mine di\'ers wnys, as by succession, eommade mutation, prescription, or any other acquisition, cither by law ar eustom ;" and mil1E", sa of the rest. And whereas the lord Peter, the last day, by distinction of (li\'e-r8 jurisdietion, teml?oral and spiritual, endeavoured to prove that he who llath \U)' spiritual jurisdictlOn, ought not to have temr0ral; otherwise there were no distinetion thereof, but rather a eonfusion o jurisdietions: I wiU therefore prove the eontrnry, that these jurisdictionB are hatlt eompatible in one person, especially in an eeclesiastieal man j 6 and this will I prove by tlte law of God, by Sh proofl the law ofnnture, eanon law, eivillaw, custom and privilege. But first I allege, that ;h~l ~~e in aecidental fonns, same of them are distinct, that tltey are not clpan COlltrary, l:~n~l~';;,- but unlikp, as whiteness and sweetness. Other fonns there be wbieh are 80 pora! and distinet, that they are clean eontrary one to the other, and are not compalible :~~nc~~I: in one subjeet, for one eontrary expels anolher, and importeth the negative of patlble in the other. Wherefore those things be contrary, whieh one from another are one per- most of all distant and disagreeing, and wbieh, in one suseeptible, may come one lon. after the other, but not together, as the philosopher teaehetlt in the Predieamenta. Form. But those fonns whieh are sa distinet thnt they be not contrary, but unlike, are helng dll- eOlllpatible in one subject, as quantity and qua1ity, whieh, being distinet in Ilk~ an~ respeet of tlteir 'genus generalissimum,' yet may be in one person; and for:~~';::::ay titude and temperanec, being under one kind of maral virtue, are found to be in ~t~r.-ID o?e mn~, as logie ';'lId gramma~, .whieh are al80 speeies and kinds in one .ge.nUB, ~ne lUb- VIZ. of 'mtellectus. Thercfore It IS no good argument: r These fonns be distmet, jeet. ergo, they be not eompatible in one subjeet. And, therefore, that the jurisdietions temporaland sptritual are sa distinet, that tltey are not contrary but eompatible, it is evident hereby; beeause things eontrary be sa, that the one cannot be ordained to eoneur with the other, but rather the one eonfoundeth and destroyeth the other: but, in this eR.'lC, jurisdiction temporal is ordained for the spiritual; and contrary, the spiritual for the temporaI. Or mther, the one dependeth on the other, as the cleamess of the moon doth on lhe brightnetl8 of tllC sun. Also the one jurisdiction 80 helpeth and eomfortelh the other, that there is no eontrariety in thpm. And thl'refore it is no good eonsequenee, beeause they are distinct, ergo, they are not eompatible in one pprson. This also is to be proved de facto. .. For the earth is the Lord's, and the pll'nly of Ihe whole universal warid, and all that dweU therein." I is proved likewise by tllis reason: for if the jurisdictions be not eompatible, it sbould follow, that nl) ecclesiastieal person should have any jot of temporai jurisdietion, neither land, tower, eastle, lordship, nor any thing else; whleh is most absurd: and 80 by this means it should follow, that no eeclesiastieal person should be in subjection unto the king, whieh were to the great derogation of the kin!':'s majesty's erown and dignity. I must needs be, therefore, that these jurisdiclions be compatible, llotwithstanding the distinction of them one from another. And thus much for answer to aIl these reasons, by the whieh lord Peter proved the distinction of these jurisdietions.

.!...u"orr.

F....eA

li:.?!J:

(6) "These Jurlodlctlonl tempora! and Iplrltual, are eomp.lible In one person." Answer: I tmU1 1 .. pro ratione lubJecti :" tbat U, in the Bubjeet ttstl! thele ta no cau.e to the rontrary, but theae ,,"ocationl may bolh be exerctsed by one Jlf'Tlon. &8 they havl!! betn by the pope, one af'ter tbe othu, (and 10 may contruy fonna allO) and )"el the pope's peraon hath bceD .&ble to Bustaln tbe~ both. But naw here i. to be conlidered, not. what the nalure of the ~ubject HI eblt to be'ar by IOgle, bUl whAt ord~r ill taken herein by the will or Goo, ,..hose order i. thi.: that thry, who with Peter &re. called to lhe reeding of lhe ftock, obould le. .e Iheir Illbing-neta. and filh fur men; and Ibat Ih"Y who labour In thewarfare oflhe Lord should nolentan~le themselv.. w1lh Ihe busin... oftbialife. Two whereby they m.y be mOTe free to pIease h!~. whoae aoldleCl lhoy are. [TiL li.] p form! not (7) lO The jurbdictlonl temporal and Bplntual. are lO dl.tinct that the, are not contrary, at". COlltrarv, Answror: And "hat Jet l. there then, but our Queen naw, and other.kioltl bereafter, may ~ave the may be government or both ... tate., lS wen ~lelia5ticaJ al temporal r See1D~ both thf' ta r!f18 belDK cmr. com papatible mil}" concur both in one lIubjed i why not 8S wen in thf' person of the Jung wtthin tbl: t;b1.e. rcalm, 'Al in the penon of the pope without Ule rcalm r

ro LORD 1'F.Tlm'S OR.\TIOX.

ThL'8e things ,Prt'miM'd, I procl'ed further to prove that a person {'eclesia'- F".c. tical, who hath Jurisdiction spiritual, may also have tempoml jurisdietion; and HI"".g. that the jurisdiction temporal may be in an ecclesiastical person, I will pro\"l' A. D. by the Scriptures: and first out ol' the Old Testament, to thc e\;dent probation 1329. whereof, it is to be understood, that Gad, after the creation of the world and man, even unto Noah'a time, would govem the world himself, as king, by thc Proofl<ollt D1inistry of angels;' by reason whereof he g~..e and pronounced sentellce him-1-etl:,:'.Oltl IlE'lf against Cnin. [Gen. iv.] Noah aIso, who offered bumt-offerings unto the m:n'. Lord, and built an altar [Gen. viii.], which thing appertained only unto the priet>ta, bad the govemment and rule of aU things, as weB spiritual as tempomi, which were in the ark.. Melchisedec likewise, who was the priest of thc most Me'chi high God, and also king of Salem rGen. xiv.l, had hoth the jurisdictions in his own hands. 10 For that maater of liistory dec1arl'th: That ail the first-begotten and I lOg of Noah, even unto Aaron's time, were priesta; who at meala and oferings p~e't, bll'ssed the people, and who only had the 'jus vrimogeniturse,' whereby :r~,.,:~; the regiment of others was due unto them. Moses, in like manner, of whom I:vehotb it is said in thl' Psalm, "Moses and Aaron, amon~ his priesta," consecmted J~rladlc. Aaron and his children to be priesta; which Aaron did judge the whol" people Uon.. in temporal matters, yea, and that in causes of inheritance and real pl'Operty, as appl'areth in Numhers [chap. xxvii.], and many other places. To the same purpose sl'rveth that paS8llge [Deut. xvii.], where it is said, " If a matter be too hard for thee in judgment beh\;xt blood and blood, betwixt plea and plea, betwixt plague and plague, then shalt thou rise and go up to that place that the Lord thy God hath chosen, and shalt come to the priesta, the Levites, IInd to tIte judge then being, and shalt ask, Who shaU show unto us the truth of thc jndgment? and shalt foBow their sentence. And if any man preswnptuoualy aha11 refuse to obey the priest's commandmenta and the decree of the judge, the same ahaB die." Behold, how manifestly it doth appear, how not only the judgment appertaineth to a priest, between plague and plague, conceming the circnmstnnces and irregularity of the law, but also betwixt blood and blood in matters criminal, yen, and betwixt plea and plea in civil malters ; which thing dolb appear to be in many judges out of the book of Judges. For Samuel, Samuel a who was hath a prophet and priest, appointed judge for a long time over Judge In the people in matters temporal. And when tbe people desired a king, the Lord ~~r:~ 11'88 highly offended with lhem, and said unto Samuel, " They have not refused Ergo, o.a thee but me, that I showd not be king over them." Furthermore, as long a.s roP:" :::,~: kings among the people of God used the advice and counscl of priesta and J:rl:dICo bishoJl6, it was weB with them and their kingdom j but wben they forsook and lion'. left the counsel of bishops and priesta, then was their kingdom divided; and finally they were brought into captivity, in which captivity the people were sltogether gOl-emed and ruled by the priesta and propheta, as by Esdras aud N ehemiah. And, wt of all, by the meana of the Maccabees, the kingdom and govemment were devolved and brougbt into the priesta' banda, Whll were the kinga and captains over the fCople, and had the govemment as well of s'piritual motters as of temporal ; as lS read in Mllccabees, of Mattathias and hIS sons, namell' of Judas Machaby, Jonathan, Simon, and John the aon of Silnon, who, 111 all spiritual and temporaI matters, were govemors over the people of God. [1 Mac. ii.] Moreover, Jeremy, who was oneof the priesta, declareth after this manner [chap. i.]: " I have set thee over tbe people and kingdoms, that thou mayest root out, break, destroy, and make waste, and that thou mayest build up and plan" Besides this, in the time of judge Eliah, a priest in like manner bad the judgment of temporal matters. And so much conceming the proof hereof, out of the Old Testament. Second1y, I prove my former proposition by autborities taken out of the

:N'\.

was

&cc. AD......,: If oll'erlDg ot bum! aacrIft.., to Gad do makc a Abel, Abrabam, Ia..c, BOd aU tbe patrlarchs, prl..". If be lIad botb temporal &IId ,plrltuaJ Jurladlctlon OTer tbOle that ""er. In bIa uk, I lD&I'Vel ....hy be did IIGt cune then the dIaobedlent cro"" that retumed not to hlm agaIn ,10) .. Mdcblaedee Ilke.... Iae," &cc. An_....er: Melchlaed.. properly dld ""ar a ftgura of Chrl_t, oolit ~ BOd prim, and of none otller.

(8) "Noab aIao lObo o!f.red," prieat, tben Caln a11O, BOd

~brlce In one lBGm.lfIl.]

(a) u God, after the Cle.Uon Dr theworld," a:c., u eyen unto Noah'. tlme," kc. Annrer; IrGod 1IDID Noah', dm. goTemillg tb.....orld II king, goTe aent""ce blmaelt again&t Caln, II we how theD dld be .tbat by tbe 1llIDiatTy of angel, r If be dld Il by tbe BOgeia bia tlIlnlaten, ....betber lo more lIIt. tMII tbat Il mate far tbe popo, ar ratber for kinga BOd prlnoea, ....bom tbe ScrlplW.

'.Y.

cbapler calIctb tbe-wlnialen ot Gad, to e",cule punl,hment on blm tbat dalb evil. Nooh a
ri and b~d oolh jurlodIctlono In th. ~1Jr..

II "'t

""11

VOL. II.

S S

626

ANSWER UF THE PRELATE8

New Testament. For Christ had not only beth the powertl, by diville nature, whereby he created all things out of nothing, and by consequence was Gad over all, but also by his humanity had OOth powertl; for he was the priest after 1329' the order of Melchisedec, as it is said in the Psalms, and also is alleged to the ~ Hebrews, who had both on his vesture and on thigh written, " King of kings, and I'roo,.oot Lord of lorda," rRev. xix.] By this vestment or thigh was meant bis humanity, ~et~eTeo_ wbich was joined to his divinity, as the garment is to him tbat weareth i He tam.ellt. sRid of bimself [Matt. xxviii.], "Unto me is given alI power, botb in beaven ~hr~~t and in e8rth,"1I As also saith the apostle [Heb. i.], " Whom he made and conh~m~on stitutec1 beir of all univertlal things," And agRin [Heb. ii.l, .. He hath made nBture b him not much inferior to the angels. He hath crowned liim with glory and :;..~:~ honour, and hath set bim above the works of his hands: thou hast put all things in subjection under his feet, sheep and oxen, and all the wbole cattle of tlle field," When therefore it is sRid, "He made all tbings subject unto bim i" he exc1udetb nothing, as the apostle there saith. Whereby.it is apparent, that as concerning bis human nature, in the which he was marle less than the angels, all things were subject to him. AIso this appearetb in Philippians [chap. ii.]: " He humbled himself, wherefore Gad exalted bim i" and it followeth, "That in the name of Jesus should every knee baw, OOth of things in heaven, ancl of things in earth, and of things under the earth," Bebold here, that in that nature in which he did humble bimself, he was exalted, "because every knce should baw down to bim," This in like manner hath St. Peter, in Acts x., where he saith, "he was constituted of Gad, the judge of the quick and the dead," And he speaketh of the nature which Gad rRised up the third day, a~ the whole Scripture proveth. And likewise St. Peter had this power gin'lI bim, whom Christ constituted and made bis vicar jl' wbo also condemned br sentence judicially Ananias and Sappbirn,lS for ~'ing and stealing.. [Ac~ v:] Paul also condemned a fornicator convicted." l Cor. v.] And tbat Christ ;vould have the correction and judgment of suc I matters tO appertain to his churcb, a text in Matthew xviii. expressly dec1areth, wbere it is said, .. If thy brother trespass against tbee, go and tell bim his fault between him and thee: if he hear thee, thou hast won thy brother i but if he heareth not, thcn take with thee one ar twa, that in the mouth of twa ar three witnesses all things may be established: if be bear not then, telI it unto the congregation: if he bear not the congregation, take hiJ~ as an heathen man and a publican. Verily I say unto yon, wbatsoever you bmd on eartb, the same shal be bound in heaven i and whatsoever you loose on eartb, the same shall be loosed in beaven." Behold, baw expressly it is commanded, that wbensoever in any matter one offendeth tbe other, be being first cbaritably admonished, tbe matter must be published and referred to the order of the church and congregation. l' But if the offender do not obey and hear the admonition, he is to be taken as a beatben and a publican, whicb is as much as to say, like one that ja excommunicated by the church, ao that he may bave no communion or participation with it. And that this was the intention of Chriat, thia aeemeth mucb to prove, where, in giving the reason hereof, he immediately addetb, "Verily I say nnto you, whatsoever," &c. (where note thia term distributive, .. whatsoever," equivalent to .. all things,") Wherefore, as the apostle argued in Hebrew9 ii., that if he ordained 811 thin/!9 to be subject unto him, be left notbing unsubjected j 10 even so I may arllue: If all things that tbe cburcb doth l008e, be loosed, and every thing that the (II) "Unto me lo g1ven," &e. An....er: TbBt Cb.rIot hath &II power given blm. no mao doubtetb; but yet tb. l&me Chrillt oalth, Ibat bla ItlnRdom II nol of tbil ...orld; neltb_r would be be made a

AD

Frntcb Hulo'1/_

kinll' in thil world. &:c. II Non eripit mortalta, qui regno dat calcltia," &c. (12) II Wbom Chriat, 3rc. made bill vicar. &:c." Answer: Here in one lioe be two lie..

Peter had not Ibe TOry same po""r III beaven and earth uChrlat had, neltber WlU he the tlear of Chri,t. (U) Al tbe olfenoe of Anan1u and 8appb1r& wu not t.mporal but Iplrltua1; '" dld Peter It-'l them not judlela1ly, thatla, as a temporal judge; but Iplritually, lhal II, by tb_ pow_r oCtb. ~pTlt, whleh Splrit wrougbt by him, not as by a juclge. but as a miniIter. And allhough tH......t of Peter wu eXlrlordlnary for a Ilngular example, yet, let &IIy pre1ate wltb Ibe 1IIte power of Spicit 50 do, and none will blam. hlm. (I) And 00 1IItewiBe the condemnallon of Paul again,t Ihe Corintblan, wu owy ,plrltu&l and
not temporal. Chrllt would bave these C'awes to be referred to the (15) II MUlt be rererred to the order," hearingof the cburch. for IIpiritual admonit1on, but notror the temporaljllrisdiction ar the prel..tes.. (16) AIl thillgll that Ihe lrue ebureb doth u:n1y bind &re bollnd.. I rrant: but fint let Ihe popo prove his ehureh lo be th. true churcb, and bUDICIf to be \he UDlven&l bead tbereaf. and Ihen ICl bim claim t.l1e keyl. .

For

"co

TO LORD PETER'S ORATIO~.

6~7

ehureb bindeth, iIl bound; there is rwtbing that the church .mat not 1008e and F~'tCh bind. Or by logic, thua I may reason: there is nothing bound by the churcll, Hulur~. that is not bound in heaven ; which ~ment iIl good by a certain rue of logic, whieb saith, that contraes, if a negative be put after tbe one, beeome equivalent; 13'29' tbm, every thiog' and nothing,' , wballloever thing' and ' no manner of thing,' -'-_: be contrary one to tbe other; and yet ' nOlbin/\, not,' is the BRme 88 ' every thing: Secondly, I do prove it out of another text of Luke [cbap. xxii.], wbich place he alleged to moke for hill purpose ; but I will stke bim witb his own weapon ; for where be said, That by the twa swords the two powen, temporal and spi tual, were to be undentood;17 it W88 sa iodeed: but to wbose hands would he, I pray you, have these two swords committed? Truy to the hands of Peter and the other apostles, &e. But the holy father the pope succeeded Peter and the other apostles, tbe billhops, cliaciples, eurates, parsonB, as in the GIOBB appeareth [Luke x.], whenee I argue thua: that b}' tbe two swords, tbe two powers &re meant; but ChriIlt willed tbose two swords to be put into the ehurch's hands: ergo, likewise the twa powers. But you may reply and BRY, tbat Chst clid reprebend Peter because he struek with a tempora sword and eut olf an ear, sayiDg unto him, " Put up thy sword," &e. lI Wbich reason iIl of no force; for ChriIlt d.id not will Peter to cast away tbe sword quite from bim, but to put it into tbe scabbard and to keep it, giving to understand thereby, that SUcll power, althougb it be in the ehurch's hands, yet tha execution tbereof (as appertainetb to bloodsbedd.ing in the new law), he would bave to appertain totne aecular judge: yet, perhapa, aceord.ing to the cliacretion and will of the cJe~; Thirdly, I prove thia by the intent of Sl Paul [1 Car. vi.], wbere he 88ltb, that "they whicb have aeeular business, and eontend one againat another, ought to be judged by the BBinta:' And that they should judge therein, he made tbia argument: "Koow you not tbatthe saintB sball judge the world 7"1,8 And if the world be judged by you, are ye not ~ enougl\ to judge smali triflea? Aa though he would BRY, Do ye not mow 110 W tbat ye shall judge the angela? How much more then may you ju~e things aecular7 And it followeth; "If you have judgment of secular ana: worldly matters, take them wbo are deapiaed in the eburcb BlId congregationa, and malte them judges." Neither doth it moke any thing againat it, because the apostle in the sarne place infel'reth, I BRy it to your ahame;" for that ia to be referred to tbOle, where be wth, " Appoint thoae wbieh &re deapiaed." Wherefore tbe apoatle spealteth ironieally 10 thiIl matter, as meaning thua: Sooner and the rather you ought to run to the judgment of the despiaed who be in the church, than to the judgment of tboae who be out of the church : ergo, the ratber to resort to tbe judgment of the wise, who remain in the church and congregation. Wherefore the apostle by and by added, wben he said, " I speak to your shame: what, not one wiae man amongst you tbat can judge between brother and brother?" Meaning thereby, that there were some. By these, therefore, and many other like reasons, which for brevity I omit, it appeareth tbat botb the powers may be in an eeclemastical man's band: and that an ecclesiastical man is 'cal.'ax,' both of the tempora and spmtual jurilld.ietion. Nor iIl it any matter if It be objeeted, that Peter, and other apostles, and ChriIlt bimself, used little thia tempora power: for in them there was not the like reason,so as now there is in UB, as iIl proved in the 12 Quresl l. cap., and in many other places of the law." Tbe apostles at fint tonk no receipt of \ands and po8Be8aions, but tbe priee only thereof;n which now tbe ehurch, with very good reason, doth receive, and that to tbe great met both of the giver and oflher, as it appeareth in Constantine and others ; in the wbieh aforesaid cbapter the reason ar d.iversity ia well proved, for that the ap08tlea d.id foreaee, tbat the ehurch ahould be among Gentires, and not be only in Judea, &e. And further, at tbe beginning, CbriIlt and his apostlea
(11) The two Iwordl do u much IIgnlfy tbe two reg\menta, ucruthe two ft.hoa wherewllh Chrlot did feed tour thou.and personl. (18) Chrllt bade Peter put up hillWord, and not CAlt lt away: Ergo, the chun:h may have tiul temporai B.Ord. AUlIwer: God f{ive J'au good morrow, I have brougbt you & capon. (19) .. Know ye not that the lalnta," &e. An.wer: 8t. Paul here willing lhe Coriolhlana lo plead lhelr malten, nol betaro Ihe healheo, bul betore lhe wola, meanelh tbe fallh!ul ar lhe eon8regatlon, not only prelate. (20) .. In tbem there WaB not the lite reason," &c. Answer: I grant that Chrst and trUl: Cbriatiaoo i. on. thing: aollehrul and hll ehurch la &Dolher Ihlng. (!I) DecreU Para H. Caula xii. qurellt. i. cap. 15. "Futuram." (!J} Aa ye uy, the apoJitlel had no lei.uce to lake land. and poueSSioll1 for pn:aehing, bu' no.,.. tor ~ IoUering you bave !ellwe eouugh.
B S

AD

628
PrlrU:1

ANSWER OF THE

PRELATE~

were whony intenl on our IIlllvalion, and on eonveraation and teaehing, and littJe

in l Corintbiana, chap. vi., "Ali thing. are lawful unto me; but all thiur-' are not expedient;" and allO to tbat we read in EcclesiBltel, [cbap. _ _._ iii.) .1 '10 every thing there i. a time." But now, lhrough the grace of Gud, the whole people of the realm of France havc aubmitted themselve. to the chri~tian fa:ith; worlhily therefore the church is occupied about administering justice, and puni.hing vice; for .. peace .hall be the work of jllstice," IlIIlillh xxxii.; for in the~e judgments this only ia aimed at, that the life ol' man be refarmed. Thus you see how thi. our concluaion IOmewhat restetb on the la", of Gad. Probatlon Now will I prove it by naturallaw and reaaon : imd firat aftpr this manner; bruatural be .eemeth most fit to play a jlldge'. part, who i. nearel! to Gad;1I for pro~::.:~~ perly Gad i. the ruler Rnd director of RIIJudgment., who saith [Pro,.. viii.) .. Bv me law-maken decree jlllt things;" but eccle.iastical personl are neareBt t~ God, for tbat tbey be elected to be a peculiar people unto Gad, whereof it is nid, l Pet. ii., " Ye are achOlen generation, a royal priesthood, a boly nation, and a peculiar people, tbat re Bhould show forlb the virtuel of bim that called you," &c." Elgo, It il mOlt fitting that the church Ihould lit in judgment on temporai causel. l\Ioreover, aecondly, none doubteth, but Ihat the cognizanee of Bin belongeth to eccle.iastical person.; wherefore .ince Buch cause. be not witbout .in of the one party, it iB evident tbat the churcb may bave eognizance tbereof. AI.o, whoever hath power to judge of Ihe end, hath a1so power to judge of tbin:r ordained to the end; for the considl'ralion of the tbings ordained to the en ,ri.eth of the end. Sinee therefore the body i. ordained for tbe .oul, and temporal thillgl for sVirilual, as their end; the chun:h whicb dotb judge of .pirilual thillg., may well Judge of temporal things a1.0. Ali wbich i. mfficiently proved in the Extra Dl' J udieii., cap... Novit." Jt ia allO coufirmed by tbe fact that the accl'ssary followeth the nature of the principal; which appeareth .u1Iiciently by example. ForDImuch, thprefore, as these two juriacliction. be eompared to Iwo luminariel, that ia to .ay, to the lun and moan, and the whole brigbt_ of the moon, balb formally and virlually, i. from tbe .un and in the lun, and not the brightnesa of tbe .un frum the moou or in the moon; it ia plain bat tbe spiritual jllriadiction, which i. eompared lo the lUli, hatb in it, bath forrnally . aud virtually, the juriadiction temporal, whicb ia eompared to the brighlness ..r the moon, alld 1I0t contrary. Many olher reason. migbt be adduced; but I omit lbem for hrevity' IIllke. ProballolI Thirdly, I prove it by the dvillaw, wherein it il said, I Jf a aecuar judge he J;.r el.n m8pected, let the hi.hop of the city be joined unto him; but if be be neglige1.... w. then letthe whole judgment be referred to the biahop." (Auth. Collatio ri. tito n . .. Utdi1ferent~s."c. "Si lamen.") In like mannerTheadosiu.theemperor enacled a law, tbat lo wholOe\'er commenced a .uit in any kind of matter, wbelhet' at tbe beginning lhereof, or in the coune of the luit, or when tbe matter comerh toward. a conclulion and even to .entellce; if the plaillti1f cboose the court and juri.diction of lhe holy lec, there without 811Y doubt, tbough thl' dl'felldallt resiat, must the cause he argued and delermilled by the bi.hop.... Which law afterwards Charlemagne, who WDl king of France, confirmed iu these worda, " We will and command, that all, as well Romans iii Frencbmen and others, who are either by law or custom BlIhjected ulIder our dominion, be hellceforth bound and ebarged to keep tbil for a perpelual law; That wbosoever commenced a luit,' &c. aB il above mentiolled (Causa xi. quee.t. i. cap. 3.5. "Quicunque litem," et capp. 36, 37). But you will .ay perhap., that tbat law i. abrogated, al the glou seemeth there lo imply. But all will not aerve; for although Ihat law is not intraduced inlo the Corpu. Juria, yet for all thar.
1329'
(23) .. U. loem.1b mOlt ni lo play a rond Judg.'1 part wbo tollowelb neareat lo (jod." EeclealalU cal perlOn. follnw DeI God. Brgo, PreLatea of the clergy are IDOIt meet to bear tempora! rule.An..'er: IC God bere be taken tor tbAt god, wblcb II called tb. belly, I grant Ibey _m to tollow n......r. But it II be taken tor tb. troe God, nOI J, but Ibelr own l'rulta, lite, and doclrine aball

AD ia written

Hlot.,.,. atood on tbe exerciae of any Juriadiction wbatever, having regard to tbat wbich

decide ; and halab allO .onid deny Ibelr minor, and "y, Ibl tbil peopJe dra.etb near lo lIIe wilh thetr lip., bul lbetr beart II tar trom m. (U) .. You are a CbOlOII generallon, a royal prie.thood, "'c.-Anl.er: Thll plaee ot Peter was .ritten not only to peraonl rcclellallle&l, bul to Ibe .bole congregaUon ot tbo I&lnll dlaperaed, .. Ib. woni. tollowlng may declare: .. Qui .ratll '1uondam non popUIUl," II..

TO LOBO PETER'S OllATION.

i

ia not abrogated. Nay, it ia an honoll1'llble privilege gt'anted to tha whole

p,.ncb

universal church, which the emperor cannot take 8way, no more than any other Hi.t.,'I. liberty of the church, according to the decree, I Ego Ludovicua." Also lhis ~ privilege is conl1rmed by the canon law (Extra De judiciis, c. IJ Novil."). ii29' Moreo~er it aeemelb to be confirmed by th.. civil law (Codex, I De Sacra._ lIAIlcli. Eceleaiis," cap... Privilegia"), altbollgh it be not lhere expressly, but generally named i and so it ia elear by tbe civillaw, that auch jurisdiction dotb pertain to ecclesill8tical persons. By the canon law in like manner, in places ProbatiOIl mfinite (Distinct. 22, cap. I Omnea palriarchre j" Causa H. qureat. 5, .. Si qui.: canon Pl'l'tIb1.ter j" Causa xi. qurest.l." Relatumj" Distinct. 95,eap." Eece." Extra De w. Jllticlia, c... Novit." De competenli foro, cap... Licet j" et muti. aliis), Yea and Cllrther, tbe canon law so far proceedeth, that whoaoever goeth aboul ProbaUOD to interrupt or hinder auy, having such jurisdiction by cuatom only, incurretb by . lentence ipIOfactoofexcommunieation (Sexti, tit.xxiii. de immunitate Eceletl. cap. 10m. .. Quoniam ut intelleximus"). Which is most plain with regard to notorioUl and approved cUltom, time out of mint, in the daya of tbe good and christian prince... wbere to violate sueh custom, it is plsin sacrilege. (2 QU3!st. 1 Tit. i. &c.2.) For by the law, cuatom winneth and gaineth jurisdiction, especially to bim that ja J capax' tbl'reof: yea and further, custom, lime out of mind, ia amongat all persona reckoned in lieu of statute law. Now, aeeing the cburch of France h,atb been uBed, witb the tempo1'lllty, to take cognizance both in actiona personal and real touching tbe church, it ia plsin, that BUch ruatom winneth jurisdiclion to it. Ergo, e. But the lord Peter avouched, that the custom coud not prevail in tbis caae, becauae bere lacked true dealing. Be.ide~, the said right is called imprescriptibll', for that it i. I jus fisci. " But lhis maketh nothing against us j for the churcb of Io'rance rather challengelh thif rigbt by custom than by preacriplion;. which cuatom aeemeth ralher to be brought in by the fl'l'e will and eleetion oC the people, frequcntillg more the ecclesiaatical consistories than the aecular coul'tL Bl'sidea, tbia costom is the atronger, in Ibat it halh obtsined in spite oC judgment to the contrary (judicium contradictorium) j for oftentiml'a, when the prelaLea had given their sentence, though the barona were not consenting thl'reto, Jet thia eustom, I 88y, oC tha church hath been confirmed by tbe kings of France, )'our predeceaaora, and 80 peaceably obtsined by tha churcb. And yet may the church challenge thia by prescription, Cor that there are ProbatlOll but lhree Ihings whieh are required in preaeription j that is to say, litle, true 'y pr.. dealing, and conulluance of lime. But it ia certain tbat tbe church e\'er had a ocrIptlon. good !itle, as for iultance the privilege gt'anted by Theodosiu. the emperor, and ~~ confirmed by Charlemagne, who gave in eommandment tL keep the same iu- /::;'in,.iolably. It hath title also by di\'irie, natural, and human law, as is before ~IOPre alleged. Whereforl' it must needa have true dealing, when a(l mauy gt'eat tri:~'::';. and elear !itlea are known to concur thereunto. Also there concurreth sueh 2. BODa eonlinuance of lime, that even apnst I jas flaci it is prescriptible: for it hath :d;'-_ not only continued for tbe srace of a hundred yeera, but also more than six P;,ru':::'hundred yean 188t past. Nelther ia it true, tha! tbis ri!lht is inpreacriptible, continna especially by the church, which, so far lIlI appertaineth to splrituala, is not &ubject UD. to Ihe king, bllt is much more noble; even as the sun ia more noble than the n. moon, gold tban lead, and heaven than the earth. But it is certain tbat an church equal or greater may preacribe rigbt against his equal or inferior; as one king j'ot .u~ mRy do to another. Wberefore it appeareth that the church may prescribe ...-r:.i,0 I this, althoul:h it were I jus fisei,' as indel'd it is not. Finally, This is proved by privilege grantl'd by Cbarlemagnl', king of France, Proballon u before staLed, and by Sto Louis, aud by Philip your uncle, and by Louis and by prlY' Philip Jour kinsmen, kinga of France, wllich privileges we have here ready lego. to show. But perhap8 JOu will 88)', tbat it calInot be, Ih8t Ihe church hath:~:~':" thi. juriadiction both by law, custom, and privilege, seeing these three canno! well atand together j for if tbe eburcb have it by one of these, it shoud fullow tbat lhe chureh lackelh it by another. To tbis it may be replied in two An....er. ways j firat, lhat privilege may be twofold, either 88 bringing in a lIew rigbt, ..nd tbua it cannot ba reconeiled; or, 81 confirmative and declarati\'e of an old right i and this may well agree j which distinction mayaiso take place in cuatom. Wherefore it may tbua be answered, tbat allbough this jurisdietioD is

630
"~"C" H"""I/.

A~SWER

OF THE PRF.LATES

due unto the clmrch by law, it appertaineth alao unIo the snme by priyilege and custom, but yet not by such kind of custom and privill'ge which induceth a A.D. new right :bul which rleclarl'th and confirmelh the olcl. And if any willl"f'Jlly, 1329 demanding wherefore lhe church of France should more challenge lhis, thau any . other chnrches in uther realms, ",hich have no such prerogativej J can 800n Frcllch answer them. Jf the kings of France (whom Gad with singular grace, honour ~;~:.:t'" and privilege, far abo"e all olher princes, hath blessed and eudued for lhrl'e Clian special canscs, to wit, for their grent faith and devotion untu Gad, for Ihei. olh~n. honour and rcverence to the church, and for their good justice showed uuto the :~i:':'~ people) have grnnted to the church special liberties, ar have permitted those I. Falth which before were ~anted, peaceably to be kept and observed j why then they ~~ ~::::~ur should ha"e Ihem, lt is no marveL Yea and further, their devotion unIo the to th. c1mrch hath been such, that Ihe nenrer the churcbes were unto them, the more ehuleh liberties they enjoyedj and yet had thesc princes never the less on that account, l :~ co bUt rather the more j wbich is evident, and redoundeth to the great honour and peopl.. nobility hath of the king and his realm. FI.. I have oftentimes beard of others, how that four or flve things do especiaIly lhi'hl nobilitate and adom this realm. ~~l:O. First, their sincere and inviolabll' faitb; for it was at no time read, that realm. lhe kinga of France (since the receiving of the faith) did ever swerve from the same. 8econd!y, the nobility of blood, which descended from Priam the king of the B100d ar France Trajana, and succeasi"ely from Chnrlemagne and other royal kinga. carot' out . Thirdly, the unity and peace of concord, which especiaIly, above all othen, ol" Priam. reigned and flourished in the realm of France. ' Fourthly, the solemnity and pomp of the prelates and clergy. Fifrhly, lhe well-disposed readineas of the barons and subjects to obey. Jf therefore the I,>relates of this realm should not have this law and privilege, but should be depnved thereof, then should the king and his realm lose one of his nobIl' estates, whereby they are highly magnified, J mean the bravel')', solemnity, and royalty of the prelatell ; for then, they should not only be neither pompous nor rOJal, but more beggnrly aud miserabIl' than any others, the most part of thl'ir livlllg comisting herein. l do c;onclude, therefore, that it is proved both by diviue law, uaturallaw, canon law, civillaw, ClIstorn, and privilege, lhat the right of delermiuing sllch temporai matters of the chureh may ofrigbt appel'tain to the church of FrancI' j and 80 J turn the lord Peter's theme against himself. Bcsides this, I will propound that which is most plain and manifest; that whatsoever things be ofered up to the church, and are converted to the dominion I1lld property of the same, be Gad's, and appertain to him j for'RSlUuch lIS theyare said to be dedicated to and sanctified by him, as sufficiently throughont the Levites may appear, as declared [l Sam. xxi.] concerning the bread olfered to Gad, where it IS said, " I have no common bread under my hands to eat, but holy bread." Wherefore it was not lawful for the laily to eat of thl" same bread, but in time of great necessity; whicb is also proved, wbere it is read, [Dan. v.] "Because king Bethazzar, and his lords, with his queen, drank in the goMen and silver vessels, which his father Nebuchadnezzar had taken out of the tempIe of Jerusalem; in the same (very) hour there nppeared fingers, lllI it had been of a man's hand, writing right over the caudlestick upon the pain wall in the king's palacI'. And the king saw lhe palm of the hand that wrote j and that which was 'mtten was Mene, Thekel, Phares; the inteq'rl'tation whereofis this, as there it appeareth: !tfene, Gad hath numbered this Illng-dom and brought it to an end: Tltekel, Thou art weighed in a balance, Rnd art f"und tuo light: Phares, Thy kingdom is dealt in parts, and given to the Ml'des and Persians." The very selfsame night was Belthazzar, the king of the Chaldecs, slnin, and Darius succeeded in the kingdom of the Medes; tbe monarchy oC the Assyrians being then translated unto the Medes. Wbereby it appeareth, that those thin~ which are olfered up to the church, helong to Gad, and are so dedicated to hlm that no layman may use them; which if they do, they must look tu receive vcngcance at Gad's haud, as Belthazzar did. Thesc thinga naw ended, I will argue out the lord Peter's theme, which wa. ... .. Ui"e unto the cmperor, that is the emperor's; and uuto God, that is God's. Hnt this jurisdiction, which, as I provcd bcfore, is di\'crsely converted to thl' dominion and property of the French church, is now Gad's, and tllerefore tu

:;::t

TO I.ORD PETER'S ORATlON

631

be reserved to and for him j wherefore, whensoever any goeth ahoul to lake F'..r~ Rway the Rwne, the good and godly ought to answer, what Ambrose did to tlle H,IIorr. Gothen soldiers, sent to him by the emperor, which was to lhis effccl: " II' the - - emperor," quolh he, " !lad requested that which had heen mine, I would nol A. D. havc denied wrn, albeit that whatsoever I have, all is the poor's: but beeuusc ~ he demandeth those things which belong to Gad, wherein he hath uo right ar Ambro.e interest, I had rather he should imprison me, yea wld cut off my head, than In <ase co'.ldes.cend ~o h!s request therein :" alluding to lhe history of Nahoth [l Kings ~;::,'~c~ll~~ XXI.l, ID whlch IS to be seen ~ow Na?oth, the.hol'y man, JloSllessorofthe vin\!- emi,eror. yard, was requested by the king to gIve up his vllleyard; who made auswer, Kabolh " I wi!1 not give uuto tllee the iuheritance of my tilthera," at which answer lienieth Ihe kmg was marvellously offended. .. Wherefore," quoth Ambrose, .. if ~~c k!ng N uhoth would not deliver his vineyard, shall we deliver to you the ehurch ,;:'rd'.1IIeo~ Christ? no, Gad forbid, that I should deliver you Christ's heritage. N aboth 'iJd I18t deliver the vineyard, nor surely will J deliver Christ's church." And further be addeth a good saying, .. I eau neilher tue nor surrender augbt from tbe tempie of Gad, for I received it to keep, not 10 surrender : besidfs this, it is my duty and office to eonsuit the interest of the emperor in tbi. matler: and doubtless neither may I surrender any Ibing lo him, nor yet he receive any thing of me." rCaum xxiii. qUlEst. 8. "Convenior." et "Qni." I Wherefore, by these and ibe like reaaons it appeareth, that not spiritua1 jurisdiction only doth belong to Gad, as tbe lord Peter falsely hath suggested, but also all other kind of jurisdiction whatsoever possessed by the church, whether it be by law, euslom, ar privilege; insomuch lhat neilher may we .urrender Ihe 88me 10 any, nor yel may lhe king at aur hands take Ihe Bame. }o'urlher, the lord Peler affirmed, that Christ, for.example sake, did pay lribute; which is unt:ue, as app~arelh in Genesis ?,Iviii.; for th~ lauda of priesls were tree from paymg of all kmd ol toII and trlbute. And Jf the lord Peter weII cOllsidered Matt. xvii.) he shonld ha)'e fouud lhere, how that Christ did not only not pay tribute for exumllle sake, but rather pr(wed how he was not OOWJd to pay auy at all. To conc u<le, therefore, the children be free; but ye pay, to avoid slander and offence: wherefore tlte text sailh: " Lest we should otfend them, go to the sea," &c. But p'!rad)'enture it may be answered, tbat by the example of Christ, to amid offence, ye ollght to pay. But this is untrue, Ho... ofbecause lhere is a <Iouille olfence of lhe weaklings and of lhe Pharisees: for as fen~e l conceming the offence of the weaklingl', which cometh ol' ignorance and not of ~g:~o&' lnaiiee, some thinl5's are lo be omitted for alime, liU lhel be better instructed; ed. m. the ap08ue sallh in Romans xiv. But as concenllng the offenee ol' the Pharisees, who commit and offend of a pretenced malice, there is nothing to be olIlitted, as Chri.l saith in Matt. xv.; to whom his diaciples saying, " Do you not Imow how thal lhe Pharisees hearing lhis word are otended?" he answered them, .. Behold, suffer tbem, they are blind, and leadera of tbe blind;" for that in the time of Christ, lhe offence then was of little ones: but naw is tlle otfence of the Pharisees; wherefore, then it was to be suffered tor avoiding of olfence, bllt naw nol su. Naw therefore it is apparent that the third token of Thln! Ule fcar of Gad consistetb in lhe complete true rl<Storing of goods: and of him n~le of who hath such fear wbereby he restored 10 Gad his OW11, it is spoken in ~eci:: Ecclus. ]t.: "111e seed of the man that feareth Gad shall bp hrought lo bonaur : but the seed which transgresseth the commandment of lhe Lord shnll be ahamed." And thus it fully appeareth, how 10Ying fear and obedience is due unto Gad, for lhe excellency of his majesty; because the words be, " }o'ear God." Secon<lly, I do say, lhat especial honollr and reverence are <Il1e uuto lhe king, Hononr for his dignitv's sake; which followeth in the theme. Now il is .aid, .. Honour aftbe the king:" i will allege Eccllls. chap. x.; where it is .pecified," In tbe midstof king, Ihe brelhren Ihe ruler is holden in honour among them;" wherefore it seemeth Two lo me that there are twa kinds of bonours, one which proceedelh from lhe lipa. kimtsof Bnd tbat is named flattery, wherefore it is spoken in MalI. xv.; .. Tbi. people honnu,". doth honour me wilh their lip., but lheir hearls are far from Dll'." There is Dotlble another killd of honour which is real, and comelh from the bl'arl; and this iR h~noyr, tne very true bonour illdeed, wherewilb lhe king ought to be honoured. :~~I ~ft~, Jiut me lhinkclh, lhal Iw dolh rcaJly and in very decd honollr lhe king. hean.

."::'u.

63t
I'r"".1I
lI..lor,.

ANSW~R O

THE PRELATES

who wisheth and eounselleth him to keep and do tholC thingw. whereby bi. dominion is beloved, his royalty not diminished, his honour and farne preaerved, A. D. and his conscience not burdened; and be that persuadeth bim contrary to theae, 1:329. I think doth not honour tbe king. - - - To proceed therefore further j I say fint, that he dotb de facto honour the ki~, who penuadetb him those thinga whereby he may be beloved of bis A prince subJects: for a prince ought to study rather to be beloved than feared. And ratler to what greater treasure can a prince wieh, than to bave the hearts of his IlUbjects l be lo.ed according to the saying of Seneca, l "The love of the citizens is a fortresa Ihan ("ared invincible, and a bulwark not saultable." What thing is more to be wiehed for. A senwhat is better than to live and reign, e\'ery man willing and rejoicing thereofl l~nce. And in my opinion, there is nothin~ which causeth a prince more to be beloved, than if he keep and maintmn his ancient liberties, and bring in no alteration; wherefore it is sajd [Prov. niL], "Thon 8halt not remove the landmarks which thy fore-elden have set." This place the lord Peter alll'~ to make for himself, which I will prove to make against him, and that by this reason, ye ought not to transgress the old limits and bounds which the fathera have set, for novelty and alteration doth engender discord ; and for this cause. ID &II era in making of new alteratioll8 thl're ought to be OOth evident utility, and urgent lioD,whal necessity. If, therefore, the prince will abrogate and take away the liberties ~rd~e"d'.n- granted by his forefathers and predecessors, he shn11 not be of his realm beloved; as it appl'areth by Rehoboam. [l Kinga xii.] It is, Iikewise, plaioly to be scen in the chronicles, how that by these llleanl many kingdoml llnd domioions have been tranalated from nation to nation, and from their own native regiment to the rule of strange peorle. And now, certain it ia. that your predeeeB80r8 Charlemagnl', M. LoUIS, Philip LlIe Fair, Louia and Philip his sona, with mally othe.... have sellled and confirmed thia liberty of the church. Wberefore for a man to counael and pl'rauade yonr bigbnC8ll to spoi the church of any thing, it is even the next way to spoi and lmdo yourself, and bereave you of that by whieh }'our dominion is beloved; and for this C8use I thought good t~ put )"nnr grace in relllembrance of 1 Mac. iL 51, where it is written, .. Remelllber the worka of your forefathera, which thcy huve done in their generations, and yOll ahall receive great glory and renowu tor ever." Note here, your highness, by tIte way, bow king I'hilip, grandfather lo St. Louis, fostered and kept in his realrn S Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury; who, because he stoudy defended the Iibertip.s of his clmrch, was banished out of England; how mucb more, therefore, are you boul1d to defeud and maiutain your own prelates in their liberties ratifil'd !lud coufinned by your grace's predecellllOr8, aceording lo the aaying of Gregory (Caula xxv. qwest. 2, cap. " Si."] II If I were to destroy those thinga which my predece.sors and anccslora ordained, I ahould not be a builder, but l shnuld be justly accounted a atroy-good and puller down, a. tbe voice of Troth itaelf testifieth, 'Every kingdom di\'ided witllin itaelf .halI be brought to desolation.' AII knowledge nnd law divided against ilself shall be deslroyed." I n another place he saith, " It is oversharp, and agllinst all good manners, upon any reason and excuse whataoever to rescind thoae things which are well ordained; or, by one'a cxample to teach olhera at their pleaaure lo dissoh'e old constiluLions." Mark here a A";;:'{z, story about a castIe which waa given to St. Remy for the use of the ehurch oC Laon by king Clovis, which king Pepin afterwarda desired to have, giving com~Iark pensation to the chureh; to wbom lhe aaid St. Remy appeared in hil sleep, and here & severely blamed him for il, aaying, " A better man lhan tbou gave it me. and rab:., )'et wilt thou take it away from me!" And wilh that he amole him; who the ne"t day was found all black and blue; since which time, no king of France .lurst even lie in that cuLle. V erily therefore, he doth not in faet honour the King, who giveth him counsel to transgrl'ss the old limita tbat his falhers did >ct; yea, rnther, the king'a majcaty ought to say unto them thal which ja wriltcn in J olln viii., II I do honour my Father" (that is, in kecping the Jibcrlie. of lhe ch urch , as thl'Y did w!lich granted Ihem); "but you havl' di.honoured me" (in counselling me that which seemeth beat to please youl"selves) ; for it is written in Ecclns. chap. iii., .. The worahip of a Dllln 's fllther ja his O\Vll worship, and where the father ia without honour, it is the dishonour of lhe aon,"
(1) Senoca de Clemelllia ad Neronem.

TO I.ORD P~;'1'I':IL'S OH.\TIOS.

~ hereby

638

Secondl)', I say, tbat he truy doth honour the king, who cOWlselleth him, Pr_ his power and dignity are not diminisbed; for as it is ~at bonaur to Hu,.,.,. the lcing's bighness to increase and augment his power, 80 is It as much disbonour for him to diminish any jot thereof; and therefore the emperors were 1;29' want to cali themselves victorioUB, in augmenting and increaaing their com- _.__._ monwealth. And to say that you and your predeces80rs could not grant these things to the churcb, it were too, too absurd, and to the too much derogation of your majesty's most honourable estate. And therefore for most 80\'6ceign lord, who hold and possess such ample right and title In the realm of France, both by election and inheritance, not to grant and leave this to your posterity, it were to the great debasing of }'OUf majesty's honour, crown, and <lignity. Yea, if it were (as God farbid), it would follow, that your predecessan lived continually in .n; yea, and further, it were as much to say (wbich we~ too vile) that blessed Sto Louis by whom all France is beautified, could not be justly canoni"ed. For as the lord speaker declared, if be took his oath at bis coronation both to alienate nothingl aud also to caU in that which was before alienated, which is inseparable from the crown, it should follow that he was foresworn, and consequently committed deady sin, and sa could never be canouized, which is too, too absurd to be talked of. And if reply be made, that he mi~ht have repented; it is BOon to be answered, that hlB sin is read of, but of hIS repentance it is not found l as it is said of Salomon. But put the case that it be tnie what the lord Peter said, tben it must needs follow, that your grace could beRtow nothing, neither country, town, nor tower; and yet there be few who willingl'y would not receive them, notwithstanding their allegiance and hornage, wIuch they pretend to 10ur highnetls. Keep, therefore, and confirm, most renowned prince! that which was granted by Jour nobIl' progenitors, otherwise yaur royal honour shall decrease; that it ma}' be verified 10 yon which is read of in Romans xi., "I will bonour my ministry." 'I1lird1y, I do affirm, that he rigbtly honoureth the king, who persuadetb him Who hoto t1lat whereby his honour and renown is preserved. For, in matters of weightnoqreth and of great importance, next arter conseience we must ha\'e regard to name' the king. and farne, as it is written in, Proverbs xxii., "It is better to have a good name than riches." A good name far surpassetb all thingB, and is above ailver and gold; and St. An~tine saiili, Ol Twa iliings are necessary for thee, conacience Conand name; consclCnce for God, and name for iliy neighbour; and therefore it "'I~n""J4 is written in Ecclus, chap. xli., .. Labom to get a guod name, for that will ~~m:~ continue :Iurer by tbee tban many great treaaurel of gold." A good life hath a numbcr of dap. That renown and name the Lord, who anointed your grace wiili tlte oil of gladneSll, hath in a very !ittle time more abundantly blessed JOu with, than any oilier prince; wherefore you ought to be more \'igilant and caceful hall' still to keep and enjoy the same, for it is no less \'irtue to keep that whicb is gotten, than to seek and get; whereby not only while you live, but alBO when you are dead, }'our gOriOIlS renown may !ive for ever; yea and further, that by you nothing be dane, wbereby any blat ar soil should crecp into that your sa great renown, applying that to }'our grace which is said in PrO\'erbs x., .. TIle memorial of the just shall have good report," &c, Beware therefore, most nuble prince, and take heed that in your days and time, the libertics of the church be not taken away (which God farbid) ar diminished in any jot; for if your glorioUB name should be blotted therewith, there be thousand. who would chronicie the same to perpetual melllory. Wherefore, most chmtian prince, if such as trusted after their death for no other life, but only for fame and renown, Ih'ed a life most godly and ,'irtuous. how much more ought we Christiana, who look after another life, by aur well-doiuglI bere, to win lIS a perpetual name and mcmory arter our death! And you besides, if YOII sbould dishonour }'our namI' and farne, what a matter were it, considering holi' the kinga of 'rance were ever counted the most christian princes, and most bountiful towards the church, gi\,ing exatnples to other princos hall' to enrich their churches and the liberties thel'eof. And now especially, if yom grace, t1le church in some places being in great persecution, should (which Gad farbid), show light to others to pull and take away that which was gi"en by your forefathers to the church, what might the world say! For then for the like reaaon might the emperor deprive the c1mrch of all which was given to it by Constantinl' thl' l'lllpcror, .-\180 othor kinga would do the likI' in their realmll.

AD

ron,

6J4

ANSWER OF THE ]'RELATES.

God forbid lhat your highnetls ahould give such example I And, for my part, I would mther wish myaelC to be dpad. than Il'ive you such counsel, that in ~ A D pernicious and naughty a matter you sltould bp example to others; pspecially, 1329' when the kinl(a of France, your predecCll8Ors, were defenders alwaya against such lU! went about to take away the libertips from the church, which is the office oC a king. Hieronymus sai!h upon Jpremy (see Causa xxiii. qUlest. 5. cap. lO Regum," et cap. lO Principes") after this mannpr: .. Let the prince. of the world know and understant, how they are bound to make an account to Gad for the church which they take upon thpm to keep." Note you alao, and read some examples out oC stories and commentaea, what regard the kinga of France had in obterving thole thinga j and see you by their example, to follow and do the Iike ; and then shall it be veri6..d in your grace which is written in Ecclus. chap. xxxvii., ol A wise man sball obtain honour amongst his people :" as allo in chap. iiL: '0 He tha! honouretb his mother, is like one that gatbereth &relUlure together.' Fourthly, I say, that he indeed dotb hononr the king, who permadeth bim Th. rourth to do that whereby his eonscience il not hurt. For, ahove all thinga, a cbristian hanourman ought to beware how he do that thing, which Bhould be a grudge unto bia Ing lhe kiu~. conscience, becauae lO the life is more than is meat." [Matt. vi.] And aaaured1y I helieve, tbat your grace would not commit that ~ ~Iy, wberewith yonr conscience should be burdened, for all the world's good, aOlI that juatly; for the more miraculoualy God hath called your highness to tbe state of a king, and hatlt endued you witb his grace, 80 mucb tbe more care ought yoo to have, and take heed that you ofFend bim not. Nor is it to be doubted, whether in doing the contra1' be willuot be the more grievoualy displeased with you, as he was witb Saul. l Sam. xv.] Consider, therefore, most sovereign lord, tbat at what lime you were crowned; you sware only theae things folIowmg, and no otb..rJ. Oalh oC Fint, tbat you would defend and maintain the canonica1 law, privilege, an,i lhe justice, granted to the bisbops and the cburcb, and,118 mucb as in you did lie, to Prench enlarge and amplify the same: alBO, that by your arbitrement all christian king.. pcople, at a11 limes, should keep the truepeace of Gad and his church : al80, thllt you should forbid to a1I nalions all kin<l oC IIllCrilege, apoilingg, aud ini''utiel: also, that in a11 kind of judgmeot8, you should will and commaud eqUlty aud mercy: allo, that throughout your whole territory and juri..mction, rou SbOlll<! sincerely, with all your endeavour, study to extcrminate. and cut ofF from the church the noted heretics: all which, and no other, )'our majesty ~wore to fulfil, at the time of your coronalion, under tbe leave and correclion of the lord Peter, who nffirmed r.0u were swom to 80mething else. Now therefore, seeing it il & canonical pri\'llege of the church, and in the heart of the whole incorporate (Caula xi. qlla'st, l. lO Quicunque litem"); when also by cu~tom which i.~ canonica1 it came in, that the church and apirituality may bave cognition in 8 number of casea, agains! which divers artic1es hnve been here laid in: if thi~ amongst the laity should not be observed in the cburch, rour graces conscienee thereby might be somewhat burdencd. In like manner, if you be bound with all Jour whole migbt and rower to procure, that the whole of Christcndom SllOlIld keep the true peace o God and bis church, much more have JOu to procure the same amongst rour own barons and people, who evermore were a11 one with the ehurch. And as always, where auy church was in bonour and estimation, there were belonging to it twenty stout barons and knighto, whose office, as it was to defend the church j so was it the part of the church to prar for them, and to ofFer sacrifice for them unto Gad. And to this end it was that blessed St. Louis so much laboured in his lime j who, when the greatcst barons of bia realm had conCederated to slIppress these liberties of the ehurch, and bad cousulted to give him, to that end, the hundredth part of their good~, would never condeseend thereunto, but always dissuaded them therefrom; and. finaly, by his authority aealed and confirmed these libertics of lhe church. Consider herc, yOlll; majesty, bow pope Innocent at th8t time proceeded Hfninst those barans. I dare be boJd to say, that if there should be now dissenslOn between the prelates and barons, it would not be long before the commonalty would usurp to rule and bear domination j as by experience it hath heen scen in many places. and. likewise, by prnctice we of late time might have scen, at what time thc people stcmaching the "piritnalty in the parts oC Champagne and Burgundy, at last ruse, and maJe in evcry tuwn /I king, and tl,,'rcwithal cansed
Hujo'/I.
___ o

P._"

TO LORD PETJl:R'S ORAl'ION.

535

tbe ofHcen wbo brought citations to be welI banged, alld created a pope of their Frob own, whe gave them abeolution; and not long after tbey made insutrection Hul.lrp. ~ainst the lords temporaI, and served them witb tbe like sauce ; unti! by tbe - - king's power they were sllppressed, and many of them hanged: and all this was ::;~. in the dllys of Louis, the last king of that name. And reaUy the nobles ought _ _ '_. 1I0t to be-grudge the church ber poasessions, for bow few of lbem Bre there who Arg. By ha ve not brothera or kinsfolk., wbo live by the good. ol tbe church; amongst th. pol ..hom if they should diTide their own inberitance, they would gradllally reduce ~~.:~':" it to linIe or nothing. Let the barons also consider, tbat tbere are but few church who are uot atlached to the cburch; and that the churcb is one, as it saitb in ~~ren Cantides vi., .. My dove is one;" wberefore they caunot without great peril of antlkin.transgression advise, that s~ch Ii,berties ~f the chnrch be ~aken awa}. . ~:~:~l That therefore yonr maJesty s consclence may remam unspotted, may It be main. please your bighnes. to confinn to the cburcb her just and canonical privi- tained. lege; and to revoke any attempts which may have been made to tbe contrary by :~:~, po.way of proclamation or otberwise; and to maintain youl mother, tbe church ....ion. of France, in ber ancient franchises, liberties, and customs; that by you .. in nollo t; ~II things Gad may be glorified; to whom be honour and glory for ever and ~1:C . ever: Amen:" (1 Pet. iv.) and He will tben honour you. who saith, .. Wbosoever In th. sball honOllr me, I will erown him with" that glory" (1 Sam. ii.), in whicb con- ~~~~hour sisteth tbe tme honour, whicb is granted to none who is unwortby, nay, where- IlIlth. unto none is admitted except him who is worthy, as tbe blessed Austin lRith; which honour grant He unto you and UB, who ia blellled for ever : Amen. And To tho bill because many artides have been exhibited, wbereof IlOme infringed the whole ar artlel ecdeaiastical jurisdiction, these we are rellOlved to witbstand, according to :.hlbllEcc1esiaaticus iv., where it is said, .. For tbe troth strive thou unto the dealh, and God shall fi!'(ht for thee against tbine enemies:" some otben there Bre containing only aUeged abulIes, wbich we do not believe our people to be guilty uf, but if they were, we would by no mealw suffer it; and therefore, for the unburdening of aur own consciences, for tbe king's reverence, and for tbe people'. profit and peace, but chiefty for tbe bonaur of Gad, all we here assembied haft concluded to apply luch remedy, that the aforesaid abuses, if 80y ~uch there be, sha1l cease, to the quietneu or the people. and praiee of God. To whom be bonour and glory, world without end. Amen.

..

Anothe:- Sitting of the Parliament.

On the Friday next but one, being December the twenty-niDth, the prelates A';;:d~. a1sembled (hemllelves again together at the king'. palace in Pas, where the reverend father, the lord Peter Bertrand, by divine providence bishop af Autun, .pake opeAly before tbe king, sitting tbere as ulual with his coun""lIora and barons about him, taking f~r bis theme thot which is written in I.;enesia xviii., .. O Lord be not angry tlilit I speak yet more," &c., which he Tbo applied In tbis end: .. That considering the maJesty of the king, the prudency of bilhop oC hi. council, the in.ufficieDcy of the speaker to plead so weighty a cause, he Au::tntu. trembied to apeak; yet nevertheleu, relying on the king's accustomed kind-'1Je o ness, be took cO'lTage, and l'relllmed to attempt the tuk which bad heen appointed him by the r,relates, taking for his theme the ninetieth Psalm: " Lord, thau art our refuge, '&c. This be proBecuted in extolling lbe king's peraon, declang his atlaining to the crowu of france to have been a sort of miracle, and 8hewin~ bow he ought to be the cI.ampion of the church ; al1 which be pr'>ved conclsely, by many authorities aud reasons. He afterwards answered those propositions which were propouDded by the aroresaid lord Peter de Cugni6res, and for no other cause, R8 he protested, but anly to infonn the conlcience of bis lord the king, and to advise his grace conceming the same; not as going about to make any final judgment or answer, whereby either sentence, ordinance, statute, or any other procesa, might ensue or be j(rollIided, or new right be acqllired by any maD. And fint, i" reply to the commencement of the discouTSe of the lord Peter, wherein he affirmed tbat the words" Render nnto the emperor what is the emperor's, and nnto God what is his" rMatt. xxii. aud Mark xii.J, signilied obedience aod subjection to tbe king, aod the separation of the Ipiritualty from the temporalty ; whereof the firat member was argued from the text in Peter (1 Pet. ii.), where it is said, " Be .ubject lo e.-ery human creature," aho from the words of Extra l .. de Majoritate et Obedientia," cap. " Solitre, .. and Extra" de Judicii..," cap." Novit," and Causa xi. qurest. l, cap. "Sacerdotibus," with the notes on the same: whill' as to thc separation betwecn the two jurisdictions, the lord Peter argued
(1) , Exir ' rcr('[~ to th' n'rlct.lh nf Gr('~f'rlIX.- -Ej).

636
Fr""'.

AN8WER OY THE PRELATES temporali to belong to temporal penonl, and lIJIirituaJI to Ipiritual,
beeaUlMJ

"AD swordl," and

Jlulorr God hath appointed twa Iworda, and wth (Luke xxii.) .. Behold bere are twa

_.__ . cap." Si tributum," and cap." Magnum") j allo by the law ar JUltinian, wberein it is written that "Gad bestowed on man twa great gifts, priesthood and empire, tbe farmer to prelide over divine, the latter over human aWaira" (CorpUl J um Civilis, Authenticae, Collatio 1, lit. 6, " Quomado ~rteat epiacopos) j" asaerting, moreover, tbatthesebethe boundariu{Prov.xxiil.) whicbougbt never to be removed (fF.1 "de termino mato. ~ lib.47, tit. 21) j afiirming allO that the king could not ahdicate sucb hil royal rights, for that they were a part ar tbe royal prerogative, and be bad swom at hia coronalion not to alienate any righbl in the realm, nay, even to restore luch 81 had been alienated j and finally alleging, that the rigbts in quellion were imprescriplible, according to Distinction 10, cap. "Quis autem," and many other chaplen of the same Distinclion:To the aforeaaid reasoning it was answered thus: The right of determining civil cauaes (about which the present controveny was) belonged to the chureh, bOlh by divine and human appointment. From the time of Adam to that Dr Chrilt it 111'81 by divine appointment, according to the words of Innocent i.. Extra " de Faro Competenti," cap. " Licet j" from the lime of Christ it wu commiUed to Peter and hil IUcceuora for ever (HaUhew ni. and Diatinct. 22, cap. "Omnea patriarehlle "): and that the church in the realma of catholie pnncea doth and always did enjol lhil right, ia proved by Cauaa ii. qUllelt. 5, cap... Si quil presbxter," CauIB Xl. qUllell. 1, cap." Relatum," and Distinel. 95, cap... Bece." fbe emperora allO confirmed thlaright to the church by lhe Authent. Collat. 6, lit. 15, .. Ut diWerentes judices" i alao Causa uiii. qUllest. 8, cap. " Hil aquibua." The canon law alao wth, that St. Peter commanded the prmces of the earth and all othera to obey the biahop (Matthew ni. i Extra .. de Majoritate et ObedientiA," cap... Omnea j" and DlatincL 96, cap. Duo lunt "). Whereforeit is to be concluded, that the propoaed aeparation hetween the twa juriadiclions ought hy no meana to he made, 10 that the rights in question be taken away from tbe ehureh. And albeit in the reaIms of tyrannical princel thil stale of the church hath been impaired and even abolished, yet in thia bleaaed realm of France it.hath heen alwaYI, even to tbe preaent time, duy maintained (ElItra "de Jlldiciis," cap. "Novit, ~ in parte decisi). Tbe laws, also, of the emperora Theodosiul and Charlemagne conlirmed thia right to the church according lo Extra" de Judiciis," cap. " Novit," and Cauaaxi. qUllesL 1, cap. II Quicunque jOl and in cap... Omnel" it la expreaaly ltated, that Cbarlemagne, king of France and emperor, lettled thil right especially in France. Moreover, if we consider the aubject on tbe acore of custom ",hich hatb obtained time out o( mind, the said jurisdiclion il found to have belonged to the church of France under all its christian and pious kings, and if anT one Ihan go about-to vitiate Lhis custom, it is sacrilege according to Causa xiI. qUllelt. 2, cap. 1 and 2. Nor let the king'l majesty marvel, if in thil realm of France, the noblest in the world, thil prerogative belongs to the ehurch, u hereby his own power and nobility is beautJlied (See Autbent. Collat. 2, tito 2, .. Ut judices .ine quoquo suflragio fiant"). Belidell, aur sovereign Jard the lUug at his coronation Iwore on tbe holy go'peJI of Gad to preaerve to the church hr rights. Ali the barons, also, at le8lt such 81 were faithful to the ehurch, swore fidelity to her, by the which oath of 6delity they Bre bound to presen'e to tbe churcb her rights. Since, therefore, every oalh la to be kept which tendeth not to the perdition of the soul, li fortiori that oalh la to be kept which ia taken in favour oC the church (Extra" de jure-jurando," cap.. Si vero i" and Cauaa xxii. qUllelt. 4, cap. uIt.). Besides tbis, Charlemagne, St. Louis, Philip of Arragon [tbe BaJd], Philip the Fair, RIId his aons Loui. and Charles, did COD~ firm theae privileges, custom., and libertiea to the church, and were all lwom at theircoronatiollll,88 before staled.1 Who, then, can adviae the king's majealycoutrary to his oath, especially in relation to theae libertiel granted and sa confirmed to the chureh, \Vilhout damnin'g of his own soul! To him, on the contrary, helongeth great reward whosoever bestoweth any thillg on the church (See Authenticre, Collat. 2 lO De non alienand. ac permu L rebus ecclesille," cap. 2, .. Sinimus"). Neilher maketh the allegation againat us that there are twa sworda; nor yet the di.tinction between priesthood and empire. For Ii"'t, while it i. true that there are twa s"ord., yet that was aaid lO Ihe cburch, and the rigbt and power of those two swords is Jeft in the chllrch's handa, althougb the
(I) Itr' referl to the' Digf'llorunJ lihri I in thc COrp1't Jun. CIYiii5.-}o~D. (2) Su pr., p. 620.-&1-

l.j29 tbat the temporala were to be reaerved to temporai penonl (Caula xi. quelt. I,

becaUle Chrilt paid tribute (Matt. nii. 27), implying thereby

TO LORD PETEK'S ORATION'.

637

executioD .by tbe material sword is committed to tbe temporal or seetJ1ar men: Fr_h which i. Christ's meaning where he sailh to Peter, I I Put up thy sword into its Hu/or,. place." (Matt. L'l.Vi.) Secondly, as touching the distinction betwixt priest- ~ hood and empire, il is true as far as appertaineth unto the end and to the 13:W' sbedding of bl00d, but not conceming the beginning or subject, for that both tbe pawen are and may be, nay ought to be, in the same subject j as is before proved. To the allegalion that Christ paid tribute it is answered, that he paid Jt Dot hecause he was bound lhereto-for it is cerlain lhat a klllg's sons (and Why BUch was he) are not bound to pay-but to avoid offence; nor would the c1ergy C~~'ll CI be bound thereto (1 Esdras viii. 22): wherefore, such thinga are not to be drawn CUle. into a conseqllence. Neilher dolh the allegation about the boulldaries malte against us, nay ralhcr, it maketh for UB, because (as hath been already atated) Buch thin~ are said with peculiar reference to the chllrch. Neither yet maketh lhe allegation agaiust us, lhat our sovereign lord the king canno' abdicale his righlS because at his coronation be speciaUy swore thereto, for it is replied, tbal he may ahdicate lbe whole of tbem, because be cannot be said lo abdicate an~ tbing which be givelh to God and the churcb; for" the eartb is the Lord's,' and therefore to give in such case is nothing else but to restore to Gad and lhe cburch their own: else it would follow that Constantine's Donalwn was not binding, whicb is false (Distinct. 96, cal" .. Constanlinus"). Besides, it appeareth by fi: .. dlllegatis," I. apud Julillnllm ult., tbat an emperor or king may alienate tbinga of the empire; and yet lhe empire or kingdom ia nol damaged thereby, because the lhing relumetb to its ptisline state (fi: "de pactis "I. lo Si unus," .. Pact.,"and Dislinclion 35, cap. "A b exordio"). Furlhermore, tbat reasoning would condemn all the kinga of France tbat ever were, eapeeially St. Louis j for if it were true (wbich God forbid), then all of lbem were peJjured, and died in mortal sin; which is too shockin~. Lastl~, neither doth It louch 114, that such thinga are said to be imprescnptible. Tis lme, indeed, they cannot by subjects or olherwise than by the church be prl'8cribed; but iD this matter subjects are oul of lhe lJ.uestion. Besides, seeing they may be alien.led, they may be prescribed, especlally with the consent of lhe kinga who have con/irmed the same for 80 long a time back as exc1udetb all other rlgbt, 1iscal and ecclesiastical. In coDclusion, lherefore, the prelates all Wilh one consent agree in asserting the aforesaid position. to be true, and such as must be maintaiDed: and they beaeeeh their lord the king, both for his 8Oul's welfare and the church'. peace, to innovate notbing, bul to maintain lbe chureh and pre.erve her libertie. as his predece880n did, taking warning from lhe examples of others whal dangers mUBt attend him in pllrauing a contrary conne. They beg bim to con.ider, abo, whal Ipirilual benefita he daily receiveth of the cburch, and tbat the ebureb of France Dever yet failed him wben be needed bell" even in temporal thinga. Furthermore, he beseecheth his higbness to weigh how elltirely lhe present lord pope lovetb, and ever did love, hi, peraon and realm j alfirrning !hat never any one placed in the chair of Peter loved this realm betler than he dotb, alleging the text, which aailb, "Stand in the mullitude of tbe priests, and believe lhem witb lhy beart." (Ecclu vi. 3, 4.)
o

Aner this, in the said session, the aforesaid bishop or Autun, pro- Specla! locutor, urged many things besides, and answered particularly to the ~:~;:n artic1es above specified and exhibited by the lord Peter in writing to artlelred the king and parliament; which, because they touch more the subtilty ~;"~. . or the law and styles of the courts, than is necessary to this our ~~~~~.of bistory, and because we would not burden the volume withal, they containing no great profit in them, we have here of purpose for brevity's sake omitted, passin~ to the next sitting, which was the foJlowing Friday, as ensueth. On that day [January the 5th], the prelates Anolher assembled at Vincennes before the king, to hear the answer; where ~i?~'I:lt the aforesaid lord Peter de Cugnihes, being prolocutor for the king, parspake on this wise, taking for his theme, " I am peace unto you, do ams:'l. not fear," &c.; wbich he prosecuted, admonishing that they should not A...,.,._. be troubled by any thing that had beeo spoken, for that the intcnt and mind of their sovereign lord the king was, to keep the rights of the cburch and prelates, which they bad by law and by good and reasnu-

:ro

688
Pr",d

BllSlOP OF AUTUN'S REI'LY.

able custom. Where, betwccn the 6rst and the last conc1usions, he went about toprove, that the cog-nizance of civil causes ou~ht not to apperA. D. tain to the church ; for that Buch things were tempomI, and ought to 1329. pertain to thc tempomIty, as spiritual things to the spiritualty. And bes/des his other rcasons, he alleged the 96 Distinct. cap., Cum ad Shuinll' verum." He asserted, also, that for this intent first the c1erks' crowns ~~::'~lo' were shaven, in sign that they should be free from all worldliness, and forsake all temporal things ; alleging to that end Causa xii. Qurest. l. e:t.p. " Duo Bunt genera." FurLhennore, he declared, that the bishops had cognizance in certain cases expressed by law, wherefore, these said C8SCS ministered a certain rule against them, alleging in proof thereof .. De regulis juris," 1 cap. i., and fF. "de legatis;" 1. I. "Titire textores..... AIso he affirmed, that the Decretal "Novit," which they supposed to make for them, did speak of the king of France's state, who hath no superior; but in other persons it was, he said, otherwise. These thillgs thus being plOved, he concluded by saying, that, nevertheless, their lord and king was ready to hear the informntion of those, who wOllld instruct him of any CUSLoms, and those customs which were good and reasonable he would have observed. . To this answer, because it did not seem to please and suffice the prelates, the bishop of Autun immediately replied for them all in manner following: First, commending the good and general answer, he spake in this wise, " The prince of the people silaJl be praised for the prudence of his talk" (Ecclesiasticus ix. 17), commending therewithal, as touching the former good geneml answcr of the king, his purpose and talk propounded; but as conceming the words of lhe lord Peter, which engendered and brought darkncss and obscurity. and might give occasion to the tempomllords to break and infrin~e the rights and customs of the church, his answer seemed not to the prelates fuli and plain. Speaking, moreover, to the said Peter, he alluded to the words of the Yirgin speaking in the Scripture thus to her son, " Why hast thol1 thus dealt with us?" And so he prosecuted the same, both marveIIing with hiwself, and yet covertly com~ plaining of his answer. Af\erwards, in reply to those things which the lord Peter affirmed, 6rst, in reference to the chaper " Cum ad verum," he said that it was before answered, touching the division of the two jurisdictions, that they may be in one subject, as was before proven. Neither did that weigh which the lord Peter said, tbat these two jurisdictions could not be in one subject, because things that be in themselves diverse and yet be under one genus, as a man and an 888, cannot be in one subject; but if they were under divers kinds, as whitene88 and sweetness in milk, they might be well in one su~jeet : whereunto it was Rnswered, that this rule was not true, because justiee and temperance are two divers virtues, and under one genus, and yet be in one subject; besides, these differing species, a man and an ass, be not eompatible in one subject. Also to that which was spoken coneerllin~ the shaving ofthe crown, it was answered, that the ClOwn did betoken rule and excelIency; and the shaving did signify, that thcy ought not to heap up store of temporal things, so as to apply their hearts thereunto; but tlll1t the temporal things ought to be Bubject to them, and not thcy to the temporalty, as is proved in thc said chaptcr, "Duo sunt genem." Also as conceming what W8Il alIeged " de reguIa," he answered, tbat this maketh for the churcl4
Hutory.
~ l)

Probably rererrlng to lit. 41, at tbe end or Decre\al. Gre&or.-Er>.

FII'AL ANSWER TO THK

PREI.AT:S.

639

as before was proved; yea, also, that the custom doth make the mle J'o",.,. for the church ; also that laws in all kind of cases do always except 1111'.". the custom ; and, thcreforc, that his reRSOning made nothing against A. D. it. And as to that which thc lord Peter spake about the DecretaI 132!1. " N 0\; t," that thc case was only one of the kin!or's person; )'et, for all that, the same thinK is expressly said in the conlext of every christian man: and althouRh in the said law it is the pope who speaketh, yet the same is applied to all bishops in their diocese in the 63rd Distinct. cap. "Yalentinianus." \Vherefore the said bishop Tbe concluded and beseeched ~he king, that it would please his grace to ~~"(~:P gJve unto them a more plam and comfortable answer, and that thev fault vith . IIt not depart firoili IliS . presence aI penslve I ' an d sa, d where b" Ihe kill~'1 IDlg )' anl..er. occasion might be gi\'en to the laity to impugn the rites and liberlics of the ehureh, and that they doubted nothing herein of the good nature and conscience of their so\'ereign lord and king. In the cnd, it was answered them in the hehalf of the king, that it was not his mind and intent to impugn the customs of the church. On the. Sunday following, the bishops assembled again before the Genlle king at Vincennes, where the lord archbishop of Sens repeatcd their ~~:~~~;f last supplication, with the last answer made them in the behalf of the ~~I:~~. king; whcrcllpon the lord archbishop of Bourges gave them to undcrstand, how the king willed them not to fear, as they should suffcr no hindrance or damage in his time; yea, and how he would defend them in their rights and customll, and that it should never be said, that he gave ensample to others to impugn the church; the king himself assenting to his having so said. The said lord archbishop ol' Sens in the name of the whole prclates gave humble thanks to the king for this, and the said archhiRhop of Sens beseeched that such proelamations, as had been made to the prejudice of the ecclesiaslical jurisdiction, migM be repealed and called in. Hereunto the king himself answered with his own mouth, that they were not puhlished at his commandment, neither did he know of them, nor ratify them. Thirdly, the archbishop proposed, that those abuses which the tempornlty complained of should by the prelates be so ordered and refomled, that every man should be well contented therewith. Last of all, he beseeched the king's highness, that he would of his gracious goodness give them a more comfortable and fullcr answer. Then FiI,a\ 8nswered the lord Peter in the name of the king; that if the prelates ~~:~;~to would see reformation of those things which were to be amended, lalel. wbereabouts he would take respite between then and the Christmas nex:t following, his grace would innovate nothing in the mean season : but that if in tbe aforesaid space they should not have corrected and reformed that which was amiss, his majesty would then apply such order and rernedy, as should be acceptable botb ~o God and his subjects. After this the prel~tes had lcave of the king to depart, and went borne. l And thus much concerning French matters, which because they be ecclcsiastical, and bearwith them some utility to the diligent reader(such as list to search, note, and observe the acts of men. and the course of religion), I thought therefore herc to place and adjoin next after the other contention before proceeding bctwccn Philip the French king and pope Bonifaee. Albcit. as t(lUl~hinA' the perfcct keeping of ycars and time,
fi) Por the I I Brie! Recapituiatian," &c., which in ~omc Editionll rollow9 ht're, nolo (1) to p. r.21 oflhil voiume.-Et..
Me

the f 00\

640
Bd_rtll

RASH VOW OF KING KDWARD

I am not ignorant that this aforesaid parliament, thllB summoncd OJld

A.D. commenced against the French prelates, falling A.D. 13l9, was to be
1307. refeITed rather to the reign of king Edward II., of whom now - - remaineth (by the grace of Christ) in order of bistory to prosecute, declaring first the instructions and informations of his fathcr givcn to nealh ot him at the time of his departing. In the year of our Lord 1307, and ~:anI. the last year of the king, the aforesaid king Edward, in his journey A.D.I307. marching towards Scotland, in the north felI sieJ. of the ftux, which increased so fervently upon him, that he despaired of life. \Vherefore calling before him his earls and barons, he caused them to be sworn that they should crown his son Edward in such convenient timc aftcr his death as they might, and keep the land to his use, tilI he were Godlyles- crowned. That done, he calIed before him his son Edward, informing ;O':'':': and lessoning him with wholesome .preccpts, and he also charged him ~~:~~~g with divers points upon his blessing: first, that he should be courteous, prince. gentle, upright in judgment, fair spoken to all men, constant in decd and word, familiar with the good; and especially to the miserable be merciful. After this, he guve him also charge not to be too hasty in taking his crown before he had revenged his father's injurics stoutly The king B,,0'8inst the Scots; but that he should remain in those parts to take ~e.=~ with him his father's bones, being well boiled from the ilesh, and so ~~I:"- being enclosed in some fit vessel, should carry them with him till he the field conquered all the Scots; saying, "that so long as he had his father's ~=tI. bones with him, none should overcome him." Moreover, he willed and required bim to love his brothers, Thomas and Edmund; also to Palher'. cherish and tender his mother Margaret, the queen. Over and :cl;.:'mg besides, he straightly charged him upon his blessing (as he would ::~k~1 avoid his curse) that he should in no case call to him again, or send 'rom hil for Peter Gaveston; wbich Peter Gaveston the king before bad &00. banished the realm, for his naughty and wicked familiarity with his son Edward, and for his seducing of him with sinister counsel; for ~:::-. which cause he bad both banished Peter Gaveston utterly out of the realm, and also ~ put the said Edward his son in prison, and therefore so straightly he charged his son in nowise to send for this Gaveston, or to have him in any case about him. And fina l)', Ralh oow because he had conceived in himself a vow to return in his own ~~~: person to the Holy Land (which for his manifold wars with the ~oil;.=_ Scots, he could not r.erform), therefore he bad prepared thirty-two r1""d J~ thousand pounds of sllver, for the sending of certain soldiers with i:nd. 1 his hcart unto the Holy Land. This thing he required of his son to see accomplished, so that the aforesaid money, under his .curse and malediction, be not employed to other uses. But these injunctions and precepts the disobedient son did not at all observe or keep after the deccase of his father. Forsaking and leaving off the war with the Scots, the son, with all speed, hnsted him to his coronation. Also contrary to the mind of his nobles, and against the precept of his father, he sent for the nforesaid Peter Gaveston, and prodigally bestowed upon him an that treasure which his father had bequeathed to the Holy Land. He WIIS, moreover, a proud despiser of his peers and nobles; and therefore reigned unfortunately, 88 hy the sequel of the story here Collowing, by the grace of Christ, shall be declared. Thus king Edward, the first of that name, leaving

rHE BEIGN Oli' EDWARD THE 8ECOND.

641

behind bim three 8ODB, Thomas and Edmund by his third wife, and JU..arl Edward by his fust wife, whom he had sufficiently thus with precepts ~ instmcted, departed tOOs mortsl life, A.D. 1807, after he bad reigned A.D nearly thirty-five years; of whom this epitaph was written : 1307. . " Dum viguit rex, et valuit tuB magna potestal, b,....4".

...

Fraua latuit, pax magna fuit, regnavit

honeaall."

In the time and reign of this king many other things happencd, which here I omit to speak of, as the long discord and stfe between the por of Canterbury, and the por of Dover, which continued above four years, together with much 'Wl'lmgling and unquietness between them. Likewise another like contention growing up between John Romain, archbishop of York, and the archbishop of Canterbury: upon this occasion, tbat when John, archbishop of York, aiter his consecration returned from the pope, coming to Dover, contrary to the inhibition of Canterbury, he passed through the middle of Kent, with his cross borne up, although the story reporteth tbat he bad the king's consent thereunto, A.D. 1!86. !tem, Between Thomas, bishop of Hereford, and John Pecham, archbishop of Canterbury, &rOse another wrangling matter, in the time of this king; which bishop ofHereford, appea1ing from the archbishop to the pope, went up to Rome, and on his journey died. Who with less OO8t might have tarricd at home, A..D. l!t8!. EDWARD THE SECOND.l EDwAaD II., son of Edward I., who was bom (as is aforesaid) at A.D. Caernarvon in Wales, aiter the departure or his !ather entered upon 1307. the government of the land A.D. 1807, but was crowned not before [Feb.25th. the year next follol"ing, by reason of the absence of Robert Winchelsey, ~;:';~:~II, who was banished by king Edward I.; whereupon the king, thil prelent year, wteth to the pope for the restitution of the said arch- [Dee. biahop, for that by an ancien t law of the realm the coronation of the ~~:1lI07, king could nototherwise proceed without the archbishop ofCanterbury. BJ1IMIr.) Which Edward, as he was personable in body and outward shape, 80 in conditions and evil disposition much deformed-as, unsteadfast of word, and ligbt to disclose secrets of great counsel; al80, refusing the company of his lords and men or honour, he much haunted among villains and vile personages ; given, moreover, to overmuch dnking, and such vices as thereupon be wont to ensue. And as of his own nature he was to the said vices disposed, 80 was he much wone by the counsel and familiarity of certain evil-disposed persons ; as first, of lld"anI Peter or Piers Gaveston beforementioned; then, aiter him, of the ~:~ two Spensers and other; wh08e wanton counsel he folIowing, gave eouDHL himself to the appetite and pleasure of the body, nothing ordering his commonweal by sadness, discretion, and justice; which thing caused first great variance between him and his nobles, 80 that shortly he became to them odible, and in the end was depved of his kingdom. In the fint year he took to wife lsabel, daughler of Philip king of France; with whom, the year aft.er, he was crowned at
(I)

Ildltloll15IS, p. H. VOL. II.

M. UU, p. sel.

FA. 1591, p.sse. Ell. JIM, yol.l. p.fll.-EIl. T T

6-~ Edtl'iJ~d

KING EDWARD'S lNORDIXATK Al"FECTJON TO GAVESTON'.

Westminst.er by the bisllop or Winchester, for that. Robert Winehelyet in exile, not retumed horne. A.D. Notwithstandmg, the barans and lords made flrst their request to tha 1307. king to put Peter Gaveston from him, or else they would not consent to Peler his eoronation j whereupon he was enforeed to promise that they should Gave.lan. ' requests aecompI'IShed, at t he next parl'lament, an d 80 was a wicked Ilave tl lelr ~:~t Ihe erowned. I n the mean scason the aforesaid Peter ar Piers, bearklnt. ing himself of the king's favour boJd, continued triumphing and APfW'Odz. setting at Jight all other states and nobles of the realm, sa that he ruled both the king and tae renlm, and all things wenl a& he 'lould; neither had the king any delight else or kept company with any but. with him j with him only he brake al! his mind, and eonferred all hiH eounsels. This, 88 it seemed strange unto the lords and earls, so it. infamed their indignation so much againsl this Peter, that through the exciting of the nobles the.bishops of t.he land did proceed in excommunication against the said Gaveston, unless he departed the land. U pon the occasion whereof the king, the same first year of his reign, Al::.'" being grieved with the bishops, writeth to the pope, complaining tLat they had proceeded to excommunicalion of the said Peter unless he departed the reahn witbin a time certain. What answer the king's lettcr had from the pope, I find not set down in story. Over and besides, it befel in tbe said first year of the king that the bishopric of York being vacant, tbe king gave the office of the treasure to one of his own derks jl whereof tLe papl' having intelligenee writeth to tbe king, commanding him to cali back the same gift ; and withal citeth up to Rome the said clerk, th~re to answer the malter to a nephew of one of his cardinaIs, upon whom he had bestowed the said dignity ; whereunto the king maketh anlwr, " That if such citations and the execution of the lIllme should proceed, to the impendJment of aur kingiy jurisdietion, and to the prejudice of aur lawful inheritance, and the honour of aur crown (especially if the deciding of such mattera whieh prineipally eoneem our estate sbould be proseeuted in any other place than witlJin tbis aur renlm, by any manner of ways, &c.), certes, although we ourselves shonld wiuk thereat, ar through sufferance permit mattera 80 to pass our bands; yet tlte states and nobles of aur kingdom, who upon allewance are obliged and swom to thc protection and defence of tbe dignity of the crown ot" England, will in no wise suffcr aur right and the laws of the land sa to be violated.... [Dec. Besides this, the aforesaid pope wrote to the king, complaining ~~:U07. tbat by certain counseJlors of king Edward his father, Iying sick Rym.r.] and utlerly ignorant thereof, a certain restraint was given out, eharginghi. nuncios and legates, whom he had sen t for the gatbering of the first-frnits of tbe benefices vacant within tbe realm, not bereafter to intermeddle therewith, &c. Whereunto the king maketh answer,-

--.!..!.:...- sey, Ilrcllbishop of Canterbury, was

Most boly fatber, it hath been gh-en YOII to understand otberwise th.n thf' troth of the matter is. For mOAt troe it is, indeed, that thl' afOTetl8id inhibilion was ratifil'd by good act of parliament haden at Carliale, upon certain caUBeS conceming Ihe execulion of such collections, the said OUT falhl'r not only being not ignorant, but also witting, willing, and or his own mere knowll'dge agreeing to the same, in the presence not only of his own earls, barons, and states, and commons of tbl' realm, but aIso )"our legates and liegen being called thereunto.
(I) See Appemlixl1lllpcctiog
aD

.rror In th. far.goiog alaleDlClllt.-ED.

PETI!.R GAVESTON!S BANlSHMENT !liITO IRELAND.

, .11ero, upon other letl.crs brought from the pope to the king, fOl' Ed_rd the installing of one Petet, a Savoyard, his kinsman, into the bishop- ~ ric of W orcester, being then vacant; and withal requiring that if A. D. the said Peter would not accept thereof, the election should be ~ referred to the prior and convent of the same place :-the king ~Jan. therewith grieved, maketh answer by his Ictters to thc pope, and :'~:130~. suodry his cardinals : " That forsomuch as elections of prelates to be Rymer.] placed in cathedral churches within his kingdom are not to be attempted without his license first had and obtained, &c.;" therefore he could not abide that any such strange and unaccustomed reservations should or could take place in his realm without manifest prejudice of his kingly estate; requiring further that he would not cause any such novelties to be brought into his kingdom, contrary to that which his ancestors beforc him bad been accustomed to do. Thus the time proceeded, and at length the parliament appointed came, A.n. 1810, which was the fourth of this king's reign. The artides were drawn by the nobles to be exhibited to the king, which articles were the same 1\8 those contained in Magna Charta' and in 'Charta de Forcsta,' above specified, with sueh other articlCll as his father had charged him with before-to wit, that he should remove from him and his court all aliens and perverse counselIors, and that all the matters of the commonwealth should be debated by common counsel of the lords OOth temporal and spiritual ; and that he should stir no war out of England in any other foreign realm, without the common assent of thc same, &c. The king perceiving their intent to be (as it was indeed) to sunder Peter Gaveston from his company, and seeing no other remedy but that he needs must yield and grant his consent, ~~e~~;b. ngreed that the said Gaveston should be banisLed into Ireland. And so the parliament breaking up, the lords retumed to their own, well appeased: although of the other articles tLey could not speed, yet, that they had driven Peter Gaveston out of the realm at thiB time, it did Buffi.ce them. This Peter Gaveston was a certain gentleman's son of Gascony; whom, being young, king Edward 1. fOl the good service his father had done him in his wars receivcd to his rourt, and placed him with his son Edward now reigning. Who, in process of time growing up with 'him, incensed and provoked him to much outrage and wantonness; by whose occasion first he beKBn in his father's days to break the park of ,V'alter, bp. of Chester, I then lord treasurer of England, and after executor to the king; for the which so doin~ the king (as is partly touched before) imprisoned his son, and condemned this Peter to perpetual banishmen.t, N otwithst.anding, the young king after the death of his father (as ye have heard) sent for this Gaveston A~U a..,aain; and witbalio persecuted this aforesaid bishop, that he clapped him in the tower and seized upon all his goods; moreover, caused most Btrict inquisition to be made upon him for guiding his office, wherein if tbe lcast crime might have been found, it would have cost him his life. And thus much of Peter Gaveston, and of his origin. N ow to the mater. The king thus separated from his old compeer, tha is, from the lompany of Petcr Gaveston now exiled into IreJand, continued in
(1) See p.
3-3,

note (4 l.-ED.

T T

640
BlI_d

TEMPLARIi BURNF.D AT PARUJ,

-.!!.:....- calI him home again, and conCerring with such as were about him upon

great mouming and pensiveness, seeking by all means possible hoW' to

A. D. tbc same; who did insinuate to the king, that rorsomuch as the earl ~ or Gloucester was a man weB loved and favoured in all the realm, iC 8 marriage might be wrough\ betwixt hill sister and Peter Gaveston, it might be a means both for him to obtain more friendship and for tbe king to have his desire. To make short, Peter Gaveston in all haste was sent for, and the marage through the king's procung proceeded between the ellrrs sister and the aCoresaid Peter, albeit, sore The prlde against the earl's mind. Gaveston, thus restored and dignified, Willo ot Gave- sa surpnse d' 'de an d enItatlOn . I.' 0100. ID pn more t han ever b eIOre, t Ilat h e disdained and deded all other: whose rule and power more and more increased, insomuch that he, having the guiding of all the king's jewels and treasure, conveyed out of the king's jewel-house at WestH.lpoil- minster a table and a pair of tressels of gold unto certain merkl~(~ chants beyond the Se3, with other jewels more, to his behoof; to the ltoUIln. great impoveshing both of the king and quecn and of tbe land; and over all thot brought the king by mean of his wanton conditioDs to maniCold vices, as adultery and such other like. Wherefore the lords, seeing the mischief that daily increased by occasion oC tbis unhappy man, took their counsel together at Lincoln, and there conGaveetoD cluded to void him again out of England, sa that shortlyafter he was ~~hod exiled again, and went into Flanders; for in France ar his Ow:l !i': lanc!. country he durst not appear, for fear oC Philip the French king, to qu:"n whom the queen of England, his dllughter, had sent over great com:::'~-s:; plaints of the said Gaveston, who had so impoveshed her and the rr~;.C:er whole eourt, that she had not wherewith to maintain her state. U pon tolher, ot which complaint, the French king through aIl his dominions laid ~:~~~toD. strait watch to apprehend the said Gaveston ; but he, not unwamed thereof, secretly coasted into Flanders, from whence it was not long but he was fet again by the king, as in further process followetb ; 80 much was the king's heart infatuated by this wicked person, Crouehod About this year, or the next before, came in first the Crouched Friars; and also began first the knights of the order of St. John :DI!b~ot Baptist, otherwise called the knights of Rhodes, for that they by .,:; o~ n, manly knighthood put out the Turks from the isle oC Rhodes. lUIodn. In the history of king Edward, this king's father, before precedent, mention was made of pope Clement V., who succeeded a\er BeDedict; also of putting down of the Templars, whicb in this ycar happened by Tern..... tbe means oC the Frencb king; wbo, as he caused to be bumed in the ~P:;:I; cityof Paris this year fifty-four Templars, willi tbe great master of ~~:- the same order, 80, by his procurement, the aforesaid pope Clemen\ ,':ldO-lrD. called a council at Vienne, where the whole order and seet of Templars being condemned, was shortly after, by tbe consent of all Christian kings, deposed all in one day. After whicb, the French king thougbt to make his son king oC Jerusalem, and to convert to bim all the lands of the said Templars. But Clement, the pope, would thereto not agree, transferring all tbeir landa .o the order of Hospitallers, for the great sum of money given for the same. 1 The cause why these impious Templars were put down was sa abominabll"

ren

(I) Ama04 d. Ponl&D [U CbronCJl[rapbl& a Cbrllto nato ulqDe ad" MDLXVI: fol. Parle, 15417, I2mo. Lonn. 1572, lub anDo I3JO.]-En.

PIlIDJo:

A~D

'fYllANNY OJo' POl'E C1.EMJo:NT V.

645

and 6.lthy, that for reverence of chaste ears it were better not toM, if BdlCtlrtl it be true that some write. Anotller maer worthy to be noted of like ~_ abomination I thought here to insert, touching a certain mmnery in A. D. France ca1led Provines, within which, at the cleansing and casting of ~ a fish-pond, were found many boncs of young children, and the bodies Bon.. of a1so of so~e infants as yet wholly .unconsumed; upon occasion ~~~~dd~: whereof divers of the nUDs of the sald nunnery, to the number of Ibe nlh twenty-seven, wcre had to Paria, and there imprisoned: what becamc ::"~~::r~ of them aft.erwards I find not in mine author. l In the same council also, it was decreed by the said Clement, that aIl Cllte",lan religious orders cxcmptcd should be subject to the common law as :I~:' reothers were"; but the Cistercian monka, with money and great gifts, thel~r redeemed their privileges and exemptions of the pope, and so had them emp onL gmnted.lI These Cistercians sped better herein, than did the Mi- TIoe MInorites of the Franciscan order in their suit, of whom, when certain ~~~~d of them bad offered unto the said pope Clement forty thousand florins ~1 popet. of gold, besides other silver, that the pope would dispense with them emen to have lands and possessions against their rule, the pope asked One thle! them, Where was that money?3 They answered, In the merchant- :~~r~h men's hands. Sa the space of three days being given them to bring forth these merchants; the pope absolved the merchants of their hond made to the mars, and commanded that aH that money should be employed and should revert to his use; declaring to the friars that he would not infringe nor violate the rule of St. Fmncis lateIy canoniud. ncither ought to do it for any money. And thus the beggarly rich friars lost hoth their money and their indulgence.' Conceming this pope element V. Sabelliclls I writeth, tbat he ex Clement comrnunicated the Venetians for aiding and preferring of AIO, marquis d'Estc, unto the estate of Fermra;' and wrote his letters throughout all etb tbe th em as enennes of the cfi urch, an d gIvmg " Venet1anl th' elr for malto E urope, con demmng goods as a lawful prey unto all men; which eaused them to sustain ~:k:. great bann. But Francis Dandolo, a nobleman of Venice, being ambassador from the Venetians to tbe said Clement, for the obtaining of their absolution and the safeguard of their city and country', and for pacifying the pope's fury towards them, was fain so to humble himself before thislroud tymnnica1 prelate, that he sufFered a chain Pride of iron to be tie about his neck, and to lie down fiat befo~e :'~~~f his table, and sa to eatch the bones and fragments that fell from his Clement. table, as it had been a dog, tiU the pope's fury towanis them was Fran.l. assuaged; so that aft.er that, in reproach, beeause he so humbIed :?:'ni~~h bimself for the behalf and helping of his country, he was of sorne hlmoelf. calIed a dog. But the city of Venice showed themsclves not unkind P1etr ar in return to Dandolo for his gentle good-will declared to his ~":I~lo country;~ for, as he had abased himself before, in the vile and con~ ignominious condition of a dog, for his country's sake, so they extolled rew bim with as much glory again when Ile retumed home, decking and adoming llim aft.er the best army, with the chief princeIy omaments ot the city, to make him amends for his fonner reproach received.' Conceming the constitutions of this pope Clement, and his decretals

=:t-

(1) (2) (5) (7)

Parter'. Antlqultat.. Brlllnnl..... anno 13ID. S... Appendlll.-b. Ell Chran. Thom.. WaJ.lngbam. (3) lblc!. (4) Ibld. 81beL ElIn.ad. 9.lIb. 7. (ft) 8ee IUPr. p.485.-ItD. Oul of Sabelli.uI, anrlls 11I.~.d in Ih. book n.med the "Smlllo of Tyranny."

646
Edward

WAI.11':n, lllSIIOl' Ol' l:OVEXl'llY,

EXIO~IMUNJCATED.

_~ poisoned in reecivinO' tbc saeramcnt, ye have beard bcfore.\ About

A. D.. tbis time Robert 'Vinchelsey, archbishop of Canterbury, whom this
~

and Clementines, and how Henry the cmperor, in bis days, ....as

king's father had banished before, was released, and returned borne from Rome. 'l'hese things t1ms dec1aTed, leI us proeeed, by the Lord's graC(', to the next yenr (A.D. 1311), and tbe fifth of this king's reign. no In that yenr, counting thc year from Michaelrnas to the same feast ~~~~Ing agnin, as then the usage of the realm was, Peter GavrlJton, who had a1 , wandered the countries about, and eould find no safe rcsting-placc lim., (notwithstanding lhat, upon forfeiture of life and gouds, he was =~. utterly banished out of the renlm, yet trusting to the kiIig's favour, and tbe good will of the carl of Gloucester, whose sister he had married), secrctly returning into England witha ccrtain company of strangers, presented hirnself to thc king's sight. On bellOlding him, the king for joy ran to him, and embraeing him, did not onI)' retain him, but also for his sake undid all such acta as bad been, in thc parliament before enacted. 2 The queen and the wholc eourt secing this doating of the king, made a henvy Christmas. After this return of Gaveston was noised among the commons, the pccrs and nobles of thc realm were not alittle stirred, casting with tIJcmsc]vcs what way it wcre best to take. If he wcre still suffered, they saw not only themselves rejected, but also that thl' queen could not enjoy thl' love of the king, neither could there be any quietness in the rca1m. Again, to stir up war in the land, it were not the best; to vex ar disquict thl' king also they were afraid. But forasmuch as they could not abide that all the nobility should be so thrnst out and vilipended for the love of one stranger,and also tbat the realm should be sa spoiled and impoverisbed by the same, tbis way they took: name1v, that Thomas, earl of Lancaster, should be elected among them as tl;c cbieftain, and cbief doer in that business; to whom all otlJcr enrls, and barons, and prelates also, did coneordly condescend and consent., except only Walter, bishop of Coventry, wIJom Robert thc archbishop, 1'h. areh- on that account, afterwaros did exeommuniente. This Thomas of Lan~~;::,tof caster, by the publie assent of the rest, sent to the king (then Iying bury ex at York) hlIDlble petitians in the name, as weB of the wholc nobility ~:::\; as of the commons, desiring his grace to give the aforesaid Gaveston ~~:hoP of unto them; ar c1se, aceording to tIJe ordinance of the realm, that the Covenlry. land might be voided of him. But the tyrannous king, who set more by the Jove of one stranger than by his wIJole realm besides, neither would hearken to their eounsel, nor give place to their supplications; but in aIl hasty fury rernoved from York to N eWc:Istle. where he remained almost tiII Midsummcr. In the lIleantime, the barans had gathered an host of suffieient and able soldiers, eoming toward Newcastle ; not intcnding any molestatian against the king, but only the cxecution of the laws upon the wieke(l Gaveston. The king, not having wherewiili to resist thcir power, removcth in all spccdy manner to Tyncmouth, wherc the. queen was; and, hcaring thcre' that Newcastle was taken, he takelh shipping, and saileth from thcncc, notwithstanding the quccn there. being grent with chiId, with weeping kurs, and all instance, dcsirelh

r::1l7

(2) EK Chron. Tbo. Wal.inJ:ham.

PETER

.GAVE~TON

BEHBADKD.

647
o _

Mni to tlm.v with her, ns safe1y he might; but he, notliing relcntiDg s~ld to hert took Peter, his compccr, with him, and coasted over to __ the casLlc of Scarborough; wbere, leaving Peter Gavestou to thc A. D. safe kccping of his men, he himsclf joumeyed -toward thc coast ~ besidc \Varwick. 'l'he lords, hearing whcre Pcter was, bend thither Peter aU thcir power; so that, at lcngth, Gaveston seeing no remedy, but :;,~:,::,t;;' that hc must necds come into thcir hands, yieldeth and submitteth ~~e nohimsclf; requiring only this one condition, that he might talk a few .1. words with the king in his prcsence. 'l'hus Gaveston being apprehcndcd, the king' hearing thereof, scnt unto thc lords, requiring his life to be spared; and that he might be brought to speak to him, Tbe kin,; and promised that on their so doing, he wauld BIltisfy thcix: minds :~~r;o~' and requests in all things whatsocver. About this, advisement was blm. taken: but the earl of Pcmbroke, hearing thc J;.ing's promise, per~ suadcd thc barons to yield to his petition; promisinO' himsclf, upon pain of losing ail his lands, to take the charge upon him of bringing Gaveston to a confcrence with the king, and so to recommit hiro to thcm again: which when he bad obtained, he taketh Peter Gaveston with him, to bring him whcre the king lay; and so coming to Dcdington, not far from 'Varwick, he leavcth him in the keeping of his soldiers, while he that night went to his wifc, being not faroff from ihence. 'l'he same night it chanced that Guy, earl of \Varwick, came G3veetoll tu the same place whcre Gaveston was left; who, taking him out of ~~~~~ . the hands of his kcepers,carrieth him to the castle of W arwick, ~ Gur ~r where incontinent thcy would have put him to deata; but doubt- arw c ing and fearing thc king's displcasure, they staid a little. At that tilllC one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsel, as mine author writeth) standing up among them, with his grave oration. dec1arcth the nature of thc man, the wickedness of his own condition" thc r~m by-him 50 greatly endamaged, the nobles despised and rejccted, the pridc and ambition of the man intolerable, the ruin of thin/,'S likc to ensue by him, and the great charges and expenses hey had been at, in so long pursuing and getting him; and now, being gotten and in their hands, he exhorteth them to use and take the occasion now prcscnt; as hereafter, being out of thcir hands, they might seck, and should not find it. Briefy, in such sort, he so pcrsuaded the llearers, that forthwith Gaveltoo he was brought out, and by common agreement beheacled in a place ~llId. calIcd Blakelow; whiehplace in othcr stories I find to be ealled GavClr bead; but that name, as I think, was derived upon this oecasion, aft.erward. And thus he that before had ealled the carl of Warwiek the black dog of Arnen, was thus by thc said dog worried, as Je bave beard. "';::dZ. His earcase thc Dominie friarsofOxford had in their monastery interred for thc spaee of two years; but, after that, the king caused the said HII carcase to be taken up and buried within his owo manor of Langley. ~uit::i ID After this, great disturbance bcgan to arise between the king and \he king'; thc lords; who having their power lying about Dunstable, sent stout~::re;. inessage lmto the king at London, to have thcir former acts confirmcd. Gilbert, earl of Gloueester, the king's nephew (who ncithcr did hold against the king, nor yet against thc nobles), with thc Lishop" ann prclates of thc reahn, went betwccn bath partics with great ciiligcnee to m:ikc unity. At this timc. also, camc two eardinals

648

BUlTH OF IING EDWARD

nr.

..II......" trom Rome, with letters senL unto them trom the pope. The ~ nobles answered to the message of the cardinals, Iying then at St. A.D. Alban's; that, as touching themselves, they should be at all times 1312. welcome to them; but as touching their letters, forasmuch as they were men unlettered, and only brought up in war and feats of arms, The therefore they cared not to see thc same. Then message was sent ~e:: again, that they wonId at least grant but to speak with the pope's IUI~ hllegates, who purposely came for the intent to establish quiet and ~;'.:tn unity in the realm. They answered again, that they had bishops ~b?e: or both gOOlyand learned, by whose COUllSe1 only they wonId be led; .EDg1aud. and not by any strangers, who kuew not the true cause of their commotion. And, therefore, they Baid precisely, that they would have no foreigners or aliens to be doers in their business and affu.irs pertaining to the realm. Yet, notwithlltanding, through the mediation of the arehbishop and of the carl of O1oucester, the matter at lengtb was so taken up, that the barons should restore to the king, or to nis attomey of St. Alban's, all the treasure, horses, and jcwels of the aforesaid Gaveston taken at Newcastle ; and so their requests should be granted. And so was the matter at that time composed. Shortly arter, 188bel the queen was delivered of a fair child at ~~~~~~~ \yindsor, whom 1.0uis, the French king's son, (the queen's hrother, A.D.UJ:. WIth other Frenchmen there present) would have to be called by the R)'tDer.] name of the French king; but the English 10Ms were contrary. willing bim to be calIed by the name of Edward, his father. At the birth of this Edward there was great rejoicing throughout the land, and especially the king his father so much joyed thereat, that he began daily more and more to forget the sorrow and remembrance of Gaveston'll death, and was, after that, more agreeable to the wiU of his nobles. Thus peace and CODCOrd between them hegan to be in a good The king towaroness; which more and mom might llave been confinned in ~re~Y process of time, had not Satan, the author and sower of discord, eoU::l. stirred up his instruments (certain Frenchmen, titiviIIers, and mal<e....-. baits about the king), who ceased not, in carping and depraving the nobles, to infame the king's hatred and grudge against them; by the exciting of whom the old quarrels being renewed afresh, the king, in his parliament called upon the same, began to charge the aforesaid barons and nobles with sedition and rebelIion, and for slayillg Peter Gaveston. Neither were the nobles less stout again in defending their cause, declnring that they in BO doing had deserved rather thanks and favour with the king than any displeasure, in vanquishing such & public enemy of the realm ; who not onIy had spoiled and wasted the king's substance, but also had raised much disturbance in the realm ; and, forasmuch as they bad begun with the matter to their so great labour and expense, they would proceed further, they said, not ceasing tiII they saw an end thereof. To be short: great threats there were on hoth parta, and a foul matter had like to have folIowed ; Kod\&.- but again, through the diligent mediation of the queen, the preIates, tlon for puce. and the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, the matter was taken up and ne ki", brought to rcc.onciJement upon these conditions, that the lords and =~th barons openly in Westminster Hall should humble themselves before ~. the king, and ask pardon there of thcir doings, and that cvery man

A GRF:AT FAMINE IN ENGLAND.

there should receive a letter of the king's pardon, for their indemnity EthMN and assurance. And 80 passed over that ycar, within which died ~_ RobertWinchelsey, archbishop of Canterbury; in whose room Thomas A. D. Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to suc- ~ ceed; but the pope frustrating the election, placed Walter Reinold, bishop of W orcester. In the mean time, the Scots hearing this civil discord in the realm, A.D.lm. began to be busy, and to rebel anew through the means of Robert ~~dl:; Bruce, who being chased out of Scotland by king Edward I., as is ~ra":;". above premised, into Norway, was noW' returned again into Scotland, :::~th. where he demeaned himself in such sort to the lorda there, that in Tlte 8eot. mort pr0ce88 he was again made king of the realm, and warred so ~'d~ll 6trongly upon those that took the king's part, that he wan from them Rngland. many ca.stles and strong holda, and invaded the horders of England. The king, hearing this, assembleth a great power, and by water entereth the realm of Scotland; against whom encountered Robert Bruce with his Scots at Estrivelin J, where was fought a strong battle, Roglllhin the end whereof the Englishmen were discomfited, and 80 eagerly pursued by the Seots, that many of the noblemen were slain, as the [MO';d"~ earl of Gloucester, Sir Robert Clif'ord, Sir Edmund Maule, with ~~'D-:Zil other lords to the number of forty-two, and knights and barons two lJl.} bundred and twenty-seven, besides men of name, who were taken prisoners; of common soldiers ten thousand, or, after the Scottish story, filty thousand slain. After that, Sir Robert Bruce reigned as king of Scotland. Ahout that time, and in that ycar, died pope POpll et.element, who, keeping in the realm of France, never came to the see :::.~~~ lOt of Rome; after wh08e death the papaey stood void two yeara. ~ ~ "" The Scota, after this, exalted with pride and fierceness, invaded ;"D.I~I~. the realm of England so soreJy, killing and destroying man, woman, and child, that they came winning and wasting the north parta as far as to York. Besides this, such dearth of victuals and penury of all Jdbethings oppressed the whole land, such murrain of sheep and oxen, ~~:h 1hat men were f&in to eat horse-f1.esh, dogs, cats, mice, and what else an~ Cathey could get. Moreover, BUch a price of com followed withal, that ID the king hardly bad bread for the sustentation of his own household. Moreover, some there were that did steal children and eat them, and many, for lack of victual, died. And ret all this amended not the king of his evil living. Thc cause and origin of this great dearth, was partly the wara and Ito orlo dissension between them and the Scots, whereby a great part of the gili. land was wasted. But thc chiefest cause was the intemperate season of the ycar, which, contrary to the common courae, was so moist with abundance of rain, that thc grain laid in the earth could have no ripening by heat of the Bun, nor grow to any nourishment; BO that they who had to cat, could not be satisfied with fulness, but eftsoons were as hungry again. They that bad nothing were driven to steal and rob; the rich were constrained to avoid and diminish their households; thc poor for famine died. 2 And not 80 much tlte want ef victuals which could not be gotten, as the unwholesoroenesB or the same when it was taken, so consumed the people, that the quick were not sufficient to bury the dead; for the corruption of the meats,

:::oer-

CI) .. Earlnlln, Stirling.-ED.

(2) Ez ChroD. TIto. Wall. In Vlta Edward! U.

650

THE WHITE BATTI.E.

Hd"",..d by rm'lon of the unseasonableness ar the ground, was sa infcctious _,_/._ tho.t many died or the flux, many of hot fevers, divers of the pcstiA. o. lence. And not only the bodies of men thereby were infected, but E.I.2.:- also the bca.sts, by the putrefuetion of the herbs and grass, feU into 88 grcat a mUJTain, 50 far forth Ill! that the cating of fesh WIll! suspeeted and thought contagious. A quarter of com and salt, from the montJl of June to September, rase mm thirty shilIings to forty shillings. The fcsh or horses Will! then precious to the poor. Many were driven to steal fat doga, and to cat tJiem. Some were said, insecret comers, to cat their own children. Some 1I'0uld steal other men '8 children to kill them and cat them privily. The prisoners and thie"cs that were in bonds, for hunger fell upon slIch as were newly brought in unto them, and, tcaring them in pieces, did eat them half alive. Briefy, this extreme penury hlld extinguished and consumed (as it WB.'l thought) the grcatest part of the people -of thc land, had not the king, by the statute of the Londoners, given forth commandment through aU his land, tho.t na com should at that time be turncd to the making of drink. Such a Lord is Gad, tlms able to do, whcre he is disposcd to strike. And yet we miserable creatures, in our wcnth and abundance, will not cease dnily to provoke his terrible Majcsty. But let us rcturn again to the orderof our story. After tllC 8cots Imd thus plagued miserably, as ye have hcard, the realm of England, thcy algo invaded Ireland, where they kept up and continued war the space of fOUT years. But in fine, the Irishmen (by aid sent to them Seotll drh'ell from England) did quit themscIves so well, that they vanquished the llut o( Jrcland. Scots, and sIew Edward Bruce, and mauy of the nobles of Scotland, witlt many others, and drove the residue out of the country. A 0.1319. The king, about the twelfth year of his reign, assembled a new host, and went into Scotland, where he laid siege to Berwick. But in tlte mean time, the Scots, by another way, invaded the marches of y orkshire, robbing and harassing the country, and they sIew much people. Whercfore the ardlbishop of York, and others, the nbbots, priors, clcrks, with lmsbandmen, 8SScmbled a grent company, (~.pt. and !,.ravc them baltlc at a place caIJed Mitton, ""here the En~isllmen ~O\h.] ~ werc discomfitcd, and many of them slain; but the arcllbis op and the abbot of ScIby, and divers others there, escaped. So many TIto "'hite Dattle ot spiritual men were slain there, that it was cnlled the White Battle ; lipiritual for reason whereof, tlte king on hearing of it, and partly because men in Yurk",inter did npproach, was constrnincd to mise the sicge; and 80 re5hlre. tumed, not without great danger. Thc two A t this time thc twa 8pcnsers (sir Hugh Spcnser the fatller, and ~l""l>ers. II ugh Spcnser the son) were of great power in England, and by the t:wour of the king practised such cruelty, and bore themseIves SD haughtily and proudly, tlIat no loru of this land might gainsay them in ally thing that they thought good; whereby tlley were in great ll:!tred and indignation both with the nobles and the commons, no ~~;~'< less th:m Petcr Gavcston was before. I<-~~tl'< Soon upon this Calnc twa lebrates from Rome, sent by ~ope ~]>tl11crl or J l X II "undcr pretencc to .settIe an agrecment be tween ngtheir ill. ,() m ~ r X ~~~~~~rc. land and Scotland; who, for their charges and expenscs, required of -In:;;"'" C\U}" ~piritual person four-pence in every marko But all thcir fabour

CLERGY RESIST THE EXTORTION OF TlIE LE(MTES.

~6tn

nothing availed; for the legates, as they were in the north parta 'Bd"'ar!J (about Darlington) with tbeir whole fnmily and train, were robbed 11. and despoiled of their h018es, treasure, apparel, and what else they A. D. had, and with an evil-favoured handling came to Durham whither ~ they were going; where they staid awhile-, waiting for an answer ,,~. &om the Seota. But when neither the pope's legacy, nor his curse, -d:e would take any place with the SeotB, they returned again to pope'. London, "here they first excommuDlcated and cursed as bIack as conlcmnsoot all those arrogant and presumptuous robbers of N orthumberland. ~o~;.lhe Secondly, for supplying of the 10BSes received, they exacled of the c1ergy, to be given and paid unto them, eight-pence in every marko The But the clergy thereunto. wouId not agree, seeing it was their own ~~~noJ covctousness (as. they sald) that made them vcnture furthcr than re.i'l ~he they needed. OnIy they were contentcd to relieve tbem arter ~~~~I.n four-pence in a mark, as they promised before: further tbey would not f:::~ grant: whereof the king being advertised, and taking part with his c1ergy, direced his Ietters to the said Iegates in form as followeth :1_
l"Urte

..

Lettl.'T of the King against

Papa

Extortion.

The king to Master Rigaud of A~serio, canon of Orlean!!, greetin~: we have A prohltakell notice .o~ the clamours and lamentable :petitions of the subJect;s of our ~t~l:,t realm, percelvmg by the same that you pmctIse many and sundry mconve- ,frange niencics very strange, never heretofore accustomed, nor heard of in this our !ox and realm, as well against the clergy and ecclesiatical persons, as against the laity, ~i~r.t. even to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many of our liege :people ; . which if it should be winked at, as God forbid, may, in process of .tIme, be occasion of grcater perils to ensue j whereat we are (not without cause) moved, and not alittle grieved. We forbid .you, therefore, that from henceforth you practisenot, nor presume in any case to attempt any thing within this our rcalm, either against our clergy or laity, that may in any manner of way tend to the prejudice uf aur royal person, or of our crown and dignity regal. Witness the king at Windsor the six~ day of February, in the 11th year of his reign. Per coneilium.

Likcwise in the same )'car the said king writeth to the same cffect to thc archbishop or Canterbur)', as followcth : 2 _ Lctter of the King to the Archbishop of Canterbur)'.
The king to the reverend father in God, W. by the same grace archbishop of Canterbury, primate of England, greeting: We are credibly informed by many uf our subjects, that certain strange impositions, never heard of befure within any of our dominions, upon lands and tenements, goods and chattels, concerning the testaments and cases of matrimony, are brought into our realm to be executed upon OU' subjects by you or some others; which, if it should proceed to execution, would manifestly tend to the disherison and impeachment of our crown and dignity regal, and the intolemble darnage of the subjects of our realm, to the due preservation of the wbich you are bound by ~olemn oatb of allegiance. We therefore command and straitly charge 1.0u, that you proceed not in any cWle to the execution of any such letters, eIther in your own person, or by any other, nor yet presume, by colour of the same, to attempt any thing that may be I?rejudicial or hurtful to our crown or dignity rc~al. And if you, or any othcr In your name, have clone or attemptecl any thmg by colour of the same, that ye cali back and revoke the same forthwith without delay. Witness the king at Shene, the 1ith of February, the eleventh year of his l'eign. Per ipsum regem.
(1) Rex Ma~i.tro Rigando de Asserio, canonico Aurelian aalutem. &c. (2) Rex veuerallili in Christo patrf, W. eadem gra. f\rt'biepiac.opo Cant., S::r,

65!
Z-.rrl
_11_,_

A PROHIBITIOlt TOUCHING PETER-piNCE.

'l'he like letters in effect were directed to the archbishop of York. nnd to every other bishop throughout England; by force of which A. D. lettertl the greedy legates beinK restmined of their ravening purpose. 1318. taking what they could get, and setting a peace, such as it was, between the king and the earl or LanCll8ter, were fain to pack. Besides the restraint above mentioned for strange unpositions. there folIowed, moreover, the same year, the king's prohibition for the gatheng of Petel'-pence, directed to the aforesaid legate the tenor 1I'hereof followeth. A Prohibition Bgainst extortion in gathcring the Pope's Pctcr-pence"
Th8 king to M&lter Rigaud of Allerio, canon of Orleana, greeting: We are given to undentand that yon do demand and purpoae to levy the Peter-penn.\ within our realm, otherwise than the said Peter-penny hath been heretofore accuatolt1ed to be levied in the time of anyour progenitotll, e~etminA' hen'in gevOIl8 ceDSUrell ecclesiutical, to the great annoyance and damnifving of the aubjecta uf aur realm; for preaent reroedy whereof our loving lU'bjecls hll' e made their huroble IUpplication untu Ul. And forumuch &I the said Petelpenny hath been hitherto accuatomed to be gathered and levied upon lan,'" and tenementa within aur rt".alm after a due manner and form, we, not willing that any BUCh unaecustomed impositiona ahall in any wiae be mMe upan the landa and tenementa of any of aur aubjecta within aur dominiom, prohibit you, upan gevoua pam, atraitly charging that in no wise yOll preaume to exact, gather, Ol levy the said Peter-penny in any other fonn ar manner than hath been heretofore accuatomed to be gathered and levied in the time of aur I?rogeniton, ar lince the beginning of aur reiguj until further order be taken ID our high court of parliament by the advice ol" the nobles and peera of aur realrn, luch &I may well be taken without J,lrejudice of aur craWlI and damage of aubjecta. Witneu the king at Westminster the fint day of March. Per ipauro regem et concilium.

Lettertl to the ll&IIle ef'ect were directed to the archbishop&, deans. archdeBcons, and the rest of the clergy. Touching the first original of this Peter-pence, though mention btmade before in the life of king 0fFa and others, yet to malte a brief recapitulation of the ll&IIle, according to the rolls as they come to our hands." It is found recorded in ancient chronicles touching the Peter-pence ofSt. Peter (A. D. 793), thatOfl'a, king of Mercia, travelled Road be- up to Rome in the time of pope Adrian I. to obtain the canonizing ~~oo~he of St. Alban; and having performed his TOW, visiting the college of kingOlI'&, English students which then fourished in Rome, he did give to the :~e~~ maintenance of the scholara of EngIand, students in Rome, one penny wolt. out of every tenement within this realm, that had land belongmg to it amounting to the yearly value of thirty pence. And for this hill munifieence he obtained of pope Adrian, that no person within his dominion public, repenting him for not performing enjoined penance, should therefore be banished."
&DIl1l aDo mlDCUIU portali pneclplt, taUler dIYldeodallbldem: '-II. 100 manc:u_ In honorea KUlcet Pelri, lpeciaJiler ad emendum oleom, quo mp1enntur omna lwulnarta eccle.te apa.toliea

(1) .. Re'" M"lrlatlO Rlgando.(2) De denarlh beat! Petrll!e ocr\pnm, ... (a) A.D. U7. - .. Adewultul rell: W..taaa:ODom. t8mpore Leool. pape quartl, Ilomam

mr,au.

In Yeo""ra Puc:be ello pili c:antu; et OO maDCUIU In honorem ..l1Icel Pluli el.dem de <aUli.; 100 pr.,er.. mancu_ pr...lpll exhlberl uoyenalJ Pap.. ad 00&1 e1eemlyuu amplilDw. Et acieodum, quod oec:undum IDliquorum Aoglorum 10\erpre<atlonem dl1l'eronl mlDc:ooa et maD.... qula mancul& Idom era1 apud eol quod msn:a argenle&: manca velo era1 monetalllllU ql>&llra, ot

ar thI. POler-pen... II touod I &ranoerlp& ot !he orIIinal reoerlp& apOoto1lc:al, lhe _ wheront II lhl.: .. Gregorluo eplac:opuo, aer.o. . ."orum Dei, .ooeralJlllbu. lratrlbuo Centnar. el Ebor. an:biopl.c:opll el eorum 'u1I'raganel., et dUec:U. ilUI. abbo<ibu., prlorlbuo, an:bl_ <0011, eorumquo olIIdaI1bu. per reeoum Anglie eo...UCulil, ad qoos 1I1ore lite pory.,erlnt,

Ya1eb&C communiter 30 dcoariOl arreoteo..

TWENTY-TWO OF THE NOBILITY PUT TO DEATH.

658

Conceming this Peter-pence, it is touched in the laws of king E"-fIN Edward the Martyr, chap. 10, when, where, of whom, and under ~ what pain, this Peter-pence must be gathered; being but the king's Af mere alms, as is aforesaid. And thus much touching Peter-pence. 13 2 N ow for other letters written by the kin~ to the pope, the same year, fllr other matters, as craving the pope B help in compounding !.'he variance betwixt the two archbishops of Canterbury and York. for bearing the cross from the one province to the other, thus it fol loweth: that the king grievously complaineth, that such hurly-burly and uproar arose thereof, that they could not meet together in one place through the grcat multitude of armed men, assistants on OOth parts in the very bearing of the cross, to the grcat disturbance of the people. N owaner this long digression, to tum to our English matters again, mention was made before of the variance between the king and the carl of Lancaster, and of a peace conc1uded between them. But thia peace did not long endure, which the king by his own default did break, sending to the Scota a privy messenger (who-was takcn in the way), to have the aforesaid earl of Lancaster by their means made away with. In the mean time the lorcls and nobles of England, detesting the Prld" or outrageous pride of the Spensers, whereby they wrought daily OOth :::.~pe" great dishonour to the king, and hindemnce to the commonweal, in such wise conspired against them, that gathering their power together, they made a request to the king, that he should remove the Spensers from his person. For this there was a parliament called at London, f~~' and the barona came together with a grcat company; at which parlia- A.tD: ment OOth the Spensers were banished the land for the term of their 1321.) lives, and they took shipping at Dover, and so voided the land. But not long aft.er, the king (contrary to the ordinance marle in the pariament) sent for the Spensers &gain, and set them in high &lIthority; and they ruled al] things aner their senaual appetites, nothing regarding justice or the commonwealth. The barons, thereforo, intending again to reform this mischief, assembled their powers ; bllt the king (making BUch hasty speed, and gathering his people so 800n) W8ll atronger tban they, and pursued them so in divers places, th8t the barona, not fully joined together (some fying, and some departing to the king, some slain by the way), in the end were chased 80 eagerly, that in short space the aforesaid Thomas, earl of Lancaster, was taken, A.D.lan. and put to dcath with the rest of the nobility, to the number of two Tw"n?i. and twenty of the greatest men, and chiefest eaptains of this realm ; ~a~":t of whom only 'fhomas, earlof Lancaster,1 for the nobility of his :;~~;t, blood, was beheaded, an the other lorda and barons being hanged, :~:.rh't dmwn, and quartered, &c. This bloody unmercifulness of the king br th" toward his natural subjects, not only procured to bim great dishonour lung.
Alulem el apoolollram beuedlc:tlon"m. Qualller denarII beatl PoIrI, quI debenlur c:am"fIIl noalflll. colllganlur In Anglia "lin qulbuo ep.....patlbUl el d1ocOl. d"beantnr, ne IUper hoc dubltarI eonl1Jiga1, el p....oentibUl reclmUl annotar!, Ilmt In reglatro oed" apollollMl! eonUuelur. D. Cantuar. d10ce0 71. 181. lterllngorum. De London. dl""... 181. lO.. De Roll'enl. dIooOI. 61. 11II. De NonrkeuL dlocel. '11. 101. De FJienwn. 61. De L1nroln. Ul. De Clotrenl. 81. De WinIon. 171.81. 84. De Exon. Ul. 5.. De WIgom". 101. 6.. De Hereronl. 81. De Dathon. dlocel. 111. 5. De 8arllbur. 171. De Conom. 101. II. De Ebor&<. 111. lO.. Datum apud urhem veterem. lO I:al. Mali Ponlllleelul nOllrl anno ..mndo. Summa, ao '300] mar.,. "l dlmldl lI} Thomas, ear ot Lancaster, eAme of Edmund, younger 100 of klUg Henry 11I.

6.54
EtI"'Qrd

THE KING DISTRESSED 1:"1 SCOTLAND.

~ hann and hinderance, in his foreign wara against the Scots; and,
132~

within the realm, but also tuine<1 afterwar<1s to his mueh greatcr

.\.. D. finalIy, wrought his uUer confusion, and the ovcrthrow of his seat

royal, as in the sequel of his end appcared, and worthily. After the ruin of these noble personages, the king, as though he had gotten a great eonquest (who then indeed began first to be overcom'e and conquered himself, when he so oppressed and cut off thc strength and sinews of his chivalry), began to triumph not alittle with the Spensers; and, to count himself sure as though he were in heaven, to exereise more sharp severity upon his su~jects, trusting and cornrnitting alI to the counsel oniy of the aforcsaid Spensers, insomuch that both the queen and theresidue of the nobles coulci liule be regarded; who, as thcy grcw ever in more contempt with tlte king, so they increased more in hatred against the Spcnsers; but strength and ability lacked to work their will. A n 1323. The next year, the king bcing at York, after he had made Sir Hugh Spenser an earl, and Sir Robert &ldock (a man of evil farne) to be chancellor of England. he then arcared a mighty host against the Scots j b1!t for lack of skilful guiding, expert eaptains, and for want. The king specia1y of due provision of victuals necessary for such an army, tbe C;;;~:in great rnultitude, to the number reckoned of a hundred thou!Illnd (wan. :=n~cot- dering through Scotland, from whence the Seots had conveyed all their goOdB and cattle into mountains and marshes), were 50 pinched anll starved with famine, that a w-eat part of the army there presently perished j and they that returned home, as soon as they tasted of meats, escaped not. The king neither having resistance of his enemies, and seeing snch a destruction of his subjccts, was forced, withont any act done, to retire. But in his retiring, Sir James Douglas and the Seots having knowledge thereof, pursued hirn in such wise, that thcy sIew many Englishmen, and had well near taken the king himself. After this distress, the king, tbus beaten and wcaried with the Scota, would fain have joined in truce with the Seots; but because they .stood excommunicatcd by the popc, he standing in fClU' thereof, desired license to treat with them of peace, notwithstanding thc said excommunication: which license being obtained, a treaty was 8ppointcd by commissioners on both parts at N ewcastle, at the feast [May of St. Nicholas next ensuing; and so truce was taken for thirteen 3O,h, years. 'Vhereupon this is to be noted by tbe way, gentle reader, not A.D. 1323.] unworthy of observation, that whereas in former times, and espccially ,Jp}6I!1.diz. in those of the late king Edward I., so long as the Seota werc undcr the pope's blessing, and we in displeasure with his holiness for dealing with them, 50 long we prevailed migbtily against them, e"cn to the uUer subversion in a manner of their whole estate. But no'.\' BO soon as the pope took our part, and the Seots were under his curse and excommunication, then gat they. greatcr victoriesagainst us than at any time either before or since; insomuch as that beiJll.! before 110t able to defend themselves against U5, they now pursucd UB into the bowels of our own country. The king purposing to erect a honse of mara Augustinc, witl.in the town of Boston in Lincolnshire, first prayed the popc's liccnsc in that behalf Polydore VirgiI, among othcx histories of our English natiolJ
H1o. cruel relolclng.

.-

Jo'IUNCE EDWARD MADE DUKE OF AQUITAIIIoE, &C.

65.1

which he intermeddleth with, prosl'Cuting also the nets and life of Eduur<, this present king, and coming to wte of tbe queen's going over ~ intl} France, inferreth much variety and diversity of authors and A. D. story-wters conceming the cause thereof. Otherwise, be giveth 1324. rimself no true certainty of that matter, neither yet toucheth he that ~?l}~or. which was the real cause; by rC8llOn partly, that be bcing an ltalian It~~~;"an and 3 foreigner, could not understand our English tongue, and partly :u~l~~~" again, being but one man, neither couId he alone come to tbe sight nCI. U.h .10 of all our Latm autbors. One I am sure came not to bis pemsing, an old ancient Latin history fairly wtten in parchment, but without name, belonging to tbe library of William Cary, citizen of London. In that story, the truth of thia matter, without any ambiguity, is fully and with all circumstances expressed, as here beBy is inserted. The king of England had been divers and BUndry times citcd up A.D.I~2. to the court of France, to do homage to the French king, for the dukedom of Aquitaine, and other lands which the king then hcM of France; which bomage because the j{ing of England refused to tender, the French king began to enter al1 such posscssions as tllC king then did hold in France: whereupon great contention and conficts there were, on both sides. At length, in this year now present, a parliament was called at London, where, after much altcrcation, at last it was determined, that certain should be sent ovcr, to wit, the bisbops of Winchester and Norwich, and the carl of Hiehmond, to make agreement betwixt the two kings; for the bettcr help and fortification of wbich agreement, it was tbought good afterwards, that queen lsabel, sister to Charles, then tbe Freneh king, sbould be sent Qver. Here is to be noted first, tbat tbe queen's lands and possessions and castles alittle before, upon the breaeh between the Frencb king and the king of England, were seized into the king's hands, and the queen put to ber pension, &c. Thus the queen no ' ' J olm quoen put be, mg sent over wlth a few to attend upon her, onI y SIr lo her Cromwel, baron, and four knights, took their passage to France; by ~en~ion. wh08e mediation it WII8 there concluded, that the king of England, F~:n~. if he would not himself come to do his homage, should givc to his eon Edward the dnkedom of Aquitaine and the earldom of Pontigny: Prin<e and he to come to make his homage to the king, and to possess :~:rd the same. This being in France concluded, was sent over by dAukelor " 'h the k' qUI 8me message to tbe k mg of E ngl an d, WIt "mg,s I etters patent and, earl adjoined for the safe conduct of him or of his son. U pon this, ~rg:,~~" deliberation was taken in the counciI of England; but the two Spensers feang to take the seas with the king, or, without the king, to remain bebind, for fear of the nobles, BO appointed, that pnce Edward, the king's BOn, was sent, which happened afterwards to their utter desolation, as it folIowed : for a]] things being quieted and ordered according to the agreeffient in France, king Edward of England, soon after Michaehnas, sendeth for his wife and his son again out of France. But she, sending home most part of her family, Tho refusetlI herself to return; fr what eause it is not fu1ly certain, ~~~h. whether for indignation that her possesBions and lands were seized to ~ince rethe king, as is before premised; or whether for fear and hatred of the tu~~l~n:: 8pensers, 88 is likely; or else for love and familiaty of Sir Roger Eng\and,

50

356

THE QUEEN ANO PRUl'eR PROCl.AlMED TRAITOJlS.

EdlDJrtJ Mortimer. For here i3 to be noted, that the said Sir Roger Mol'~ timer, with di.vers others of the barons' part, who had broken prisOIl A. D. in England, were f1.ed before into Fmnce, and now resorted unto the E:!5 ~ueen. The king seeing this, giTeth forth in proclamation, and hmiteth a certain day to the queen and his son to return; or else to be proclaimed tmitors to the king and to the realm. Notwithstanding, the queen persisting in her purpose, denieth to return, unless the other nobles who were f1.ed mlght be permitted safely also to return I'toe:Ialm. with her; whereupon the king immedlately caused them both to be ::~rl~- proclaimed tmitors, and all them that took their parte. &IllancL Here then began great hatred between king and king, between the king and the quecn, much preparation of war, great spoiling on the Se&, much sending between the pope and them; but that would not l'he Llnl serve. Then the king, by the counsel of the Spensers, sendeth ;::~8~1'\I'I privily to procure the death of the queen and of his son, which tlo. hde&lh should be wrought by the execution of tha carl of Richmond, the ~~: queen's familiar; but as the Lord would, that imagination was pre:::fn. vented and utterly frustmtad. Albeit, the queen, yet notwithstanding (whether misdoubting what corruption or money might do in the court of Fmnce; or whether the French king, being threateued by the king of England and by the pope, durst not detain her), remoTed from thence, and was received with Edward her son, joyously and ... D.1325. honoumbly in the court or country of the earl of Heinault. There. ~n.. by means of such as were about her, a marriage was concluded b.~':od between the said Edward her son, being of the age of fourteen yeanJ, and Philippa, the aforesaid earl's daughter. When this was noised ~in England, divers men of honour and name came over to the queen ; ~t.r. and, soon aft.er, the earl of Heinault prepared a crew of five hundred men of arms to set over the young prince with his mother into England. Of this the farne spmng shortly through the realm ; wherefore the king in all defensible ways made provision to have the havens and porta of his land surely kept, to resist tbe landing of his enemies. On tbe contrary side, the queen, with no less prepamtion, provideth all things to her expedition necessary; who, when she saw her time, speeding herself to the sea-coast with prince Edward her son, lord ~dmund carl of Kent the king's brother, Sir Roger Mortimer, the lord W ygmore, and other exiles of England, accompanied also hy the aforesaid Heinaulders, of whom Sir John of Heinault, the car}'! brother, was captain, having with her of Englishmen and stmngers the numher of two thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven soldiers; she took shipping in those parta, and had the wind so favoumble, that n. they landed ID England at a port called Orwel, heside Harwich in ~~;7,::'~ SuWolk, in the dominion of the carl II18rshal, in the month of ~n~~': September; to whom, after her landing, resorted carl marshal the I&ud. carl of Leicester, with other barona, knigbts, and bishops also: namely of Lincoln, Hereford, Durham, and Ely. Tbe archbishop or Canterbury, though he came not himself, yet sent his aid and money. A.D.I3!8. Thus the qucen, wen furnished with plenty both of men and victuals, Th ki setteth forward towaM London; so that the further she came, the de.~llu~.g more her number daily increased, and the king's power contmrily :~:.~_ decreased; insomuch tha1, as mine author affinneth, not one almost in dlen. all the realm could be hired with any wages to fight on the king's hehalf

::r:r

TUE QUEEN'S LETTEIl TO TUE LONDONEItS.

6.ij

against the qucen, neither did the queen's anny hurt an)' man ar chilll, Ed/l",d either in goods ar an.y other thing, by the waJ. II. At the arriving ot' the queen, the .king was in London, who first A. D. wouId not beIievc it to be true. Af'terwards, seeing and percciving 1326. how it was, he asketh help of the Londoners, who, after mature advisement, rcndcred this answcr to thc king again: that as touching An...er thc king, thc qucen, and their san, the I. wful heir of the kingdom, ~~~~n they were ready, with aU duty and service, to honour and obey. As ~~~l~~lhC for strangers and traitors to thc realm, they would receive none such within their city gates. Furthennore, to go out of the city to fight, that, they said, they would not, unlcss it were sa, that according to the liberties of their city, they might return home again before sun- Libertl~. set. The king hearing this answer (which liked him not weB), ~n~~~~;; fortifieth the Tower of London with men and victuals, committ:ng ~n going the cllstody thereof to John Ealtham, his yOlmger on, and to the o war. wife of Hugh Spenser, his niece; and leaving Walter Stapleton, bishop of Exeter, hehind him, to have the rule of the city of London, he himself, hearing daily the great recourse of the peopIe that drew to the queen, for .more safeguard to himself, Bed with a smalI company westward, towaros Wales. But, before his departing from T!'e London, he eaused a proclamation to be made, wherein all and singular ~:r~ persons were charged, upon forfeit of life and goods, every man with malIon. aU his power to rise and invade the rebeIs and destroy them aIl, only the lives of the queen, his son, and his brother, reserved. AIsQ that no man, upon pain pretaxate, should help, reseue, ar reiieve the said rebeIs, with goods, vietuals, ar otherwise. Item, it WlUl also proclaimed, that whosoever wouId bring to the king the head and body of Sir Roger Mortimer, either dead or alive, should have out of the king's coffers a thousand pounds. In contrariwise, the queen setteth forth another prochunation, Tho wherein it was forbidden to take ar spoil violently 1he value of any ~~~::. man's goods against the will of the owner, under pain of losing his matlon. tinger, ifit were three-pence; of his hand, if it were sixpenee; of his head, if it were twelve-pence. Moreover, whosoever would bring to the queen the head of Hugh Spenser the younger, ehopped off trom his Lody, should rceeive of the queen for sa doing, twa thousand pounds. This done, the queen sendeth her letters to the city of London for aid and sueeour to subdue the oppressor of the realm, to which letters at first no answer was made. Again. she wrote the seeond letter, which was then taeked upon the cross in Cheap, which was then calIed the new cross; the copy and tenor or which Ietter was this: Copy of a Lettcr that the Queen sent unto the Mayor and Citizens of London.
babel, by the gTlWe of Gad, queen of England, lady of Jrelll.Ild, and countes8 of Pountif. And we Edward, the first son of the king of England, duke of Guienne, earl of Chester, of POlUltif, llnd of Mounstrell, to the mayor llnd aJl the commonalty of London, send greeting. Forasmuch as we have before tbis time lent to you by our letters, and how we come into this land in good array, and good manner, for the profit of holy church, and of our right dear lord and king, and all the realm, with all our rnight and strength to keep and maintain the realm, as all good people ought for to do; upon that, we pruy you and desire 700 tha! ve would be helping to UB for the heaJth and profit of the reaJm; and
VOL. IL U U

TIIE SPENSERS, FATHER AND SON, EXF.CUTED.

we have had none answer oC you, nor know not your will in that part: 1I'hereCore we send to you agRiIl, and pray yau, and charge you, that ye bear yOll 80 agRinst UB, that ye bave no nor make caus us to grieve, but that ye be to 13'27' us helping in a11 the ways that you may. And wee ye well in certain, that .----. we, and a1so those that cometh with us into this realm, 1I0thing Cor to dom', but tbat shall be pleasing to God, and common profit to aII the realm; not elle, but Car to destroy tbe Spensers, enemies to the realm, as ye well kllow. WhereCore we pray and cbarge you, in the CRith that ye owe to aur lord the king, to the crown, and to us, and upon a1l that ye may Corfeit, that iC Hugh Sppnser, both the Cather and the son, our enemies, come withill your power, that yP do them bastily to be taken, and safely kept, till we have ordained Cor them our will, as ye desire profit and bonour oC UB, and oC the realm. Understandillg well, if it be so, that ye do our desire and prayer, we .hall the more be beholden to you. And a1so we shall do you profit and worship if that ye send us hastily word agRin oC your will. Given at Baldocke, the !ixth day oC October.

AD

Bd"'ard II.

Bllbop ot These aforesaid letters being published and perused, the bishop of :;'~~:Jed Exeter,l to whom, as ye heard, was committed the role of the city, ::,:,~eard BCnt to the ma)'or for the keys of the gates, using such sharp worda iD Cbeap. in the king's name, that variance began to kindle between him and the citizens; so much so that the commons in their rage took the bishop and beheaded him and two of his household at the Standard in Cheap. Then the king went to Bristol, and ordained Sir Hugh Spcnser the father, to keep the castle and own there; and the king, with Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock, the chancellor, and the earl of Arundel, went into 'Vales. The queen'8 forces so pursued them, that they firs took the town, yielded up to Hugb her; then they took Sir Hugh Spenser the father, whom, being dmwn ~r.n:r, and tom, they at last hanged up. at Bristol, in chains of iron. A~ ~ber, d I the king was thus fying, the queen eaused to be proclaimed throughc~~. n out her anny, that the king should come and appear, and so receive his kingdom again, if he would be comfortable to his liege subjects : who when he did not appear, prince Edward, his BOn, was proclaimed high keeper of the realm. Tbe king In the mean time Henryearl of LanffiBter, and brother to the good \~~;I.m earl Thomas, who before was beheaded, also lord William Souch, and Master U phowel, were sent by the queen into Wales to pursue the king, and there they took him, and sent him to the castle of Kenilworth; and took H ugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock the chancellor, and Si;. John, earl of Arundel, and brought them all to the Hugb town of Hereford. Soon after, Hugh Spenser the son, was dmwn. ~r.=~' and hanged on a gallows fifty feet high, and afterwards beheaded executed. and quartercd, whose quarters were sent into the four quarters the realm. Sir John of Arundel was beheaded, and Sir Robert Baldock was put in N ewgate at London, where, shortly after, he ~a~. 7tb, pined away and died among the thieves. This done, a parliamcnt lm:] was assembled at London, from whcnce message was sent to the king, that if he would resign up his crown, his son should have it after him : if not, another should take it, to whom the lot would give it: whereupon the king, being constrained to yield up his crown to his son, was kept in prison, and after had to Barkley ; where he is said to have taken great repentance. At'.er this message being sent, and the king half

or

lI1 Tbll bllbop ot Enter buIlded In Oxford t ...o coIIegeo, Exe... CoIIep, and Hart Hall; bis
namc ..... Gn&1ter 8taplelOn.

XJXG EDWARD II. JMPRISONED AXD DEPOSED.

659

condescending thereunto (the parliament notwithstanding prosecuting and going forward), there was a bill exhibited and put up, containing -.!.!:..certain articles against the said king, then in prison in the castle of A. D. Barkley, touching his misbehaviour and imprudent goveming of the 1327. realm; which bill openly before the lords and commons, by the A ~!~l 4 speaker of the parliament house, was read. After long consultation ~: t~e te thcreupon amongst themselves touching those articles, and also for :'na:~~a the better and more circumspect government of the realm from that ::a~tt time forth, it was consulted and agreed upon by thc lords spiritual o ng and tempamI, and the commons there asserribled, that the said Edward was a man not meet to be their king, nor mm that time forth any more to bear the crown royal, or title of a king; but that Edward Thokln& his eldest son, who there in the same court of high parliament was g?t~ present, as he was rightful heir and inheritor thcreunto, sa should he parl~ 4 be crowned king thereof in his father's stead, with these conditions ;:::~~: thereunto annexed: that he should take wise, sage, and true coun- :::::;4 sellors unto bim, that the realm might be better and more circum- king spectly govemed, than before in the time of Edward his father it was; and tliat the old king, bis father. should be honourably provided for and kept, so long as he lived, according as unto his estate it appertained, Stc. These and other things thus 1inished and ended, the parliament breaketh up, and all things necessary, and to the coronation of a prince appertaining, were in speedy wise prepared, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be specified. In the mean time as touching the king, who was yet in prison, it is thought by some writers, that the next year following, by the means ~..21.t, of Sir Roger Mortimer, he was miserably slain, by a spit, as it is said. 1327.] being thrust up into his body, and was buried at Gloucester, after he had reigned nincteen years. In the time and reign of this king, the college of Cambridge, called Michael Michael House, was founded and builded by Sir Henry Stanton, rno~:;,_ knight, to the use and increase of learning, a thing in a common- ~o~~~d wealth very profitable and necessary to be had; the want and need by Henry whereo~ many sundry times, is sooner felt in this realm of aura and Stanton. other realms abroad, than is the discommodity thereof of most men commonly understood. About the same time also was Nicolaus de Lyra, who wrote the A,,/::.nr. ordinary Gloss of the BibIe: also Gulielmus Ocham, a worthy divine, and of a right sincere judgment, as the times then would either give or suffer. In the tractation of this king's history, it was declared before what grudge did kindle in the hearts of the barons against the king, for revoking such acts and customs as had been before in the parliament established, both for Peter Gaveston, and for the two Spensers. AIso, what severe punishment the king did execute upon them for the same, in such cruel and rigorous sort, that as he spared none of t1lOse whom he could there find, 80 he never ceased aIl his life after to inquire out and to be revenged of all such as had been in any part or consenting to that matter. For this his extreme and implacable tyranny, he was T>;a"ny in such hatred of all the people, that, as he said, he could not find ~~o;:.o one of all the commons to take his part, when need required. Among plo. others who were for that matter troubled, was one Adam, bishop of u u ft

E"_."

660

T;n~ BHlHOI' CF H~:nEFOJll) COSl)~:MJo;ED BY TH: KING.

Edward Hereford, who bcing impcached of trcason with othel's besidcs, was at _I_c'_length arrestcd in the parliament to appeal' and answer to that which A.l>. shouM be to him objected. Many things were there laid aga.inst him, 1327. for taking part with them that rose aga.inst the king, with more mattcrs, A~, and heinous rebukes, &e.; whereunto the bishop for a great while answered not11in~.1 Form ot At length the bishop, c1aiming the liberties and privilegcs of tllc :~~~. a chureh, answered the king in this fonn :~-" The due revercnce of yOll1' 1J~.I;~p princely majesty ever saved, I, an humble minister and mcmhcr of thc ~:Ke.lh. holy ehurch of God, and a bishop eonsccratcd (albcit unworthy), c:lll~~;~~ge not, neither ought, to answer to thcsc 50 high matters without autllOrity ~~~r;~ a of the archbishop of Canterbury, my direct judge ncxt under the high .ecular bishop of Rome, whose suffragan also I am, and the consent likewise of Judb"" the other my fellow-bishops." After these words by llim pronounecrl, the archbishop and other bishops with him wcre ready to make humblc intereession for him to the king, and did. But when the king would Th. bi<chop not be won nor turned with Ilny supplieation, the said bishop, reKcned bf Ihe together with the arehbishop and the clcrgy, eoming with t.heir crosscs, dergy. took him away, ehallenging him for the ehureh, without any mOl'C answer-making; eharging moreover, under the eensures of the dumh and exeommunieation, none to prcsume to lay any furthel' hands upon The king him. The king, moved with this boldness and stoutness of the ~;;:c;;:'d- clergy, eommandeth, notwithstanding, to proceed in judgment, and ~~~f.::nl the jury of twelve men to go upon the inquiry of his eause; who ~hcl finding and pronouneing the bishop to be gnilty, the king eauscu ,. 1lI:>. immediately aIl his goods and possessiolls to be eonfiseated unto himself: moreover, he made his plate and all his household provision to be thrown out of his house into the street; but yet he remaincd still under the protection and dcfcnce of the arehbishop, &e. A"".":... This arehbishop was Walter Reynold; aftel' whom sueeeedcd Simon Mepham. in the same see of Cantel'bury, A. D. 18~8. After pope Clement V., by whose dceease the Romish set:: stood yaeant, as ye have heard, two years and three months, ncxt was electcd pope JohnXXII.,4a Cistercian monk, who sat in that papaey eightel'n A n... years. He was stout and infexible, and given so much to the heapf.~':::~y, lo mg up of riches, that he proclaimed them hcretics who taugoht thnt ~~;~I~:at Christ and his apostles had no possessions of their own in this world. an,Uh. At this time was emperol' Louis of Bavaria, a worthy man, who, with h~~~ this pope, and others that folIowed him, had no less contcntion than had ~:i.:. Frederic before mentioned, in the time of king Henry III.; inso~Ion. much that this eontention and variance eontinued the space of four and ere. twenty years. The cause and first origin of this tragical eonfict, arose upon the constitution of element V"' the predecessor to this pope; by whom it was ordained,as is before mentioned, that cmperors, bytheGc1'man princes e1ected, might be called kings of the Romans, but might not enjoy the title ar right of the empire to be nominated empcrors, without their confinnation given by the pope. Wherefore, this emperor, beeause he used the imperial dignity in ltaly, before he was

ad tam udua nequeorespondere, necdebeo, absque D. Cant. arc.lliepiacopi, pot aummum direct.i judlcl. r euJuI eUam aum au1fraganeu5, autoritate. et aliorutn puium mb).. ~ rum epllC:opOl um conaen8u." Appnodiz. (3) EJ< l'ho. WaI.inl{ham. (i) A.U. 1316, call.d John XXI. Eo.
ndignu",
JKl1tificem mel

(I) Ex Tho. Wal.lng. (2) I Ego &aJ1ctre ecclealzr Dei mini.ter humilii, membrum eJul, et

tl'i.COpll~ C'onseC'THtus. It("~t

STlllFE BETWEEN THE l'OI'E AND TUE EMPEROR.

661

auOlOrised by the pope, the said pope therefore excommunicated him. B. . ." And notwithstanding the emperor oftentimes did proffer himself to -.!!:...make entreaty of peace and concord i yet the pope, infexible, would A. D. not bcnd. The writings on both parta be yet extant, wherein the ~ said bishop doth make his vaunt, that he had full power to create and Strlte be' . were tpope ....D th. depose k 'mgs an d emperors at h'18 pleasure. I n the same tlme and divers learned men, who seeing the matter, did greatly disallow the lhe emdoings nf the bishops of Rome; among whom was William Ocham, peror. whose ractations were afterwards condemned by the pope, for wting against the temporal jurisdiction of their see ; as did another, named Marsilius Patavinus, who wrote the book entitled ' Defensor Paeis,' which was given into the hands of the said emperor; wherein the controversy of the pope's unlawful jusdiction In things tempoml is Iargely disputed, and the ~ed authoty of that see set forth to the uttermost. It is found In some writers, that a great eause of this vaance fust began, for that one of the emperor's secretaes, unknown to the emperor, in certain of his Ietters had likened the papaI see to the beast rising out of the sea, in the Apoealypse. At length, when the emperor, arter much suit made to the The pope at Avignon, could not obtain his coronation, coming to Rome, ::::~~J he was there received with great honour; where he, with his wife, agaJ"~~ t were hath crowned, by the fulI consent of all the Iords and cardinaIs ~h:;~~: present; and moreover, another pope was there set up, ealled Nicolas V. After these things done, the pope, not long after, departed at Avignon in France; afterwhom succeeded Benedict XII.,I a monk ofthe Benedict order, and reigned seven years; who, by the counsel of Philip, the French king, confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursings that John, his predecessor, had published against Louis, the emperor: moreover, he depved him of his impeaI crown, and also II depriof his dukedom of Bavaa. The emperor upon this cometh to ~:d all~ Germany, and assembling the pnces electors, dukes, bishops, nobles, pose. and the learned, in a counciI at Frankfort, there declared before them, A eODDcll out of the ancient Iaws and customs of the empire, how it stnndeth f~:,rallk only in the princes electors, and in no others to elect the kinga or The h h emperors . t he emperors of t he Romans (for 10 bot t ese names there was no protesladifference), so tbat the same cIectors, in choosing the king of the tlono Romans, did also elect and choose the emperor; which emperor, so by them constituted, ltad Iawful ght, without any information of the apostolical see, to exercise the administration of the empire. And i' he were lawful1y elect, he ought to be anointed by the Roman bishop i which if he do refuse, then might he be anointed and declared emperor and Auguatus by any other eatholic bishop thereunto appointed, as by the oId manner and custom hath been; especially seeing these injlIDctions are only certain solemnities added and invented by the bishops, for a token of unity between the church and ~mpire, to govern and defend the faith together. Wherefore, in bat the emperor sweareth to the bishop of Rome, in that is to be understood no homage or fealty made to the bishop, but onIy that it is a llIlCI'lllIlent and a promise given to defend the faith ; I which oath or sacrament so given, giveth no majoty to the pope in any temporal role, but only bindeth the emperor to be proropt and ready to defend
(I) A. D. 1335.-ED. (2) Ex Hieroo. Marlo.; et ex
C1an~lo

66~

THE TIlOUBLES OF LOUIS THE KMPEROR.

Ed1JolJrd the faith and church of Chst, when need shall require obedie~ce. ~ Wherefore, whereas the pope leaneth only to tbe electors' authoty A. D. to make the king of Romans, and taketh upon himself alone power 1343. to make the emperor; that, as it is newly brougbt in and devised of late by pope Clement V., so is it contrary both to all ancient order, and also derogatory to the liberty and majesty of the sacred empire. Again, neither is that also less absurd and contrary to aU ght and reason, that the pope, in time of the impeal seat being vaeant, taketh upon him to have the whole and fuU doings of the empire, as lawful emperor for the time; which prerogative and function, by ancient ordem of our ancestors, should properly and only appertain to the Palatine of the Rhine; the constitution Clementine or the aforesaid pope Clement to the contrary notwithstanding. Then, in the end, for his own excuse, be, in the pretlence of them all, reciteth the public confession of his faith, to answer and purge bimself of those objections laid to bim by the fope. This did the meek emperor Louis in that council. Yet, al this notwitbstanding, tbe said emperor remained still excommunicate, till the time that variance happencd between this pope Benedict and Philip, the Frencb king. Wbercfore, to make his party good, at least to have some fricnds to fee to, he began to pretend favour and absolution, rathcr for necessity than for any good will to the emperor. But, not long aner, this pope died; of whom this epitaph was made : -

.. Hic situa eat Nero, laicia mors, vipera dero, Deviua a vero, cupa repleta mero."
Troublo or Louu !hoempe-

After Benedict followed I:,ope Clement VI., I a man most furious . '" and cruel ;' who renewmg t e exeommumcatlons of hIS predeeessors, rar. caused his letters to be set upon cburch~oors, wherein he threatened and denounced most terble thunderbolts against the said Louis, the emperor, uniess witbin three days he should satisfy to God and the church, and renounce the imperial possession of the crown. The emperor upon this cometh to Frankfort, and there, ready to stand in all things to the ordinance of the pope, sendeth his orators to the court of Rome, to entreat the pope s favour and good will towards bim: to which messengers the pope answered again, that he would never pardon the emperor, before he gave over and confessed his errors and heresies, and, resigning up his empire to his hands, would submit himself, his children, and all his goods, to the will and pIcasure of the bishop ; promising that he should not receive again any part of the same, but upon his good grace, as his will should be to restore them. Heresy Dr The heresy here mentioned, which was to this emperor objeeted ~:'I by tbe pope, was this; because (as is above touched upon) he used ~t"" and executed the impeal dignity after his election, before he was the by the pope confirmed. Over and besides, the pope sendeth to the peror. emperor, by the said orators, a certain form of a bill contained in wting with certain conditions, which he commanded to be given into the hands of the emperor. Here, if the emperor Louis bad bad as much mind to set upon the pope with dint of sword, as he lacked

=:.

(1) A.D. 132 -ED.

(2) Ex Chron. 4e

Ie" munc!J "latibUl, eul tlt. Rudlmentum Novltlorum."

ACCUSED BY THE POPE AS A HERETIC.

668

neither occasion nor pawer so to do, what blood might have been "*-l spilt! But the good emperor, sparing the effusion of blood, re- ~ ceiveth genUy the bill; and not only with his seal doili eonfirm it, A. n. but alBO sweareth to observe all the conditions thereof; which the E~ pope hearing of, doth greatly marvel. But yet all this would nothing Proul1 help to mollify the modest heart of this Pharaoh. t,~~ The princes and electors, seeing the bill of the artieles and conditions, whereof some sounded to the malicious defacing and destruetion of the empire, and abhorring the wickedness thereof, desired the emperor to stand to the defence of the imperial dominion, as he bad begun, promising that their assistance and aid to the uttermost thereunto should not lacko Upon that other orators were sent to pope Clement &om the princes, desiring him to abstain from such manner of A.D. mG. artieles conceived against the state and majesty of the empire. The The empope, surmising all this to spring from Louis the emperor, to the r.;~ ~y utter subversion of him and all his posterity, on Maundy-Thursday }~: blustereth out most black curses against him; also he reneweth aH herelle. the former processes of his predecessor against him, as against both a heretic and a schismatic: commanding, moreover, the princcs elecors to proceed in choosing a new emperor. The arehbishop of Fallhful Mentz, seeing the innocency of the emperor, would not consent to :f:'o~b~r the violating of his m8:jesty; wherefore he was deprived by the pope :~::.tz. of all his dignities. The other bishops electors, as the archbishop eo.rru~ed of Cologne, who took eight thousand marks, with the duke of 8axony, :'~~ey. who took two thousand marks, being corrupted with money by John, king of Bohemia, elected Charles, the BOn of the said John; whom pope Clement eftsoons in his consistory did approve. Who seeth The POP", not here what matter of war and bloodshed was ministered by the ~:~=ra pope between these two empcrors, if the patience of Louis bad not W~d. been more prudent to quench the fire, than the pope was to kindle it ? Charles then, the new emperor elect, sped him to Aix-la-Chapelle. 4p~ aceording to the custom, there to be crowned; but by the citizens there and the empress (the wife of Louis keeping thereabout) he was repelled. AlI this happened in the time and reign of Edward II!., king of England; against whom the said Charles, with the French king, and the king of Bohemia, set on by the pape, encountered in A,.ln war; where the king of England bad against them a noble victory, ~~r:~. and sIewagreat number of the Frenchmen and Almains, and put Charles, the new emperor, to fight. In the mean time, among the Charles, princes and citizens of Germany what sorrow and what complaints ~~;::::. were against pope Clement and those electors, cannot be expressed ; ~rlht;'b for as they were ail together at Spires congregated in a generall!,~ assembly, so there was none among them al], that allowed the elec- lishmeu. tion of Charles, or that cared for the pope's process ; promising ail to adhere and continue faithful subjects to Louis, their lawful emperor. But Louis, remembering his oath made before to the pope's bill, Louis, voluntarily and willingly gave over his imperial dignity, and went to ~~~~o~l Furstenfeld; where, shortly after, through the procured practice of ~~: ~:_ pope Clement (as Hieronymus Marius doth write), poison was given plre. him to drink; after which being drunk, when he would have vomited la polout and could not, he took his horse and wcnt to hunt the bear, .oled. thereby, through the chafing and heat of his body, to expel the

rp"

En:

(iGo
EdwlJrd

TIlIo: E~IPEROR AND HIS SUCC~;SSOIl EI.E!:T I'UISOXED.

And thcre the goou and gentIl' l'mperor, wickedly persethe pope, felI down dend,1 whom I may weU A. D. llCcount among the innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ; for if 1350. the cause bl'ing righteous doth make a martyr, what papist can justly Loui., disprove his enuse or faith? If persecution joined thereunto causeth :::,rror martyrdom, what martyr could be more persecuted than h~ who, martyr. having three popcs like three ban-dogs upon bim, at length was devoured by the same? The princes hearing of his denth, assembled themsclvcs to a new clection, wbo, refusing Charles aforesaid, elected Gnlli.ru. anothcr for emperor, named Gunterus de Monte Nigro, who, shortly ~~:'~~nte nfter falling sick at Frankfort, was likewise poisoned through his emperor. physician's servant, whom the aforesaid Cllarles had hired with money h poito work that fent. Gunterus tasting of the poison, although he did lUlIcd. partly cast it up again, yet so much remained within him, as made him unable afterwards to serve that place; wherefore, for eoncord's sake, being counselIed thereto by the Germans, he gave over his empire to Cllarles, for else, great bloodshed was likely to l'nsue. This Charles thus ambitiously aspiring to the imperial seat contrary to the minds of the states and peers of the empire, as he did wickedly and unlawfully come by it, BO was be by his amhitious guiding, the Ruil1 af first and principal mean of the utter ruin of that monarchy; for that thcGerlnan em- he, to havl' bis son set up emperor after bim, conventl'd and grnnted Jlir~, and to the princes eleetors of GermanyalI the public taxes and tributes the tint ofthe empire. This covenant, being once made between the emperor thercnf. anu them, they afterwards beld so fust, tbat tbey caused tbl' emperor to swear never to revoke or call back again the same: by rcason whereof, the tribute of the countries ofGermany, which then belonged only to thl' l'mpl'ror for the sustl'ntation of his wars, l'ver sinee to this day is dispersed divl'rsely into thl' hands of the princes, and to thl' free eitil's within thl' said monarchy; so that both the empire bein~ disfurnishl'd and left desolate, and thl' emperors weakened thercby, they have neither been ahle sufficiently sincc to defend themselyes, nur yet to resist tbe Turk, or other foreign enemies. Of this a great part, as ye have heard, may be imputcd unto the p'0pes, &c. Tho year This pope Clement first reduccd the year of jubllee to eyery fiftieth ~;'J::~~e year, whieh before was kept but in thl' hundredth year; and so be :i';'l\~~h bcing absent at Avignon (wh!eh he then }Jurehascd with his money year. to the see of Rome), caused It to be celebmted at Rome, A.D. 1350. ~i1l!Timl In that ,.ear were numbl'red, of peregrincs going in and eoming out ~~~~". every day at Rome, to tllC estimation of five thousand. The bulI ot' pope Clement, given out for this prcsent ycar of jubilee, proceedeth in thesc words:-

--!!_'_ cuted and murdl'red of

venom.

("lIs~

Abominable and

What person or persons soever, for devotion sake, shalI takI.' their peregrinalion unto the holy city, the same day when he setteth forth out of his house, ~a.'I'~e~1 he may choose unto him what confessor or confessors either in the way or of~:~'pe where else he listeth: nnto the which confcssors we grant, by our authority, ClemeuL plenary power to ab80lve all cases papaI, as fully as if we were in our proper person there present. Item, we grant that whosoever being truy confessed ~~:~_POP. shaIl chancc by the way to die, he shall be quit and abaoh-ed of all his sins. ma:>d.th Morcover, we command the an/?els of paradise to takI.' his soul out of his body, ~~rl~l- bcing absolvcd, and to carry it mto thc glory of paradisc, &1.'
Ai;':1Il1iz.

....

(I) I.ou;, of RanTi. di.d A.D. 1347.-ED.

(~)

Hieronr1UUI MariuI.

BLASPlEM

y 91."

'OPE

eLEMENT

T''E

SIXTH.

665
Bdwnrd lI.

And in another buli he saith,-

deliver and reease three or (our souls, whom they list &c. P ains oC purgatorv OJ'

We will, that no pain ofhellshal touch him: granting, moreover, to all and Ilill~r person and persons signed with the hoy cross, power and authority to 1326
themseves,

A:"D
o

out oC the

o I bla.phemyof
the pope'

This element, as roine authar affinneth, took upon him sa prodigally in his popedom, that he gave to his cardinals of Rome bishoprics and beneficcs which then were vacant in England, and began to give them new titlcs for the same livinga he gave them in England; wherewitb the king, as good cause he bad, was offendcd, :J od undid aIl the provisions of the pope witbin his realm; I eom- The king manding, under pain of imprisonment and life, no man to be sa ~~l:'::;: hardy, as to induce and bring in any such provisions of the pope, any more within bis land. And under the same punishment he cbarged the twa cardinals to void the realm, (A. D. 1343). In the same Tenlh.or year a11 the tentha, as weIl of the Templars as of other spiritual men, were given and paid \0 the king through the whole realm. And glhvek"l lo . goodL' t hUB much concemmg ows, emperor an d martyr, an d pope le ng. element VI., his enemy; wherein, because we have alittle exceeded the course of years whereat we left off, let us return somewhat back again, and take sueh things in order as belong to the church of England and Scotland, setting forth the reign of king Edwnrd III., and the doings of the church which in his time have happencd, as the grnce of Christ aur Lord will assist and enable UB thereto. This aforesaid king Edward II. in his time builded two hOUBes OrleJ-Co). in Oxford for good letters, to wit, Oriel-College, and St. Mary- ~l~~~~Hall. Hall In Here I omit also by thc way the furious outrage and conflict which ~:I~~~ happened in the time of this king, alittle before his death, A. D.1326, ~~inlt between the townsmen and the abbey of Bury; whcrcin the towns- ~~::,~ lIlen gathering themselves together in a great multitude (for what Iween lh. lown and (1lUSe or Old grudge betwecn t hem, t he regtster dath not dcclare), abbey or invaded and sacked the monastery. And after they had imprisoncd Bury. the manka, they rifled the goods and treasure of the whole house, llpoiling and carrying away thcir plate, moncy, c''''pes, vcstlllcnts, censers, crosses, chalices, OOs6n8, jewe1s, eups, masers, booka, with other omaments and impJements of the house, to a value une8timable :. in that conflict, eertain al80 on OOth sidc8 were slain. Such was the madness then of that people, that when they had gathered unto them a grcat concourse of servants and light person8 of that country to the number of twenty thousand, to whom they promised liberty and freccom; by virtue of 8uch writs as they had out of that house, first they got into thcir hands alI tbeir evidences, eopics, and instmments, that they could find; then they took off the lead ; that dane, setting ful' to tbe abbey-gates, they burned up nearly tlte "hole house. After that they proceeded to the farms and gmngcs bclonging to the same abbey, whereofthey wasted, spoilcd, and burncd to the number of two and twcnty manor-places in one week; transporting away the com, horses, cattlc, and other moveablcs belonging tu tlle mme, the price whcrcof is rcgistercd to come to 9~iU. 4 lIdo

=h

II) Ex Chran. Wal. in ViI. 1':<1.... lU.

'2\ Ex LaliDo

q~od.m

,.,gIatra.

666
Ed..ord

THE ADBOT OF DURY ROBBED, AJ'V CARRIED AWAY. besides the valuation of other
ches

.-..!..!:.....- which eannot be estimated.

A. D. 1327.

and trcasures within the abbcv,

~

The abbot was aIl this space at London, in the parliament, by whose proeurement at length such rescue wll.s sent down, that twentyfour of the chief of the town (submitting themselves) were committed to ward; thirtv carts-full of the townsmen were cared to N orwieL, of whom ninetcen were there hanged, and divers eonvicted were put to prison. The whole township was condemned in seven-9core thousand pounds, to be paid for dll.mages of the house. John Berton, alderman, and W. Herling, with thirty-two pests, thirteen women, and one hundred and thirtv-eight others of the said town were outlawed; of whom divers, after grudging at the abbot for breaking promise with them at London, did confedemte themselves together; and pvily, in the night, coming to the manor of Chenington, where the abbot did lie, burst open the gates, and entering in, first bound Theabbot nIl his family. After they had robbed him ofall his plate, jewels and ~~~bed. money, they took the nbbot and shavcd him, and secretly eonveyed ~~:ynto him away with them to London; where they, removing him from Brabant. street to street unknown, from thence had him over the Thames into Kent: at length over the sea they fered to Dist in Bmbant, where they a sufficient time kept him in mueh penury, misery, and thmldom; till, at length, the matter being searehed out, they were aIl excommunicated, first by the archbishop of Canterbury, then by the pope. :g,,;;;::rcd At last it being known where he was, he was delivered and reseued by his fends out of the thieves' hands, and finally brought home with processioll, and restored to his house again: and thus was that abbey with the abbot of the same, for what demets I know n04 vexed and affiicted about this time, as more largely I have scen in their Latin register. But thus much bricfy; the rest I omit here, l pa.ssing over to the reign of the next king.

EDWARD THE THIRD.2

A. D. 1327.

CONCERNING the acts and story of king Edward II., his deposition, and his crnel death, wrought by the false and counterfeit letter of Sir Roger Mortimer, sent in the king's name to the keepers, for the which he was afterwards charged, drawn, and quartered, I have wntten sufficiently before, and more, pemdventure, than the profession of this ecclesiastieal history will well admit. N otwithstanding, for certain respects and eauses, I thought somewhat to extend my limits herein the more; whereby both kinga, and such as climb to be about them, may take the better example by the same; the one to have the love of his subjects, the other to learn to fee ambition, and not bear thcmselves to brag of their fortune and state, how high 80ever it be: considering with themselves nothing to be in this world so finn and sure, that may promise itself any certain continuance, and that is not iI: perpetual danger of mutation, unless it be fastened by God's protection.
~I\ Aboullbe latter eud ortbIl E.h.ard 11. ceueth tbe hiltory or Nie. Trlvet, and or Flor. Hi... (2) UIUon 1563. p. Ho Ed. 1583. p.37f. Ed. 1696. p.3H. M. IG8f. vol. i. p. U8.-En.

l'.l)WAKU THE THIRU CROW1'IEU.

667

Atter the suppression of this king, as is above expressed, Edward BdfIHJ,d his son was crowned king of England, being about the age of fifteen, ---.!!.!:who reigned the space of fifty years, and was a prince of much and A. D. grcat tempcrance, in feats of arms very expert, and no less fortunate 1327. and lucky in all his wars, than his father was unfortunate before him. For liberality, also, and c1emency, he was worthily commended; beHy, in all princely virtues, famous and exceIlent. Concerning the memorabIe acts of this prince, done both in war and peace, as how he subdued the 8cots, had great victoes by the ses, conquered France, A. D.133~, won Calais, A. D. 1348, and translated the staple thither, took the French king prisoner, and how the French arms first by him were brought in, and conjoined with the English arms; also how the order of the garter first by the said king was invented and ordained, A.D.1356, also, A.D. 1357, how the king, in his parli&ment at N ottingham decreed, that aIl such, in Flanders or elsewhere, as had skill in making c1oth, should peaceably inhabit the land, and be wclcome (for three years before that, it was enacted, that no wool should be transported over the sea; which was, to bdle the pride of the Flemings, who then loved better the sacks of wool, than the nation of Englishmen): aIl these things, with other noble acts of this worthy pnce, although in other chronic1es they be fuIly treated of, yet, according to that order which I have begun (saying somewhat of each king's reign, although not pertinent to our ecc1esiastical history), I have here inserted the same; making haste to other matters, shortl)" and compendiously abdging them out of divers and sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise. The coronation and solemnity of king Edward III., and all the pomp thereof, was no sooner ended, but Robert Bruce, king of Scotland, understanding the state and government of the realm to be, as it was indeed, in the queen, the young king, the carl of Kent, and Sir Roger Mortimer; and that the lords and barons, as he was informed, did scarcely weIl agree amongst themselves, although he grew now in age, and was troubled with the falling disease, yet thought he this a meet time for his purpose, to make invasion : hoping for as good success and like victory now, as but lately before he had at the castle of Eustrivelin. 1 Whereupon, about the feast of Easter, Dellance he scnt his ambassaclors with heralds and letters of defiance to the ~h::eor young king Edward III., the queen, and the council; dec1aring, that 11<:0\.1. his purpose was, with file and sword to enter and invade the realm of England, &c. The king, queen, and council, hearing this bod defiance, commllnded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realm; appointing to every band captains convenient, and at the city of York, by a dayassigned them, commanding every man to be, with aIl their necessary furniture, ready and thoroughly provided. They directed their letters also with aIl speed to Sir John of Heinault, requing him, with such soldiers and menat-arms as he might conveniently provide in Flanders, Heinault, and Brabant, to meet the king and queen, upon the Ascension-day next ensuing, at their city of York. The king and queen made speedy preparation for this expedition; the noblemen provided themselves with aIl things necessary thcreunto; the English captll.ins and soldicrs, thcir bands thoroughly
II)
~li'lillg.-ED.

668
Bd_d

INVASION OF ENGLAND BY 'l'HE SCOTS.

-.!.!.!:..- of Heinault, lord Beaumont

furni8hed, were ready at their appointed tllne and place. Sir John mustering his men as filst, Wll8 ready to ~. D. take shipping, where, at Wysant, in English bottoms there lying flll 1327. him ready, he went aboaro, and with a merry wind landed at Dovcr, travelling nom thence by small journeys daily, till he came, within three days after the feast of Pentecost, to the city of York, whem '111. klog the king and queen, with a great power of sixty thousand men, within ~~~n and about the city of York, expected his coming ; before whom, in ~l~o~~, courteous wise he presented himself, and mustered his troop, wherein a.""yot he had to the numberof five hundred good men-at-arms well appointcd ~:,~)?and and mounted. His coming and furniture were well liked both by the king and queen; and he was, by the harbinger, appointed to be ~Ing ot lodged, with his household retinue, in the abbey of whitc monks. ola. To be brief, such grudge and vanance arose between some of tLe king's soldiers and his, within the suburbs of the town being togethcr lodged, that from the little to more, whilst the king and queen, with divers other or the nobles (strangers and others), were at dinner, tLe said &ay 80 grontly inereased, that the whole army, as many as werc in the town then lodged, stood to their defenee; so that there were slain of the English archers, in a short space, by the strangers, to the Gr.al number of three hundred men. Whereupon, after thc fray was, with ~ir~~ much diffieulty both of the king and queen, ended, such heart-burning grew between the parties, that the number of six thousand conspired together against them, thinking to have burned them in their lodgings, had they not been, by the great grace of God and discreet handling, otherwise prevented and let. \Vhereupon thc Heinaulders were fain to take and keep the field, using as diligent watch and ward as though they had been among their hostile enemies. After this, the king set forward his army towards Durham. and encamped himself ncar about the samc; who also sent the lord Ulford and the lord Mowbray to Carli~le Carlisie with a sufficient company to keep that entrance; and al80 ~~~l~,e .... the lord lllarshal of England to keep the town of Newcastle, with a ~~~~ ~~e sufficient company to derend the same, and the country adjoining. :nglan1di. For well knew the king, that by one of these two entries the Seots g=:'r\:':. must pass into England, standing both of them upon the river Tyne, twenty-four miles distant. '111e SCola But the Seots privily with their army passed thc river betwixt the \~~.~hO two towns into England, few understanding thereof, till the great ~~~I~:U. fires which the Seots had kindled and made in England, bewrayed Ing tlt. them; who came buming and destroying the country allabout as fur cuuotry. as Stanhope park. This thing being declared to the king, he commandeth his h08t with all speed to march towards them; who so long TIt. travelled, that tlley came in 8ight each of other. The king also :~;;;. commanded the passages of the river to be so straitly and narrowly ~nd tlte guarded, that by no means the Scots could retire and escape back Il~~~~ t"~.t a"ouin into Scotland, without battle given them of the king. But the ~~h'" ScOt8, undcrstanding the great power of the king, kept always the other. advantage of the hills, retiring in the nights from one to another; so that, withc.ut great odds and advantage on the one side, and hazard to the other, the king could not set upon them. Thus, in the day timc, the Seots, keeping the advantage of the hills, and in the night time retiring to the advantage of other simillU"

::::i:::.

THE SCOTS RETlllE WITlIOUT GIVI OlH'S,

xc;

RATTr. F..

6C9

came near against that river where thev first passed over, w1lere Ed",nrtl they made a show to offer battle to the "king upon the morrow. _!!!:.Hereupon the king being busied in putting his men and battles in A D. rcadiness to fig1lt the next morning, bein~ almost wearied out in 132R. pursuing the Seots from place to place, the Seots, in the mean [A season, got over the river, and escnped t1le danger of the king. As ti:h~f this thing could not be dane without grent treason of same near abont thc king; 50 Sir Roger :Mortimer was grievously suspected t1lcreof, and, af!.erwards, it was laid to his charge. But to be short, by this ThcSrot.. means the Seots escapcd the river; after whom it should have availed ::':::'~n~ the king very little to have manc pursuit, as the wily Seots knew fulI ~~~arr welI. For joy thereof, the lord William Douglas, one of the Seottish E.1lf'aJl~ generals, with twa hundred llOrse, gave alarm in the king's camp; uu O"h l. and came sa near, tlIat he cut eenain of the lines of the king's tent in sunder with his sword, and retired to his company without great loss of any of his men. Then, on the morrow, the king, pereeiving ProvIslon the Seots to be gone, came to t1le place where over-night they lodged, ~~III~S::,e wbere were found five hundren great oxen and kine ready killed; five camp. hundrcd cauldrons made of beasts' skins ruu of fesh, over the fire seething; a thousand spits fuIl of fesh roody to be roasted; and more than ten thousand shoes of raw loother (the hair still upon the same), which the Seots had lef!. behind; and five poor English prisoners tied to trees, and their legs broken. AU which the king seeing, he left The klnR' any further pursuing thc Seots, and returned with his army to ~~t:~~~lh Durham, where he dismissed his army, ann came again to London; dOli. sending with Sir John of Heinault twa hundred men at arms for t1leir better safeguard against the English archers (with whom at York, as )'ou havc henrd, they frayed) till they had taken shipping; and 50 they returned home. The king, then being at London, confirmed the liberties of t1lc citizens, and ordained that thc mayor should sit in aU places as chief justice within the liberties of the same; and that what alderman soever had been mayor before, should be ajustice ofpeace within his own ward. Then the king, the queen, and the counciI, sent over to the earl of Heinault certain ambassadors, touching thc solemnizntion of the marriage between the king and the lady Philippn, his daughter; who ID 8uch 80rt sped their mcssnge, that she was soon after conveyed over to England very honournbly, and at Dover arrived. And tram '!l. mar thence she came to London (same chronic1cs affinn to York), where, rlnge. upon the day of tlle conversion of St. Paul, the yenr above specified, tJlC marriage and coron&tion of the queen were with much triumph, during the spnce of three weeks, solemnized. After this coronation and marriage, thc king summoned his pnrlia- P.rli.ment to be kept nt Northampton; whereat, by the mrons of Sir ~~~~~l Roger :Mortirner and the old queen, a proce was purchased for t1le am~n. Seots (who had for that purpose sent their ambassadors) to continuc A__"'s, for four yenrs. Also the king (then being within age) granted to release the Seots of all their homage and fenltv unto the realm of Th. naR'Englnnd, which by their charter ensenled they werc bound to; as ~~trv~~~l also their indenture, which was cnlled the Ragmnn Roll, I wherein wcre :::'~~.:
o

, I)

Raaman Roll" WM the or1ltlnaJ

d~d

1I'hlch eontained the

IIcknlwll-dl{mt:llt

by John

Balio! and tbe Bcolc:b uobUily ar hom.go lo !he kiul ar Eoglaod. 8... p. 57U.-J::u.

670

THE QUEEN MOTHEIl I:IIPRlSONED.

BdtDard specificd thc aforcsaid homa.ge and fenlty to the king and crown or ~ England, by the said king of Scots, nobles, and prelates, to be marle; A. D. having all their scals annexed to the same. Also there was thcn ~ delivered unto tbem the black cross of Scotland, which king Edward T.heblar beforc, for a rich jewel and relic, had conquered and brought from ~C:~a~d. Scone abbey; with alI such rights and titles as any of the barons e1se ~nl hOO enjoyed in tbe said realm of Scotland, with many other things ~~~rup more, to the grent prejudice both of the realm, and discontent of all lItI.. In the nobles and barons for the most part, more than tbe old queen, Bootland. Sir Roger :Mortimer and the bishop of Ely, who in such sort ruIcd the roast, tbat a11 tbe rest of tbe nobles and barons cast with themselves how best tbey migbt redress and remedy the great inconveniences, .tlIat unto the realm, by mcans of them, grew and happened. Hereupon the king and queen, and Sir Roger Mortimer, caused Parli:... mentat anotber parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said Sir Roger 8alllbury. Mortimer was marle carl of March, against a11 the barons' wills, to prevent and disappoint the aforcsaid purpose of them; but the earl Earl Henry refuaeth Henry of Lancaster, with others, would not be at the same: whercto come fore it was laid unto their charges, tbat they went about to conspire to it. the king"s death. And further, because the king was under the government of the carl of Kent, bis uncIe, as we11 as under that of the queen his mother and the carl of March; and because they could not do in all things as they listed on account of the said carl the king's uncIe, who loved the king and the realm, envy began to arise between the carl Mortimer and him; and, by lsabel the queen's praetice, he found the means to persuade tbe king, that the carl of Kent (to enjoy tbe crown, as next Tho oarl heir unto the king) went about to poison him. To this the king ;~~t~nt giving easy credit, caused his said uncIe to be apprebended; and, :::it~ell. without making answer to his accusation and accusers, to be beheaded at 'Vinchester, the third of October, in the third year of his rcign. But the just judgmcnt of God not permitting such odious crimes in him to be unpunished or undetected, BO in fine it fell out, that lsabel the old queen, tbe king's mother, was found and understood to be with child by tbe said Mortimer. Complaint hereof was made to the king, as also of tbe killing of king Edward, his father, and of the conspiracy of Mortimer against the carl of Kent, the king's uncIe, put Sir Roger to dcath before. Hereupon, divers other articIes being laid against :~~l;arl him, and manifestly read in the court, he was arraigncd and indicted, ot Md&ICh, and by verdict found guilty, having his J'udgmcnt as in cases of high 'COD emn od, and treason, and sufFered dcath accordingly at London; where, upon ~~~J.~ Lonrlon bridge, next unto Spenser's, his head obtained a place. The The queen also, the king's 1l10ther, by good advice of the council, was ~~~i~ restrained of ber liberty, and within a certain castle not permitted prlaon. once to come abroOO: unto whom the king hcr son once or twice a Tho ~irth ycar would resort, and visit her. ofpnnce Tl' . Ed ward was born at W 00dstoc'; k l FAward us year prmce w 10'm process ~~~~a)" of time and years grew to be a most valiant prince, and was, before Uth.] he died, accounted throughout the word the flower or chivalry. ~~::t Arter this the king prepared another army into Scotland ID tbe ~:k:,t- ycar prefixed. But first he summoned king David of Scotland, who, 1an'L in the last truce (four years to continue as you hcard), his futhcr thcn
t

A"".-.,.

SCOTI.AND Tl\'VADED AND WASTED BY KING RDWARD.

671

)iving, had married the lady Jane, sie.er to this king' Edward Bd,,"ml (termed Janc Makepeace), to do him homage ~ but that he refused. m. 'Vhereupon, not forgetting thercwithal the scoffing rhymcs, which A. D. daily from that time of truce the Scots had in their mouths, he did 1333. lIO much, that with an army weU furnished he entered Scotland by the river Tweed; for the Scots had then the possession ar the town of Berwick. The Scottish gigs and rhymes were these:" Longbeards heartless, painted hooda witless; Gay coats graceless, maJce England thriftless."

To be short, the king wasted the land; burned, destroyed, and took Waalelh towns and castles with smaU resistance or none; and, for the space of ~l~~h six months together, did in that land what he listed, without any battle thonalm offered to him: for the king of Scots was but a chiId, and not above the age of fifteen years, and wanted good eaptains that should havc defended the realm; insomuch that they were all, saving those that kept in holds for their defence, fuin to take the forest of Godworth ; and there kept themselves as long as the king remained in Scotland. At length, when he had sufficiently wasted, and spoiled, and burned the same, he returned towards Berwick, about which he hent his siege, vowing not to discontinue the same, till he had gotten the town. The Scots who kept the same, after a certain time and many Berwlek assaults made, were contented, upon certain conditions, to have =;f.~. delivered up the town; but that the king refused, unless, all condi- fj to th. tions set apart, they would, with bag and baggage, depart. Hereupon ng. they condescended to the king, that if by a certain time they were not by the king of Scots rescued, they would render up the towu, and with bag and baggage depart; and sa, the time having expired, frustrate of aU hope and rescue, at the dayappointed they did. The Tho king king then entered the town, and tarried there the space of twelve ~~:'::~~ days; who, after he had appointed Sir Edward Baliol eapta;n over [Ju1y the towu, and leaving also behind him other knights, squires, and ~.t~. 5Oldiers, as well to keep the same as other holds the king had con- 1333.] quered in Scotland and on the lrontiers thereof, he retumed with his people towarrls London, permitting every man to depart and go what way he liked. Then Sir Robert d'Artois, a nobleman of France, and descended SIrRohert of the blood royal, being in England with the king, ceased not often- :' ::::~~. t~mes to advertise t~e ki~g, and put him in memory of his good and 'F:"~~:' T1ght title to the mhcntance of the crown of France. This Sir lueltelh Robert, for a certain displeasure that Philip, the French king, took :~ep~~~!. against him for a certain plea which by him was moved before the ~i~~:::;' king, was fuin, for the safeguard of his life, to Hee the realm of France, France.. and so come to the king's court. King Edward was not unwilling at aU to henr thereof, but took delight oftentimes to reason and debate that matter with him conccming his right, title, and inheritance to the crown of France. But yet, notwith.standing, he thought it not 1-rood to make any attempt thereunto without advised and circumspect counsel; for that it contained matter of no smalI, but most difficult, importance : neither yet he took it to d'serve the farne either of wisdom or prowess to let 80 good a title die, or 50 fit opportunity to

1[1l"(; EDWARU'S FIRST VIAGE I~TO FRANCI;.

Whcrcforc he, calling together certain of his council, use< touching the seriousncss of tllis mattcr. lrt A. D. finc, it was by them thought good, that the king should send certain 1339. ambassadors over to the carl of Heinault, whose Jaughter he had king mamed, as Wen to hear his advice and counscl herein; as also what r::~~ frienda and aid, by llim and his means, in this so grent an cxpcdition :,i~~jl" to be bcgun in the empire, to him might be procured. The king f:;0%':- here~to condesccnded, and appointeth for this cmbas~rre the. bishop t1~e or of Lmcoln with two other baronets, and two doctors; who m such speedy wise made their voyage, that in short &pace they retumcd .&don again to the king with this answer, that not only the earl"s counsel :;::~lOr and advice should be herein pressed to the king of England their ~~~::;_t master, but also the whole country of Hcinault. And further, log I.. for that to such an expedition as appertained, the province of ~~ an Heinault was but a smal] matter to make account of-he said :~~.er he would procure for the king greater aid and friendship in the r~e'titll empire; as tlle duke or Brabant his cousin-german and a puissant e ng. prince, the duke of Gueldres, the archbishop of Colognc, the marquis of Juliers, &c., who are all good men of war, and able to make ten Kl0f, thousand fighting mcn, saith he. This an.swer wen pleased the king, ~~~:.or and made him joyous thereof; but this counsel of the king, as secret ~::':l~;; as it was, came to Philip the French king's ears; whereupon he purpooe, stayed the voyage or the cross which he then bad in band, sending ::': ~::'- forth countermanda to stay the same, tiU he knew further the purpose u::~ of the king of England. The king hereupon himself taketh shipping, accompanied as to a [July king appertained; and when he had consulted with all the aforesaid ~~:1338. lorda of the empire in this matter, and understood their fidelity, he R.,m.] made his repair to the emperor, at whose banda he was wen enterX1ng tained, and honourably received; whom the emperor appointcd to be :r~ his lieutenant-general, having thereby more authority both to will and :::~~ge- command such as for this his expedition he sted unto, and had made ~:~: convention with. Philip, hearing this, prepared his army, and rigged plre. his nav)", that as 800n as tlle king should enter into the dominion of [Augual.] France, they also might enter into England, requiting like for like. FInt The king or England next year, after the feast of St. John Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared a11 things ready to such an France. expedition, conducting his army, and gathering a greater strength in the empire, as before to bim was promised, using the emperor's authority therein, as bis lieutenant-general; howbeit at the cha.rgt. altogetller of the king of England. The French king, as soon as king Edward had landed his army at Machcleni in Flanders, hearing of the defiance which the king and other noblemen of the empire had sent unto bim, sent certain ships lying ready theroonto, and waiting 8o.utbfor such opportunity upon the coast of England; who, upon a ~J.~:by Sunday, wbilst the tOWDsmen were at the church little looking for any ~ncb. such matter, entered the haven or Southampton, took the town and t spoiled the same, committed most revolting exeesses, burned, kille<l. took captives, and carned away rich spoils and great booties to tllelr ships; and so again departed into France. Further, as the king of England had allied himself with the noblemen of the empire, and bad thc frip,ndly favour ot' the emperor also thereunto, 50 the French

-.!!!.:.- thcir dcliberate adviccs

ltdlDJrd

pass.

re

=:::

;;:::e

Ul Anl.efp-En.

XI1':G EDWARD CHALLENC:E'l'H THE TITLE OF FRANCE.

678

king made the like league and alliance with David, king of Scota Bd""JrlI (whom the king had so hardJy dealt with in Scotland, as partly before -..!!!:JOu heard, keeping the most part of Scotland under his subjection), binding the said David, as well by writing as by oath and pledge, _ _ that without his consent he should make no peace, nor conclude any truce with the king of England. The French king again assured him Th. of aid, and rescue, and help, and promised to recover his kingdom and dominion to his use. and forthwith sent certain garrisons and bands ~::d into Scotland to keep play with the Englishmen, and there to fortify b;'fhe divers places till further opportunity served. He also fortified with ~=~h men, money, victuals, and munition, the town of Cambray, which he suspeeted would be besieged, lying so near upon the empire, as indeed it Cllme to pass; for king Edward, departing from Machelen, set forward his host towards Heinault, and by the way assembled such power as in the empire he looked for, marching forward stiU tiU that they Cllme to Cambray, and besieged it with forty thousand men, while another company, the FlemingR, Brabanters, and Hollanders, went to St. Quintin. But in effect, neither there, nor at Cambray, nor elsewhere, any thing notorious was achieved, but the summer being wcll spent, and little prevailing in the siege of Cambray, being of situation strong and well dcfenced therewithal with mcn and muni tion, he broke up the siege, and marched further into the heart of France towards MuttereL The French king having understanding of this, prepared himself to give battle to the king of England, who, with another great army, came to Vironfosse, whcre days were appointed to meet in battle but in the end, nothing was done or attempted betwecn the princes, and the king of England (without any bnttle either given or taken) returned with his army from thence to Ghent. Conceming the cause of the sudden removing of the king Thepopo, out of France, it seemeth most especially to anse from the pope; ~~~h":u", who at the same time sent down his legates, for the order of a peace king'b, reto be made betwcen the kinga. At Ghent were gathered in council :::'~Votg together, by the king's appointment, all the nobles as well of England, France. as of the empire, to consider what was best to be done; where this plain answer was made to the king of England: That unless he would take upon him the claim and title Ol France, as his lawful A.D.1340. inheritance, and as king thereof prosecute his wars, it would not be lawful for them any further to aid the king of England, or to fight with him against the French king; for that the pope had bound them in two millions of Horins of gold, and under puin of excommunication, that they should not fight against the lawful king of France. Whereupon, the king thought good, therefore, presently to make open challenge to the realm and crown of France; and further, to quarter and intermingle the arms of France with the arms of i~j' England in one esc)ltcheon; whereupon king Edward immediately madc answer to the pope again, directing unto him his letters, wherein he declarcth at large his right and titlc to the ClOwn of France, The king purging thereby himself and his cause unto the bishop. The copy ~~~nf;k. and tenor of his lctter is too long to express, but it is to be ::~et~~ found in the story of Thomas Walsingham, remaining in the library Fran... of J. Stephenson, citizen of London, whoso hath list or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope, he, remaining

tiR'

=d

VOl II.

XX

674
IN .'yd

EDwARn's 1.F.TTER TO THE NOBI.ES ANn eOMMONS OF F'lIA'lolrK.

..-!!...~ in tenor
A.D.
1340.

yet at Ghent, directed another to the peers and prelntes nf Fl1mce lI..'J followeth. The Lettcr of King Edward to the Nobles and Oommons of France.

Edward, by the grace of God, king of France 'and England, lord of Ireland : unto all prelates and ecclesiastical persons, to the peers, dukes, earls, barons, and to the commons of France, greeting. The high Lord and King above, to whom although his will be in his own power, yet would he that power should be subject unto law j commanding every thing to be given unto bim which is his, declaring thereby that justice and judgment ought to be the preparation of the king's seat. Wherefore seeing the kingdom of France, through the providence of God, by the death of Charles, the last king of France oi farnoUB memory, brothel'-german to our lady mother, is fallen unto UB by plain and manifest 'Iho tlt1e law j and forasmuch as lord Philip de Valois, being the 80n of the uncle of the ~r~ce. aforesaid king, and so being far from the crown by a further degree of consan.::.: to guinity, through force and usurpation hath intruded himself into the aforesaid king Ed- kingdom, whilst we were yet in our minoty, and so, contrary both tv Gad ""d. and to jUBtice, doth detain and occuJ?Y the same; and lest we should seem to neglect our own ght and the gift g'lVen UB of Gad, or not to submit our will to God's ordinance: we have thought good to acknowledge the title of France, and by supportation of the Almighty King have taken upon UB the dcfence and regiment of the said kingdom ; lirmly pUlosiug with ourselves, as every good man ought to do, graciOUBly to minister Justice to every one, according to the tes and laudable custom of the aforesaid kingdom. AI80 to renew the good laws and customs which have been in the time of Louis our progenitor; adding, moreover, that which shall seem expedient according to the condition and l)uality of the time. As to any change of coin, or any other inordinate eXflCtions, we intend not to seek our profits by your detments, when (the Ah'lighty be praised for it) we abound and have enough. And as conceming the affairs of the realm, our purpose is not to proceed rashly, or by our own wiU, but by tlte discreet advicf. and counsel of the peers, pre1ates, nobles, and other our faithful subjects of the kingdom, 60 far forth as shall make for tlte honour of God, the defence and advancement of tlte church (which in all fulness of devotion we do reverence), and to the profit both public and pvate oC all the subjects thereof, ~th fulI execution.of justice by the grace of God to be executed upon all and smgular persons, bemg eamestly careful for the honour, profit and tranquillity of you all. For, as the Lord knoweth nothing shall be more grateful to 118, tltan that by our careful solicitude peace may be engendered, especially betwixt us, and universally amon~ all chstian men j so tltat by our concord the Corce and strength of all chstian pnces may be joined togetller Noto tho Cor the recovery of the Holy Land, which our Saviour and Redeemer hath ~~~o dedicated witlt his own proper blood, whereunto we will endeavour ourselves, tlmo, through the grace of the Holy Ghost. And forasmuch as we have offered to ...hon the tlte aforesaid lord Philip divers fendly and reasonable conditions of peace, ~b~t~.. whereunto he would neither condescend, nor agree to auy couformation j yea, thougbt rather moveth against us unjust war, to the utter subversiou of our state, ~~Ion:~ we are Corced oC necessity, to the uttermost oC oUr power, for tlte defence both to thC: of us, and recovery of our ghts, to defend ourselves by force oC battle ; not Holy seeking any alaughter of good and humble subjects, but desiring their &afeLand. guard and profit. For the which cause, all and singular such subjects of the kingdom ofFrance, who shall submit themsclves to 118 as the true kin~ of France, within the feast of Enster next ensuing; professing unto us thelr fealty, and doing to us as to the king oC France by duty appertaineth, 80 as our beloved subjects of Flanders have done already, or be ready to offer themseh'es so to do: all such we willingly admit and receive to our peace and grace, under our protection to be defended, them to maintain as is convenient from all molestation and unquietness whatsoever in person or gooda, hereafter to be enforced either by us, or by our officers, upon whatsoever occallion of rebellion befOl'e ~d. And, forasmuch as the premises cannot ell8ily be intintated to all and SIngular persons, we have provided thc samc tl' be fixed Upoll church doors, and oUlcr

A FIGHT AT SEA BETWEEK THE ENGLISH AND FHENCH.

675

public places, whereby the manifest notice thereof may come to all men, to Bd_rd the comfort of you that be to liS devout, and to the true infunnation of those lU. who through sinister surmise8 of ollr enemies are otherwise informed of 118.- ~ Given at Ghent the eighth day of February, in the year of our reign over 1340' France, the fil"llt; over England, the fourteenth. _._._

This done, for that the winter then drew on, neither waB there any hopc, as the time served, of farther doing good, the king thought best for a season to return again to England with his company, giving over the wars until the next spring; and so he did, taking shipping, and arrived at Dover. When he came to London, it was declared Ji:~i unto him, of the great spoil the Frenchmen had made at Southampton; who answercd again, "That within one year he doubted not but the same should be well paid for and recompcnsed." And according to the same purpose of his he lingered no time, but calIing ' . h much grudge an deVl ' l-Wl '11 of h'lS 29th.] [March a parllament at W estmmster, WIt subjects there was for the maintenance of his wars granted to him a grcat subsidy, which was the fifth of every man's goods, and also the customs of his wools, two years beforehand, and the ninth Bheaf of evcry man's com. At the spring the king again prepared his amIY, and rigged his navy, purpoBing to land in Flanders. But the arch- Counl hishop of Canterbury, then lord chanceHor, having understanding of ~c~~e the French power upon the Be&, lying for the king, gave him adver- bilhop lo " ill' tJsement there, W mg h"Im to go more strongly, or else not to th. king. venture. But the king, not crediting the archbishop, and being angry with him there-for, said, " That he would go forward;" whereupon the hishop resigned the chancellorship, and removed himself from his council. Then the king, consulting thereupon further with the lord Morley his admiral, and others, hearing also the same of them, fumished himself with stronger power, and committed him to his ship, and did BO much, that a few days before MidBummer, he was upan the Bea with a great feet. Before the town of8luys the French HallI. king, to stop his passage, had got readya great navy, well nigh to the ~~b. number of twenty Bcore sail, and had made the C'hristopher of ~7::'F.d. England, which before the Frenchmen took at Bouthampton, their j,ard and admiral. Betwixt the two navies was a long and terrible fight, but, ~:nch. in the end, the victory, by God'B grace, fell to the king of Englancl, ~~:j in whieh fight he himself was personally; so t1at of the number Th. of thirty thousand Frenchmen, few or none were left and escaped ~::,c:. alive, and two hundred sail of Bhips were taken, in one of which werc found four hundred dead bodieB. After this great Blaugbter of the Frenchmen, of whom many for A~". fcar of the Bword leaped into the Be&, when no man durst bring tidings thereof to the French king, they who were next about the king did subom his fool, to insinuate the understanding thereof by subtlety of covert words; which was thUB. AB the fool, being in the L . ing's presence, was talking of many things, among other talk he suddenly burst out (being prompted by others) into a vehemei miling against the EngliBhmen, calling them cowards and dastards, with many Buch opprobrious words tending to that effect. rllIe king, not knowing whereunto the words of the fool did appertain, asked the fool, why he called the Englishmcn Buch weaklinr and cowards, &c. .. Why," saith the fool, "because the fearfu and cowardly xx 2

676
R4""...1

THE XUlG'S LETTER TO THE ENGLl8H BISHOJ'Il.

~ N o~ans and gentlemen of Fmnce had."

A. D.

:~~::,I
Er,~;~h

1310.

EnO'lishmen had not the hearts to leap into the sea so lustily as OlU By this the French king began to understand the victory on his part to be lost, and the Englishmen to be victors. This victory achieved, the fame thereof spreading abroad in England, at first was not believed, till letters thereof came from the king, prince Edward hiB Bon being then at Waltham, directed to the bishops and prelates of the realm: the effect of which lctters here followeth under written. The Letter of King Edward to the BishopB of England.

The bountiful benignity of God's great clemency poured upon us of late, for laur troe certificatiou and rejoiciug, we thought good to intimate !mto you. It IS not uuknown (we suppose) to you, and to others aur faithful subjects, who also have been partakers with us of the same, with what storms of b.>isterollS wara of late we have been tossed and shaken, as in the great ocean. But although the rising surges of the sea be marvellous, yet more marvellous is the Lord above, who, tuming the tempest into calm, in sa great dangen, 80 mercifully hath respected us. For whereas we of late did ordain aur passagl' upou urgent causes into Flauders, the lord Philip de Valois aur bitter enemy lInderstandiug thl'reof, laid against us a mighty navy of ships, intending thereby either to take us, ar at least to stop aur voyage; which voyage if it had been staid, it had beeu the cutting olf of aIl the great enterprises by us intended and taken in hand, and, moreover, we ollrselves had been bro~ht to a great confusion. But the God of mercies, seeing us so distressed In 8uch perils and dangers, hath graciously, and beyond man's expectation, sent to us great Sllccour and strength of fighting soldiers, and a prosperous wind after our own desires, by the means and help whereof we set out of the haven into the seas, where we eftsoons perceived our enemies well appointed and prepared \\;th a main multitllde to set upon us, upon Midsummer day last past; against whom, notwithstanding, Christ our Lord and Sa\;our hath rendered to us the victory through a strong and vehement conflict, in the which confllct, a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed, and well nigh all their whole navy was taken, with some 1088 also on aur part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs; by reason whereof we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shall be more quiet and safe for aur subjects, and also many other commodities sl,all ensue thereof, as we have ~ood cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we, devoutly considenng thl' heavenIy grace sa mercifully wrought upon us, do render most humble thanu and praI8e to Christ aur Lord and Saviour ; bcseeching him, that as he hath been, and always is, ready to prevent aur neccssities in time of opportunity, so he will continue his helping hand ever towards us, and 80 direct us here temporally, that we may relgu and joy with him in heaven etemally. And, in lae sort, we require your charity, that you also with us rising up to the praise of God alone, who hath begun sa favourably to work with us to aur goodness, in your prayers and divine service do instantly recommend us unto the Lord, travelling here in these foreigu countries, and studying to recover not onIy aur right here in France, but also to &dvance the whole catholic church of Christ, and to rule aur people in justice; and that also yc ca11 upon the clergy and people, every one through his diocese to do the same, invocating the name of aur Saviour, that of his mercy he will ~ve to us his humble servant a docible heart, sa to judge and rule hereupon nghtly, doing that which he hath commanded, that at lcngth we may attain to that which he hatl-. promised, &c.

This letter was written to the bishopB

A.D.

1840.

After this aforesaid victory on the sea, and that neWB thereof, with due thanks to our Saviour, had been sent into England: the king striking into Flanders, came to Ghent in Bmbant, whcre he had left the queen, who joyfully received him, being alittle before purified or churched, as we tenn it, of her fourth son, whose name was John, and common) y

1118 1.1';TTER TO PHIl.IP DA "ALOlS.

677

calleJ J o:m of Gaunt, and was earl of Richmond, and duh of BdDard Laucaser. At ViIvorde the king assembled his counciI, whereat III. the nobIemen or FIanders, Brabant, and Heinault conjoined together ~. D. in most firm league, the one to help and dcfend tbe other with ~r.:._ the king of EngIand, against the French king, purposing and deter- Councllat .. from thence to march toward T oumay, an d . VUlemInJng I to b' eSlege. vorde, But tbe French king, understanding their counsel, fortified and ~~~~~' vietualIed the s:une before their eoming thither. FurtherrrlOre the andHei~' d ault, with take at th F renel ~ k 'm~ e. same' lIme, to stop th e slege of k' mg. Ed war, sent Wlth kmg David of Scotland a great power, to the mtent to w~!d.Ed make invasion in England, thereby the sooner to eause the king to removc his siege. In the mean time king Edward wrote his letters to Philip de Valois, making unto bim eertain requests, as in the same bis lettcrs here folIowing is to be seen; who, for that he wrote not unto him as king of France, but by the name of Philip de Valois, refused to answer him touching the 1IllIIle, as by their letters here .placed may be seen.

r:rt

'l'hc Letter of tbe King of England to Philip de VaIoia, tbe l"renr.h King, going to the Siege of 1'ournay.
Pbilip ol Valois, we have long laboured witb you byembasaages and all otber reasonable waya, to the end you should reslore unto us our ghtful iuheritance of France, wbich this long wbile you ha\'e with great injury and gnilt usurped: and Corsomuch as we well perceive that you intend to persevere in tbe same injurious usurpation, without retumiI.g auy satisfllctory an8wer to our just demand, we have entered the land of Flanders, as sovereign lord thereof, and are naw passing through tbe country. And we hereby signify unto you, that with the help of aur Lord JesUB Chst and our own right, wilh the forces oC the said country. and with our Bubjects and allies, we purpose to vmdicate the rigbt which we have to that inheritance, whicb JOu by your injuoUB violence detain Crom UB; and that we are naw approaching toward you, to make a quick decwon oC tbis aur ghtful challenge, if you will do tbe like. And Corasmuch as lO great a power oC &Ssembled h08ts as we bng witb UB on onr part, and as we may well suppose you also bng on your part, cannot long remain assembled together without doing great damage botb to the people and the country, wbicb tbing every Christian ougbt to eschew (and especially the pnces and others who han the govemment of the slIme), we much desire, as the sbortest way, and to prevent the waste of Chstian life, and as the quarrel plainly lieth between you and me, tbat the controversy between UB should be decided by aur own l.enon&, body to body; to which thing we offer ourselvesforthe reasonl aforew , content if only we may see the great praweM oC your person, your good sense, and your discretion. And in case yon do Dat chOO8e this way, tben let us end the dispute by the battle oC one hundred of the most able persons of your part, and as many of mine, which eacb of us shall bng into tbe field. But if you will not admit either tbe one way or tbe otber, then do you assign unto UB a certain day beCore the city oC Toumay, within ten days next after the date of this aur letter, wherein to combat both oC us, power against power. And we would have all the world to know, that it is not oC any pde or presumption on aur part tbat we offer unto your choice tbe above-specified conditions, but for tbe caUBes aforesaid, and to the intent that the will oC aur Lord Jesus Chst being declared between Ul twa, \",ace may grow more and more among Chstians, the power oC God's enemleI may be abated, and Cbstianityadvanced. Be pleased to wte by the bearer of these our letters and signify to us which of aur aCoresaid offers you will accept, sendingUB quick and speedy answer.-Given underour greatseal, atCby" upon the Skeli, in the fields near Tournay, the 27th day of July, A.D.1340. 1
(I) Tbe abon tranala1ion, ud tbe toUo.iDg one, ue reTiled erom lhe orJilnw in Ave.blll)'. -El>.

678
Ed_rd

':1'E IlCOTS INV ADE

ENGLA~D.

~ The Answer of the Lord Philip de Valois unto the Letter aforesaid.
Philip, by the grace of Gad king of France, to Edward, king of England. - - - We have seen yonr lettem brought to our court, and sent on your part to onll Philip de Valois i wherein are contained certain reiuests, which you mate to the said Philip de Valois. And because he said ettem did not come to Ul, and the said requests were not made to UB, as by the tenor of the said letters e1earlyappeareth, we do not return you any answer to the premises. Nevertheless, foraomuch as we have learned by the said lettem and by other ways that you have entered into our realm of France, doing great damage to UB and to aur realm and people, more through presumption than realon, and disregarding the duty which a liege-man oweth unIo his lord-(for you formerly entered our liege-homage, when you acknowledged UB, as reason is, for king of France, and promised obedience such as men ought to promise to their liegelords; a. more c1early appeareth by your lettem patent from you to us whicb we have in our po88ession sealed with your great seal, and of which you ougbt to have the counterpart from us to you)-it is our intent tben, as sIJaII seem best to ourselves, to drive you out of our rea1m, to the honour botb of us and of Ollr kingdom, and to the commodity of our people. And this we have a firm hope of accomplishing through JesUB Christ, from whom we derive a11 aur power. For by your unreasonable demand, proceedin~ more from presumption tban reason, hath heen hindered the holr expeditJon heyond the ses, and great numbers of Christian people have penshed, the worabip of God hath been diminished, and Holy Church less reverenced. And as touching that which you write, that you look to be assisted by the FlemingB, we hope and believe surely, that the good people and commons of tbat country will la behave towarda aur cousin the earl of F1anders their immediate lord, and UB their sovereign lord, as that they shaII keep tbeir bonour and their loyalty unsullied. And as for what they have hitherto done otberwise than well, that hath been occasioned by the evil advice of personB, who neither have regard to the public weal, nor to the bonour of tbeir country. but only to tbeir owo private advan~e.-Given in tbe fields near to the priory of SI. Andrew les Aire, under our pnvy seal, in the absence of our great seal, the 30th day of July, in the year of grace 1340.
13-10.
TboSeoIl Mention was made alittle before of David. king of Scots, whoUl ~;f~d. the Freneh king had supported and stirred up against the king and realm of England; which David, with the &id of the Scots and Frenehmen, did so much prevail, that they recovered agaW almost aIl Scotland, wbich before he had lost, when he was eonstrained to live iil the forest of Gedworth many years before. Then invaded they England, and came with their army, wasting and burning the country before them, till they came as tar as Durham; and tlIen returned again into Scotland, where they recovered all thcir holds again, saving the town of Berwiek. Edinburgh they took by a stratagem or subtlc device pmctised by Douglas and certain others, who, apparelling themselves in poor men's habits, as victuallers with corn and provender and other things, demanded the porter early in the morning, what necd they had thereof; who, nothing mistmsting, And ~ opencd the outward gate, where they should tany till the captain ver Edln rose; and " th C port er to have the k cys of th' Mtrgh. pereelvmg e Inward gate. thcy threw down their sacks in the outward gnte, that it might not be shut again, and sIew the porter, taking from him the kcys of tlle town. Then they blew tbeir horn as a warning to their bands, which privily they had laid not far off; who, in baste coming, and finding the gates ready opencd, entercd upon a sudden, and killed as many as rcsistcd thcm, and so obtained a.f.,-rain the city of Edinburgll. Thc Scots bcing thus busy in England, the Frcnch king, in ili<:l

A.D.

TOURNAY BESIEGED.-ARTICI.ES OF TRUCE.

679

l1lCD.n season, gathered together a pui.&sant power, purposing to remove Btooord thc siege from Tournay ; and among others sent for the king of 8cots, /lI. who came to him with grcat force, besides divers other noblemen of A. D. France; insomuch that the French king bad a grcat army, and 1340. thought himself able enough to raise the siege, and thithcr bent his host. But the French king, fur all this his aforesaid huge power and force, durst not yet approach the king so near, as either to give him battle, or remove h~s siege, but kept himself with his armyaloof, in a sure place for his better defence. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burned, spoiled, and destroyed the country for twenty miles round about '1'ournay, and took divers and sundry strong towns Tournay and holds, as Ortois, Urses, Greney, Orchies, Odint, St. Amand, and belloged. the own of Lille, where he sIew above three hundred men at arms, and, about St. Omer, he sIew and killed of noblemen, the lord of Duskune, of Maurisleou, of Rcly, of CIlastillion, of Me11y, of Fenis, of Hamelar, Mountfaucon, and other barons, to the number of fourteen ; and also sIew and killed above one hundred and twenty knights, being a11 men of grcat possessions and prowess, and took other smalI cities and towns, to the number of three hundred: yet, for all this, Philip de Valois, the French king, durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieve his own men; but of his great army he lost (which is to be marvelled at, being in the midst of his own country), by famine and other inconveniences, and for want of water, more than twenty thousand men, without any battle by him given. Whereupon, at the entrcaty of the said Philip, by his ambassadors sent to the king, and by the medistion of the lady Jane, sister to the said Philip, and mother to tLe carl of Heinault, whose dnughter king Edward, as you heard, had married, a truce, containing the number of fourteen articles, for one year, was concluded, the king of England being very unwilling and 100th thereunto. Yet, notwithstanding, partly by the instance of the aforesaid lady, but especially for that the king was greatly disap- pointed, through the negligence of his officers in England, who sent him not over Buch money as he needed for the continuance of his warg and payment of his soldiers' wages, the articles being somewhat reasonable, he agreeth to the truce; the conditions of which, as there concluded, here follow under-written. Articles of Truce.
I. Tbat during the said truce no aggreBBion [novitas]. miscbief, or grievance, .hall be committed by either party upon tbe otber, in prejudice of tbe lBid truce. II, !tem, tbat during tbe said truce eitber of the pnces, and their coadjutors, and confederates, whosoever tbey be, sball remain in quiet possession and eeizin as at this present day of all BUch goods, lands, and possessions, lIII tbey bold and enjoy witbin tbe realm and dominion of France, in what manner IOever the,. have achieved the l8me. III. !tern, tbat tbe said prince., and their coadjutors an.d confederates, whOloever tbey be, sball pass safely from one country to another, and all mercbants witb their merchandise, as well by sea Ba by land, Ba accustomably tbey have been wont; except such outlaws Ba have been banisbed out of tbe said realms, or any oftbem, for other causes than tbe war hetween tbe said princes. IV. !tern, tbat the said two pnces shall not procure, eitber by themselves or sny otber, any aggression or grievance to be committed on either of tbe lBid kings or their aIlie., by the bisbop of Rome nr any ecclesiastical persons wbatsoever; either for the said war, or any othcr cause, nor for an)' service rendcred to eithcr

680
EtlrDa,tJ

TlIK KDW RETURNETH FROM TOGILNAY.

AD

oC tbem by any oC their said allies or coadjutors: And tbat iC eitber our boly Cutber the popI', or any otber, should altem"t any sucb tbing during tbe lIllid truCI', tbe said kinga sball binder it to tbeir utmost. 1340' V. Item, tbat tbe truCI' be immedialel~ procIaimed in hotb tbe b05tS, and _ _._ tbat tbey shall sland hound on either side to keep and observe tbe same. VI. Ilem, that within twenty days next and immediately ensuing, eacb of tbe princes shaU cau,e to be procl81med in G88cony and Aquitaine, and otber their land., these articIes of truCI', to tbe in tent they may be the better obscrved, kepI, and known. . VII. Item, if by any tbe said princes, tbeir people, conCederates, ar coadjutors, any sieges are laid in Gascony or tbe ducby oC Aquitaine, ar any iBI!'s of tbe Ra, as Guemsey ar Jersey, ar elsewbere, tbat tbe same si!'ges be raised 81 soon 88 they shall hear of tbis truCI' : and tbat fourteen persans, seven from eacb side, surny those places naw, and put tbem in precisely the same condition at the end of the truCI'. VIII. Item, that such 88 are outIaws and fugitives out of tbe eounlryof Flanden, 88 being partisans of the king of France, shall not return during the truCI'; and if they do, tbat justice .hall be dane upon them within that reaim, and tbey shaU forfeit all tbe goods they have in Flanden. IX. Ilem, that lhe debta due to Arras, Crespigny, ar other towns of Franc!', shall neither be demanded nor exacted during the said truCI'. X. Item, that aUsucb prisoners, as havt! been taken during this war, shall be released out of prison, and sent borne upon tbeir faith and ooth to return, unle8B it sa happen that they were ransomed berore the date of Ibis present truCI': And if any shall refuse sa to do, that then the lord under whom be ia, shaU conslraill him to return again to prison. ..",:!::- X I. Item, that a1llhings carried olf 88 spoi! in the time of war before the aaid . truCI', whataoever and bowsoever, whether spiritual goods or olher, sball remain as spoi!; without any obligation 011 any one to makI' restitution during the said truce. XII. Also, that these conditions of truCI' immediately may takI' elfect between tbe English and Scots, tbeir lords, aiden, and a1lies; and tbe same lo endure unlil tbe nativity of St. John Baptist next cominll; and that cerlain persans be appointed by a certain day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to con/irm the said truCI', under s"ch conditions 88 bave been accustomed in tbOBe parta: And if the said Scata refusI' so to do, tbat tben tbey bave 110 aid out of France durinlt the said truCI'. XIII. Item, tbat tbis sald truCI' be proclaimed in England and in Scotland, within twenty-/ive da}'s after the date hereof. XIV. Item, it is recorded that witbin Ibis trucI' be illcluded the Spaniards, Catalonians, Genevese, Proven\JOns, tbe bishop and chapter, Ihe town and caslle, and all the inhabitanta of Cambray, and the lorda ofBrel, Fronsac, Gascony, LisIe, Tenhon. Vervin, and Royes. In witness whereof, we Jobn, by the grace of Gad king of Bohemia and earl of Luxemburgh, Adulph, bishop of Liege, RadulPh, duke of Lonaine, Ayemt'8, earl of Savoy, and John, earl of ArmaglIac, on Ibl' one parly; and John, duke of Brabant, Renaud, duke of Gueldre, William, morquis of Juliera, and Sir John of Heinault, lord Beaumont, on the other party. betwixt the high and puissant princes of France and England, have sealed this instrument of truCI' and respile, and delivered the same accordingly in Ibl' chur"h of Esplechin, on Monday the twenty-fifth day of September, in the year of grace 1340. 1
1I1.

::=Ih his siege from Tournay, and came again to Ghent; from whence,
from Tuumay (Nuvem-

KllIff

This truce thus inished, king Edward brake up his cam'p, removing

very early in the morning, he, with a smali company, took shipping and by long seas came to t he T ower of I ~on don, very fiew or none ~~:e:~~ll havi!lg unde~tandin~ thereof. And being brreatly disp~cascd with divers hyM. of I11S councll and hIgh officers, for that through thelr default he was ullieen. constrained against his will, nut having money to maintain his wan>, to condescend nnto the aforesaid truce, he commanded to be appre!lended and brou,l\'ht unto him to the Tower the lord John 8tonehore, chief justice of England, and ~ir John St.. Paul, with divers others.
(I) Reviaed and ampliti~d hom the oril{inill in R, mer and Ave.bury.- ED,

TUK ARCHBISHOP'S LETTER TO THK KING.

681

And the next morning he sent for the lord Robert, bishop of Chi- Ed_rtl chester, the lord Wake, the lord treasurer, and divers other such ~ that were in authority and office, and commanded themall to be keptA:. D. as prisoners in the said Towcr, onIy the said bishop exceptcd; whom, ~1~ for fear of the constitution of pope Clement, which commandeth that Nob..hop no bishop should be by the king impri~oned, he set at liberty and :~;:i'~II suffered him to go his way, and in his place he substituted Sir Roger ;:p:'.lh. Boucher, knight, as lord chancellor of England. Law. The history intreating of this matter reporteth thus: that the COV_IOU5 king had this time under him evil substitutes and covetous officcrs. oftlcen who, attending more to their own gnin than to the public honour anu eommodity of the realm, left the king destitute and naked of money. With which crime also John Stratford, archbishop then ofCanterbury, John was vehemently noted and susperted; whelher of his true deserving. ~~:rord. nr by the setting on of other, hereafter shall more appear j insomuch ~loh~p ~f that the king, ardently incensed against him, charged him with great h~~y~r falsehood used against his person. The archbishop subtilely and featly excuseth himself to the king of the aforesaid objections, and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his lelter directed to the king, as followeth : Letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury to the King.
Very Iweet Sire, may it plelUle you to conlider, that the mOlt BOvereigll tbing for keeping kinga and princel in the love of Gad and a prosperOlIs condition is good and wise counse\. And therefore the wise mali lailh, " In the Good words of counsellors "(that is good counsellors) .. thpre is safety." [Prov. xi.H j couno_lxxiv.6.J And Iherefore it is written in the Book of Kings, that Salomon, the ~~~:~ wisest king that ever WlUl, chose the most ancient and wise persons of his realm aholll a to stand before him, by whose advice, tempered with his OIvn judgment, he king. always kept the land of Israel in peace and quiet j and besides that, a1l the kinga round about him were at bis will. And after bis death his san Rehoboam reigned, wbo, neglecting the good counsel of his fatber and of the ancient and wise men who had stood before his father, did after tbe counsel of young men wbo 80ught to please him but had little understanding; whereby he lost the whole land of Israel except the twelfth part. In like mann er, many kings of Israel and of other countries have been brought to barm tbrough evil counse\. And, Sire, let it 1I0t displease you to be reminded ar the event.i of your owo time: for it was tbrough evil couDsel that aur Sire, your father (whom Gad lUIIOil), caused peers and others of his realm to be apprehended contrary to the law of his realrn and the Magna Cbarta, and put same of them to a villanous death, of same he caused their gooda and all they had to be seized, same he put to ransom j and you know, Sire, what happened to him in consequence. And tben, to come to your owo time, Sire, you have had same counsellors tbrough whom you nearly lost the hearts of your people, from whom Gad was graciously pleased to deliver you. And from that tirne to the present, through good advice of the prelates, peers, great meD, and wise counselIors of the realm, your affairs have been managed in such manner, that you entirely possess the hearts of all your subjects, 1UI wel1 c1ergy 1UI laity, 1UI much ar more than any king of England ever did. Sa tbat, what with your good counsel, Ihe aid of your people, and the favour of Gad toward you, you have gained tbe "ictory over your enemies in Scotland and France and everywhere: sa that you are this day (glary be to Gad!) accounted the most nobil' prince in Cbrlatendom. But naw, set on by tbe eviI cOWlse\tl of BOrne persons in the realm who are not ao wise as could be wished, and of olhprs who desire more their own profit than your bonaur ar the country's welfare, you are beginning to inue wrils of apprehension against clerks, peers, and other persons of the realm, and to instituto improper procel8es contrary to the law of the land, to the keeping and maiotcoance whereof you are bound by your coronation oath j also contrary to the Great Charter, whereof all contraveners are excommunicated by all the
(I) N_wly uanllaled from Ibe Prench in Aobury. SeeApP<'ndlx.-ED.

'

68~
F"U'ard

THE

xum's

LETTEB. 1'0 THE DEAN A~D CHAPTKIl Ol" ST. PAUL'S.

prelates of England, according to a senence confinIlld by papai buli, whicb we have by UB: which thinga are done with the great peri of your aoul and the diBparagement of your honour. And a1beit, Sire, those wbo now 88sume to 1341' be your guides and counBellor.. more than their condition entitleth them, give yon to understand that your present doings are and will be acceptable to your people, know, Sire, {ar certalD (and if you go on 88 you haTe begun you will filld it 80, and that, Sire, for a long time to come, ell.cept God interpose a remedy), know, I say, tbat if you purane tbe courae now begun you will l08e tbe heartB of )'our people, aa also your good and rightful enterpriBe. Rnd will embroil younelfthereby in auch a manner that you will be unable to accompliah your enterprise, and will ratber force your enemies to destroy)'ou and deprivll you (which God farbid) of YOur fair fame and your kingdom. Wherefore, Sire, 88 you vaJue yonr bonaur and your kingdom, and would succe89fully majnwn YOur enterprise, be pleased to takI.' to you the nobil' and wisI.' men of yOllr realm, and to avail youraelf in yOllr affairs of them and their connsels, as hath been heretofore customary j for without their aid and connsel you cao nl'itber maintain your enterprise, nor govern well at borne. And forsomucb 88 aome wbo are aOOut you falaely aurmiae ofus treaaon and Exeom mUDlca- unfaitbfulne88 (wbo ara there-for excommunicate, and for aucb we bold them, lian In hi.own al!d as your apiritual adviBer pray you aha to bold them for Buch); wbile of othen tbey say openly tbat tbe,. bave basely and falsely s('rved you, and thaL prnle ("AUle by their meana you bave l08t Tournay and mllch hooour else wbich you migbt abuaecl. there bave gained-be pleased, Sire, to _mble the prelates, noble.. and pean oC the land, at 80me convenient place whiLbl'r we and other people may resort aecurely, and let there be (if you please) llIl investigation and inquiry made, ioto wbOle handa have come the woola, monies, and other thinga granted you in aid oC your war, from the commencement tbereof to thia present day, and by whom they ha1'e bean expended, aud by whose default it wu that you 80 departed from Tournay i and, III a good lord, let tbOle who ahall be found in any point guilty towarda you be well puniahed according to the law. And as for ounelvea, we will abide in all pointa the jndgment oC Dur peen, saving alwaya (88 heretofore we have done) tbe of hol, church, of ounelvea, and of Dur order. And for God'a aake, Sira, do not belie1'e of ua Dr of yonr good people otherwise tban well, before you bave aseertained the truth; for if meo are to be puniahed without being pennitted to anawer for tbelDlelves, tbere ia an end oC alI diacrimination between tbe good and the bad. And, Sire, be pleased to conaider well the greatneaa of your enterprise, and the atrong friendabip which for thia cause you have need of, a1ao your eoemiea in Scotland, and tbe graat peril of your realm thereby. For iC YOur prelatea and oobles aod all the wise men of your raalm were day and nigbt oC one mind, without any diviaion among tbem, to deal witb the multiplied businesa attendant on auch a v88t cOllcern, there would be enough for tbem to think aOOut in order to mainwn YOur enterprise, Lhe bonour of YOur persoo, and the well-being of your realm. And be pleased, Sire, oot to take it ami9ll, tbat we bave in 80 homely a manner sent you tbe truth: for the great affection we e1'er did aod Bhall bear you, tbe deaire of preaerviog your bonDur and realm, and a senae of Dur duty III primate (however unworthy) of a11 England and your spiritual father, iocite Ul to apeak and even command, where your own 10ul and your kingdom and estate are all at stake. The Holy Spirit preserve you, body and soul, and grant you grace to hear and beliel"e good counsel, and then-victory o1'er your enemiel. Written at Canterbury, the fint day of January, by your cbaplain tbe arcbbishop ol' Canterbury.

AD

III.

___ o

.taJ'"

Albeit the king, this yet notwithstanding, directeth his letters abroad against the said archbishop, and amongst others to the dean and chapter uf Paul's, whereof the tenor here followeth ; The King's Letter to the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's. l
Edward, by the Grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland, to bia well-beloved in Christ, tbe Dean aod Cbapter of the Cburch of St. Paul in London, greeting in tbe Lord; It is manifest by. authentic historiea, but morl' c1early appears by what is
(I) N_wly IralIlIaled from Ih_ LaLin iD Rym_r, Aveabu.y,lUId Walllugbam. lleeAppelldix.-ED.

TUR ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY'S ALLEGRD DECKIT.

688

daily practised, tbat many men, abUlling in their pride the fa'our of princllll BII....rd and the honour conferred upon them, do 80metimes maliciousJy endeavour to 111. depra'e the laudable undertakings of kinga. And that what we say may be rendered mora msnifest to all aur Hege subjects, we BUppose that neiber yOll . nor they ha'e forgotten, how we, being formerly exalted to the regal throne in 1341. lhe yeara of aur tender youth, and deliring at aur fint undertaking that royal cha~e to be directed by wholllllOme counsels, did cali unto us John, then biBhop oC Winchester but naw archbishop of Canterbury, becaUle we suPf08ed him to excel othen in loyalty and discretion, and made use both of hIS apiritual ad,-ice in matters concerning the health of Dur 8Oul, and also of his temporaI in affainI relating to tbe aggrandisement and conservation of aur kingdom. Nay, he WBB by us received into such familiarity, and experienced 80 much of aur favour towards him, that be 111'83 called our Father, and honoured of all men nelCt unto the king. Naw afterwaros, when by rigbt of succewon the kingdom of France bad devol,ed unto us and by the lord Pbilip de Valois was manifestly usurped, the said archbisbop by his importunitillll persuaded us to make a league with be princllll of Almain against tbe aaid PhiHp, and BO to expose ounelve. and oun to the expensllll of war; promising and aflinning that he would see u. abUlldantly suppiied witb be necessary funds out of the profit of our lands and from otber sourClllI; adding, moreover, that we Bhould only take cara to provide men oC courage and skillllUffieient for tbe war, for tbat he himaelf would effectually procure Buch sums of money as should bath answer aur necessities and the aoldiers' pa". Whereupon having pasaed the seas, we set aur band to great undertakings, and made an immen.e out1ay (as it behoved UB) in providing for tbe war, and bouud ounel'eB in 'ery large sums of money to aur conCederal.es, in contidence of the aid promised us BB aforesaid. But alas I since we put our contidence "in thestaffof a broken reed, wbereon" (according to tbe Prophet) " if a man leao, it will go into hiB band and pierce it," being defrauded of the expected subsidy, of mere necessity we were compelled undervery beavy Ulury to contract an inlupportable load of debt,and 80 aur expedition being Bwd,we were obliged to desilt for that time from aur enterprises la valiantly begun againlt Dur enemies, and to return into England: where having laid before tbe aaid archbishop aur manifold vexations and misfortunllll afor_id, and thereupon oalJing a parliament, tbe prelates, barons, and otber Hege subjects of aur kingdom gave us (besides a tenth granted us by the clergy) a subsidy of the nintb oC their com, lambs, and woal j wbich subaidy, bad it been faithfully collected and obwned in due time, had not a iiule availed, nay would probably (in the opinion of many) have been quite suflicient for ellpeditiug the aaid war, for the payrnent of aur debts, and the conUaion of our enemies. The aaid archbishop, meanwhile, promised Ul zealousl" to do bis pnrt toward the collecting the sald lIllbsidy,and in procuring other things necesaary for us. Whereupon, relying on bi. promises, having recruited aur forces, with a lIa'y collected for the purpose we set aaiI for F1anden, and upon tbe way had a tierce encounter at sea with our enemies, who had combined to the deBtruction of UB and of aur whole Englilb nation; but by the merciful kindneBB of Him, who ruleth both the winda and the sea, and not for aur own merita, we obwned over the wbole multitude of those enernies a victory and triumph. Which dane, p88sing forward witb a very great anny for the recovery of aur righta, we encamped near the very strong city of Tournay; in tbe siege whereof after we had been for BOme time busiy occupied, and were wearied with continual tois and charges, yet silently waiting for tbe promised aid, we hoped every day by mean. of the said arcbbishop to be reheved in our many and great necessities. At length being frustrated of aur conceived hope, tbough by many meBBl'ngen and divers letlera we fully signified to the said archbishop, and otber our counsellors joined in commission with him, our neceBBities and the sundry dangers we were exposed to for want of the aforesaid promised subsidy, 88 also lhe advantege and bonaur which we sal' we might easily obtain by a seasonable .upply of money, yet we could get no help from them; because, rninding their own business, and wholly neglecting oun, and studying only their own interests, tbey palliated their own idlene88 (not to say fraud ar wickedness) witb trivoloUl ellCUIe' and a falle parade of woros j like those mocken, who (88 Isaiah aaith) deridingly scoff, saying, "Precept upon precept, precept upon precept; line upon line, line upon liue; here a littlc, and therc aliule." Wheuce (alas, for

AD

684
Edrard

HE DJ':NIETH TO COME 1'0 TIIK KIXG.

--!!!.:.-- enemiea mOBt gt'llciouBly 8miled upon UB, we were by abBolute want constrained

IOrJ'OW!) it came to p&l8, that ju,t when the hope of triumphiog over our

A. D. againBt aur will to eonsent to a truCI', to the shameful stoppage of aur expedi1341. tion, and the no smaU joy of aur adversaries. Retuming thereupon ioto - - - Flanden, void of money, and loaded with debt, with nOlhing left iD aur own puraes nor aur friends' puraes, to supply aur own neeeBSitieB and to pay the aoldien in oUr serviee, we were compeUed to plunge into the gulf of usury, and to submit aur shouldera to a freBh load of debl. At last aur faithful mendB, the eompanionB of aur expedition and partakera oC aur troubles, ellme round U5, with whom we seriously eonBulted for same remedy, whereby we might get Cree from lueh a tempest oC miafortuneB and reeover ourselvea. It ap'peared to Arrh- t them all that the sad eireumatanee of Dur lale stoppagl', and the manifold incon~:~~lr~ venieneeB proeeeding from aur want oC Bupply, happened all through the falllt bU;h fal... nr idleneu (not to aay wiekedneu) oC the afort'said arehbishop, on whose discre~llg tion, with that of others whom we placed in eonjunetion with him over the n. affain oC the realm, the whole diaposal of aur kingdom Beemed to depend i and vebemently wondering, and seerelly munnuring at UB, for that aur royal gentIeneIs would BO long leave unpunished tbe insolenceoC the said arebbishop and the other officials, they publicly proteated that, unleu we would speedily apply a fit remedy to IheBe evils, they mUBt oC neeeuity wilhdraw Crom aur Benlee, and go back from their allianee made wilh us : and lhis eertaioly 1I'0uld redound to the subversion of aur kingdom, ollr own perpetual infamy, and the lasting reproach of the English nation i whieh Gad aur m05t mereiful Father, on whom tbe anehor of ollr bope is immovably fixed, of his goodne.. forbid sbould bappen iD aur lime. F.vil Whereupon, addressing ouraeh'es lo tbe due eorreetion of aur said offieers, officersome of them, whom for ~ood reaaons we Buspected guilty of mal-adminisdi.ploced tration, aubveraion of juslice, oppression of aur suojeels, bribery and eorhy Ib. kllJl ruption, and olher serious offenees, we eaused (as it was lawful for us to do) to be removed from their offieeB: othcrs also of inferior degree, but culpabil' in the premises, we eaused to be detained in safe custody, lest ir tbey enjoyed their wonted liberty, the execution of justiee sbould by their eraftineas be prevented, and tbe inquisition of the trulb eunningly eluded. And since we believed that we should elicit that truth more eertainly and fully from tbe said arehbiBhop than from any one el-<beeause it was reaBOnably to be e:a:pected, that nothlDg whieli eoultl be important for aur inronnation herein would be unknown to him, Beeing we had lhought fit Car a long time past to commit to him the administration of aur whole eommon-weaJ, and the chief eonduet oC affairs),-thererore by aur trusty Nieholas de Cantilupe we sent bim aur commands without delay to come to UB at London, as we wlBhed to have the pleasure of a personal interview with him. But he likI' himsclf, as timid in adversity as tumid in prosperitr' fearingwhere no fear was, did untruly allege that he would be in imminent peri of his life, which was menaeed and threatened by certain about aur penon, should he leave the ehurch of Canterbury: wherellli (God and aur rure conscience are witneucB) no Buch matter ever entered intoour mind, nor (as believe) into the miodof anyor our scrvants. Yet we auppose, he glanced herein at our cousin the earl of Derby i though Dat only to him, but to all Arch bi.hop ot others,' as 11'1'11 of the c1ergy as laity, he had hecome deservedly odious through Canterhis malignant character. But we, who deBire tbat all our subjecta who wiah to bury odioul to have acceBS lo our person, especially when sent for b~ oUr letters or messengers, all th. ahould be able to come with a feeling oCperfeet sceunty, to eonfute his malicious clergy. suggestion. sent unto him aur truaty and well-beloved Ralph de Stafford, higbsteward of our hOllsehold, to offer and give him sarI' eonduet : nevertbeleS8, over and above that, we caused our royal letters patent, Rigned witb aur royal 8eal, to be presenled unto bim, again eommanding bim personally to appear before Ul, to give information about the affairs of aur realm, wbich he had Dcnit"th conducted for a long time plLllt, as aforesaid. Yet he, 8etting at nought aur to cnme gentle reque8ts and commanda, an8wered disdainfully, that he would by no to the' means come either to aur 8ight or 8peech exeept in fuU parliament, whicb for king. good reasons it is ine:a:pedient should be called at this time. Tbus thi8 archbishop, whom our royal bounty batb enricbed wilh magnificent prefennents and honours, and admitted to the most intimate familirity, eveu
(I) .. Th. for....olnK part or Ihla ciao.. I. omil!ed by Antiq. Bri!. Ind WoIaiDKham. Mr. Fo""'. <opy halb lt:' Harnes'. Lif. of Edward UI.-Eu.

OnIy

CHARGES AGAINST TIIK ARCHBISHOPOF CAXTF.RnURY.

685

to the cordiality of friendship and the confidence of awom companionR ; IIpnn Bd"'n't! whom, as on a dear father, our whole apirit and soul did rep05e; who algO, while III. we acquiesced altogether in his wiahes, put on toward ua a face of aeeming alfection, cloaked with a falae ahow of benevolence, as though he were a lo\"ing 1311' father--even this man is croelly turned to be an oppressive and aevere alep-father, _ _ ._ and wholly for~elful of lhe benefila be hath recl'ivl'd, with tumid arrngance pur- Charge<! Buelh his benl'faclor, and requiteth usjURt as (according to the proverb) "a mouse :~b~~; in a bag, a serpent in the lap, and fire in the bOBom," requile Iheir enterlainers. and InFor, albeit ever since we were by divine grace and hereditary right raispd to gral~llld. tl'e throne it hath bl'en (as it ever will be) hateful to UB to abuse Ihe greatness ~""'. of aur power, Rnd we are moat deairoua in the government of aur BUbjecb> lo blend justice with mercy and gent1eness, ao that we may enjoy that peace which is desired of all men-yet notwithatanding, thia man goeth abaut to defamI' aur A d.rainnocencI', and Ibl' fidelity and diligence of aur counsellors and officers who jderoflhe are pursning only justice i publicly preaching, and by hislelters lIalent ordering lig. it to be declared in divera parts, "that in tbese latler limes the lalty are unjustly . oppresll('d by the royal power, Ihe c1ergy confounded, and holy churcb overburthened with exactions, leviea, and talliages." And whereas he is craruly endl'a"ounng lo gain the name (which he bath never yet eamed) of a good shepherd,when in reality he is, both after the com mon opinion and even on his own public confession (as is Baid), no beller than a hireling, he cloaketh his fox-craft with a feigned zeal for the liberties of the church ; and yet if she hath expeenced any vexalions in aur time, either in her property ar c1ergy, they are really to be ascribed to the carl'll'saness, and the cunning inventiona, and the falae coun_els, of the aforeaaid archbishop. And in order to damage the king's popularity, to defamI' his miniall'rs afore"aid, trailorou.ly to stir lip sedilion among the pl'op!e committed to our charge, and to withdraw from aur lOyal person the allachml'nt of our earla, lords, and barans of the realm, he wickedly pretelldeth that he hath by him cerla;n senlences of excommunication lalely paSRl'd againat the violators generally of the church's libl'rty and the Maglla Charta; and he halh by his letters commanded certain articles, in divl'rs eminent placea of resort to be published, besidea and contrary to the usual means in such ca.e plOvided in a provincial councH. Whl'refore we, wiahing (ss we ought) to taku heed to the inll'grily of our farne, to obviale the malicious designa of the Baid archbishop, and to avoid the snarea he hath laid for us and ours, have taken meaaurea, beaide Ihose things above rehearsed, to bng into public nolice same othl'r of his many perverse doings, forbearing to enlarge on Ihem at present. In parlicular, when we were in our minority, it was by his improdent counsel and perauasion, that we made BO many prod;gal donationa, unlawful alienationa, and excl'asive largessea, that ollr trPS8ure was wholly exhausled thereby, and oUr revenues enormously dimini8hed: and we find that hl', being corrupled with bribes, without good reason forgnve certain persons large sums of money which were owing to us, when neither nec_ity, nor any prospect of advaotage, BO required; and also that he hath applied ta the UBe of himself and his friends, and other iIl-deserving pertlons, many of aur rl'ot8 and revenues, which ought to have been kl'pt for aur own use and necessity. Moreover, being an accepterof person. as 11'1'11 as of bribes, conlrary to our wish and his oath of fidelity made to us, he hath admitted to public office in oUr dominions persans altogether unworlhy, neglecting and pntting back be d~l'rving: and many other things out of a refractory mind he hatb rashly presumed lo take in hand, to the delriment of aur state, the bllrt of our rOJ'al dignity, and the no smali damagl' and grievance of oUr subjects; abusin~ the Thearchsuthority and office commilted to him. Ali which, if he ahall still persJst in bilhop his proud obdtinacy and his stout and conlinued rebellion, we will hereafter :~::~~. at convenient time and place manifestly prove; in the mean while, enjoining and commanding you to publish the aame, and ca\llle it by others lo be published, openly and distinctly in those places where you ahall think il I'xpedient; 81'Iting forth at the same lime, as it shaH seem best to your godly wisdoms, our pious resolution of redre8sing gric-vances, and promoting the comforls and advantages of aur aubjects i sa behaving yourselves herein, that we may hnve just cause to comml'nd your carl' and prodence. Witnesa myaelf at Weslminsler the twelfth day of Fl'bruary, in the fifteenth yl'nr of our rl'ign over England, and our second 0\'1'1' France.

AO

686
Jrd_,d

A TaIT~E FOR ONE YKAJl MOKE BF.TWEEN THE TWO KING!.

-.!!!:- and laid against the archbishop of Canterbury, what is to be thought of

A. D. tbe doings of the said arehbishop, Ileave it to thy judgment, genlle

By these aforesaid oqjeetions and aceusations of tlle king, premised

render (as I said before), to be eonjected; forsomueb as our histories. somewhat bearing with the said arcbbishop, seem either to be uneertain of the truth of the matter, or else coverlly to dissemble some part ,,":::-. of that they knew. And espeeially of Polydore VirgiI I marvel, who, having so good oecasion to touch tbe matter, doth so slightly pass it over without any word mentioning. In which mater, if probabIe conjecture, besides bistory, might bere be beard, it is not unlike but that some old practice of prelatcs hath herein been put in use, through some crany conspiracy between the pope and tbe arcbbishop; and tbe rsther to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy unto the king in tbis his challenge to the crown of France, so the arcbbishop against bis prince (as for the most part always they have been) was a friend, as no mnn need to doubt thereof, unto the pope. \Vhieh thing also more probably may be supposed, because of tbe coming down of the two cardinaIs the same time, from the pope to the king of England, about the matter of further truce. This is certain, tbat the archbishop, nothing abashed, replied again to the king's letters aforesaid, ealling them an infamous libel, and wishing for the king's honour t1ley had not been written or published. 1 Return oC And thus stood the ease between the archbishop of Canterbury ~~g'" and the king, who coming thus (as is said) in seeret wise into England ~~::'may. from the siege of Tournay, bis army in the mean while by ships was conveyed to Bretagne. Of whom a great number, through unsea80nable and inconvenient meats and drinks, was there consumeu ; to whom also no less danger happened, by the sess coming out of Bretagne into England, by tempest, thunder, and lightning, stirred up (as was thought) by tbe necromancers of tbe Frencb king. A.D.IUI. The year following, A.D. 1841, were sent from the pope two other ?;,k.': Cor eardinals to trent with king Edward for one year's truce to be conone year cluded more with the French king, besides the former truce taken ::;'~~eell before; and aU by the pope's means. For here is to be l1nder~~ard stand, that as it was not for the pope's purpose to have the king of ;'d England to reign over so many countries, 80 his privy supportation lr.~:~ laeked not by all means possible, botb by his archbishops and cardinals, and also by the emperor, to maiutain the state of the French king, and to establish bim in his possession.' In the said histories wbere these things be mentioned it is a1so noted, that the same year such plenty there was bere in tbe realm of victuals, tbat a quarter of wheat was. sold for two sbillings, a fat ox for a noble, and (as some say) a sheep for four-pence. And thus far endureth the bistory of Ranulphus Oestrensis, called Pol)'chronicon.' The same year, A.D.1841, Louis of Bavaria, the emperor, who before bad sllOwed great eourtesy to king Edward as in his first viaga over, insomuch tbat he made him his viear or vicegerent genera, and offered him also aid against the French king; now (eitber turned by inconstancy, or seduced by the pope) writeth to him contrary letters, wherein he revoketh tbe vicegerentship granted to bim, and seeketh
_1341.

th:

(I) 8ee Append1x.

(2) E.. Thom. Walaing. Ex Chroll. Alban_n"!. [S__ Appendix.-ED.]

CORRESPONDENCE OF KING Io:DWARD AN'D TliJ!. EMPEROR.

68'7
Ed_1'tl
11/.

sil means in favour of the Frcnch king, and agains king Edward; as by his leten; here under written may better appear.

Lettcr of the Emperor to the King of England.

Louis, by the grace oC Gad emperor oC the Romans, always Augustus, &c. To Edward king oC England, his beloved brother, greeting and unCeigned love. Although great and urgent business oC aur own do oppress us, and about the same aur weighty affairs we are daily encumbered, yet with the disCOl'd and variance between your kingly dignity and the renowned Philip, the king oC France aur cOUlin, for your sake, we are not alittle troubled. And the rather, the great charges which may hereafter grow both to you and to your kiugdom thereby considered, both oC men and money, unlell8 the same be taken up, doth more easily provoke Ul to give ourself to the careful study oC your affairs. WbereCore we give you to understand that the aforesaid Philip, at aur request, bath given unto Ul, by his letters, authority and power to treat and conclude a ~e between you, touching the variance begun: whicb leace (all the state diJ.igelltly coDBidered both of lourself, your kin~dom, an subjects) we take and believe to be right expedient for YOUj movmg therewitbal your cbarity, and earnestly desiing you, tbat to this al80 you will give your consent, whereby we may bring you both to concord and unity, and establish between you a firm peace to endure ; whereunto with willing mind we would apply ounelf, and bestow aur painful labour in prosecuting the same. And berein if you will condescend and agree Ullto aur counsel, as we trust you will, it may please you by your letten to give unto us the likI' autbority as is above said, to treat of peace ar for the ordering oC a truCI' for onelear ar twa at least to continue. N eitber let it move yon, tbat between us an the said Philip of France a truce ia taken; for, seeing that you without aur cOllsent took truce with bim, we, by tbe advice oC aur princes who Ir.now the bomis, deeds, and covenants betwixt US, who al80 thought no 11'88 but that, saving your honour, we might do the same, have also made 8 leagtle with the said Philip king oC France j and for certain causes do revoke and calI back the lieutenantship which we assigned nnto you by aur letters. Nevertheless, giving you for certain to undentand that in aur said treaties and peace concluded, we bave 10 brotherly coDBidered you, that, if you will agree and conde6cend unto aur counsel, your cause, by CJll[ mean and help, shall bl' brougbt to good pass and etfect; about which thinga further to confer with your brotherhood herem, we have lent 8 devout IIDd religioUl man" Criar Everud, reader oC tbe order of the BremitN of St. Augnatine and d'8plain oC aur court j wbom 8bout the premisel we desire with apeedy expedition to be sent unto us agai. Given at Frankfort, the twenty-fifth day oC June, in the wenty-shith year of aur reign, and tbe fourteeMh of aur empire.

A. D. 1341.

Answer of thc King of England to the Empcror.

To tbe most serene Prince Lord Louia, by the grace of Gad Emperor oC the Romani, alwaYR Augustu!, Edward, by the lI8D1e grace King oC France and England, and Lord oC Ireland, health and proaperoUl SUCceSL We have reverently received your highness' letten, amongilt other thillgs containing, that the noble Philip de VaIois, to the intent a peaee and concord between UB and bim might be concluded, hath given unto you, by his letters, full power and authority thereunto at your highness' request j and tliat if the lI8D1e might content us to do in likI' sort, your highness would travail to bring the concord to pass; and that it would not move us any whit at all, tbat your higbne. and tbe said Philip.are in league togetber: forasmuch 88 we, without JOur assent and consent, you say, took truCI' with the said Philip, you bave also dane the likI' witli him (which thillg 10U might well do saving your honour, by the counael oC all your nobles an princes), and Car certain causes you revoke again the lieutenantship which ~ou committed unto UB. Doubtle81 the zeaI and good will you bave to makI' thls concord and agreement, we much commend ; letting yon to understand that we always han been desirous, and atill &re, to have a reasonable peace witb the said Philip j wbicb peace lIlI much

688
Ed.,ard IIf.

THE KING DlllAl'INUI.LJol'n THK POI'K'(' I'IW\'ISION;:;.

as to UB (our honour 88ved) appertained, WP. have in justice and by la~ pl'&sl'cuted j and in very deed, it should be to UB acr.eptable, and as we would - - - wish, if by BUch a mediator as your Jlighnea is, it might be brought to pllSll. ~~' But, forasmuch as we understand the same our right and title to the kingdom _ _._ of France to be manifest and elear enough, we purp08e not to commit the same by any of our letters to doubtful arbitrement: but whiJe we well consider and revolve with ourselves, how, upon circumspect consideration (ytoU manifestly beholding our jlUlt and rightfu1 doing, and the strait dealing and obatinate purpose and injury of the said Philip), your gracious highnesa made a speci.al league with us, and in our behalf, agamst the said Philip, adopting us ofyourgreat and bountifullove towards our person to be one ofyour sons j wherefore, that you should thlUl again a1ter and break the same, we cannot Bufficiently marvel, Beeing your invincible highness, being insututed of Gad to the laud and commendation of good men, and revenge of evil and wicked doers, hath made a league against UB with the said Philip de Valois, our notorioUB and injurious enemy. And as touching that which you say, that without your assignment and consent we took a truce, or days ofrespite, with tlle said Philip, which we ought not to have done j if your grace well consider the circumstance of the matter, we have done but as we might therein; for when we laid our sil'ge to Tonmay, it was requisite that we should follow their ad\ice, whose aid and socjety therein we had. Besides, the sudden and immillent necessity which we there stood in, and the distance of the place betwixt your highneBB and Uli furthermore was such, as that by no means we might attain the same, nor UBe yaur assent therein, Yea and further, if your grace well remember yoursel~ your grant unto us was BUch, that whensoever opportunity thereunto should seITe. we might treat of any peace, and grant what ume we thought meet thereunto, without )'onr consent therein j so that to conclude an)' final peace with the said Philip de Valois, without either your consent, or otherwise making ~our bighnes, privy thereunto, it might not belawful for lUl j which thing, wltbout your said connsel, cansent and advice, we never minded nor purposed to do, but have in a11 our doings done that which lUl beseemed, 80 far as by any means onr power would stretch j hoping likewise that your brotherly benevolence for a time would have more lovmgly supported lUl. It is thought a1so by 8Ome, that the revoking back again, or restramt of your aforesaid lieutenantship, was premature or done all out of time j when, according to your pTomise made to us herein by yOUT letters imperial, you ought not 80 to have done, before the Tl'a1m and kingdom of France, OT at the least the greatest part theTeo~ were oC ns obtained and quietly in peaceable wise enJ.oyed. These things premiaed, therefore, we desire you, according to your nobility, duly to consideT, and hercarter to do, that which shall be thought both meet and convenient j becauae that (Gad willing) we mean to recompense and gratify buth )'OU and yours, according to the measuTe of your benevolence bestowed upon us, The Most High grant unto your highness so much felicity as your heart desireth. Given at London the 14th day of July, in the secolld year of the reign of OUT kingdom of France, and of England the fifteenth. [4-.D. 1341.]
[May 19th,

A.D.
1342.)

The king
di~aIJnul

!eth rhe pup..

prll\'i-

.,julI.

The following year died pope Benedict XII., mentioned alittle before; after whom succeeded in that room pope element VI. Of whom it is reported in stories, that he was very liberal and bountiful to his cardinals of Rome, enriching and heaping them with goods and possessions not of his own, but with the ecclesiastical dignities and preferments of the churches of EnRland ; 1 for so recordeth the author, tbat he bestowed upon his cardioals the livings and promotions, such as were or should be vacant in churches of England, and went about to set lip new titles for his cardinaIs here within this realm. But the king being offcnded therewith, made void and frnstrale all those aforesaid provisions of the pope ; cbarging moreover Rnd commanding no person whatsoever to busy himself with any such provisions, under pain of prisonment and of losing his life; whicb law WIlS made the next yearfollowing (A.n.1348). \Vhereupon the nobles
II) Ex Chron. Alban"n.i.
[s Apl"'ndlx.-ED.l

A ,LETTER OF THE KIl"G

A~D

Konl.ES TO THE POPE

and commons

689

adJressed a letter to the pope. The nrg-ument and Bm..'d tenor of which letter out of French we lmvc caused to be tmnslated ~ into English, as ensueth : A. D.
1343.

The Letter of the N obllls of England and Commons of the same to -;:;:the Pope, against the Reservations and Provisions which he had Ap"..,dOl, in England. 1
To lhe most boly father in Gad lord Clement, by dirine prol"idencc of tlle holy churcb of Rome and ar the nni\'ersal church sovereign blsbop, his humble and devont sons the princes, dukes, earls, barans, knights, citizells, burgessel, and all the commonalty or the realm of England, assembled at the parliament holdeu at Westminster the Quindime of Easter" [April 28th] last past, devout kissings ofhis most holy feet, with all reverence and humility, Most holy fatber' the holy discretion, government, and eqnity, which manifest themseh-es in you, and o1lght to reign in sa bigh and holY a prelate, the hedu ar holy cburcb, by whom holy churc!l and tbe people of Gad ought to be, as by a sun, ilIumined, give us strong bopc that the just petiliolllf, to tbe honour or J eS1l1 Cbrist Bnd holy cbnrch and of )'our holiness also, by UB exhibited, will be of you gracionsly beard, and lhat all errora and iniquities will be taken away altd removed, and tbat same fruitful amendment and remedy thereof (through the grace of the Holy Spirit, wbich you lo sa hi/(h a degrce bave reeei,'ed) will be by you graeiously ordained. Wherefore, most holy father I all we upon fuli ueliberation witb common assent dec1are to your holinrss, tbat the noble kings Dr England, the progenitors of bis majesty that now is, anu aur aneeotOl'S, and ouroelve., according lo the grace of the Holy Spirit to lhem and uo given, han, e"ery one accordin~ to his devotion, eotabliohed, founded, and endoweu withiu lbe Mill&p, realm of England eathedrals, collegeo, abbeys, priories, and divers otber bous.o propri of religion; and bave octtled tbereon, and given lo the prelates anu governoro ~:'~e~r. . of the said placeo, lando, posoessiolls, patrimanies, franchises, ad"owsons, Bnd lica! pro patronages of digllities, prebendo, offiero, churches, and many and divers otber fery ~ benefices unIo tbem given; whereby Ihe service ol' Gad and the Christian fnith e~:: gn might be honoured, increased, and beautified, hospitality and alms-giving practised, al1 the sacred edifices honestly kept and maintllined, devout prayers offered in tbe said places for the founders, llnd the poor parishioners aided and comforted: and sueh only ougbt to bave the cure thereof, as are able to hear confessiono in the native tongue, and are otherwise fully inrormed and instructed for their office. And foraomucb as, most holy rather! you cannot well bave knowledge of eTron and defaults, nor yet understand the cOlldition of places, sa far off, unless you be informed; we, having fll11 and certain knowledge of the errora and defnu1ts of lhe plnces and persans above mentioned wit1lin tbe said realm, have thought meet to siguiry unto your boliness, that-in consequence ar divers reoervalions, provisions, and coUatlons granted by your predeceoson apostolic of Rome, and by younelf, most boly father! in your own time (and tbat, more largely than they were wont to be granted), unio divers peraono, not merely strangen and foreignen, but 10me ol' them even ollr enemies, having no knowledge of tbe language and condilions of tbooe of wbom they ought lo have the government and cure-beoide other sad consequences hereof, tbe souls of lbe parishionen are in periI, Ibe service of Gad is uestroyed, alms-giving is restrained, and bospitality perished, tbe churches with their appurtenances decayed, Deeaya!' charity withurawn, the honest peraons of the realm unadvanced, tbe cllre Ih. and government ar souls neglected, the devotion of tbe people restrained, mauy ~~~,~~. poor scholars unadvaneed, and tbe treasure of lhe realm carried away, and aUI.nd by tbis against lhe inlent of lhe founders. The which errora, deraults, and scandals, Ihe pOp" mOllt holy fatber! we neitber can nor ougbt to luffer ar endure. We, therefore, most bumbly require of your boliness, tbat the scandals, errora, and defaults, which may thus bappen, being with due discretion considered, you would be pleased totaUy to foruid such reservaliono, provisions, and col1ntions, and ordain lhat trom heneeforth lbey be no more practioed; and lo take Ruch order and rcmedy therein, that the said benefices and ediiices, witb Iheir rigbls and appurlenances, may be (to tbe honour of Gad) by aur OWIJ countrymen au ministercd, defended, and governcu, And may it furthcr plcase yOlr holineo. by )'our Icttprs to .igniry unto lU wilhout dda)", whdt your intcnlion is touchVOI.. II.
(I) Reviaerl from Ihe French in Aveabllry.-Ro, y Y (2) See in'ra, p, 7SI.-&o.

690

TUK ROUII:D TABLE AT WIND9UR .UILT.

ing this our request; but know for certain, that we shall on no account ceue to apply our beat efforts, to obtain a remedy for the redrea of the matten above mentioned. In witnea whereuf, unio these letten patent we have set our 1344' sew. Given in the fuli parliament at Westminster, the 18th day of May, in _.__ . the year of grace 1343.

AD

Edcmrd I II.

It folIowed then, that the said pope element again began to make new provisions for two of his cardinals of benefices and churches that should be next vacant, besides bisboprics and abbotships, to the extent oftwo thousand marks j whereupon the procurators of the said cardinals n . were sent down for the same. But the king and nobility of the pope'. realm, not suffering' that, under pain of imprisonment caused the said ton procurators forthwith to depart the real m ; whereupon the pope writeth drben OUlot to the king, complaining thereof; but the king shortly after writcth Enllaod. a fruitful epistle to the pope, for tbe maintenance of the liberties of the English cburch; whereunto, as saith the authar, the pope and the cardinaIs were not able to answer. 1 In the meantime, king Edward, to repel certain aggressions of the French king, had sailed over into Bretagne, and laid siege to VanneB, &c.; but by the mediation of the pope a truce was concluded at Malestroit this year, February !Oth, to last till the following Michaelmas and for three years afterwards.s Aft.er these things thus passed over, the kingo shortly after sent over his procurators, the earl of LanCllSter and Derby, Hugh le Despencer, lord Ralph Stafford, with the bishop of Exeter, and divers other, to the pope's court, to discugg and plead about the right of his title to France before the pope: unto whom the said pope Clement The VI., not long' after, sent down this message, How that Louis, duke pope', meage of Bavaria, the emperor, whom the pope had before deposed, had to the submitted himself to him in all things, and therefore deserved at bis klnl hands the benefit of absolution ; and how the pOpI' therefore had conferred and restored unto him, justly and graciously, the empire, which he before unjustly did hold, &c. This message when the king did The hear, being therewith moved to anger, he answered saying, that if he ~!:r. did agree and compound also with the French king, he was ready to figlIt with them both, &c. 1 The Within the time of this year, the Cllstle of Windsor, where the king ~~:,~~ was bom, began to be repaired; and in the same the house called the enl,rged, round-table was situate, the diameter whereof, from the one side to :~n~~e the other, contained two hundred feet; to the expenses of which house ~u~~ed. weekly was allowed a hundred pound for the maintaining of the king's chivalry, till at length, by thc occasion of the French wars, it came down to nine pound a week. By the example whereof the French king being provoked, began also the like round-table in France tor the maintaining of his knighthood. At which time the said French king, morcover, gave free liberty through his realm to fell down trees for making of ships and maintaining of his navy, whereby the realm Fint of England was not alittle damnified. Jlrince af \Valel, About this present time, at the setting up of the round-table, the [M,y' king made prince Edward, his el/lest son, the first prince of Wales. Ulh.) Tenthl In the year following, which was A.D. 13U, pence, halfpence, and grant~d to tbe farthings, began to be coined in the Tower.' king by During the same yell1' the c1ergy or England granted to thc king the c1ugy
vrocur.~

for thrt.'t'

y.ara

(I) See Appendix. (4) See Appendlx.

(2) Ilee Appendlx.

(3) Ex. Chron. AlbanenlL

[s AppeadiL-ED.)

EJ)WARU'S LETTER OF DEFlANCE TO PHII..IP DE VALOIS,

691

tentbs for three years; for the which tbe king in recompense again Bd,vard granted to them his charter, containing these privileges; That no 111._ archbishop nor bishop shouId be arraigned before his justices "sive A. D. ad sectam suam, sive partia," if the said clerk do submit and claim 1345. his clergy, professing himself to be a member of hoy church; who, so By Ihl.,it . hall not b c boun d to come to h'IS answer befiore th . 111Ikely dolDg, l; e' Justlces. &hat And if it shall be Iaid unto them to have married two wives, or to &:Ita have married a widow, the justices shall have no power to proceed ... iv against them, to inquire for the matter ; so that the cause shalI be A~;'. reserved to the spiritual court, &c. AU tbis whiIe yet continued the truce between the two kings, albeit it is likeIy to be thought that the French king gave many attempts to infringe the same. Now,1 for the more evidcnce of the matter concerning the falling of the French king fl'Om the league, and other his wrongs and Ilntrue dealing, it shall bettr.r in the king's Ietter appear ; who, hearing word that the lord Philip de Valois, contrary to the form of truce taken at Vannes,2 had apprehended certain of his nobles or England, and bad brought them to Paris to be imprisoned and put to death ; besides other slaughters and spoiIings made in Bretagne, Gascony, and other pIaces more-he therefore, seeing the truce to be broken of the French king's part, and being thereto of necessity compelled, in the year of our Lord 1845, the fourteenth of the month of June, did pubIish and send abroad hill letters of defiance, containing this effect : The King's Letters of Defiance against the Frencb King. I
To a11 and singular, to whom thete presente sha11 come, greeting. We doubt not it is publicly known, that after tbe deceaBe of Charles late king of France, of famous memory, brother to the mOBt Berene lady babel queen of England, our mother, the realm of France having inalienably fallen unto us as the next beir male of the said king then living, nenrtheless tbe lord Philip de Valois, being but only lOn to the uncle of the aforesaid king Charles, and tberefore in degree of consanguinity further off removed from the same, did, we being in aur minority, by force and power, contrary to God and justice, usurp and occupy, and doth yet occupy, the same j invading further and spoiling aur lands in the dukedom of Aquitaine, and joining himselfwithour rebellioUB enemieB the Scote, seek ing our Bubversion hath by land and by Bea, to the uttermost of his endeavour. And a1though we, to ~revent the incalculable damaget whicb might rise hy war, offered to the said PhI1ip divers friendly ways of peace to our own disadvantage, to the intent we might better intend our purposed war against Christ's enemies thc Turki; yet he, driving UB oft' by crafty dissimulation, would do nothing effectual, but while pretended negotiations were kept pending added injury to injury. Whereupon we, not neglecting the grace and gift oC God, but wishing to defend the right of aur inheritance and to repulse the injuries of aur enemy, did not refuse by force of arms (since we could do nothing by peaceable means) to enter Bretagne, preferring rather to sally out for the succour of our adherents and encounter with him in open field, than tamely await at borne the dangers wbic tbreatened Uli. And 110 we being oceupied in aur wan, there repaired unto Ul the reveTend fathen Peter and Anibald, cardinal.bisbops of P"lrestne and Fraacati, from pope Clement VI., to propose a truce and ultimately a peace between us j at whose request we consented to such conditions of truce as then were taken between us," sending moreover aur ambassadora to the court of Rome, speeially to treat of a peace. And thus, while some hope of peace seemed between UB to appear, news suddenly came unto UB in England which not alittle astonished aur mmd, of the death of certain nobles aur adherente, whom the said Philip con trary to the said truce had seized in Bretagne, and had commanded to be es.ecuted
(I) lIeo Appendlx. (2) At Mal.ltrolt: 100 borore, p. 8ll0.-FD. (I) R.. llOd!rom th. Lalin in Ave.bury.-ED.

y y

692
RdUHJrtl

TH~:

LlDF.RAI. HEART OF A WORTHY CAPTAIN.

at Paris; besides the wasting and spolling aur lands and subjects in Bretagne, Gascony, and other places j witb secret intrigues to wilhdraw aur subjects and confederales from us, and innumerable wrongs and injuries, deceitfully intended 134~ against us, both by sea and land. By reaaon whereof the truce on his part being o. notoriously brok en, it is most manifest that it had been lawful for us forthwilb to have re-opened the war upan him. Yet notwithstanding, to avoid tbose incommodities that come by war, we thought fint to prove, whether by any genlle means some rcformation might be had touching lhe 'premises. And therefore sundry times we sent ambassndors to the popc's prescnce for a trl'aty ot" peace Ind for reformation to be had in those aforesaid excessl'8; and several times lixed for the tractation therl'of certain terms oC time, always resen;ng to aur selves, nolwithslanding, the liberty to resume war at aur pleasure, which Ibl' doillgs of the said Philip had dearly given us. And naw, forsomucb as lhe aforesaid tl'rms be already expired, and yet no re8!l0nable offer of peace appeareth, neitber hath tbe said Philip reformed his doings, notwithstanding his bemg requirl'd and admonished tbereunto by the pope's letter (as the papl' by bis lelter hath written unto us), but ia always Illultiplying his conspll"acies and The fl'lches, to aur ulter ruin j-to say nothing of tbe exeesses of the pope's nuncio, pope'lle- wbo being sent lalely by the bi.bop of Rome into Bretagne for the kel'ping oC ~~r- the truce, and whose part had been ralher to have qucnched the diseord, but war. instead thereof stirred up aur enemy more eagerly Rgainst UB; neilher did tbe Like le- bishop of Rome (sRvillg bis re\'erenee) provide any remedy herein, albeit he ::::;'.hko was required of us sa to do (as he ougbt to have done)-these things, I say, being sa, we oughl to be exeused both before Gad and man, if, in tbe defcet oC other remedy to be had, we proceed to repeIsuch wrongs and injuries, especially baving sa righteous a cause BS is notorious to all. Deeming tberetore tbe aforesaid truce broken (as it really is) Car reasons wbicb we knowand can prove to be true, and ourselves to be released Crom the observance of tbe same, we defy the aforesaid Philip, 8!1 the violator of the truce and tbe unjust imader of aur kingdom: prolesling, that this we do, not for any offenee to the bishop of Rome Ol' to the Rpastolic see, but only for the reasonable prosecution of aur righta, and in defence of us and oun; intending always rather to have peace, if by any reasonable way it might Le had. And thus much, for the stopping of slanderous farne and the mOllths of backbiters, we thought good to signify, fint to the high bishop of Rome, and tbe aforesaid eardinals j that by them, as person. indifferent, Ihe same may be intimaled to the contrary part; recommending unto you all our own innocency, and the common cause of justice. Given at Westminster the fOllrteenlh day oC June, the nineteenth year of our reign in England, and of France the aixth. [A.D. 1345.)

--:AD

III.

re:;.

And thus much for thc king\; letters, showing how the Frcllch king began first to infringe thc truce taken. \Vhereupon Henry, carl lIen, ryafl' ol' Lancaster, wi th six hundred men ol' anns, and as man y archers, ear er was sent over to G ascony, WhO t here 50 vaIiantl 'd to behave mad. y' IS sal i~~~a~~ himself, that he subdued fifty-five townships unto the king; twenty~~~r'~~l three noble men he took prisoners, encounteng with the Frenchmen G..~ny. at Auberoche. So courteollsly and liberally he dealt with his soldiers, APr';.7,,<I. that it was a joy to them and a preferment to fight undemeath him. His mann er was, in winning an)" town, little or nothing to reserve to himself, but to sparse the whole spoil to his soldiers. One eumple in the allthor whom I follow is touched; how the aforcsaid earl at the winning ol' the town ol' Bergerae, where he had granted to .every soldier for his booty the house, with all the implements therein, which he by victory should oblain, among his other soldiers, to one named Reh feli a eertain house with the implements thereof, wherein were eontained the mint and money eoined fur that country, to the value ol' a grcat substanee; whieh when the soldier had found, in brcaking up a house where first the gross me!...'!.l was not yet perfectly wrollght, he came to the carl, dcclaring to him thc trcasurc, to know what was his plcasure thcrein. To whom thc carl answered, that the
A.D.1345.

KING EDWAIiD'S SECOND VIAGE INTO FRANCE.

693

housewas his, and whatsoever Ile founu thcrcin. Afterwaru the soldier, BdlCard finding a whole mint of pure silver ready coined, signified the same to ---!~ the earl, forsom uch as he thought such treasure to be too great for his A. D. portion ; to whom the said carl again answerin~ declared, that he had .) :>46. ance given him the whole house, and that be had once givell he Thelibewould not calI back again, as cbildren use to play, and therefore ~l/:~ bade bim enjoy that which was granted to bim j and if the mney ~= of werc thrice as much, it shoulU be his own. 1 Whicb story, whetber a WO~lhY it were true or otherwise in those days, I have not to affirm. But capt n. certes, if in these our covetous wretched days now present any author should report tbe like aet to be practised, I would hardly believe it to be true. & the carl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony, the Scots The Scoll werc as busy here in England, wasting and spoiling without mercy ; ::,":~~ o~ who were thought (and not unlike) to be set on by the French king; breakiog and therefore he was judged both by that, and by divers other ways, truce. to have broken the covenants of truce between him and the king of England. Wherefore, the next year ensuing (A. D. 1346) king A.D.136. Edward, first sending his letters to the court of Rome, and therein :;'~d ':i. comp1aining to the pope of Philip de Valois, how he had transgressed age of and broken tbe truce between them made, which by evident proba- ~~%~;" tions he therc made manifest, about the month of J uly made his France. viage into Normandy, in such secret wise, that no man weB knew whither he intended. Where first he entered the town of la Hogue, and from thence proceeded unto Caen: where, about the twentyseventh of July, by the river Orne, which f10ws by Caen, he had a strong battle with the Normans and other Frenchmen, who, to stop his The passage, defended the hridge; at which battle were taken of the lords ~~~.u of France, the earls of Eu and TankerviIle; and of Imights with other men of arms, to the number of onc hundred; of footmen six hundred; and the town and suburbs were beaten down to the hard walls, and a1l that could be borne away was transported to the ships. Concerning the passage of the king, with the order of his acts achieved in the same, from the winning of Caen unto the town of Poissy, is sufficiently described by the king's confessor, a Dominic friar, being an eye-witness, who writeth thereof as followeth : ' A Letter of the King's Confessor touching his Acts-doing from Caen to Poissy.1
Oreat cause we have to bless the Ood ofheavell, and worthily to coufeS8 him before all living, for that he hath sa wrought his merc}' toward UB. For after the cOlJflict had at Caen, in the which very many were .Iain, and the town taken and sdcked even to the hare walls, the city of Baieux immediately yielded itself of its own accord, fearing lest they should 8uffer the like. After this aur lord the king directed his march towards Rouen; who being at the city of Lisieux, there came certain cardinaIs to hilll, greatly exhorting him to peace; which The earcardinaIs being courteously entertained of the king for the reverence of the dinal. popes see and hoy church, it was answered to them again, that the king bcing a;:1'llt'r always dcsirouB of peace, had sought it by all reasonable ways and means he could think of; and had offered manifold way. of peace (such was his desire The to obtain it) to the no sllll\lI prejudice of hi. own cau_e; and was ready @till klog's an to admit any reasonable offer of peace. Wlth this an_wer the cardinaIs having :I::.e~::di. gone to the French king, aur king's adversary, to persunde with him in like mus.

;::c:

(I)

Ex Chron. Alballenal. (2) See Appeodlx. (3) Revised Crom Ihe L.Un in Avelbury.-ED.

KING Ji:1IWARD'S paOGB.ESS THJlOUGH FRANCK.

manner, returned to king Edward, offering him in tbe French king'l name Ibl' dukedom oC Aquitaine, on tba same tenure as his Cather baCore bim bad hed iti besides Curther bope also oC obtaining more tbrough matrimonial alliance, iC 13'46 treaty oC peace migbt be obtained. But Corsomucb as thal proposal contented not the king'l min d, neither did tha cardinas find the Freneb king at aU tractTb. able, the earclinals returned in despair to A.vignon, leaving the matter as they :'r"DCh (ound i. A.nd su tbe king, speeding Corward, won aU the large towns by whicb .b:~.th be passed, without any resistance oC the inbabitants, who all fied away. For DO careM God BO agitated them, that tbey seemed quite to have ost heart. In the same ;,:;~ oC viagl', the king also subdued castles and munitiOlls very l\rong, and tllat wiLb little stre88. His enemy usembled at the same tima a great army at Rouen; who, notwithstanding his being well manned, ever kept 011 the otber side of the river Seine, breaking down a1l the bridges, that we should not come over to him. And although the country round about was continually spoied and with fire consumed by tbe circuit of twenly miles round about, to within tbe space of ony one mile oC him; yet the French king aither would not, or else durat not (wheu be might easily bave p_d over tbe river), maka any resistance Cor Tb. defence oC his country and people. And so our king, journeying Corward, came klD~ lo to Poiny, where likewise be Cound the bridge broken down, and the enemy ~~7.a~~ keeping on the otber side oC the river would rest in no place.
Zd..o,1I

111. ~

___ o

Afer the king's coming to Poissy, o. certain clerk, no.med Michael Northburgh, an able mo.n and one of the king's council, who accompanied him aU through his joumey, describing the king's viage and the acta of the Englishmen from the town of Poissy to his coming to Calais, in his letters writeth in tbis wise :1-

A Letter of Michael Northburgh, the King's Councillor, describing the King's Viage through France.
[A lig.

llh.]

Salutlllions premised, we give you to understand, tbat our lord tbe king came to the town oC POi88Y on the eve oC tba Assumption of our Lady, wbere WBa a bridge o\'er the water oC Seine which bad been broken down by the enemy: but the king tarried there tiU tbat tbe bridge wal repaired i and wbile tbe bridge was in repairing, there came a great number oC men of arms, and oC the commons oC the country and burghers of Amiens well armed, to binder the same; but the earl of Northampton issued out against tham and siew oC them more than five bundred (tbano be to God); tbe rest ted away. At another time our men p88sed lhe water, and sIewa great number oC the commons of }'rance and of lhe city of Paris and country adjoinin~, being part oC the French king's army, and tboroughly well appointed; so bat our people have now made otber good bridges upon our enemil's (thanb be to God) without any g~eat 10Sll of our people. On ~be morrow after the AlSUmption ?f our ~ady: tbe kmg passed the water of Seme, and mllrched toward 'Pontolse, WblCh 18 a 8trong town, and surrounded wilh walia, and a very strong castle witllin the lI&me, which our enemies kept; and wben our vanguard and aecond guard were pl188ed the town, our rear-guard gave an assault thereunto, and took tbe same, where were slain more than tbree bundred men oC arma on our enemies' part. The next day Collowillg, tbe earloC Suffolk and Sir Hugh le Delpencer marcbed Corth upon the commons oC tbe country wbo were assembled and well armed, and diacomfited them, and siew of tbem more tban two bundred, and took above sixty gentlemen prisoners. After that, the kin~ marcbed toward Grand ViIlen, and while he was there encamped, the king a vanguard was descried by the men of arms of lhe king of Bohemia; whereupon our men illlUed out in great haste, and joined battle with them, but were overthrown. Notwithstanding, (thanks be to God) tbe earl of Northampton iSlued out, and rescued the knights wilh the other soldiers, so that none of them were either taken or alain except only Thomas Talbot, and he had Ibl' enemy in ehase to witbin two leagues of Arnicns, oC whom be took eight, and sIew twelve of their men of arma: tbe rest, being 11'1.'11 horsed, took to the towu oC Amiens. After this, tbe king uC England marched toward Ponthieu on St. Barlholomew's day, and canle
(I) Se. AppeDdix.

Tbe rollowiDg IranalalioD Is reviocd Crom Ihe FreDch in Aveobwy.-EJo.

HY. DEI'EAT5 THI!: I'RI!:NCH KING 'AT CRESSY.

695

nnto be water of Somme, wbicb fowetb by Abbeville to tbe sea, wbere the Ed",ard Frencb king had laid five hundred men of arms, and three thouaand armed lU. commons, to keep the passage; but (tbanks be to God) the king of England and his host took tbe said water of Somme, where ncver man pasaed before, 1346' without tbe lass of any of aur men, and encountered with tbe enemy, and siew of tbem mora than twa tbousand men of arms, chasing tbe rest to the gate of Abbeville, in which chase were taken many knignts, squirell, and men of arms. 'I'he same day Sir Hugh le Delpencer took the tOWII of Crotoy, where he and hil soldiers sIew four hundred men of arma, and kept the town, where they found great plenty of victuals. The same night encamped the king of England in the forelt of Creny npon the same water, for that tbe French king's host arrived tram the other side of the town [Abbeville] after aur paasage; however, he would not take the water upon WI, but returned toward Abbeville. Upon the Friday following, the king lay still encamped in the said forelt of Crelsy. On the Saturday moming he moved toward Cressy, when aur scurriers descried the French kmg, who marched toward us in four great battalioOll; and having then undentanding of Dur enemies (aa God's will was), alittle before the hour of vespers we drew unto the plain field, and set aur batteIs in array; and immedi ately tbe fight hegan, which waa very BOre, ancI endured long, for aur eneroiea behaved themsel\'el rigbt nobly. But (God be praised) Dur enemies were discomfited and tbe king, Dur adversary, was put to fight; wbere also were slain the king of Bobemia, the duke of Lorraine, the earl of Alen\lOn, tbe earl of Flanders, tbe earl of BIoiI, tbe earl of Harcomt witb his two lons; tbe earl of Aumale, the earl of Nevers and bil brother, the lord of Tronard, the arcbbishop of Nismes, the archbishop of Sens, tbe high prior of the HOlpital of France, tbe earl ofSavoy, the lord ofMorles, the lord de Guiae, tile lord de SI. Venan1, tbe lord de Rosinburgh, with six earIs of Almain, and divers other earla, barons, knighta, and &quireI, whose nameB are unknown. Philip de Valoil himself, with the marquis, wbo is called king elect of the Romana, escaped from the battle. The nurober of the men of arml who were fouod dead in the field, besidel the com mon soldien and footmen, was one thousand five bundred and forty-two. Ali that night tbe king of Eogland, with his hOl1, remained uoder arml in the field where the battle was foughL On the morrow, before the Bun rase, there marcbed toward Ul another great and strong bOlt of the Frenchmen; but tbe earl of Northampton and tbe earls of Suffolk and Watwickl iasued out against them, and tbem in like wile they discomfited; where they took of knigbts and aquires a great number, and siew above twa tbousand, pursuing tbe chase three leagues from tbe place where tbe battle was fought. 'fbe same nigbt also tbe kingencamped atCressy, and on tbe morrow marched toward Boulogne, and by be way he took the town of EtapleI ; and from thence be marched toward Calais, where be intendetb (as I have beard) to plant bis liege, and lay his battery to tbe same; and therefore Dur sovereign lord the king willeth and commandeth you, in aIl tbat ever you mar, to send to the said liege victuals convenieot; for, since tbe time of Dur departmg from Caen, we bave travelled tbrough tbe country witb great toi and 10Sl of aur people, but yet alwaYI had of victuall plenty, thankl be to God tbere-for! But 0011', as the case ltaodeth, we partly need Jour help to be refrelhed with victuall. Thus fare you well. Written before the town of Calais, the fourth day of September.
o

AD

Arter the battle and victory of Cressy, the twenty-sixth day Ofslegeor August, A.D. 13406, the king directed his passage unto Calais, as by C&l&i the tenor of tms letter yOll beaT, and besieged the same ;' wbich siege he continued from thc tbird of 8eptember in the year aforesaid, till the third day of August the year next following, upon the which duy it was rendered up unto the said king Edward IIL, and subdued unto tbe crown of England; as after, the Lord willing, shall more appear. In the mean time, during the siege of Calais, David the Scottish king, at the request or the French king. with a great army brast into he norlh parta of England; and first hesieging the town or Liddell,
(I) See Appendlx. (2) Ibld

6!)(j
Bd_d

'LETT:R

Ol<" THE POl'E TO THE KING OF FNGI.AND.

within six davs obtained tlle gTcatest part uf thc town; aud tilt::re with Sir Walter SaJby, a valiant kmght, A, D. who was the keeper of thc hoJd, he eaused him uncourteollsJy to be 1347. put to the sword; and so from tJlCllce he procceded fllrthrr into England, till at length being met withal by \ViJlillm Surch, archbishop ol' York, and the lord Perey, and the lord N evil, with other nobles of those parta (caIling- and gnthering their men togethcr) in Tb. Scott the plain near to Durham, thc seventeenth day of October in tJle ~;:;'nl~l year above mentioned, through the gracious hand ol' Cbrist, therc thcy N.vill.'. were subdued and eonquered. In that confliet, tbe earla of Murm\" Croaa.J and 8trothern, with the flower of aIl the chivalry, and tlte prineip;\ 11,. &01- warriors of Scotland, were slain. Alao the aforesaid king David, witll ~:k~~lng thc earls ol' Mentife and Fife, and other lords, and \Villiam ,>I"lloner. Douglas Masklime a Fleming, and 'ViIli:un Douglas, and many mon.' men at arms were taken prisoners; and so the rnischief which they mtended to others, felI upon their own hrads. Moreover, during the said siegc of Calais, thc aforesaid POP(' element VI., writing to the king ol' England, went about under tlI{pretenee of penee to stop his proeeedings; whose letters herc foli 0\\' _

-.!:.!.:..- taking aIl that he could find,

Lctter of the Pope to the King of England, in the behaif ol' the Frenehrnen.
Th. pope
~com

menda
1wal'e
h>t1VQ(.'n :Klanu

"uj

France.

Clement the bishop, l!ervant of God's servnnts, to hi8 well-beloved son in Chri8t, Edward the puissant king of England, salutation and apostolical blessill~. If )'OU diligent1y consider, dl'ar son! as ought a catholic prince to do, the Slnughter of mch all innuml'rable sort, bought with the preciou8 blood of Chri,t oUr Redeemer; the loss of thl'ir mbstance and soula, and tlle Inmentnbll' perils which the disaensions and wara stirred up between you and our well-belo\"l'd son Philip, the nobIl' king of France, have brought upon us, and yet dnil)' do wit!Jout intermission; and also the bewailing of so many poor people, cryin::: out of orphans and pupils, 1amentation of widow", and other miserable people who be robbed and spoiled, and wmost famished; wbat exc1amation they makI' Wilh ttarB nmning down thl'ir cheeks, yelling and cl')'ing unto God for helI'; R8 also the destruetion of churches, monasteriea, and holy places, holy vesse s, and other omaments unto God's sl'rvice dedicated; the Illlcrilegious robberies, I!aCkings, and imprisonings, the spoiling of holy churches, and religioua persons, with many other aueh innumerable, detestable, execrable mischiefs, oJrending the eyes of the Divine Majest)'; all whieh, if )'our princely hem would considcr and well remember, with thi8 aho, t!Jat catholic faith (especially in the east parts) and the Chriatians t1lere abiding, by means of the same dissensiona and wara, destitute of the he1ps of aueh eatholic men o.s are in the west parts, are ao llfHicted of the infideh; saeing the other parts of Christendom 80 troubled with eruel l?ersecutions, yen, and more cme! than ever it bath been (nlthough in t1wse hmes to amplify this our faitI. in the Baid east parts ia emI'l peraecution Bhowed, more than hath been of ~any years paat), doubtlesa we believe it would pity )'OUf hem. And to tlle end that Buch and so great evila should no further proceed; nor )'et tbat 80 great good as migbt be done by dilating of our afore'Ilid f/lith, in these times, shollld be let and hindered, we desire you tbat YOll wOllld apply your mind to makI' some agreement and peace with the aforcsaid king'. For if, my well-beloved son! God hath given unto you proppcrous Sllece8S and fortun e, ye ougbt rather to ll1unble than to extol youraelf; and be BO much tlle more ready to ineline to his peace, and to endeavollr yourself to plense God, \V ho loveth peace, and delightetlt in peaceablc men; and to esche... the aforesaid evils, whieh without doubt do grievouBly om'nd him. Fm lher:n~r.., wc marvel great!)', thut unto our rc\'erend brother Allibald, bishop of I"rascali, lnd our belo\'ed Bon ~te!,h~n, priesl-cardinal of the aposlolical sec, h lhe litle or St. John aud ~t. Paul, bcing sent as h'gales by UlI and (he

nu:

ANSWER Ol"

'fUK Y.ING

697

:lIl1e scc opostolie, to entrcat a pence, who diligently and mithCully !abwring RdllHlnl lor thc same, as lovers ol' verity, justice and equity, and tberewithal regarders III. ..t' your honour, could nO,t be Buffered, touching the entreaty ol' the same peace, lo cOllie unto your grace BpreBence. 1347 Wherefore we desire your killgly highness more eamestly, ond, for the merey =-ot' God, with more vehemency we require the same, that you, taking up the aforesaid horribIe evils, and preventing the BweetneBs ol' piety and compa.oBion, lIoy escape the vengeance ol' God's indignation, whieh were to be feared, if you should persevere in your former evils j as God forbid ! And as touching the entreaty for peace, for whieh our aforcsaid cardinals were sent unto you (howbeit secretly, leBt it Rhould be any derogation to. your honour), we desire you to cOlldescend thereunto, and that with all your affeetion you will incline your mind to the same, so pleasant unto God, so desired of the world; as a1so to you, the aforesaid king, and unto the catholic faith, profitable. And that the same peace by Gnd's help and grace eBtablished and made perfeet, you might cssay your pui888nt Btrength about God's business in the aforesaid eWit parta (snch !,ood occasion Berving, Wi before is Baid, in t1lese aur times), being Buch apt ad\'Uncements of your honour, and happy increasing ar your princely name; for we have heard it ol' you reported, that you behave r.0urself fervent1y in all your attempta. ThuB we doubt not but that you will write unto U8 again touching the premises, and the purpose of your intention touching the same. Given at A\"ignon, lite fifteenth day ol' January, ant! the fifth year of our papacy. [A.D.13-17.]

A:"ii.-

Answer of tlie King of England, to the aforesaid Le'tter or thc J';::"u Pope.
Most holy falher! we underaland by the lelters ol' tlte reverend fathel"l in God, the bishop ol' Frascali, and Stephen ol' the title ol' St. John, prieat, cardinals, and legates ol' the conrt of Rome, as also by the lelters ol' your holiness sent unto us, that ye marvel greatly for that your said legatea were of purp08e aent unto us, and commallded to trent ol' a peace between our adversary of France and us, that we would not suffer them secretly to talk with UB, for the 5Ilfeguard ol' aur honour, tlte intention ol' your heart being to mUl' the aforesaid peaee; complaining and bewailingtherein the death ol' chriBtian men, Ihe loss ol' thcir gooda, Ihe peril of their aouls, the lamentabIl' wailings of t.'te poor, of oJ1lhons, ol' widows, and the deslnlction of other pitiful persons, the pillage and robbcrics of churches, and other mischiefa mnumerable; and espccially, the dim:niBhing of christian faith in the ellst parta, which, br the war between our adverBllry of France and UB, is sore decayed, as the sald letters plainly do import. And that forasmuch as Gnd hath given UB triumphant Cortune, so much tlte more we ougltt to abase and humbIl' our heart, nnd to be the readier to make and incline to a pence. AB tonching these things, holy King tiuher! we give your holinesB to understnnd, that Wi welI unto your aioresaid Edward legates, as othcr messengerB Bent from you nnto UB, we have oflhred unto every e:~;:'I one of them reasonable ways of peace, and every day declnre tlte same, nnd tltat ~hn..lt not secretly, but openl)'. For we doubt not to let our purpoBe be underBtood; for he that iB the Itigh Judge both ol' him and us, in whose disposition aU things lie, hath given unto UB the crown of France to our right and proper heritage; the which right our aforesaid adversary hath, by force, of long lime detailled from UB, we seeking to obtain the same in pencenbIl' wiBe j and yet do, if we might obtain the same in any good maIlner, rathcr for the benefit of christian mcn, nnd that the aforesaid eviIB rnight cease, which by his wron~ifnl mcans only have increased and grown. Yet notwithstanding, as before ths time )'OU kIlow, we assented to u truce, with certain articles contnilled in the sallle writing; aU thiB he hath infringed j neither doth the wrong Rufficc him which he offereth U8 in our aforeBuid heritnge. but he cndeavoureth himself, durillg lhe said truce, to invade aur realm of F.lIgland, and our other !allds j and fllrtllCrmorc, maintaineth the Scots, and aideth hem to the nttcr destruction of UB, our people and lands aforesaid; wherein we were enforced, for the safeguard ol' our people and lands, by snch lawCul means as we may, to defl'nd oursch-l'S, and put bim from his wicked purposc. And furthermore for the snme, our qnarrc1 being in Ihe hands ol' God, have we come against bim to conquer oUr inhlritIlIIce of France: over whom Gad h~th givcn U8 divers victories, as we have

698
EdNfrd Ul.

'l'In: DAUI'JIIN DISCOMFlTED AT CASSEI

tntsled he would, by his right wise judgment and power: which thing he halb showed upon U8 (ali chance of fortune set apart), in respect of our rightfu1 title ~ therein, and without our deserts i wherefore, with all humility of heart we give him thanks a1ways therefore, most devoutly night and day praising his holy - - - name; for we acknowlec4l'e the same cometh not by our strength and force Wherefore, most holy father! we desire your holiness, and, 80 much as in Iieth, require the same, that you that IlUpply the place of lhe Son of God on earth, and have the govemment of the 80uls of a11 christian men, and ought to be upright and equaI towards al! men, without exception of persons, that ye, J say, will receive good information and true, of the objections above said, and will put to your holy helping hand, as much as in you is, that our said adversarv of France may acknowIedge his wrong which he hath done to UB herein, and that it may be by your aid redressed i and that he, in this his wrong, havc n. king no maintenance and aid at your hand. For if it be 80, we then appeallmto the 6:!"'a:~th J udge of judges, who llUffereth wrongs to be done for a time, for the siuful to default of man, but in the end redresseth the same, Iea,ing no good deed Ood. unrewarded, nor evil unpunished; most humbly requiring him to be to UB :l true and upright judge of all our controversies, for his mercies' sake, 118 in the mean time we rep08e our fulI trust and confidence in bim. The Holi Spirit of God, &c.

i346:

u.

po;:;

Moreover, during the siege of Calais, the French king had senL certain offers to the men of Flandcrs, that if they would relinquish the king of England, and adhere to him :
Olf""
marle to

the men

nr Flandera to fonake king Ed ward.

I. He would remit a11 their former transgressions. II. He would unburden them of their inlerdic III. He would send uuto them such plenty of com, tbat what was IIOId fOl'
twelve shitlings with them, should be sold for four shillings, and that for sU; years. IV. He would store them with plenty of French wool to make cloth for a smali price; and that they might sell lhe said doths at their own price, both in Flanders and in France, and that the Frencbmen should UIC tbe same dotb, forasmuch as al! olher manner of clotb sbould be forbidden to be sold in Franee, so long as any of tbat (made of Fr.ench wool) might be found for sale. V. He would restore to them these three cities, LisIe, Douay, and Be thulle. VI. He would defend them from all their adversarles; and in pledge ol the same would send them money beforehand. VII. Such as were able and forward men 1I1'llOng them, he would retain and promote them, &c.

But these offcrs, seeming to proceed more of fair words to serve the present tum, than of any hearty truth, were not received. Ther: the lord John, prince and heir to the Frellch king, during the aforesaid sicge of Calais above mentioned, coming with a mighty army of n. dau. Frenchmen, set upon the men of Flanders and Englishmen in the phin w1th town of Cassel; in which conflict, enduring from morning to noon, thc ~~:n'h Frenchmcn were vanquished, and the young dauphin driven back ~~~~~: "from whence he came. Of their number divers were slain and tahn ~~~ Jun. prisoners; Where, on the other side, through the Lord's defence, not A.D.1M7. one is reported to have been grievously wounded. A ~Oz As this passed on, not long after, about the twenty-seventh day of , . J uly, A.D. 1847, king Edward still continuing his siege llWlinst Calais, Philip the French king came down with a mightyarmy, purposing to remove the siege; where, not far off from the English host, he encamped himself. Which done, two cardinals, Anibald and Stephen, procured for the same purpose, going between the two kinga, gave to the king of England thus to undcrstand; that if he would condesccnd to any reasonable way of peace, thc French king was ready to offer Buch

A PLAGUE IN ENGLAND.

DEATU OF THE FRENCH KING.

699

Loneat proffers unto him, as to reason and to his contentation should :i.!,..",. seem agreeable: but, in conelusion, wheIJ it came to talk, the nobles ~ could not agree upon the conditions; wherefore the French king, A. D. seeing no other remedy, caused it to be signified to king Edward, 1350. that between that present Tuesday and the next Friday, if he would come forth into the field, he should Mve battle given him. Thus the place bcing viewed by four captains of either host for the battle to be fought; it so fell out, that the French king, on Wednesday at night, The before the battle Mould join, secretly by night setting his pavilions ii:;ft~elb on fire, returned back with his army out of the sight of the English- ballle. bero",lhe men. Upon the Friday following, those who were besieged in the town The of Calais, seeing the king to be retired, upon whose help they trusted ~or OIl (being also in great penury and famine for Jack of victuals, and other- 7A 3d.] wisc, in much misery, vehemently distressed), surrendred the toWn l g. to the king's hands; who, like a merciful prince, only detaiiling certain of the chie~ the rest with the whole commons he 1et go with bag and baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, showing therein more princely fuvour to thein, than they did of late in queen Mary's days unto our men, in recovering the said town of Calais again. A fter the winning thus of Calais, as hath hecn premised, king Edward, remaining in the said town a certain space, was in consultation conceming his voyage and proceeding further into Fmnce. But by means of the aforesaid cardinals, truce for a certain time was taken, Truce and instruments made (so provided) that ('ertain noblemen as well ~~~:d for the French king, as for the king of England, sbould come to the ~ce. popc; there to debate upon the artieles; unto which king Edward, for peacc' sake, was not greatly disagreeing: which was A.D. 1347.1 The next year following, which was A.D. 1848, fell a sore plague, .A.D.I3ll. which they calI the first general pestilence in the realm of England. :~~rJll'. This plague, as they say, first springing from the east, and so spread- ~;~~~ ing westward, did so migbtily preV'dil here in this land, beginning first at Dorchester and tbe countries thereabout, that every day light1y twenty,some days forty, some sixty and more, dead corses were brought and laid together in one pito This beginning the nrst day of August, by the first of November it came to London; where the vehement rage thereof was 80 hot, and did increase so much, that the next year A~"'. after, A.D. 1349, from the first day of February tiU about the bcgin- Burielning of May, in a churchyard then newly marle by Smithfield, above :~~An two hundred dead corses every day were buried, besides th08e which ~~::'r in other churchyards of the city were laid also. At length, by the wace hOUI' or Christ ceasing there, it proceeded from thence to tbe north parts ; ~~,:,h where alBO nbout Michaelmas following it suaged. Af\er this, in the next year ensuing (A.D.1850) the town of A.D.135U. Calais was by treason of the keeper of the castle almost betrayed :;,a~::\~i and won from the Englishmen. Within the compass of which year by Ir.adied Philip the French king; after whom king John his son 8ucce~ded D."~lh ar in the crown, who, the next year after, under false pretence of friend- ~r~Dcb ship caused the conlltable or France, the enrl or Eu, to be bebeaded ; ~lf.i$51. who, being taken prisoncr bcfore in war by Englishmen, and long
('} I>X Tbomu Wai.lngll:uu.

700
Ed_rd

XING EDWARD S THlRD VIAGE lN1'O FRANCE.

_~ his country of France. In the salllc yenr the town of Guines was Al>. takcn by 'Englishmcn, whilc thc kecpers of the hold werc negligcnt

detained in prison in England, was liccnsed by king Edward to visit

and asleep. In the ycar after, was Henry !irst made duke of Lancaster, who ~;::-nc&tl- before was carl of Derby and Lancasler; also divers good ordinances Mar. 6th. werc appointed in thc parliament at \Vestminster, which after by avarice and partial favour of the heud men were again undone. A.D.1352. The year next following, the marshal of France with a grent amly ~~ct~ry ot was put to f1ight by Sir Roger Bentele, knight, and captain in Benle~:~r Bretagne, having but only six hundred soldiers with him. In this ~~.M~~g. battle were taken nine knights, esqllires and gentlemen one hundred I.] and forty. The :Frenchmen and Bretons by this victory were exeeedingly discouragcd and thcir pride cut down. A.D.IJS. Concord and agreement about A.D. 1354, began to come well forward, and instruments wcre drawn upon thc samc betwC'cn the two kings; but the mattcr being brought up to pope Innocent VI., partly by thc quarrclling of the Frenchmen, partly by thc winking of thc pope, who cvcr held with the French side, the conditions were repealed, which wcre these: That to the king of England, all the dukedom of Aquitaine, with other lands there, should be restored. without homagl' to the French king; and that king Edward ugain should surrender to him all his right and title, which he had in France. U pon this rose the occasion of the grent war and tumult whicb followcd after between tbe two realms. A 0.1355. It folIowed aftcr this (A.D. 1855),1 that king Edward bearing of the denth of Philip thc Frer:~h king, and that king John his son had granted the dukedom of Aquitaine to Charles his cldest san and of Vienne, sent over prince Edward with the carls of dauphin [OCIO......] Warwick, Salisbury, and Oxford, and with them a suffieient number of able soldiers into Aquitaine, where he, being willingly received of divers, thc rest partly by force of sword be subdued, partly received, submitting themsclves to bis protection. Third N ot long aner this, in the same year, word being brought to king ~l{eEd~f Edward, that John the French king was ready to meet him at St. . . ai:J inlo Omer, thcre to give him battle, he gatbered his power, and set over ~~:::._ to Calais with his two sons, Lionel carl of Wilton, and John of ber.] Gaunt carl of Ricbmond, and with Henry duke of Lancaster, &c.. The who being come to St.Omer, tbe French king, witb a mighty army :r~nc~ of his Francklings, bearing of his coming, the ncarer he approached ru.!t.h lo to tbem, the further they retired back; wasting and destroying beL~~I~n hind them, to the intent that the English army in pursuing them, E::~~~g should !ind no victuals. By rcason whereof, King Edward, following him by the spaee of nine ar ten <lays unto Hesrlin, when lleither Ile could !ind bis enemy to !ight, nor victuals nor forage for bis army, returned to Calais; where war again being otfered in the name of the king, upon unstable conditions, and yet the same not performed, king Edward seeing tbe shrinking of his enemy, from Calais crossed tbe llClIS into England, wbere be recovered ugain tbe towo of Berwick, "hich tbe Scots before, by sllbtle train, had gatten. At that time
1355.
Fimduke
\,1~

Cl.:rr.. l..<i&mi McrimQuth t"anonlci D. Pauli de gestii Edw. 3.

l'JlI~

'JtENCn

KING TAKRN

J'JlISOX:ll.

701

was grontcd unto tllC king' in parliamcnt, fifty shilIings for cvery sack Edocnrd or pack of wool that should be canied ovcr, for the space of six years ~ togethcr; by t1le which grant, the king mig'ht dispend cvery day by A. D. cstimation above one hundred marks sterling. And forasmueh as ~,'j6 . cvcr)' vcar one bundred tbousand sacks of wool were thought to be hngll ~IJlyohllCor cxported out of tbe rcalm, the sum thcreof for SIX years space was emy cstimated to amount to RI,500,OOO sterling. :'~ ~~_ The same yenr, wben king Edward had rccovered Berwick and ~edlaut:f lSubdl1ed Scotland, prince Edward being in Gaseony, made towards ng n the French king; who, notwithstanding all the bridges in tbe way were cast down, and grent resistance made, yet the victorious prince making way witb his sword, after mucb slangbter of tbe Frenehmen, {" ~nd many prisoners taken, at lengtb joining with the Freneb king at 1~~r.:J Poietiers, with scarcely two thousand, guve the overtbrow to the Freneh king with seven tllOusand men at arms and more. In that Thc eonfict, the Freneh king bimself, and Philip bis son, witb Lord ~:ch James of Bourbon, the arebbisbop of Sens, eleven carls, and twenty- =~,er two lords wcrc taken; of other waniors and men at arms two thou- by prince sand. Some affirm that in this eonfiet were slain two dukes; of :dwud. lords and noblemen twcnty-four; of men at arms two thousand and Ap;;';6. two; of other soldiers about eight tbousand. The common report is, that more Frenehmen were tbere taken prisoners, tban was the number of those wbo took tbem. This nobIl' vietory, gotten by the grace of God, brougbt no little admiration to all men. It were too long, and little pertaining to tbe purpose of this history, to comprehend in order all the doings of this king, with the cireumstanees of bis victories, of the bringing in of the Freneh king into England, of hIs abode there, of the ransom levied on him, and on David the Scottish king; of whom, the one was rated at tbree millions of scutes, the otber at a hundred tllOusand marks, to be paid E....y in ten ycars: bow the staple was after tronslated to Calais, with such ~r,:~:1'; like. I refer them that would see more, to the ehronic1es of Thomas 'h~h~~1 Walsingham,of St. Alban's, of John Froysard, and of Adam Mcri- ~nc~.gl lllouth, who discourse all this at large.
fi "

Thus having discoursed at large all such martial affairs and war- Eeclc.flike exploits, ineident in the reign of this king betwixt him and the ~;I~f,~I. realms of France and Scotland j now, to return again to aur matters A. D. t'Cc1esiastica1, it followeth, in order, to reeapitulate and noti(v the 1330 troubles and eontentions growing between the same king and the to pope, and other ccc1esiastical persons, in matters toucbing the ehureh, 136J. taken out of tbe records remaining in the Tower, in order of yenrs, as followeth. As where first, in the fourtb yenr of his reign, tbe king wrote to the archbisbop of Canterbury to this effeet: that wbereas Edward L, his grondfather, did give to a clerk of his own, bcing his chaplain, the dignity of treasurer of York, the archbishopric of York being then vacant and in tlte king's hands; in the quiet possessioD whereof the said clerk continued, nntil the pope misliking tlterewith would have displaced bim, and promoted to the same dignity a cardinal of Rome, to the manifest prejudice of the erown of England j tlte king therefore stroitly ehargeth the archbishop ofCanterbury not to suffer any matter to pass, that may be prejudice to the

70~
Bd",.r4

llEMONSTHANCES AGAINST THF: I',OPE'S USUJlPATIOS'S.

___ o

donation of his grandfather, but that his own clerk should enjoy r.he upon pain of his highncss' displcasure. 1 A. D. The like precepts were also directed to these bishops folIowing, 1330 namey, to the bishop of Lincoln, the bishop of W orcester, the bishop 13~4 of 8arurn, Monsieur Marmion, the archdeacon of Richmond, the archdeacon of Lincoln, the prior of Lewes, the prior of Lenton, to Master Rich of Bentworth, to Master Iherico de Concoreto, to the pope's Tbe nuncio, to Master Guido of Calma. And withal, he wrote his letters :::;:. unto the pope, as touching the same matter, consisting in three parts : 110::,." th first, in the declamtion and defence of his right and title to the dona:bJ:Ct Dr tion and gift of all manner of temporalties, of offices, prebends, bene~~:~t fices and dignities ecclesiastical, holden of him ' in capite,' as in the slran... right of his crown of England: secondly, in expostulating with thc pope for intrnding himself into the ancient right of the crown of England, intermeddling with such eollations, contrary to right and reason, and the example of olI his predeeessors who were popes before: thirdly, entreating bim that he would henceforth abstain and dt'Sist from molesting the realm with such novelties and strange usurpations ; and so much the more, for that, in the public parliament lately holden at Westminster, it was genemlly agreed upon, by the universal assent of all the estates of the realm, that the king should stand to thc defence of all such rights and jurisdictions as to his regal dignity and crown any way appertained. 2 A.D.1336. After this, in the ninth year of the reign of this king, pope Bent>dict XII. sendeth down letters touching his new crralion, with certain other matters and requests to the king; whereunto the king answering again, declareth how glad he is of that his preferment. adding, moreover, that his purpose was to hare sent unto him certain ambassadors for congratulation of the same; but that, being otherwise occupied by reason of wars, he could not attend his holinC8s' requests: notwithstanding, he minded to calI a parliament about the feast of Ascension next, where, upon the assembly of his clergy and other estates, he would take order for the same, and so direct his ambassadors to his holiness accordingly. A.D.1337. The next year after, which was the tenth year of his reign, the king writeth another letter to the pope: that fomsmuch as his clergy had granted him one year's tenth for the supportation of his wara, and for that the pupe also had the same time to take up the payment of six years' tenths gmnted him by the clergy alittle before, therefore thc pope would vouchsafe, at his request, to forbear the exaction of th8t money for one year, till his tenth for the necessities of his wars were despatched. The same year he wrote alao to the pope to this effect: tllat whereas the prior and chapter of N orwich did nominate a clerk to be bishop of Norwich, and sent him to Rome for his investiture, withou the king's knowledge; thercfore the pope wonld withdtaw his consent.., and not intermeddle in the matter appertaining to the king's peculia~ Thepope jurisdiction and prerogative. :~~ :~After this, in the sixteenth year of this king, it .happened that the d.terpope sent over eertain legates to hear and determme matters apper-mlO. th. tammg . ' ht of patronages of bene fi ces; whi ch the k'mg per"aIronaga to th e ng a~:.r.c- ceiving to tend to the no smalI derogation of his right and of the

...!!!:.- said dignity accordingly,

(1) !re. App.nd:x.-En

(21 IbId.

THK POPE COMPLAINETH OF CEllTAIN STATUT :S.

703

liberties of his subjeets, writeth unto the said legates, admonishing Edll!fWd and requiring them not to proceed therein, nor attempt any thing ~ unadvisedly, otherwise than might stand with the lawful ordinances A.D. and customs of the laws of his realm, and the freedom and liberties of 1330 ~:b' to ~Utl su ~ects. 1364 MoreQver he writeth the same year to other legatell on their being _ _ sent over by the pope to treat of peace between the king and the French king, with request that they would fust make their repair to the French king, who had so often broken with him, and prove what conformity the French king would offer, which, if he found reasonable, they should soon accord with him; otherwise he exhorted them not to enter into the land, nor to proceed any further in tbat behalf. The year foIlowing, which was the seventeenth of his reign, en- A.D.UH. sueth another letter to the pope, against his provisions and reservations of benefices, worthy liere to be placed and specified, but that the sum thereof is before set down, to be found in page 689. The year foIlowing, another letter likewise was sent by the king to the pope, upon occasion taken or the church of N orwieh, requiring him to sureease his reservations and provisions of the bishoprics within the rea1m, and to leave the elections thereof free to the chapters of such cathedral churches, according to the ancient grants and ordinances of his noble progenitors. Proceeding now to the nineteenth year of this king's reign, there He com certam . legates fr om Ro me, com- certalt. plan. ol came to t he presence of t he kmg plaining of certain statutes passed in his parliament, tending to the ~~~~;j. prejudice of the church of Rome, and the pope's primaey: That if lnl:bl. abbots, priors, or any other ecclesiastical patrons of benefiees, should re gn. not present to the said benefiees within a eertain time, the lapse of the same should eome to the ordinary or ehapter thereof; or if they did not present, then to the arehbishop; if the arehbishop likewise did fail to present, then the gift to pertain not unto the lord pope, but unto the king and his heirs. Another complaint also was this That if archbishops should be slack in giving sueh benefiees as properly pertained to their own patronage in due time, then the eollation thereof likewise should appertain to the aforesaid king and his heirs. Another eomplaint was: Tbat if the pope should make void any eleetions in the ehureh of England, for any defeet found therein, and so had placed some honest and disereet persons in the same, that then the king and his heirs were not bound to render the temporalties unto the parties plaeed by the pope's provision. Whereupon the pope being not alittle aggrieved, the king writeth unto him, certifying tbat he was misinformed, denying tbat there was any BUeh statute made in tbat parliament. And further, as touehing aIl other things, he would confer with his prelates and nobles, and thereof would return answer by his legates. In the twentieth year of his reign, another letter was written to A.D.IM7. the pope by the king, the effeet whereof, in few words to express it, was this: to certify him that, in respeet of his great charges sustained in h!s wars, he hath by the counsel of his nobles, taken into his own bands the fruits and profits of aIl his benefices here in England. To proceed in the order of years: in the tweaty-sixth year of this A.D.UU king, one Nicholas Heath, clerk, a busy-headed body, and a troubler
o

m.

70~
At/It'nrtl

TROUlIU:S BRTWEEN KINr. EDWARD ,\ND THE POP.!!..

4

of thc reaIm, had proeurcd divcrs bishops, and others of thc king s _~/1. ~ eouneil, to be eitcd up to the eourt of Rome, therc to answer such A. D. eomplaints as he had made against them. Whereupon eommand1330 ment was given by the king to aU the ports of the realm, for thl' 1;~4. restraint of aU passengers out, and for searclling and arrcsting uli - - persons bringing in any bulls or other proeess rrom Rome, tcnding to ~~~~~la: the dl'rogation of the dignity of thc erown, or molestation of t1l(' trouul;r subjl'cts; eoneerning whieh Nicholas Heath, the king also writeth to ~~a::~~ thc popl' his lettl'rs, eomplaining of the said Hmth, and desiring him to mvl' no enr to his lewd eompIaints. The same year the king writeth also to the pope's legatc resiJent in England, requiring him to surcease from exaeting divers sums of money of the c1ergy, under the name of first fruits of benefiees. A.D.ms. The thirty-first year of this king's reign, the king, by his letteTM. NIchola. eOlllplaineth to the pope of a troublesomc fellow named NichoJas ~l':'.';\;'~:- 8tnnway, remaining in Rome, wllo, by lIis slanderollS complaints. ~f.::~~t procured diveI'l\ eitations to be sent into the rcnlm, to the great disRome. turbanee of many and sundry 1I0nest men; whereupon he prayeth and adviseth the pope to stay himse1f, and not to send over such hastl eitations upon every light occasion. 'lo pass further, to the thirty-eighth year of the same king, thus we find in the rolls : that the king the same year took order by two of his c1ergy, to wit, J olm a Stock, and J olm of N orton, to takI' into their hancls all the temporalities of all deaneries, prebends, dignitics. and benefices, bcing then vacant in England, and to answer the profits of the same to tlle king's use. The same year an ordinanee was made by the king and his eouneil, and the same was proc1aimed in all port-towns within the realm, as follows:Ord.. of

councll.

Tltat good and ililigcnt searclt sltould be made, that no person whatsocver, coming Crom thc court oC Rome, &e., do bring into tlte reahn with him any buli, instnunent, letters-patcnt, or otlter process, that may be prejlldiciai to the king, or nny oC his snhjects; nor that liny person, passing out of this realm towlIrds the court of Rome, do carry wilh him any instrument or proccSB that may redound to the prejudice oC the king or his subjects; and that all persom' passing to the snid court of Rome, &c., with the king's speciallicense, do notwithstllnding promise and find surety to the lord chancellor, that they ~hall not in any wioe attempt or pursue liny mnttcr to the prejudice of thc king or his subjects, under pniu to be put out oC the king 's proteclion. and to forfeit his body, goods, and chattels, accordiug to the s1atute thereoC made, in the twenty!e\'enth year, &c.

And thus much eoneerning the letters and writings of the king, with such other domestic matters, perturbations, and troubles, passing between him and the pOpI', taken out of the public reeords of the rcalm; whereby I thought to give the reader to understand the horrible abuses, the intolemble pride, and the insatiable uvarice of that ~ he pope bishop, more likI' a proud Lucifer than a pastor of the church of ~~~:~: Christ, in abusing the king, and oppressing his subjects with exactions unmeasumble; and not only exereising his tyranny, in this realm, but raging also a!1'ainst other prinees, both far and near, amon~,"st whom neither spare~ he the emperor himsclf. In the story and acts of that emperor Louis, mentioned a Iitt.le bef(Jre (p. 663), ",horn tlle pope did most arrogantly exeommunicnte Ilpon Maundy-Thm-sday, and tIl(~

WRITERS AGAJNST

TfE

l'OPE.

705

IIelfsame 1 day placed another emperor in his room, relation was made B_Mil of certain learned men who took the emperor's part aWlinst the pope. ~ In the number of them was Marsilius of Padua., \Villiam Ockam, A. D. John de Janduno of Ghent, Lupold of Bamberg, Andrew of 1330 Lodi, Ulric H angenor, treasurer to the emperor, Dante Aligerio, 13~0 &c.;' of wiJom Marsilius of Padua compilcd and exhibited unto _ _ the emperor Louis a worthy wark, intituled Defensor Pacis,' written in the emperor's behalf against tiJe pope. \Vherein (both godly Artlele. and learnedly disputing against the pope) he proveth the bishop ::I~.ar' and the priest to be originally and essentially equal, and that the opln.l pope hath no sllperiority above other bishops, much less above the tbe popo. emperor; that the word of God ought to be only thc chief judge in deciding and determining causes ecclesiastical;" that not only spiritual persons, but laymen also, being gadly and learned, ought to be admitted into genera councils; that the clergy and the pope ought to he subject unto magistrates; that the church is the university of the faithful, and that the foundl1tion and head of the church is Christ, and that he never appointed any vicar or pope over his universal church; that bishops ought to be chosen every one by their own church and clergy; that the marriage of priests may lawfully be permitted; that 81. Peter was never at Rome; that the synagogue of the pope is a den of thieves; that the doctrine of the pope is not to he folIowed, because it leadeth to eternal destruction; and that the corrupt manners of Christillns do spring and Bow out of the wickedness of the spiritualty, &c. He disputeth, moreover, in another work, or free justification by grace; and extenuateth merita, saying, that they Herita, are a cause of our salvation sine qua non,' that is to say, tlJat works =~~ or be no cause efficient of our justification, but yet our justification goeth ..lvatlon, not without them. For the which his doctrine most sound and ~~:noen~u: catholic, he was condcmned (A.D. 1327) by the pope's decree Extra- :'~iUu. vagant ;" concerning the which man and his doctrine, I thought good :udr"'::u' thus mucll to commit to history, to the intent men may see that they po;': e who charge this doctrine now taught in the church with thc note of ~~~.Ud. novelt), or newness, how ignorant and unskilful they be in the history 1327.] and order of times forepast. I In the same part of condemnatiun, at the same time, was also Johannes deJandunoofGhent,A.D. 1830, and contained also in the aforesaid Extravagant' with Marsilius of Padna. Which Johannes wrote much upon Aristotle and Averroes, which is yet remaining and valued; and no doubt but he wrote also works of divinity, and that they were excellent, but it is not unlike that these works have heen abolished. 8 In the same number and catalogue cometh also William Ockam, who fourished A.D. 1326, as is before mentioned, and who wrote, Michael likewise, in defence of Louis the emperor against the pope ; and al50 CelO':: f in defence of Michael Cesenas, genera of the Grey-friars, whom the ~~"Ore;' pope had excommunicated and cursed for a heretic. Divers treatises' were by the said Ockam set forth, as his Questions, and the Dialogue ~~
o

=:.'"

fi) Tbe ne"l len p_" are from IDJrieu and h_n been eollated and revlaed. Tbe ...ader wUl benUc .eod a lut or theae Witaeuel in Paxe', Prefaeel to hil Acta and Monumenu," .upri, "ol. i.-ED. (2) 8ee Jllyricu., .. cal. Te.l." (Ed. 11108) eoll. 1707, 17P4.-En. (S) 8ee tbe .. DefenlOr Pacia," Bet. D1cL. cap. 19, llIyncu eol. 1758, and Ibe AppeudllL-Eu. (4) Cap. u lieet JUKIA doctrinam" [prlnted in Martene'. Thet. tom. xl. eol. 704, dated At'iloOD, IDCal. Nov. 12tb year of the ponlllleate. Tbe' Derenlor Pacl.' I. In GolduU de Mon. Iom.I\.]-E11 (S) Tbe _bon ac:count ol ManlUUlIa from l1IyritUl, eol.1758.-Eu. :fi) JJlJriCUl, eol. 1759.-ED. (11 Bee a Iilt ot bil woru in Cave'l Hiat. Llll.-D.

Z Z

706

EIGHT QUESTIONS DISPUTED BY OCKAM.

Ed_rd bctween a master and his scholar, whereof part is extant ahd in ~ print, part is extinct and suppressed, as Ascentius reporteth,1 being A.D. reckoned somewhat too sharp. Some again he published under no 1330 name of the author, being of bis doing, as, the dialogue between ba l d~o soldier and the c1erk.- From a passage wbieh oeeurs in the prologue to -'-'- his" Dialogus., it is to be eonjectured, that many leamed works bad J?::~o!:,. alreadyappeared agninst the pope" Of tbis Oekam John Sleidan in s ~~:r":;'-d his history inWfe~~b mOenktion ~ bthis gr~t cofmLme~daltvion, whofie wodr?d the clork. he these:" Ilham c am, 10 e tlme o OUlS ., emperor, I :~~ck- f10urish about A.D. 1326, wbo, among otber things, wrote of tha ;:t~~g authority of tbe bishop of Rome; in wbieb book he handletb tbese ~u~"lona eight questions very copiously :-First, wbether tbe pontiff's office I.puted. and the emperor's may both at the same time be administered by the same man i secondly, wbether tbe emperor taketh his power and authority only from God, or else of the pope also i thirdly, whether the pope and clmrch of Rome have power by Christ to set up and place kings and emperors, and to eommit to tbem their jurisdiction to be exercised; fourtbly, wbetber the emperor, being elected, hath fuli authority, upon the said his election, to administer his empire; fifl.hly, whether other kings besides the emperor and king of the Romans, in that they are eonsecrated of priests, receive of them any part of their power; sixtbly, whethcr the said kings in any case be subject to tbeir consecrators; seventhly, whether if the said kin~ should lldmit ony new sacrificc, or sbould take to themselves the diadem without any furtber consecration, they sbould thereby lose tbeir kingly right and title; eighthly, wbether the seven prince&electors give as much right to tbe emperor elected, as legitimate succession giveth to other kings.-Upon these questions he disputeth and argueth with sundry arguments and reasons on both sides ; at length be decideth the matter on the part of the civil magistmte, and by occasion thereof entereth into the mention of tbe ' Extravagants' of pope John XXII., declaring how little regard was bad tbereunto by sound men, as being heretical and utterl)' false." OregorlUl Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ariminensis, a man ::~:~: famous both for bis leaming and piety; who, not mucb differing from the age of this Ockam, about A.D. 1350 thought the same on the doctrines or grace and free-will as we donow,and dissented therein from the sophists and papists, counting them only Pelagians under new names. ~ Andreaa or the like Judgment, and in the same time, was also Andreas de ~~~~o Castro, I and Johannes Buridanus upon tbe ethics or Aristotle i' wbo ~~nr:':=' both maintained the grace or the gospel, as it is now in the church DUI. received, above two hundred years since. 1 Eud, And wbat should l speak or the duke or Burgundy, named Eudo, ~~~~. who at the same time (A.D. ] 850) persuaded the French king not to dy. suffer the new found constitutions, called 'Extmvagantes Communes,~ within his realm; whose sage counsel then given yet remainelh among the Frencb king's records, as witnesseth Carolus Molinreus. 8 Dante, an Dante, an ltalian writer, a Florentine, livcd in the time of Louis, tli." ItalIan. emperor, about A.D. 1300, and took his part with Marsilius of Padua. (1) rJooocua Badlul] Alcenllw [Reglua ProC....rofDlvlnlly at Parl.jln pt1IOlatlone [ad I>WIOIl"m) eju. autorl. [Gold...ti d. Mao. tom. U. pp. 391, 9H.-ED.] (I) Goldaallo tom. L )l. U.-EJ). (3) Goldaatl, tom. II. p. 39S.-Eo. (4) lIlyrlcu. col. 1759,H60.-Eo. (5) ll1yrlcUl, eol. ISOD.-ED. (6) Super Ub l. Sent. dl.l. 45. {7) Super, llb. 3. Ethlc. (S) Illyricua, col. ll09.-ED. (9) Ib. eol. 1665. Eudo, ar Eud, .... duh oC Burgundy A,O. IS1.l-USO.-ED.

ROME TH"E MOTHKIl AND SCHOOL OF KRROR.

707

Certain of his writings be extant abroad, particularly his 'De Mo- BdtMrd narchia;' wherein he proveth the pope not to be above the emperor, ~ nor to have any right ar jurisdiction in the empire, and confuteth the A. D. Donation of Constantine as a forged and B feigned thing, and as 1330 what could not stand with any law nor right; for which he was taken 13~0. by many for a heretic: three sorta of men, he also 8!rith, were enemies - . th . l supremacy; ~Donallon to th e truth respeetmg e unperlll lUlIt, t he pope an d ot Consome ofthe Greek bishops, heingjealous of the right of the keys and the :~I~~e. honour of mother church; secondly, the democrata, who ~ated the very torged. term "most aacred majesty," and yet cOllnted themselves sons of the church, though they were the children oftheir rather the devil; thirdlv, the decretalists, who in their doting fondness for the decrees woufd setUe every thing thereby, to the damage of the imperial state. He complaineth somewhere, moreover, very much of the preaching of GOO's word heing omitted; and that instead thereof, the vain fables of monks and friars were preached and believed by the people, and that 80 the flock of Christ wa.s fed not with the food of the gospel, but witlt wind. "The pope," aaith he, "of a pastor is made a wolr, to waste the church of Christ, and with his c1ergy careth not for the word ar God, but only for his own decrees." In canto tlte thirty-second of his Th. popo " Purgatory" he declareth the ~ope to he the whore or Babylon . Ihhoro , and ot Bab)'as to her ministers, t. e. the bis ops, to some he applieth two homs, lon. and to same four, to the patriarcha one; whom he noteth to be the tower of the aaid whore Babylonical. l Hereunto may he added the saying out of the book ar J omandus, 2 imprinted with the aforesaid Dante; that forsomuch as Antichrist cometh not before the destruction of the empire, therefore such as go A1aoAntl about to have the empire extinct, are in sa doing forerunners and chrl.l. messengers of Antichrist. "Therefore let the Romans," saith he, An admo" and their bishops beware, lest, their sins and wickedness sa deserv- ~~~IR~o ing, by Ute just judgment of GOO the priesthood be taken from JDaDI, them. Furthermore, let also the prelates and princes of Germany take heed," &c.' And because aur adversaries, who object unto UB the newness of aur doctrine, shall see the cause and form of this religion naw received not to bave heen either such a new thing naw, ar a thing 80 strange in times past, I will add to these above recited Master John TanIer, a preache~ at St~burg, in Germany, ~.D. 1350; !'au!.. who, contrary to the pope s proceedings, taught openly agalDst human ~a~;:' merita, and against the invocation of saints, and preached sincerelyof aur fYee justification by grace, referring all man's trust only 1.0 the mercy of Gad, and was an enemy to all superstition.' With whom also may be adjoined Francis Petrarch, a writer ar Franci.. the same age, who in his works and his ltalian metre, speaking of~~:J,;, the court of Rome, caJleth it Babylon, and the whore of Babylon sitting on the watera, the mother ar idolatry and fomication, the Rom. Ib. spause of error, the tempIe of heresy, the nest ar treachery, growing :~~;ool rich and poweul by the oppressing of others ; and saith further, that oC mor. she (meaning the pope's court) extolleth herself against her foundera, that is, the emperors who first set her up, and did sa enrich her j and
(I) D1yricu1,lbld.m.-ED.

(I) ExUbrll DMIJ. lIaJl... l111yrlCUl, cola. 1783, 1764, 1787.) (2) " De tran.latlon. Importl. Goldaltl de Mnn. 10m. U., p. 1461.-EII. (l Ibidem. Z r. !'

708

P<F.NIT"~NTIARIUS

ASI NI.

Rd""'rd seemeth pJainIy to have thought that the pope was Anticbrist; and ~ he orten dec1ared that no weater evil couId happen to any man, thao A. D. to be made pope. This Petmrch was about A.D. 1850.1 1330 And if tlme would serve us to seek out oId histories, we should 13~O find plenty of fuithful witnesses, of old and ancient time, to give witness with UB against the pope, besides the othere above rehearsed : ~oh:nn .. as Johannes de Rupe-Scissa, A.D. 1840; who, for rebuking the spi S:I":pe tualty for their great enormities and for negIecting their office and ~~::"!,:':lo duty, was cast into prison. Illyricus, a writer in our days, testifieth that he found and read in an old pamphIet, that the said Johannes The IlSserted the church of Rome to be the whore of Babylon, and the ~~u,:;~hl~~ pope to be the minister of Antichrist, and the ca.rdinals to be ;h~';' of fa1se prophets. Being in prison, he wIOte a book of prophecies, a yon. bearing the title, 'Vade mecum in tribuIatione:' in which book (which al80 I have seen) he prophesied affiiction and tribuIation lo hang over the spiritualty, and pIainly foreshowed, that God would purge the c1ergy, and have priests that wouId be poor and godly, and that shouId faithfullv feed the Lord's flock; moreover, that the goods of the church should return again to the laymen. He had prophesied also (as he himself saith in the same book), that the French king and his army shouId have an overthIOw ; which Iikewise had come to pass during the lime of his impnsonment. Of this Johannes de Rupe writeth Froysart about his time, and al80 Wickliff; of whose prophecies much more may be said at more leisure, Christ willing, hereafter. 2 About the same year (A.D. 1840) in the city of Wurtzburg Iived one named MaslerConrad Hager; who, as appeareth by some oId bulls and registere of Otho, bishop of the said city, confessed to have thought and taught, for the space of lwenty-four years together, the mass to The mUl be no manner of sacri6ce, neither that it profiteth any man either ~~aerl. quick or dead, and that it ought to be abolished; and that the money lert by the dying for masses was very robbery and sacriIege of priests, which they wickedIy did intercept and take away from the poor; and he said, moreover, that if he had a stove fuli of goId and silver, he would not give one farthing for any mass. For this doctrine lhis Conrad Hagor <ut loto good preacher was condemned and shut up in prison; what afterwards prl.DD. became of him we do not find" Therc is among other old and ancient records of antiquity belonging to this present time a certain monument in verees poetiCIIlly compiled, but not without a certsin moraI, intituled, ' Prenitelltiarius Asini,' The Ass's Confessor,' bearing the date, CompIetus, A.D. 184,8: In this treatise are brought forth the wolf, the fox, and the ass, coming to shrirt and doing penance. Firet, the wolf confesseth him lo the fox, who easily dotI. absolve him from all his faults, Tb and also excuseth him in the same. In Iike manner the wolf, hearing I:"J'" the fox's shrift, showeth to hilll the Iike favour in return. Arter this ::~t:;;. cometh the ass to confession, whose fault was this; that he, being ::~~t h~ngrr, took a straw out from the sheaf of one .that we~t in perelbelail)'. gnnatlon unto Rome. The 88S, although repentmg of thls facL, yet,
_ _ o

an:

(I) Vide eplllolam elpllmam Prali_lici Petrareb...

[lIIyrlcUI, col. 1769.-EI>.]

[lIIJr<ul, col.

III llIJrlcWI, col. 1785. lIee lofr" p. 711, 7H.-EI>. ('1 Kx bulili qulbwodam Olbonll Kpil. Herblpolonli..

1775.-EJ>.J

MICHAEL n:SENAS AND PI!:TIUJS DE CORBA RIA CONDEMNED.

709

because he thou~ht it not so heinous as the faults of the otber, tlte Bd"'arlj more he hoped for his absolution. But what followed ? Arter the ~ E'iIly ass had uttered his crime in auricultu confession, immediately A. D. tbe discipline of tbe law was executed upon bim with all severity j 1330 neither was he judged worthy of any absolution, but was apprehended 131~0 upon the same, slain, and devoured. \Vbosoever was tbe author ofthis fabulous tale, be bad a mystical understanding in the same, for by tbe wolf no doubt was meant tbe pope; but the fox represented tbe prelates, courtesans,l priests, and tbe rest of the spiritualty. Of the spiritualty the lorel pope is soon absoyleel j as, contrary, tbe pope doth soon absoyle tbem in like manner. By the ass is meant the poor Iuity, upon wbose back the strait censure of the law is sharply executed; especially when tbe German emperors come under the pope's inquisition, to be examined by his discipline, there is no absolution Th. pope nor pardon to be found, but in all haste be must be deposed, as iu ~'::.~ .. these stories may partly appear before. And though the matter be not for and the weigbt or a straw, yet what saith the holy father, the wolf, if it please bim to make any matter of it?o

=0

II

Immensum scelul elt injuria quam peregrino Fecisti, stramen subripiendo libi. Non advertisti quod plura pericula passus, Plurima faslurus, quod peregrinuB eral. Non advertlsti, quod ei per maxima telTll! Et peJagi lJ;latJa sit peragranda via. Non advertiltl sanetos, nec limina sancta, Sanctorum sanctam sed nec Hierusalern. Es fur, ignoto cUm feceris hoc peregrino, Scis bene fur quali debet honore morio Cl:lm sil confcssus, cWn sis convictus, habesne Quo tales noxas occuluisse queas? (Ille reransivit eadem loca, tam violentum Ex inopinato lensit adease malum.)1 De papa taceo, cujus protectio talem Conduxit, cujus tu viIipendis opern. Totius eccleairo fueril ci:l.m mmcius iste, Pertulit abstracto gramiIle damna viro." &c.

And thus they, aggravating and exaggerating the fault to tbe uttermost, f1y upon the poor ass and devour bim. By tbe which apology, the tyrannical and fraudulent practices of these spiritual Romanista are lively described! Not long arter these above rehearaed (about A.D.1350) Gerard Ridder wrote also against the monks and friars a book intituled, Lacrymre Ecclesire:' wherein hedisputetb against the aforesaid religious orders, namely, against tbe begging friara; proving that kind of life to be far from christian perfection, for tbat it is against cbarity to live upon others, when a man may live by his own labours; and be affirmeth them to be llypocrites, and filthy livers, and such as for man's favour and for lucre' sake do mix with true divinity apocryphal fables and dreams of vanity. AIso that they, under pretence of long prayer, devour widows' houses, and with their confessions, sermons, and burials, do trouble the cburcb of Cbrist manirold ways. And tberefore persuadetb he tbe prelates to bridle and keep sbort the inorclinatc license and abuses of these monastical persons, &c.'
(I) I Curteaani," Expectanl, lqui lncnriap.~ veraAolur." Ducange. 8ee p. 787. Une2.-E.r,.. (2) Thia couplet delcribes the Ul" waIkinl backwards and fonrardl through .gitatlan.-Ej). (3) IIIyrlc:ul, col. 1789.-ED. (4) Ib. col. 17S~.-ED.

710

A NUMBER

o~'

Ml.RTYIlS BURNF.D.

I hllve 8ll yet made no mention of Michael Cesen8ll, genem nor of Petrus de Corbaria, of whom writeth AntoA. U. ninus in quarta parte Summre.' They were condemned in the 1330 Extravagants of pope John XXII., with Bonagratis, Och&m, and li~o otbera.' Their opinions, 8ll saith Antoninus, were these: that Peter the apostle W8ll no more tbc head of the church, than the ~;;na:;, other apostles; that Christ left no viCllr behind bim or head in his :;:.~:- cburch i and that the pope hath no such authority to correct and Corbarla, punish, to institute or depose the emperor: Item, That a11 priests, or tond.mD- ha d ' . risd'Ict.lon, . ed b1 W t egree soever, are of equal auth onty, power, an d JU tb. pope. by tbe institution ofChrist i bllt that by the institution ofthe emperor, thc pope is superior, which supremaey by the same emperor alBO may be revoked again: Item, That neither the pope, nor yet the whole church, may punish any man 'punitione coactiva,' that is, by enem Opinlon coaction, unless they receive license of the emperor. This aforesaid ar MiMichael, general of the Grey-friara, wrote against the tyranny, pride, cb~1 agaioat and primacy ofthe pope, accusing him to be Antichrist, and the church the popo. Michael of Rome to be the whore of Babylon, drunk with the blood or saint!!. deprived He said there were two churches; one of the wicked, fourishing, auli d"lOned. wberein reigncd the pope; thc other of the godl.v, afBicted: !tem, that the verity was almost utterly extinct: and for this cause he W8ll deprived of his digoity, and condemned of the pope. Notwithstand)1'''1['1 ing, he stood constant in his opinions. This Michael was about ~~l~~ti~ A.D. 182!, and len behind him many fautora and fo11owers of his ~~~~: doctrine, of whom a grcat part were ~Iain by the pope i some were 11C11 d. condemnet.l, as William Ockam; sorne wcre bumed, 8ll Johannes de bu';~~~" Castilione, and Franciscus de Arcatara." . Besides thC8C, was condemned in the Extravagant ' Vas electionis 'J Job'nD'" J ohanDcs de Poliaco, whose assertions were these: That the pope ~:lilCO. could not give license to hear confessions to whom he would, but tliat cvery one ought to confess to the putor of his parish: !tern, that p8lltora and bisllops had their authority immediately from Christ and his apostlcs and disciples, and not from the pope: Item, That the constitution of pope Benedict XI. " Inter cunctas,' wherein he granteth larger privileges to tbe mara against tbe pastora, was no declaration of the law, but a subversion: and for this he W8ll by the said friara and the pope oppressed, about A. D. 135!. Aner Simon Mepham, archbishop of Canterbury before mentioned, who lived not long, succeeded John Stratford. Aner whom came John Offord, who lived but ten months; in whose room succeeded Thomas Bradwardin, and remained but two months, A.D.1349; and after him Simon Islip was made archbishop ofCanterbury by pope Clement VI., who sat sixteen years, and built Canterbury college in Oxford. Aner which Simon !slip succeeded the bishop of Ely, named Simon Langbam, whowithin two years was madecardinaJ. In whose stead pope Urban V. CO!- ordained \Villiarn Wittlesey, bishop of W orcester, to be archbishop ~;;o~~ of Canterburv, A.D. ] 368. In tbe same vear,' William Wickham W8ll faun dec!. elected bishop of W inchester, who founded tbe New Colle/o!e in Oxford. Again, in the order of the popes, next unto pope Clement VI. before mentioned, about the same time (A.D. 1352), succeeded pope

-..!!.!.:..- the Grey-friars,

Ed,wd

or

_ _ o

("on~

ri._

(I) 8ee Appendl%.-ED. (I) 1II1riCUI, ...,l.l7g~.-ED. (~) In E1traVlll. JOID. 22. [Extra. Commun. Iih.. tit. 3. lIlyricu., 001. 179.] (4) Extra. Commun.llb. v. tlt. 7.-ED. .'5) Rlther A.D. 1367; ... RichareuOD" God_in.-EII.

ROCHTAYJ.ADA, WITH ANOTHER 1"ltlAR, MARTYRS.

711

There wa~, saith Froysard, in the city of Avignon, a mar minor called John de la Roche TailIade [Anglioo, Cutcllife]. fullof great clergy, I the which mar pope Innocent VI. held in prison in thu castle of Baignour, for showing of many D1arvels ahout to come (as he .aid), principlllly on the prelates and chief men of the church, on aCC<lunt of the great luxury and ambition to which they were addicted; and he also foretold many thing. a. aoout to fali on the realm of France, and of the more powerful princes of Christendom, for the miserable oppre.sion that they did to the poor common people. This friar said, he would prove all his sayings by the authority of the Apocalypse, and by the ancien t books of the holy prophets, the which were opened to him by the grace of the Holy Ghost: sa that he sllOwed many things hard to believe. And sure enough, Olany remarkable things afterwards befel 88 he had said. Nor yet did he say hem 88 a prophet, but he showed them by authority of aDcient Scripturl's and by the grace or the Holy Ghost, who gave him undentanding to expound al1 the ancient prophecies, and to show to all christian people the yean and time6 when such tbings should fall. He made divers books fouDded on great seiences
(I) (2)
\31 8..0

Jnn'lcent VI.; in the n.rst vear of wl.ich pope two friars Minors or Edt!o,d Franciscans were bumed at Avignon, .. pro opinionibus," as mine ~ Buthar saith, "erroneis, prout D. Papre et ejus cardinalibus videbatur," A. D. that is, " for certain opinions (as seemed to the pope and his cardinaIs) 1330 erroneous." l Of the which two friars I find in the history of Petrus li~o Premonstratensis (cited in John Bale's .. Acta Rom. Pontin.cuUl ") _ _ that the one was named Johannes Rochtaylada, or rather (as I find ~;;'~cla his name cited by Illyricus in his" Catalog. Testium," out of the ~~~od al Chronicie of Henry of Herford) Hayabalus; who being (as that Avignon. writer recordeth) a friar Minorite, began n.rst in the time of pope Clement VI. (A.D. 1845) to preach and affirm openly, that he was by God commanded to preach, that the church of Rome was the Th. whore of Babylon, and that the pope and his cardinaIs were very ~~~~hd~~ Antichrists; and that popes Benedict and John, his predecessors, ~&rtbed l<J werc damned; with many other such like things, tending much who': of against the pope's tyrannical majesty j and that the aforesaid Hayab- :;tz~~? alu.'l being brought before the pope's face constant\y did stand in the ~:,::,Ia' same, saying, that he was commanded by God in a vision so to say, and that be would still preach the same if be might. To whom it was then objected, that he had same heretical books, and so he was committed to prison for life. In the time of his accusation, and jUBt RochlJ\ras he was charging the pope with injllstice, it happened that a certain ~~~~'h::th priest, coming before the pope, cast the pope's buli down before his trIar, reet, saying: .. Lo here, take your bulI unto you, for it doth me no :~=:: good at alI. I have been begging and praying here now these three for ~l )-ears withal, and yet notwithstanding, for aIl this your buli, I cannot p~f,..: . hts restore d" Th e pope h ' t h' buli heget my ng . eanng lS, /ID d stung at t h' IS torelho eonfirmation of the friar's charge, comlllanded the poor priest to be r.;:"'a scourged, and after to be laid in prison' with the aforesaid rriar. aco~rged, What became of them afterwards the aforesaid writer, Henry of~~:ol:,to Herford, maketh no mention ; 2 but I may probably conjecture that ~~~n~':i this priest and this mar Rochtaylada (or rather Hayabalus) were ~virl'~~ the two, whom mine author, Thomas Walsingham, writeth to be .. . burned at this time in Avignon, about the n.rst beginning of this pope Innocent VI! Of this Rochtaylada I thought good here to infer the testimony and mention of John Froysard,' written of him in his n.rst volume, chap. 211, in these word s : o

(5)

Ex Chron. Wala. Ex Chran. Honrlel de Herfnrdla [clled bJ mJricuI, roI. 1120.-&D.J Appendlx. (4) Ex Johanno Froy.ar~o. vol. t cap. cexL
Pnrdituli iDgenio et erudltlone lumma," 11lyricu.-ED.

712

VARIANCE BETWEKN Tllt~ ntlARS AND PRKLATKS AT PARIS.

and clergy,l whereofone was ma<!eA.D.1346, wherein were writlen such marn'15y that it were hard to believe them i bowbeit we have seen many of them come to pDJIB. And when he W8l1 int.errogated conceming the war of England against 1281' France, he said tbat a11 that bad been seen W81 nothing to that should be Been - - . _ after; for that the war in France sbould not be ended, tiU the realm were utlerly wasted and exiled in every part. All which was afterwards seen sa to befal, for the nobil' realm of France was atHicted and proBtrl\ted by every ldnd of mi.fortune, and specially in the term that tbe said friar bad said, which was in 1356, and tbe three yeara following.' He Baid tbat in thOle years the princes and gentlemen oC tbe realm should not, for fear, sbow tbemBelves against the people of law estate, aasembled oC all countries witbout he4d ar capIain ; and lbey sbould do as they list in tbe realm oC France: tbe which feli after, a8 ye have beard, bow tbe companions assembled tbem togetber, and by rl'BIIOn of tbeir rabbery and pillage waxed rich, and became great captain8.

AD

Prmdo llidor,.

About the same time' happened in France a certain contention between the French prelates and the friars of Paris, testified and ~;~%? recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis i the brief effect of which story lalo. and is this. The prelatesof France conventing together in the city of Paris. ~.ri~!;~. after long deliberation among themselves, caused by the beadles to be called together all the masters, bachelors, and students of every faculty, with the chief friars also of all the religious orders, in the hall of the bishop of Paris: who aIl tbere congregated togetber on the morrow, being St. Nicholas' day; where there were present four archbishops, and twenty bishops. First stood up the archbishop of Bourges,' who there made a sermon conceming charity, taking for Sermon his theme the place of St. Paul (Epb. iii. 17-19), "Ut sciatis qure ~:I~~. sit longitudo, latitudo, altitudo, et profunditas charitatis," &c. and DOdm~nie _ concluded thereupon, first, that true charity compelled them to provide :'an:a" for the flock committed to them ; secondly, that the vigour of charity armed them to witbstand errors; thirdly, he concluded, that by dut} of charity they were bound to give their lives, if needs be, for the souls of the flock committed to their charge; fourthly, that by the same charity every man ought to be content with his own, and not to intermeddle with another's office. " For there," saith be, "all ecclesiastical order is confounded, unless men contain themselves iD their own precincts. But alas! this charity," saith he, " now-a-days is waxed cold, and al! ecclesiastical order is utterly confounded. For many tbere be, who now-a-days presume to thrust in their sickle into another man's harvest; so that now the ehurch may be caIled a monster. For as in a natura! body it is deemed amonster, when one member doeth the office of anotIler; so is it in the spiritual body, which is the church, when our leamed and wise brethren, to wit the friars Major and Minor, do take upon them the office speciaIly committed to us, doing unrighteously therein, seeing none ought to take upon him any office, except he be called thereunto of the Lord, as Aaron was. 'Vhereas, tbeIT, we have oftentimes procured the said friars, both by the king himself in his own person, and also by other great men, to be requestcd to surcease from doing our office; and yet they have not i but against our wilIs preach and hear confessions all about our dioceses, saying, that tbey havc the pope's privileges to bear tbem out therein :-for this cause we who are berc presen, baving also the proxies of aIl aur absent brother-uishops of the kingConten-

~;:.,~~

AP:::-.

u Magn& doctrinA bene tundatol."-ED. Soo Appendix.- EJ>. (3) Ex acriplo Godfrl. d. Fonlani.. [IUycieu., col. 172 J. FOIO po.l-dal Ihl. di.puro by many J n: _ AppendiI.-I!D.] (4) Simon d. Beaulleu, abp. A.D.1281-1297. SooAppendix.-E
(2) Thleom. lo be Ibo propbecy in Brown.'. Appendix lo Ihe Fudcul...

ul

VAI.lANCE BE'CWIU;S THE }o'RURS AND PREI.ATES AT PAllIS.

713

dom of France, are come to complain to you of this so great inso- F~fflC" lence of the friars : for that as we are, so you shall be: for I believe HUI.'y__ there is not a prelate among us to-day who was not taken from :A. D. this university.' "\Ve lJave requcsted, moreover, and have caused to 1281:.be requested of the said friars, that they would send their said privilege..'1 to the see apostulie, to be more clearly interpreted by the lord pope: whieh in like manner they have refused to do. Wherefore, to the intent yOIl may the bp,ttcr understand and see what right their privileges really give them, we have rIJsolved that they shall be herc openly read to you." Then stood up another in tbe public tribune, and there read the Conllitu privileges, and afterwards read also the cODstitution of pope Innocent ::::::.:tn. I II., written in the fifth book of the Decretals, and beginning, "Omnis n"""ot utriusque sexus,'" &c.; which constitution was contradictory to the lU. aforesaid privilegcs, as he there showed, declaring how bolb the said privileges were derogatory to that constitution. This done, up rose the bishop of Amiens, a very great jurist, who By th. running from article to article, there clearly proved by good law, that ~:~~IU the said constitution llIight in no respect be infringed by the said pri- liOll,fri&nl vilcges, and that it was not lawful for the friars to intrude themselves ;:;::.:,~ In in hearing confessions and in enjoining penanees, without the special ~~~~~~~" licenlle of the bisllOp of the diocese and curate of the parish: unto "lpecl81 r . h' d leOOI_ o W l10m never a firlar at t at lIme answere a ' smgIe word. A n d so th_m to h d' h' I ' b d h " whom I tle bIS op procee mg to IS conc USlOn, egge t e umverslty to ehurebIh. deign to assist them in that case, for that they had all unanimously helongod. determined (said he) to resist such injury even unto blood.-This happened on a Saturday, the sixth day of Deeember, which they dedicate to St. Nicholas. The next day (being a Sunday), one of the order of the Minorites, or Franciscans, made a sermon at the church of the Majorites or Preaching friars (a thing which I believe was never before seen, the one order to cOllie and resort to theother), and finishing his subject in a fewwords, Th_rrlart' he began to speak of the aforesaid matter, and in reply expounded ~~k.t in order every article as well as he could for the better ; adding, lh. promoreover, that had they wished, they might lawfully have gone much ale further in the use of their privileges. And he said moreover, that "hat time the said privileges were in obtaining at Rome, the bishop of Amiens was there present himself, and resisted the same with all Ilis might; yea al! the prelates of France sent and wrote up to the court against the same, and yet did not prevail. For when the firiars there explained to the pope in what manner and how far they haJ used their privileges, the pope said " Placet,'" that is, " I am satisfied.'" " And now," saith he, " the prelates again wish and require us to send up our privileges to the Roman court, as if to solicit them again; which would be great folly in us, for so we should be giving place and occasion for revoking the authority which ia so given us already. Furthermore, our Master is just dead, and the Master of the Dominic firiars is not now present. Wherefore, we dare not determine for the whole order in such a weighty cause, without their presence. And therefore we beg you to hoJd us therein excused, and not to be so liglltly stirred against us, for that we are not membU8 of any university," &c.
(I) 8ee AppeoW. (2) Goill_aum. de
Ma~oll,

bp, ".D. l2i&-1308. See Appelldb..-ED.

714
.",.....
Hul.ry.

THE FJlIAKS PROVED LIARS

The next day, being tbe eighth of the same month, whieh is de( cated to the eoneeption of St. Mary, the feast was kept at the friars A. D. Minon, when, behold! one of the Dominie friars preached in the _1281. ehureh of the Franeiscan or Grey-friars, a sermon, tending to tbe H~late same end as the other. And doubtless the 8cripture was there :'ad.' fulfilled whieh saith, "On that day Herod and Pilate were made Cnend. In fi' d t th " eruclfylng rlen S oge er. orCbri.t. Not long aft.er, on the vigil of the feast of St. Thomll8, all the uniAootber rmoo verslty were agam warned to congregate together on the morrow (be'Ing ~:ir~. a Sunday) in the chureh of St. Berunrd at the sermon time. 1 \Vhicb . being dane, a sermon was made by a divine or the university, who took for his theme, .. Prope est Dominus omnibus invocantibus eum in veritate," &c.; wherein, with many words and authorities he cenHured generally those who would not be obedient uoto their superiora Bi.bop oC aod prelates, &e. The sermon beiog ended, then rose up again the i:.~~ri~ bishop of Amiens (the only other prelate there being the arehbisbop tat., ..... of Rheims), who, going on with the same thcme, dwelt on the word .. veritate," dividing verity ioto three parta, according to the verses often inscrted in the common gloss of the Decretals : II

Est vernm vitle, doctrinre, justitiaeque : Primum semper habe; duo propter 8candala linque :"

showing and dcc1aring by many authorities, both in theology, and the canons, and the laws, and by plain facta, that the friars D.rst bad Ven!y no verity of life, because they were plainly eonvicted of hypoerisy; ~~~~:th neither harl they verity of doctrine, because they carried gall in their p&rta. heart, and honey on their tongue ; neither verity of justice, because they usurped other men's offiees. And in eonc1usion, he caused the said privileges ngain to be rcad, with the said eonstitution," Omnis utriusque sexus." And sa, eomparing sentence with sentenee,heclearly sllOwed that the said constitution in no part was made void or infringed by the privileges aforesaid. He added, moreover, that. .. whereas the friars say," said he, .. that I was present in the obtaining of the privileges, I grant it to be true; and when word came to me thrice thereof, I went to the pope reclaiming and begging the said privileges might be revoked; but the next day after I was sent by the lord pope to a distant part upon weighty affuirs, 80 that he did not wish then to make up the matter. After that, we sent also aur messengers for the same object to the court of Rome, whom the friara The rrilUll assert not to have prevailed, but they lie therein; for the said mes~,;,;~e:lie. sengers brought hack letters sealed with the scals of the chief of the court of RODle (which letters we have often presented to aur lord the king, and will shortly show tbem to you all), in the which letter the lord pope hath promised us either wholly to revoke the said privileges, ar else more clearly to explain them by an interpretlltion, which we trust shortly to have from the pope in a public bull... Thefrian' At Inst, the said bishop requested all there present, of wha. ~~~~~~~d nation soever they were, to capy out the aforesaid privileges, and send in ~i'PIl' them to their respective countries, that all men might see what was ~':;j':: at rcally eonceded to the frillrs by the aforesaid privileges. The matter ,,;.=-. was afterward brought into open disputation by Master friar Gille..~ p of the Augustine order, who is esteemed altogcther the best person in
(1) (~)

8ee Appeodi:l. Tbl. buli wal graated

bJ popo MarUD IV., J.... IOth,

1282: Labbc, tom. :lI. coL IIn.-b

SEDlTIOUil COMMOTlON AT

OX~ORD.

715
Ed_rd

far the best or the argument. GodfriduB saitb tbat he had not yet got ~ /I copy of this detenniuation, on account of the recency of the affair. A.D. Concel'Jling this wrangling contention between the university and 1331 fiiars of France here beforc mentioned, whereof partly tbe original 1;~ cause may be understood, by that which hath been said, tf' arise upon _ _ l.'Crtain privilegcs granted by popes to the friars, to intenneddle in matters of parish churches; as to hear confessions, to preacb and teach, with power thereunto annexed to galher for their labour, to bury within their houses, and to receive impropriations, &c., bccause it were too long herc to describe the fulI circumstances thereof, also because the said contention did not only endure a long time in Frnncc, bul also came over into England; the whole discourse thereof more amply (Christ willing) shalI be declared in the beginning of the next book, when we come to the story of AnnachanuB. About the time and year that this bmwl was in the university of Ilediltou. Paris between the friars and prelates there, as hath been declaJ'C(l, thc ~:,:':= like contention happened also 'in the u,niversity of Oxford in tltc year tween Ule above prefixed (.\oD. 1354), save only that thc strife among thc ::::'~~'nd maslcrs of Paris, as it rose upon friarly ceremonies, 50 it went no ~~~;;". further than brawling words and matter of exeommunication ; but thi~ tumult, rising out of a (hllnken cause, proceeded fllrther unto bloody stripes. The first origin of it began in a tavem, between a scholar and the good man ot' the house; who, falI ing together into altercation, grew to such height of words, that the student (contm jus hospitii) poured the wine upon the head of the host, and bmke his head with the quart pot. Upon this occasion given, eftsoons parts began to be tukeu between the townsmen and the scholars, insomuch that a grievous scdition and confict folIowed upnn the same; wherein many or the townsmen wcre wounded, and to the number of twenty slain; and divers of the scholars also were grievously lmrt. For thc space of twa days this hurly-burly contimud. On the second day PrtK"t'Scertain religious and devout persons ordained a solemn procession ;;:~~::.. geneml, to pmy for peace; yet, notwitllstanding, a1l that processiol1, would was, wonII . peace. I n l lie wlIlC . h processlOn, . t hc bnnK hO1 y as it ( not bnng peace, no sI..;nnish still wnxing hot, one of the students, bcing hardly pursued by the townsmen, for succom in his fight camc running to the priest or friar, who CBl'ricd about, as the manncr was, thc pix. thinking to find refuge at the prcsence of the tmnsubstantiated God of the altar there camedand imboxed. N otwithstanding, the god bcingnot tlierc prescnt, or eIsc not seeing him, or e1se pemdventure being asleep, thc scholar found there small hclp; for the townsmcn, in thc heat of the chnse, Tran~u'" forgctting belikc thc virtuc of the pope's tmnsubstanliation, folIowcd ~:~~t~ii him so hard, that in the presence of the pix they bmke his head, and ~o~lh.IP r wounded him grievously. This done, at length some pcace or truce :eed,:,eo for that day was taken. On the morrow, otber townsmen in thc villages about, joining with tbe townsmen of Oxford, confedemted together in great force and power to set upon the students there, Rnll 80 did, having a black flag borne before them, and so invaded thc university men; whereupon the Bcholars, bcing ovennatched, and Conquelt eompelled to fec into their halls and hostels, were so pursued by ~~~~rs their enemieB, that twcnty of the doors of thcir halls and chambers oCOs.rord.
o

lI1I Paris; who gave it as bis detennination, that the prelates had by

716
Edward

TUR UJ'lVERSlTY IJISSOI.VlI:D t'UR I. 'fiMf

~ slain and thrown into the drnughts; their booka with knives and bills
A. D. cut all in pieces, and much of their goods carried away. And thus the

were brokeIl. opcn, and many of them wounded, and, as it is said,

students of that university , being conquered by the townsmen of Oxford, and of the countryabout, departed and left the universitv, ~1~~lord so that for a time the schools there, and all school acts, did utterl y :~~~ol.ed cease from all exercise of study, except only Merton college-hall. lime. with a few others remaining behind. This being done the twelfth day of February, the queen at the same time being at W oodstock was brought to bed, and purified on the first Sunday in Lent with great solemnity of justing.' About which time the bishop of Lincoln, their dioeesan, hearing of this excessive outrage, sendeth his inhibition to al1 parsons and priesta, forbidding them throughout all Oxford, to celebrate mass ar any The Iown divine service in the presence of any lay person within the said town ~~~~rord of Oxford, interdicting withal the whole town; which interdiction dicloed. endured the.space of a whole year and more. The king also sent thither his justices to examine and inquire into the matter, before whom divers of the laymen and clergy were indicted, and four of the chief burgesses of the said town were indicted, and by the king's commandment sent to the Tower of London, and were there imprisoned. At length, through much labaur of the nobles, the king so took up the matter, that sending his writings unto ail sheriffs in England, he offered pardon to all and singular the students of that university, wheresoever dispersed, for that trnnsgression; whereby the university in a short time was repIeAize ar nished again as before. Moreover, it was grnnted to the vice-chan~,:a;:::~ cel10r or commissary, as they term him, of the town and university ed lo?:, of Oxford, to have the assize of bread, ale, wine, and aU other :~~ vietuals; the mayor of the said town being excluded. Also it was OJ<\OM. grnnted and decreed, that the commons of Oxford should give to the university of Oxford two hundred pounds sterling, in part of satisfaction fur their excesses; there being reserved, notwithstanding, to every one of the students his several action against any several person of the townsmen, &c. About A. D. 1354, the king, with the consent of his council, called horne again out of Flanders the staple of wool, with all things themunto appertAining, and estAblished the same in sundry places within the realm, namcly, in Westminster, Canterbury, Chichester, Bristol, Lincoln, and Hu11; which staple, after A. D. 136!, was translated over to Calais. OfSimon Islip, archbishop ofCanterbury, mentioned alittle before, page 710, I read in the said author above specified, that he, by his letters patent, directed to a11 parsons and viears within his provinee, Nolloab- straightly charged them and their parishioners, under pain of exeom~::::: bo- munieation, not to abstain from bodily labour upon certAin saints' dUyl&days, which before were wont to be hallowed and consecrnted to ::a;,~ cer- unthriftv idleness. Item, that to priests should be given no more :t~;LholY for thei"r yearly stipend, but three pounds, six shillings, and eight A Parlla- penee, which made divers of them to rob and steal, &c. A.D. 136~. 1IIolllt In thc ycar fullowing, king Edward kept his parliament at London
_1362.
Theunl(l) " Oreal lolemnily or JuaU... " (or joualWll. a WlII!niOcent tournamen.-Jiol>

THE POPE EXCOMMUNICATES DEAD MEN.

717

in the rnonth ot" October; wherein it was prohibitcd that either gold EtI-n ar silver should be wam in knives, ginlles, broochcs, ringa, ar in any ~ other ornament belonging to the body, cxcept the wearer might A. D. dispend ten pounds a year. Item, That none should wcar eithcr 1360. silks or costly furs, except such as might dispend one hundred pounds a year. Also that merchant adventurers should not export any merchandise out of the realm, or seek for wines in other countries; whereby other nations should be eonstrained rather to seek to us, &c. Rut none of this did take any grcat effect. After this Simon !slip, as is above reeorded, followed Simon Langham, then \Villiam Wittlesey; after whom next in place succeeded Simon Sudbury. Mueh about the same time the nuns of S1. Bridget's order first NUDa or began; abou:' which time also was builded Queen's College in :~i,~rid. Oxford, by queen Philippa of England, wife to king Edward III., order. ahout A.D. 1360. Moreover, in the time of pope Innocent VI., friar Jolm Lyle, bishop of Ely, moved with certain injuries, as he thought, done to him by the lad y Blanch Wake, made his complaint to the pope; who, Thla hd) sending down his curse to the bishop of Lincoln and other prelates, to be executed upon the adversaries of the bishop of Ely, commanded ::'lf.:'.:; them, that if they did know any of the said adversarics dead and earl or huried, that notwilhstanding, they should cause the same to be taken t~ up : which also they performed accordingly, of whom some had becn nead of the king's council; wherefore the king being displeased, and not :~r::~= unworthily, did again troublc and molest the said prelales. This ~ica~od coming to the pope's hearing, certain were directed down from the p~:e.e courl of Rome, in behalf of the aforesaid bishop of Ely; who, meeting with the bishop of Rochester, the king's treasurer, delivcred unto him, being armed, lelters frorn the bishop of Rome, the tenor whereof was not known. This done, they incontinently voided away, bul certain of the king-'s servants pursuing did overtake them ; of whom some they imprisoned, some they brought to the justices, Tho 'I and BO they were condemned to be hanged. Herein may appear :'~eD what reverenc~ the pope's letters in this king's days, had in this realm ~:~g'd. of England. 1 This pope Innocent ordained the feast of the Holy Tho rout Spear, and of the Holy Nails. . ~r.~~and And here, to make an end of this Fourth Book, now remaineth, ':i;l~o after our order and custom before begun, to prosecute the race of Naila. the archbishops of Canterbury, in this aforesaid Fourth Book contained; beginning wherc before we left oft? at Lanfranc.

:::Ch

....

A TABLI<: OF THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY IX 1'H1': FOIJIlTH BOOK CONTAINED.

34. Lanfranc was archbishop of Canterbury for nineteen years. Polydore VirgiI, lib. 9, numbereth this Lanfranc to be the thirty-third archbishop; ~ut by the account of other authors, namely, by the chronicIe of the monk of Dover, he seemeth to be deceived; as he was in the twenty-eight years of Dunstan, who indeed did sit but. nineteen or twenty at the most. This error of Polydore seemeth to
(I) Ex CJJrO. Wal.h g.

'2\ Pago IM.

'liR

TABLE

Q'

TUK ARCUBISUOrli OF CANTEIlBi:RY

-.!..!.!:..- Ieaving

eome by Ieaving out either Elsius, who was the twenty-third, or bv out EIfric, who was the twenty-sixth, as in BOrne autho1'8 A.D. I find. 1360. Moreover, here is to be noted, that aIthough the said EIfric were - - - !eft. out, yat Lanfmnc cannot be the thirty-third. N ote also, that in the previoUB tabIe of the third book, aft.er 8iricius, you must put in 8t. Alure~ whom, in the order of archbishops, I left. out in the end of the third book, pagc 104. This Lanfranc was an Italian, and a stout champion of the pope. Aft.er his stubbom dissension with Thomas, archbishop of York, he wrote against Berengarius, entitling his book 'Opus 8cintillarum;
Kd ."d

page 114.
AIso the same Lanfranc builded the new church at Canterbur)", and plucked down the old. By him was buiIded the chureh of St. Gregory. At Iength he was expelIed by king William Rufus. 85. Anselm, for twenty years. Of this Anselm, and the strife between him and the king, look in page 144. 86. Radulph for eight years. U nder RaduIph the order of Cistercians began. 37. William Curboil, for thirteen years. By this William the new work of the church of 8t. Marlin's, at Dover, was built. 88. Theobald, for twenty-four years. By this Theobald monka # werc first brought into the church of Dover. He was expclled by king 8tcphen. In his time the church of 8t. Gregory at Canterbury was burned. 39. Thomas Becket, for nine years. For the life and death of this Becket, see page 196.\ 40. Richard, for ten years. This Richard was a monk. In his time Christ's Church, at Canterbury, was burned. 41. Baldwin, for seven years. Between this Baldwin and the monKs was great discord. He suspended the prior from his priorship, and two and twcnty monks from all service. He eaused the sub-prior, witll all his adherents, to be excommunicated through alI Kent. 4~. Hubert, for fourteen years. In the time of this Hubert the chapel of Lambeth was pIucked down. Also the church of Dover was burned. 43. 8tephen Langlon, for twenty-two years. This 8tephen, willi the monks of Cantcrbury, was expelled by king John. This 8tephen, intending to give orders in thc chapel of Lambeth, was stopped by the monks of Canterbury, through their appeal and prohibition. Wherefore he required Eustace, bishop of London, to minister the same orders in the church of 8t. Paul. In his time felI great vanance between the monks of Rochestt'r and thc monks of Canterbury, for the election of their bishop, whieh election the monks of Canterbury would not admit before the Hochester monks had presented the bishop's staff in the church of Canterbury; so that both the churches sent their messengers to tlle wurt of Rome. 440. Richardus Magnus, for four years. At the consecration of
(I) Ex Crleteloden.l: Kagnalelln Anglia Interdlxemnt, ne qnia Marty"'m Thomam IIOIDlnu.t. De qula ejlUl miracula pnedic:aret.. iutermfruntel mlnu mortiII KU maxim&rum p<rDN1lJIl OJDDibl~ oor.filentlbu. eum fulue Marty"'m, et miramIa eJm p""dlcantlbu5, &c

CONTAINED IN TUF. JlOURTH ROOK.

719

thie Richard, contention arose between the bishop of Rochester and Rd,rril the bishop of Bath, who should consecmte him. /li Item, betwcen the said Richard and the monks of Canterbury fell A. D. a grievous discord, about certain liberties belonging to the arch- ~ biehop. The said archbishop, for certain quarrels against the king, went up to Rome, who died in Tuscia. After this Richard, thc election ofthree archbishops was disannulled at Rome; namely, of Radulphus de Nova Villa, of John, prior of Canterbury, and of John Blund. 45. Edmund of Abingdon for seven years. This Edmund was called St. Edmund, at whose election the prior of Dover, thinking to be present, as at the marriage of his mother, was not permitted by the monks of Canterbury. For that injury he appealed and went to Rome to complain, not against the elect, but against the election; _herc he obtained of the pope, for al1 the priors and successors of Dover, to have fuli interest in the election of the archbishops, besides other privileges which he obtained; percase not without some good store of money. Afterwards the monks of Cantcrbury accused him to the archbishop as though he stood against the person of the elect, and so obtained of the archbishop, being angry with him, to have brought him under the chapter of Canterbury, tiere to be runished. Whereupon the prior, seeing himself so destitute of al help of lawyers, was constmined in the aforesaid chapter to cry 'peccavi.' Then, being suspended from his priorship, he was at length sent home from Dover, being compelled n.rst to set his band to a certain eomposition between him and the aforesaid monks. The said Edmund, archbishop, having also some quarrel against the king, went up to Rome, and died before his coming home. 46. Boniface, for twenty-n.ve years. In the time of this Boniface, Pope Gregory wickedly granted to king Henry III. (for the getting of the kingdom of Sicily, which belonged not to him to give, nor to the other to take) tenths of goods, tempoml and spiritual, for n.ve yean;. Item, All the first year's fruits of churches that should be vacant for n.ve years. Item, Half of all the goods of benen.ced men, not resident on their benen.ces. Iem, Ali legacies not distinctly given. And yet the kingdom of Sicily never came into his hands, which belonged to Man&ed, son of Frederic the emperor. 8trife there was between this Boniface and the por of Canterbury, Item. Between him and the bishop of Rocbester. Item, Between bim and the chapter of Lincoln: all whicb was after agreed.' Strife in Winchester about choosing the bisbop after tha death of Adornar or Ethelmar, the king's brother. Stfe also in the convocation which Boniface did bold at Lambeth ; in the which council were recited the statutes of Octobonus, and other new statutes mad.e, against which John Hemelingford, the king's ehaplain, with others besides, and Prince Edward on the king's behal~ did appeal.' Under this Boniface, Tunbdge and Hadlow first came under tbe custody of the archbishop of Canterbury. Master John of Exeter hought the bishopric of Winchester for
(I) Chron. Do...n!D'. roL lO, p. 2. (2) Ibld. rol 21.

T AnJ.'E

O~

TIlE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY

E"-rd six tllOusand marks; which being known he was min to pay the 111. to tlle pope, and so was seut h orne. - same sum agam A.D. Boniface the arehbishop being in the parts of Savoy (A.D. 1~6!), ~ Cell another altercation between the prior and chapter of Canterbury on the one part, and tlle prior and ehaptcr of Dover on tlle other; whieh two houses were almost ncvcr in quiet, and all about certain liberties and privileges; as, for making the sub-prior, fOl receiving in of monka, and for visitations of thc ehurch of Dovcr. A.D. ]268. Boniface, archbishop, interdicted the city of London, because in the same eity tlle archbishop of York did hold up his cross, the arehbishop of Canterbury being thcre present, thc king holding then his parliament at \Vestminster. This archbishop died in tlle parta of Savoy. John, prior of Canterbury, was elected by tlle monks against the king's mind, but by the pope refused. Adam Chilinden was eleet, bu he resigned his eleetion to thc pope. 47. Robert Kilwarby, mar, for sx years. In the time of this Robert Kilwarby, appenl was taken against tlle ehapter of Canlerbury by the bishops of Winchester, orcester, and Exeter; fOl which cause the said bishops went up to Rome to proseeute the appeal. The matter was, because they did not tlleir obedienee to the monks of Canterbury, the see being empty. \Valtcr Giffard, archbishop of York, going toward the general eouneil, borc up his cross through the middle of Kent, in tlle time of this Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1272. By pope Gregory X. in the gencra eouneil at Lyons, nIl thc orders of mars were put down, four orders only exeepted, that is, Dominics, Franciscans, Carmelites, and Augustines. This Robert Kilwarby, by the eommandment of pope Nicholas, was made cardinal of Romc and bishop of Porto. An un Here is to be noted an untruth in Polydore Virgii, who saith, that ruth t:l PoIyd,,", he was made cardinal by pope Gregory, whieh could not be. VirgU. Robert Burnel, bishop of Hath, was eleeted, but by the popl' refused; for whom John Peekham, a Grey-mar, was placed in by pope Nicholas. 48. J ohu Peekham, for tbirteen years. In tlle first year of this mar Peekham, \V. Wikewane, arehbishop of York, eoming from his eonsecrntion at Rome to Dover, bore up his cross through the midst of Kent, wbere3t was no little ado. Robert Gernemine: arehdeaeon of Canterbury, went to law at Rome for the liberties and possessions of his arcbdeaeonship two years, and therc died. In this time also anotller wrangling oeeurred between the munks or Canterbury and the monks of Dover, in the time of this John Peekham, for admitting eertain novieCl! or Dover into oruers. I This Pcekham, holding a eouneil at Lamheth, ordained divers statutes, and caused the ordinanees or the eouneil of Lyons, and ot' Boniface arehbishop of ('41nterbury, and his predeeessor, to be

,V

obE'erved.
Great ~ef and hatred existed betwecn this Peckham, and Thom.P.!!
(1)
II

Gememine.'" i. r. of Yarmouth.-F.o.

(2) F.x Chr. lIion..,h. Do....r. foL

:.

CONTAINED IN THE FOURTH nOOK.

721

bishop of Hereford, who, being excommunicated by Peckham, ap- Edwnrd pealed to Rome, and went to the pope. III. The prior and covent of Canterbury mOOe their appeal against this A. U. archbishop Peckham, that he should not consecrate W nIter lc Scha- ~ mele, the newly elect bishop of Salisbury, in any other place, except only in the church of Canterbury, but by their leave and license fust obtained. Notwithstanding, the archbishop, nothing regarding their appeal, proceeded in the consecration of the said bishop near to the town of Reading, whereupon the prior and covent ceased not to prosecute their appeal against the archbishop. Between "Richard Ferrings, archdeacon of Canterbury, of the one part, and the barons of Dover of the other part, the same year fell out another like wrangling, for that the archdeacon claimed to visit the church of Dover: contrary the barons affirmed, that none had, nor should have, to do thereto, or order or dispose in spiritual matters, but ony the archbishop, and the prior and covent of St. Martin. 1 After the death of William Wiewane, archbishop of York, John de Roma succeeded; and coming nom his consecration at Rome to Dover, hare his cross through the middle of Kent, contrary to the inhibition of John Peckham. 49. Robert \Vinchelsey was archbishop for nineteen years. This Robert, who was archbishop in the latter time of king Edward I., for certain displeasure the king had conceived against him, departed the realm, and in his banishment remained two or three ycars; and, about the beginning of the reign of king Edward II., he was restored again. (A.D. 1309.)2 Thus few archbishops of Canterbury we fin d, with whom kings have not 1100 some quarrel or other. .. The cause between the king and him," saith mine author, "was this; That the king accused him to pope Clement of disturbing his realm, and of taking part with rebels," &c.' This Robert also excommunicated Walter, bishop of Coventry, for holding with the king and Peter Gaveston against the ordinances of the barons; wherefore the said bishop appealed to the pope, against whom the archbishop sent Adam Mirimouth. Tbil In the time of this Robert, archbishop, the order of Templars was ~~~ abolished by pope Clement V. in the council of Vienne, with this mo 11th sentencc definitive: "Quanquam de jure non possumus, tamen ad ;;,re,c:;nplenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus." ~~e:II~~Y 50. 'VaIter Reynald for fifteen ycars. After the decease of Edward. Robert Winchelsey, who departed A.D. 18]3, Thomas Cobham, a learned man, was elected by full consent of the monks, who came to Avignon to have his election confirmed; but the pope reserving the vacant seat in his own hands, put in Walter Reynald, bishop of W orcester, chancellor of England, who governed the see fifteen

years.
The chronicIer of St. Alban's recordeth also, how in the days of Lhia archbisllOp (A.D.1319), certain lepers conspiring with the Turks and Jews went about to impotionate, and infect all Christendom, by envenoming their fountains, lakes, pi ts, barrels, and such olhcr places; of the which rrime divers of them being convicted, were worthily blllned in France. About the same yenr, thc said anthor mak~th
III Ex eod. Ch'on. Col. 46. VOI.. II. (2) F.x Cbron. Rlch. 2. :~ A (3) Ex Ch'on. !lI.
AJ~alll.

T,\lll.E O~' TlIK ARCHB1SHOPS OP' CANTEltllUllY,

&C.

Ea",ard also rclation, how, in thc rcalm of England, much murrain prcvaiJed _''_'_ among thc bcasts; insomuch that the dogs, feeding upon their fesh A. D. (infcctcd bclikc by the watcrs and fountains), fell down dcad incon1360. tincntly; ncithcr durst men, for that causc, almost aste of any beef. (A.D. 1318, 1319.)1 This \Valtcr, archbishop, taking part with thc quccn Isabel against king Edward her Imsband, died thc same year in which he was deposed. (A.D. ]327.)2 After Walter the archbishop, as affinl1eth thc chronicie of St. Alban, succecded Simon Mcpham; of whom I marvel that Polydore makcth no word nor mcntion; belike he sat not long: after him followed, 51. John Stratford, for twenty-nine years. In the story of Adam Merimout1l, it is recorded that this John Stratford, intending to visit the dioccse of N orfolk, was not rcceived by the bishop, the chapter and clcrgy thcre alleging that he observed not thc ordinary amon therein. To whom thc archbishop said again, hc had the popc's lcttcrs, and sllOwed the same. But the other answered, that thosc Ictters were falsely obtaincd, and tended to thc suppression of the clergy, and thercfore they would not obey: wherefore the archbishop cxcommunicated thc bishop, suspendcd the prior, and intcrdicted the covent. (A.D~ 1343.) 5~. John Offord, tcn months. Mastcr John Offord, chancel!or of England, was elccted and confinned archbishop of Canterbury, but not consecrated, and sat but ten months, dying A.D. ]849, the timc of the pcstilence in England. 58. ThOl.nas Braidwarden, archbishop for one year. This ThoITlllS Braidwardcn following after John Stratford, sat not long, but died The fint within ten months, of thc plaguc, as they say. This was called the gr:;:;c first great plague in England, raging 50 sore in all quarters, that it England. was thouglJt scarcely thc tcnth part of men to be left alive. 54. Simon Islip, for seventeen )'ears. In the time of Simon Islip, who followcd after Braidwarden, king Edward (A.D. 186~) is reportcd, after the blind supcrstition ol' those days, to offer in the Thevelt- church of Westminster the vestments wherein St. Peter did celebrate ~~~::In ma..o:;s; which belike were wel! kept from moths, to last 50 long.3 SI:J"ler The samc Simon Islip, among other constitutions, ordained through :,~~", or all churches and chapeIs, under pain of excommunication, that no cbe the . .., d papli t, man should abstain from bodilYlabours upon certam samts ays, as do li.. is bcfore mentioned j which fact of his is not alittle noted in our monkish histories. This Simon built Canterbury College in Oxford.4

THE CONCLUSION OF THIS FOURTH BOOI:.

AnliTh.
1001-

~~I;~:::'. of a thousand years, beginneth about this time to be loosed and to :,';gs~~lI. therefore, to cOllclude thc Fourth Book, whercin sufficiently halh been
(I) Ex Chro. Alban.
()

Forasmuch as Satan, beillg chailled up all this while for the space

come abroad, according to the forewarning of St. John's Revelation :

dcscribed the cxcessive pride and pomp of Antichrist, f1.ourishing in

,21 Ex Ch",. Alban.
(If

,3; E.., Ch.o. AlIlan.

page-ED.

See the Table

Archbishop~ in

the

oppo~ite

CONCLUSlON OF THE FOURTH lI00K.

his ruft and security, from the time or William the Conqueror hither- B1j;r-1 to: now (Christ willing and assisting us thereunto) we mind in these - - ' latter books hereafter following, in order of history to express the A. D. latter perseeutions and horrible troubles of the church, rnised up by 1360. Satan in his minister Antichrist; with the resistance again of Christ's church against him. And 50 to prosecute, by the merciful grace of Christ, the proceeding and cOllI'5e of timcs, till we come at length to the falI and ruin of the said Antichrist; to the intent t1lat if any be in sllch error as to think that Antichrist is yet to corne, he may consider and ponder well the trngical rnges, the miserable and most sorrowful pcrsecutions, murders, and Yexations, of these latter three hundred years now following; and then, I doubt not but he will be put out of all doubt, and know that not onIy Antichrist is already corne, but also kno,," where he sitteth, and how he is now falling apace (the Lord Christ be thankcd for ever!) to his deeny and confusion.
TIto rollowlng Tablo I. a ooDtlnuallon nr Ihal g1.on al p. lIK, nole (I); II eontaln8 Ihe dalel ot Ihe eleetlon or coDaecratioD, and death, ot each archbllhop, tuen (rom Richardaon , edlt10n of u God.in De Prao.u1ihu" &c." lI.ilI be tound lo agroe .Uh the lI.t g1.en hy Sir Hani. NIcholu In hil fi Synopsi. Dr the Peerage," and it wUl lerve to corred several errora InPoxe', text. derlved trom the chronicie. which he eon.uUed. 34 Slephon Lanfranc . . 35 An..lm 86 Radulph (eleclld Aprll 26th) . 37 William Corbrl (elected Feb. 2d) 88 Theoba1l1 (.Iected in December) 89 Thom&l Bed:et. . . ofO Riehard (e1ected ... D. 1171). 41 BaJdwla . . 42 WaJler Hnbert (elerted lIIay 86th) 48 Stephen Langton . 44 RIchard Wether.hed 45 Edmund oC Ablngdon . 48 BoniCace oC Savoy (eleclod ....D. 1241) 47 Robert KiJwardby. . . 48 John Peckham . . 49 Robert Wincheller (eloclod Fob. 13th, 4.D. 1293) 50 Walter Reyuoldl (IranIl. Crom Winion, Ocl. hl) 51 Joha StratCord (tran.1. I'rom WInton, Dec. hl) 5% John ~ord (nomlnaled by a buli, Sept. 241h) 53 Tboma. Braldwarden (nom. by a buli, Junel9th) 64 Simon hHp (nomlnated by a buli, Ocl. 7th) Reg\naJd F1u.Joooline (tranllaled Crom Well.). 8lmon lIIopham (elocled Dec. 11th) . .
CONI::aClI.ATED

Dl IED

Aug.29th, .... D. 1070 Jan. 4th, ".D.I089 Dec. 4th, ".D. 1093 . Aprll 211t, D.1I09 June 14th, ".n. 1114 . Oct.20th, D.I122 March19th, .... D. 1123 N o 30lh, D. 1136 ....D. 1138 Aprll 18th, D.1I61 Kay 27th, .... D.1I62. Dec. 28th, .. D. 1170 ....D. 1174 Feb. lath, ".D.1I83 May, ".D. 1185 ....D.1I90 ... D.1193 July 13th, ".D.1205 June 17th, ".D.1207 . July 9th, ".D. 1228 June 10lb, ".D.1229 Aug.3d, ".D.1231 D.1242 Aprll 2d, .... D.1234. No 16th, Jan. 15th, ".D. 1245 July 18th, D.1270 Fcb. 26th, n. 1273 Sep. 13th, n.1277 March 6th, D.I278 Dec.81h, D.12112 Sept. 12th, 4.D.1294 May 11th, D.1313 ".D.1313 Nov. 16th, D.1827 ....D. 1333 . Aug. 23d, D. 1348 ....D. 1348 May 20th, D.1349 .... D. 1349 . Aug.26th, D.1349 Dec. 20th, ....n. 1349 . AprII 26tb, ".D. IM6 In addilion to the abo.., God ...ln Inleru afler 1'10&. 41, 50, ...n.1I91 . Doc. 25th, 4.D.1191 4.D.1327 Ocl. 12th, .... D.1333

No. 52. John OtTord or Utford, ha.ing ne.er beon conlecrated, l. not Included by Godwin In lbe Het.-:D.

END OF BOOK Tfll<: FOURTlI.

ACTS AND MONUMENTS

BOOK V.
CONTAININO

'l'HE I.AST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING ODT OF SATAN.I

THUS ha\'ing discoursed in these fomler books of the order and ye:lrs, from the first tying up of Satan unto the year of our A. D. Lord 1360, I have alittle overpassed the stint of time in the 8cripture 1360. appointcd for the laosing out of him again. For so it is written by St. John [Apoc. xx.], that "after a thousand years, Satan, the old dragon, shall be let Joose again for a season,'" &c. Th. y.an For the better explanation of the which myslery, Jet UB first con~~t.,:,~ng sider the context of the Scripture; afterwards let us examine, by ~Ul history and the course of times, the meaning of the same. And first, =~~.~~- to reeite the words of the Apocalypse; the text of the propheey is Apoc. xx. this :-" And I saw an angel desecnding trom heaven, having a kcy of the bottomless pit, and a great ehain in his hand. And he took the dragon, the old serpent, w1ich is the DeviJ and Satan, and bound him for a thousand years, and put him in the bottomless dungeon and shllt him up, and signed him with his seal, that he should no more seduee t1e Gentiles, tiU a thousand years were expired. And after that he must be Joosed again for alittle space of time. And l saw seats, and they sat upon them, and judgment was gi\'en unto them; and the souJs I saw ar them whieh were beheaded for the testimony of J esus.'" By these words of the Rcvelation, here recited, tllree speeial times are to be noted. First" The being abroad of Satan to deceive the world. Secondly, The binding up of him. Thirdly, The Joosing out of bim again, after a thousand years eonsummatc, for a time. Th. pl..,., Concerning the interpretation of which timcs, I see the common ~~~.xx. opinion of many to be deceived by ignonmee of histories, and the ~J:'~O~I:~~ sl:!tefofSathin~ donhe in the ehureh; they sUPfP.osinlg tl18t thle ~haining loaoinl!' up o tan lor a t ousand years, spoken ID t le Re ve atlon, was ~~~o: meant trom the birth of Christ our Lord. Wherein I grant that spiritually the strength and dominion of Satan, in aceusing and eondemning us for sin, was cast down at the pnssion and by the passion of Christ our Saviour, and Jockcd up, not only for a tllOusand years,

...!!.!:...- course of

JU,rn,d

() Ed.

1(;8,

~:ditloll

1.\63, p. 74

Ed. 1570, p. 493.

\ul. 1. p. i52.-ED.

Ed. 157ft, p. oI. Ed. 1583, p.397.

Ed. 15116, p.M i.

WHAT THK I.OOSINli OF SATAN DOTH MEAN IN SCRIPTUaE.

7!l5

but for ever and ever. Albcit, 88 touching tlte malicious hatred and ;;t1..~rd fury of tllat serpent against the t>utward bodics of Christ's poor saints ~ (which is the heel of Christ), to ll.ffiict and torment the church out- A. D. wardly; that I judge to be mcant in the RevcTation of Sto John, not 1360. to be restraincd tiU the ceasing uf those terrible persecutions of the primitivc church, at the time when it pleased God to pity thc sorro\\"- Wh~1 the ful affiiction of his poor Hock, being so long under persecution, the ~~!~::g of space of threehundred years, and so to assuage their griefs and tor- ~,:~~ ill ments ~ which is meant by the binding up of Satan, worker of all Seril'!ure. those mischiefs: understanding thereby, that forasmuch as the devil, the prince of this worltl, had now, by the death of Christ the San of God, lost aU his power and interest against thc soul of man, he should turn his fllrious mge and malicc, which he had to Christ, against thc pcople of Christ, which is meant by the heel of the seed [Gen. iii.], in tormcnting thcir outward bodies; which yet should not be for cver, but for a determinate time, when it should please the Lord to bridle the malice, and snaffie the power, of the old serpent, and give rest nnto his church for the tcrm of li. thonsand years; which time being expired, the said serpcnt should be suffered loose again for a certain or a smalI time. [Apoc. xx.] And thus to expound this prophetical place of Scripture, I am led Tlm'l' by three reasons; rea.olls. The first is, for that the binding up of Satan, and closing him in 11,. fi,,1 the bottomless pit by the angcl, importeth as much as that he was at rmull. liberty, mging and doing mischief before. And, certes, those so terrible and so horrible persecutions of the primitive time universally through the whole world, during the space of three hundred years of the church, do declare no less. Wherein it is to be thought and supposed that Satan, aU that time, was not fastened and closed up. The second reason moving me to think that thc closing up of Satan Thc was after the ten persecutions of the primitive church, is taken out of ~.:~~. the twelfth chapter of the Apocalypse ; where we read, that after thc woman, mcaning the church, had travailcd forth her man-child, the old dragon, the devil, the same time being east down from heaven, drawing the third part of the stara with him, stoOO before the woman with great anger, and persecuted her (that is, the church of God) with a whole Hood of water (that is, with abundance of all kinds of torments), and from thence went, moreover, to fight against the rcsidue of her seed, and stood upon the sands of the sen; whcreby it appeareth that he was not as yet locked up. The third reason I collect out of the Apocalypse, chapter xiii., Tlle third where it is written of the beast, signifying the imperial monarchy of ~:=~iii. Rome, that he had power to make war forty and two months; by which months is meant, no doubt, the time that the dragon and the persecuting emperors should have in affiicting the saints of the primitive church. Thc complltation of which forty-two months (counting F.rly-Iwo every month for a Sabbath of years; that is, for scven years, after the ::;.~~~. order ol' Scripture), riseth to the sum (counting from the passion of' ~r.".dii. the Lord Christ) of three hundred years, lacking sa; at which time Ini~ed. Maxentius, the Jast pcrsecutor in Rome, fig11ting ngainst Constantinr, was drowned with his soldicrs, like as Phar.loh, pc':'Sccuting- the children of Isracl, was drowncd in thc Red Sm. Uli tu thc whieli torty-twu

7~6

WHEN SA TAN WAS TIED UP.

Bdward months, or Sabbaths 01' ycars, if ye add the other 8ix years wbcrein ~ Licinius persecuted in the East, ye 8halI find just three hundred A, u. ycars, as is specified before in the first book (vol. i. page ~l). 1360. Aft.er the which forty and two months were expired, manifest it ia Whal that the fury 01' Satan, that is, his vioIent maIice and power over the ~o ..~- saints 01' Christ, was diminished and restrained universally throughout liod up. the whole world. 'I'hus then, the maUer standing evident that Satan, aft.er three hundred years, counting from the passion of Christ, began to be chained up, at which time the persecution 01' the primitive church began to cease, now let us see how long this binding up 01' Satan should continue, which was promised in the Book of the Revelation to be a thousand years ; which thousand years, if ye add to the fortyAb)ut two months 01' years, that is, to two hundred and ninety-four years, ~~:;~~o they make one tllOusand two hundred and ninety-four years after the Satan ..llS passion 01' the Lord. '1'0 these, moreover, add thc thirty years 01' u ~; :h ; the age 01' Christ, and it cometh to the year 01' our Lord 13~4, which ~h~;:- was the year 01' the letting out 01' Satan, according to the prophecy calypse. in the Apocalypse.

A TABLE CONTAINING 'l'HE TUlE OF THE PERSECUTION BOTH OF THE PRIMITIVE, AND OF YEARS OF THE THE LATTER CHl'RCH, FIRST BINDING WITH l.iP OF THE COUNT APOCALYPSE. FROM

SATAN, TO HIS LOOSING AGAIN, AFTER THE MIND OF THE

'I'he first persecution 01' the primitive church, beginning at the thirtieth year 01' Christ, was prophesied to continue forty-two months; that is, till A. D. fl94. 'I'he ceasing 01' the last persecution 01' the primitive church by the ee..lng oflho dcath ol' Licinius, the last persecutor, began in the three hUlldred JaAtper-. lecution. and twenty-fourth year from the nathity 01' Christ; which was from the thirtieth year 01' his age, two hundrcd and ninety-four years. Bincling 'I'he binding up 01' Satan after peace given to the church, counting ~~l:~. from the thirty years 01' Christ, began A.D. ~94, and lasted a thousand years, that is, counting from the thirtieth year 01' Christ, to the year 1fl94. About which yeaT, pope Boniface VIII. was pope, and made the sixth book 01' the Decretals, confirmed the orders 01' friars, and priviIeged them with great freedoms; as appeareth by his constitution, , Super Cathedram.' A.D. 1fl94. Tiu o of U nto the which count 01' years doth not much disagree that which l:7'~~ng I found in a certain old chronicle prophesicd and written in the latter end 01' a book; which book was written, as it seemeth, by a monk 01' Dover, and remaineth yet in the custody ol' \Villiam Cary, a citizen 'rbe limo 01' London; allcging the prophecy 01' one Hayncard, a Grey-friar, ~~~ll- 1,,'Toundetl upon the authority 01' Joachim the abbot, prophesying ".a that Antichrist shouId be bom tbe year from the nativity 01' Christ ""nOO. 1~60; which is, counting after the Lord's passion, the very same year and time ",hen the orders 01' friars, both Dominics and Franciscans, began first to be set up by pope Bonorius II J. and by pOp<' Grcgorius IX., which was thc ycar of' our Lord, counting from his
."IV'

,ll'JJtllJir.

THE AUTHOR OF TJl': .l'LOUGHMAlI;'S l'ItA"ER XOT KXOWX.

7~'7

passion, A.D. 1~~6; and counting from the nativi1y of our Lord, KJrMrtJ was the year 1260. 'Vhereof these verses, prophesying 1hl cOllling ~ of Antichrist, in thc author were wrilten : A. V.
1:160.

" Cum fucrint wlUi eomplcli mille ducenti Et decies seni post partIIm virginis almre, Tune Antiehristus naseetur dremonc! plenus."

And these verses were written, as appeareth by the said author, A.D.1l285. These things thus premised for the loosing out of Satan, according to the prophccy of the Apocalypse, now let us enter (Christ wiJling) upon the declaration of these latter times which folIowed afrer the Ietting out of Satan into the worId; deseribing thc wondrous ~er turbations and cruel tyranny stirred up by him 3.oouinst Christ's church, and also the valiant resistance of the church of Christ against him and Antichrist, as in these our books here under following may appear, the argument of which consisteth in two [arts: first, to Argutreat of the raging fury of Satan now loosed, an of Antichrist, :h~u~~. 3.oouinst the saints of Christ fighting and travailing for the mainte- ane~ folnance of truth, and the reformation of the church. Secondly, to lowmg. dec1are the decay and ruin of the said Antichrist, through the power of thl' word of God; being at length, either in a great part of thl' world overthrown, or, at least, universally in the whole world detected. Thus then to begin with the year of our Lord 1360, wherein I A.D.1360 have a little, as is aforesaid, transgressed the stint of the first loosing A IIrid out of Satan: we are come now to the time wherein the Lord, afrer :rt:~~~ long darkness, bcginl1eth some reformation of his church, by the Jearned diligent il1dustry of sundry his faithful and learned servants, of whom :;~'h divers already we have fore-touched in the former book ; as Gnlie!. ~h~h:::'" de Saneto Amore, Marsilius Patavinu~: Ockam, Robertus Gallus, ~'i"t~i;g. Robertus Grosthead, Petrus de Cugnerns, J obannes Rupescissanus, pop<>. Conradus Hagcr, Johannes de Poliaco, Cesenas, with others, who withstood the comlpt errors and intolerable enonnities of the bishop of Rome, besides those who about these times were put to death by the said bishop of Rome, as Castilio and Franciscus de Arcatara in the book before recorded; also the two Franciseans, martyrs, who werc bunled at Avignon, Jnentioned p. 710. Now to these (the Lord wiJling) we will add such othcr holy martyrs and confessors, who following afrer in the COlIrse of years with like zeal and strength of God's word, and also with like dl'.nger of their lives, gavc the like resistance against the enemy of Chrisfs religion, and suffered at his hands t1lc like perseeutions. First, Th. aubeginning with that godly man, whosoever he was, thl' author of the ~~~~~~ book (his name J have not) cl1titlcd ' The Praycr and Complaint of ~an I the Plouglllnan ;' writtcn, as it appearcth, about this present time. no?"' This book, as it was faithfully set foIth by \ViIliam 'I'indal, so l ImO"D. bave as truy distributed the same abroad to thc reader's 1:ands; neithcr chauging any thing of the matter, nor altering many word!; of the phrase thereof. Although the oldness and age of his speech and terms be almost grown now out of use, yet I thought it Les1, both for the utility of thc book to rcscrvc it rrum oblivion, as aIso in hi6

THE I'LOUGHMAN'S COMPI.AINT

---.!!:- of the true

Er.....'"

own language to let it go abrood, for the more credit and testimony antiquity of the same; adding withal in the margin, for A. D. the better understanding of the render, some interpretation of eertain 1360. difficult terms and speeches, which otherwise might perhaps hinder or stay the reader. The matter of this complaining pmyer of the ploughman t1lus proceedeth:An olde Booke intituled, the Ploughmans Pmyer, l seemeth about \Vickliffe's time.
wtten

as it

=
pl.>:nt or

lesu Christ that was ybore oC the mayde Marye, haut on thy poore seruantes mercy and pitye, and helpe them in their great nede to fighte agaynst synne, ~ and against the diuil that is autor oC synne, and more nede nes ther neuer lo cry ,h... to Christ for help, then it is right nowo For it is Culfi1led that God sayd by ,Ime.. lsay the prophet: Ye ryseth vp erlich to Colow dronkennes, and to drinkc tyli it be euen, the harpe and other minstrelsyes beeth in your feastes and wyne. But the worke oC God ye ne beholdeth not, ne taketh no kepe to the workes of hys hands; And therefore my people is take prisoner, for they ne had no cunnyng. And the noble men oC my people deyeden Cor hunger, and the multitude oCmy people weren drye Cor thyl'llt, and therefore heli hath drawen abroadc their soule, and hath yopened hys mouth withouten any ende. And eftsones sayth lsa)" the prophet: The word is Hoten away, and the hyghnes oC the people is ymade sycke, and the earth is infect oC bis wonnyers, for they haue broken my lawes, and ychaunged my ryght, and han destroyed myne euerlast;rng honde and Corward I betwene them and me. And thereCore cursing &hall deuoure the earth, and they that wonneth on the erthly shu1len done synne. And therefore lhe earth tilyars shu11en waxe woode, and Cewe men shu11en ben yleft vpon the earth. And yet sayth say the prophet, this sayth God, fur 88 much as this peple nigheth me with their mouth, and glorifieth me with their lipa, and their hact is farre from mee. And they han ydrad more mens commaundement, then myne, and more drawe to their doctrines, then myne. Therefore will I make a great wondring vnto this people, wisedome shall perish away trom wise men, and vnderstanding of ready men shal bee yhid. And so it seemeth that an other sayillg of 18l1Y ia fulfilled, there as God bade bim goe teach the people, and sayd goe forth and BIly to this people: Eares haue ye, and vnderstand ye not, and eyes yee haue sight ne know ye no Make blynde the hart of tbis people, and make their eares heany, and close their eyen, least he sea with llis eyen, and yheare with bis eares, and vnderstande with his hart, and by yturned, and ych heale hym of hys sieknessc. And luy sayd to God: How lQng Lord ,hal this be? And God said: For to that the cities ben dC60late withouten a wonnier, and an house wyiliouten a man. Here is mxehel nede for to make sorow, and to crye to our Lord lesu ebrist hertilich for helpe and for succour, that hee wole forgeue VI our sinnes, and geue vs grace and eonning to seruen bim betler here after. And God of hys endles merey geue vs grace and conniQg tru1ich to tellen wbich is Christes law in helpiug ef mellll soules, for we beth lewdo men, and sinneful men, and vncunning, and iC he woli be our helpe and our succor, we shullen wel perCaurme our purpose. And yblessed bee our Lorde God that hideth bis wisedome Crom wise men, and fro ready men, and teacheth it to sma1l children, 88 Christ teacheth in the gospel. Thel&w Christen men haue a law to keepe, the which law bath twe parties. Beleue .rChrat in Christ that is God, and is the foundment oC theyr law, and vpon this lt&Ddeth foundement, 88 he sayd to Peter, and the ~ospel beaceth witnes, he wolI on t""o parta bye1den his church, and this is the fint partie oC Christes law. The second partie of this law beth Chrilltes commaundmentes that beth written in the gospel, and more verilich in Christen mens haftes. And 88 touching the beleue, we beleuen that Christ is God, and that therc ne is no god but he. Wc beleuen neuertheles!IC that in the Godhead there bene three persons, the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, and al these three persons ben one God, and not many gads, and al they beth ylich mightie,
The com-

(I) Thll Inte"'ltln~ rlocument lo giten In etery El1iti,'" hut !he First anrl the Third.-En. :2) II 'orward," that i:s, COVCUllut

OF THE ABUSES

o."

THE WORLD.

ylich geod, and ylich wisc, and ener hane ben, and euer 8bullen ben. We EdwtUYI heleuen thi. Gad made the world of nought, and man he made after bY8 owne lil. likenesse in Paradise that was a lande of blisse, and gaue him tbat land for hi8 heritage, and bad bim that he shoulde not eate the tree of knowledge of good 1360' and euil, that was a-midde Parad.ise. 1 Then tbe diuell that was fallen out _ _._ of heauen for his pride, bad enuie to man, and by a fal8e 8uggestion he made man eate of this tree, and brenke the commaundement of God, and tho was man ouercome of the deuil, and 80 he lost hi8 heritage, and was put out tbereof into the world that was a land of trauel, and of 80row vnder the feends thraldome, to be punished for hi~ trespasse. There man folIowed wickednesse and sinne, and God for the 8inne of man 8ent a fioud into this world, and drownd al mankinde saue eight 80ules. And after tbis fiud be let men multiply.in the world, and 80 hee assayed wbether man dread bim or loued him, and among other be found a man tbat hight Abraham: thi8 man AbrahaaL he proued whether he loued him and drad him, and bad him that bee should offeren Isaac hi8 son vppon an hil, and Abraham as a true 8eruant fulfilled the Lords commaundment: and for thi8 buxumne88e and trotb, God 8ware vnto Abraham that he would multiplie his seed as the grauel in tbe 8en, and as the 8tar8 of heauen, and be behigbt to bim and to his heires the land of bebest for heri~e for euer, gir thcy wolden ben bis true 8eruauntes and keepe his hestes. And Gad helde him forward,' for banc Abraham's 80n begat Iacob and &sau: and of Iacob that is ycleped brael, comen Gods people that he chose to be hi8 seruants, and to whom he behight the land of behe8 Thi8 people was in great thraldom in Egypt vnder Pharao that was king of Egypt: and they crieden to God that hee sboulde deliueren them out of that thraldome, and so hee did: for he sent to Pharao, Moses and his brother Aaron, and bad him deliuer his people to done him sacrifices: and to fore Pharao be made Mose8 done manie wonders, or that Pharao would deliuer his people, and at tbe last by might hee deliuered his people out of thraldome, and led tbem through a desert towarde the land of behest, and tbere he gaue tbem a lawe that they .bulden lyuen after, when they comen into their countrey, and in tbeir way thitber ward, tbe ten commaundementes Gad wrote bimselfe in two tables of stone: tbe remnant of tbe law be taugbt tbem by Moses bis semant how they shoulden doe euery chone to other, and gif they trespassed again the law, be ordeined bow tbey 8houlden be punisbed. Also be taugbt them wbat maner sacrifices they sbould do to bim, and be cbose bim a people to been his priests, that was Aaron and bis children, to done Il8crifices in the tabernacIe, and afterward in tbe tempie also. He chese him the remnant of the children of Leuy to ben seruaunts in the tabernacle to the priestes, and be said: When ye come into the land of behest, tbe children of Leuy they sbullen haue none heritage amongst tbeir brethren, for I would be their part, and tbeir heritage, and they shullen 8erue me in tbe tabernacie by dayes and by nigbtes, and he ordeined that priestes should haue a part of the sacrifices that wer offred in tbe tabernacIe, and the first begotten beastes, botb of men and beastes and other tbings as the lawe telleth. And the otber children of Leuy that serued in the tabernacIe, sbould baue tytbings of the people to tbeir Iyuelode, of tbe which tythings tbey sbould geuen tbe priestes tbe tentb partie in forme of offeryng. The cluldren of Leuy both prie8tes and otber, 8hould baue bouses and crofl:s, and le8ewes for thelr beaste8 in the land of behest, and none other heritage : and 80 God gaue tbem their land of behest, and bade them that they ne should worship no otber Gad then Mm. AIso be bade that tbey sbould kepe his commaundementes, and gife they did 80, all their enemies about tbem shuld drede them and be their 8eruantes. And gife they worshipped false gods, and so forsaken bislawes, be bebigbt tbem tbat he would bring them out of that land and mnke tbem serne their enemies, but yet hee said bee would not benemen his mercie away from them, if they would cry mercie and amend their defautes, and all tbis was done on Gods side. And here is much loue showed of Gad to maIl. And who so looketb tbe God. bihle, hee shall finde that man sbowed him little loue againeward: for when lou. lo they were come into tbeir beritage, they forgetten tbeir God, and worshipped man. false gods. And God sent to them the prophetes and bis senmnts feile times'

AD

(I)
~ith

I A midde Par.disc,'" in the middellt or Paradiae. blm. (3) II Feile limes," oft timu.

(2) l'llelde hlm forward." kept

promiiO

780

THE PLOUGHI\A~'S COMPLAINT

to bid them withdmw<!n them from their sinnes, and other they haue soweo them, or they beateu them, or they led them in prison: and oft limes God tooke vppon them great vengeance for their sinnes, and wheu they cried after 1360' helpen to God, he sent them helpe and succour. This is the generali processe _ _._ rof the Old Testament, that God gaue to his people by M08e11 his senmnt. And all thill testament and this doing ne was but a shadow and a figure of a new Testament that W81 ~uen br Christ. And it was byhoten by leremie the prophet, as S. Paul b"areth Wltnes in the epistle that he writeth to the lewes. And leremie saith in this wise: Loe dayes shall come, God Baith, and I will make a newe bande to the house of Israel, and to the hOU8e of Iuda, not like the forward that I made with their fathel1l in that day that l tooke their hande to led them out of the lande of Egypt, the which for-ward they maden vein, and I bad lordship ouer them. But this shal be the forward that I wold make with them after those daies: r will !pue my lawes with them in their inwardneue, and I wil wryten them Il their hall, and J wil be their God, and they should be my people, aud after that a man sball not teach his neighbour ne his brother, for all (God saith) from the least to the most, should know me, for I will forgeuen them their sinnes, and will no more thinke on theyr sinnes. This is the newe testament, that Christ, both God and man borne of the mayd Mary, he taught here in this world, to bring man out of sinne and out of the deuils thraldome and sernice, to heauen, that is land of blisse and heritage to all tho that beleeuen on him and kepen his commaundementes, and for his teaching he was dane to the death. But the third day arose againe from death to life, and sette Adam and Eue and many other folke, out of helI, and afterward hee came to his disciples and comforted them. After he stied vp to heauen to his father, and tbo he sent the Holy Gbost amongea his disciples: and in time comming he wolI come and demen all mankinde after their workes, and after the word she spake vpon earth: IlOme to bliase, within body and in soul euer withouten end, and some to paine withouten end, both in body and in soule. This is aur beleeue and all Christen mem, and this beleue is the fil1ll poynt of the newe Testament that ych christen man is holde stedfastIy to beleue, and rather to su1fer the death than forsaken this beleue, and so this beleue is the bread of spiritual life, in fOl1laking sinne, that Chrlst brought VB to life. But for as much as mannes liuing ne stondeth not all onlych by bread, he hath y-giuen V8 a draught of water of life to drinke. And who that drinketh of thlU water, he ne shall neuer afterward ben a thUI1lt. For this water ja the clere teaching of the gospel, that encloseth seuen commaundements. SpeclalI The furst is this: Thou shalt loue thy God ouer aIl other things, and th I'recepla brother as thy selfe, both enemie and frend. :;t~:;~ The second commaundement is of meekenesse, in the which Chrlst chargeth peli. vs to forsake lordship vpon onr brethren and other worldly wOl1lhips, and 110 he did himselfe. The third cornrnaundement, is in stonding stedfastIich in truth and forsaking all falsenesse. The fourth comrnaundement, is to su1fer in this world diseases and wrongs withouten ageinstondinges. The fiftb commaundement is mercie, to forgeuen our brethren their trespassc, as often time as they gylteth, withcut asking of vengeance. The sixth commandement is poorenes in spirite, but not to ben a begger. The seuenth commaundement, is chastitie: that is a forsaking of fieshlych likinges displeasing to Gad. Thfllle commaundementes encl08en the ten cummauudementes of the old law, and somewhat more. Chrl.t.. This water is a blessed drinke fo:' christen mens soule. But more harme is h....pe much folke would drink of this water, but they mowe not come thereto: for ~~~ God saith by Ezechiel the prophet: When iche geue to you the most cleane .Iean. water to drinke, ye troubled tbat water with your feete, and that water is ;:,~';u:: sa defouled, ye geue my shepe to drinke. But the cleane water ja yhid fro to drinke the shepe, and but gif God eleare this, it is dread least the shepe dyen for In:ddell. thurst. And Christ that is the wisedome of the father of heauen, and well of this wisdome that come from heauen to earth to teach man this wisedome,

AD

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OF THE ABUSES

o.'

THE

WOltLIl.

731

tllOrow thc which man should ouercome the sleightes of the deuill tbat is Bnwnrd principall enemy of mankind: haue mercy and pitye of his people, and shew ~ if it be his wil how tbis water is troubled, and by whom : and sith I clere A. D. thill water that his shepe mowne drinken hercf, and kele the thurst of their 1360. soules. Blessed mote our Lord ben, for he hath itaught vs in the gospell, - - that ere than hee woulde come to the vuiuersnIl dome, then should come manie in his name and sayen, that they weren Christ j and they shouldcn done many wonders, and begilen manie men. And manie false prophets shoulden arisen and begylen much folke. A Lord, yblessed mate thou ben of euerich <:reature: which ben they that haue ysaid that the)' weren Chst and haue begiled thus thy people? Trulich Lord I trow, thilke that sayen that they ben in thy steed, Iind Dinemen" thy worship, and maken thy people worshippen thcm as Gad, and haue hid thy lawes from the people. Lord, who durat syt in thy steede and beuemen thee thy worship and thy sacrifice, and durat maken the people woorship them as gods? The Sauter telles, that Gad ne wole not in the day of dome demen men for bodilich sacrifices and holoeaustes: But Gad saith, ycld to me sacrificc of herying, and yeld to Gad thine auowes, and ciepl' me in the day of tribulation, and ych wole defend thee, and shalt worship me. 'Ihe herying 3 of Gad standeth in threc things. In louing Gad ouer all other things; in dreading Gad ouer al! other thinges; in trusting in Gad ouer al! other things. These three points Christ teacheth in the gospel. But I trow men louen Tbe hohim but a liWe. For who so loueth Christ, he wole kepen bis wordes. nouring But men holden bill wordes for heresie and follie, and kepeth mens wordes. ~~~tb Also men dreden more men and mens lawes and their cursings, then Christ In thre. and bis lawes and bill curainP' AIso men hopen more in men and mens tbing helpes, than they dol' in Chnst and in his helpl'. And thus hath he that setteth in Gad's stede, bynomen ~ these three heryinges, and maketh men louen bim and his lawes, more then Christ and Christes law, and dreden bim also. And there as the people shulden yelde to Gad their \"Owes, he saitb he hath power to assoylen them of their avowes, and so this sacrifice be nemeth' away from Gad. And there as the people should ery to Gad in the day of tribulation, he letteth them of their crying to Gad and bynemeth Gad that worship. This day of tribulation is whan man is fallen thorowe sinne into the deuiIs seruice, and than we shulden cry to Gad after help, and axen forgeuenes of aur sinne, and make great sorrowe for aur siune, and ben in fulI will to doc so no more ne none other sin, and that aur Lord Gorl wole forgeuen VI our sinne, and maken aur soule clene. For his mercie is endles. But Lord, here men haue bynomen thee much wonhil?: for men seyn that Agaill,t thou ne might not cleane assoylen vs of our sinne. But if we knowIegen our .Url~cular sinnes to priestes, and taken of them a penance for our sinne gif we mowen ~ro~~' speake with them. A Lord! thou forgaue sometime Peter his sinnes and also Mary Magdaleine, Sino.. and manie other sinfu1l men withouten shriuings to priestes, and taking pe- ror~ue Halince of priests for their Binnes. And Lord thou art as mightie naw as thou ~,;;.ut were that tyme, but Wf any man haue bynomen thee thy might. And wee :ewed men beleuen, t1at there nys no man of so great power, and gif any man maketh himse!fc of so great power he heighteth 6 himselfe aboue God. And S. Paul speaketh of one that sitteth in the tempIe of Gad and highten bim aboue Gad, and gif any such be, he is a false Chnst. :aut hereto seyn priests, that when Christ made clean leprous men, he bade Obleclion them go and shewe them to priestes. And therefore they seyn that it is a o~~~ commaundement of Christ, that a man should shewen his sinne to priestes. For fo ':.J~ as they seyn, lepre in the old lawe betokeneth sinne in this new law. A Lord t~ir!tt Gad! whether thine apostles kuew not thy meaning as well as men dane naw? ~~~..~re And gif they hadden ykuow that thou haddest commanded menne to shriuen to .the. tbem to priesls, and they ne taugbt not that conummndement to the people, ile oblectlOll, tbinketh they hadden ben to blame: But I trow they knewen well that it was none of thy commandements, ne needfull to hewe of mannes soule. And as me
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73~

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thinketh the law of lepre, is notbing to tbe purposc of shriuing: for priestes in lawe hadden certaine poinls and tokens to know whl'ther a man wcre A.D. leprolIS ar not: and gif they were leprous, they hadden power to putll'n theIn 1360. away from otber c1eane men, for to that they weren c1ene, and tben thcy - - - hadden power to receiuen bim among his brethren, and otferell for him a sacrifice to God. This nys nothing to the purpose of shriuing. For there nis but one pril'St, that is Cbrist, tbat may knowe in certaine the lepre of the soule. Ne no priest may make tbe soule c1ealle of ~er sinne, but Cbrist that is priest after Me!chisedekes order: ne no pril'st hl're beneath may ywit for certaitle whetbcr a man be cleane of bis sinne or c1eane assoyled, but gif Gad tell it him by reuelation. Penance Ne God ordeined not that his priests sbuld set men a penaunce for their sinnc, for .ill. i. after the quantitie of tbe sin, but this is mana ordinaunce, and it may wel! bel' :;:~~:I::.- that there commeth good thereof. But I wote wel that God is much vnwor1101 God shipped thereby. For men trust more in his absolutions, and in bis yean of grace, than in Christs absolutions, and therby is the people much apayred. For now, the sorrow a mali sbould make for his sin, is put away by this shrin : and a man is more bold to dol' sinne for trust of tbis shfl, and of this bodilich penance. MI.Ali otber mischiefe is, that the people is ybrought into this beleefe, that one ~:::'~f~:m. priest hat~ a great power to assoylen a man of his .inne and c1ennere, then byauricu- anotller pnest bath. !ar con-. An other mischiefe is this, that some priest may assoilen them both of sinne f ion. and paille, and in tbis they taken them a power that Cbrist gmunted no man in earlh, lIe be ne vsed it nought on eartb bimselfe. An otber mischiefe is, that these priests sellen forgeuenes of mens sinnes and Popi.h prieslel absolutions for mOlly, and this is an heresie accursed that is yc1eped simonie .har~ed and all thilke priests tbat axeth price for graunting of spirituali grace, beth l wilh limony.. by boly lawes depriued of tbeir priestbood, wId thilke that assenteth to this heresye. And be they ware, for Helyse tbe prophet toke no mancy of Naaman when he was made c1eane of bis lepre, but Giesi his seruaunt: wId thercfore the lepre of Nanman abode witb him wId with his beires euermore after. Here is much matter of sorowe, to see the people thus far ylad away from God and worshupen a false god in earth, that by migbt and by strength hath ydone away the great sacrifice of God out of hys tempie: of which mischiefe and discomfort, Daniel maketh mention, and Chri.t beareth thereof witnl'SIJC in the gospelI. Whoe that readeth it vnderstand i. Tbus wee haue ytold apertlie, how he that saith he sitteth in Christes stede binemeth' Cnn- his wOl'llhip and his sacrifice of his people and maketh tbe people wOl'llhl'pen hym as a God on earth. Cry we to Gad, and knowledge we OUI sinnes euerichone to ot! er as Seint lames teacheth, and pray we hartilich to Gad euerichone for ot!Hr, and then we shulen hopen forgeuenes of our sinnes. For Gad that is endleose in metry saith, that he ne will not a sinfull mans death, but that he be turued from IhlS sin and liuen. And therefore, when he came dawne to saUl' mankind, he gaue vs a law of loue and of mercie: and bade, gif a man dol' a trespasse, amend him priuilich, and gif he leue not his sinne, amend him before witnesse: and ~if te Ile amendeth not, men should tell to the church; and gif hel' ne amelldcth not than, men shuld shone his compauy as a publicane, ar a man that is misbeleued, and this law was yfigured in the lawe of lepre, who that readeth it, he may see the sooth. Tli. po~c But Lord God, he that sitteth in thy stede, halh vndoe thy lawe of mercy br.nfet r and of loue; Lord, thou biddest louen enemycs as aur sc1f; and thou shewest in ~~~e"::d the gospell, there as the Samaritane had mercy on the lewe. And lhou biddest merey. vs uIso prayen for them that cursen vs, and that defamen vs, and pursucn vs to death. And sa Lorde thou dids, and thine apostles also. But he that clcpeth himselfc thy vicar on earth, and head of thy church, he hatb vndone thy lawe of louc and mercie. }'or gif we speakcn of louing aur enncmies, hec teacheth \"elo fight with aur encmies, tbat Cbrist batb forbodden. Hee cursetb and rlcsireth uengeaunce to tbem that sa dooth to him. Gif anyman pursuetll him hee curseth him, that it is a sorowe achristen man to hcaren tbe cursinge& thst

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OF THE ABUSE8 OF THE WORLD.

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tIley maken, and blasphemies in BUch cursing. Of what thing that I knowe, I Bd"IR,d may bcnrc true witnesse. III. But gif wc spcake of louing of aur brethren, this is vndone by him that lIllith he is Gods ,icar in earth. For Christ in the gospel biddeth vs, that we 1360' shoulden clepen vs no father vpon earth: but clepen Gad onr father, to maken ._ vs lane {l.e~tlich together. And he clepeth himself father of fathera and maketh The dtp8 manyreligions, and to euerich a father. But whether is loue and charity encreased :~~he~ by these fnthers and by their religions, ar eis ymade lesse? Far a friar ne but ho loneth not a monke, ~e .a secular man neither, nor yet one trier another that is :':,i:~:. not of the order, and It IS agaynward. A Lord! me thinketh that there is litle J.>erfectioll in these re~ons. For Lord, what charitie hauen such men of re~on, that knowen how they mowen against and sin, and f1een away fro their brethren that ben more vncunning then they ben, and suffi'en them to trauelen in the world withouten their councel as beastes? Trulich Lord, me thinketh that there is but little charitie, and then is there lide perfection. Lord Gad, when thou were on earth, thou were among sinfull men to drawen them from sin, and thy disciples also. And Lord, I traw thou ne grauntest not one man more cunning then another all for himsclfe: and I wote well that lewd men that ben laborcrs, ne trauell not alonlich for him se1f. Lord aur belief is, that thou ne were not of the warid, To forne thy teaching neither, ne thy seruants that lyueden after thy teaching. But laki th. all they foraaken the world, and sa euerie c1lristen man must. But Lord, :::: ~ I. whether thou tanghtest men forsake their brethrens companie and trauell of the liue iu world, to lyuen in ease and in rest, and out of trouble and anger of the warid, eo from by their brethrens trauell and sa forsaken the world? tompony . A Lord! thou ne taughtest not a man to foraake a pore estate and trauel, to ben afterward a lord of his brethren, ar ben a lorda Cellow and dwelling with lorda, as doth men of these new religions. Lord thou ne taughtest not men of thy religion thus to forsake the world, to lyuen in perfection by them s81fe in eue, and by other mens trauell. But Lord they sayen they ben ybound to thy seruise, and seruen thee both night and day m singing their praiers, both for them selfe and for other men, that dane them good both quick and dead, and some of them gone about to teach thy people when they hauen leisure. A Lord! gif they ben thy seruauntes: whose seruaunts ben we that cannot preyen as they dane? And when thou were here on earth, for aur neede thou taughte_t thy seruants to preyen thy father priulich and shortlich: And gif there had been a better maner of praying, I traw thou wouldest haue taught it in help of thy people. And Lord thou reprouest hypocrits that preyen in long prayer and in open places, to ben yholden holy men. And thou seyst in the gospel, wo to you Pharises hypocntes. And Lord thou ne chargedest not thy scruaunts with slIch maner sernice: Bnt thou seyst in the gospel, that the Pharises worshopen thee with their lippes, and their hart is mrre from thee. For they chargen 1 more mens traditions than thy commaundementes. And Lord, we lewed men han a beleefe, that thy goodnesse is endles: and gif we keepen thine hestes, than ben we thy true seruaunts. And though we preyen thee but a lide and shortlich, thou wilt thinke on vs, and granten vs that vs nedeth, for 80 thou behited I vs somtime: And Lord I traw, that pray a Tru ..,. man neuer sa niany quaint praiers, Il'if he ne keep not thine hests he ne is not thy ulce of good seruaunt. But gif be kepe thine bestes, than he is thy good seruaunt, ~deth and sa me thinketh. Lord that prayeng of longlraiers ne \S not the seruice nut In . that thou desirest, but keeping of thine hestes : an then a lewd man may serue lon gl pra.'Gad as well as a man of religion. And 80 Lord aur hope is that thou wilt as80ne ~::p;~~ In heare a plowmans prayer and he keepe thyne hestes as thou wilt do a mans of G,ad. religion,. I though that the plowman ne may not hane sa much muer for his ~~nd. prayer, as men of religion. For they kunnen not sa well preysen their prayera m.nt. as these other chapmen : But Lord aur hope is, that aur praiers be neuer the worse though it be not 80 well sold as other mens praiers. Lord, Ezechiel the prophet saith that whan he spake to the people thy Singingin worda, they turned thy wordes into 80ngs and into tales: And 80 Lord men eburel.... dane naw: they singin merilich thy worda, and that singing they c1epen thy ~~~;rt service. But Lord I traw that the best singers ne herieth thee not most: But Gad. '"r-

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THE PLOUGHMAN'S COMPLAIST

he that fulfilleth thy words he heryeth l thee ful wel, though he wepe mon then sing. And I trow that weeping for breaking of thy commaundementa, be morc plcasing semicI' to thee, than the Hinging of thy woros. And would God 1360' that men wonId serue him in sorrow for their sinnes, and that they shoulden ___._ afterwaro seruen thee in mirth. For Chst saith, yblessed ben they that muen weet:ng sorrow, for they shouldcn ben yconforted. And wo to them that ben n,erry and haue their comfort in this worlde. And Christ said that the world should aerul~ ioyen, and his seruanta shulden be sory, but their sorrow should be tumed into tbe~ &lng- j oy. ~~~::h. A Lord! be that c1epeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth, hath yordained an order of pestes to dol' thy seruice in church to fore thy lewd people in singing matens, enensong and massI'. And therefore he chargeth lewd men in paine of cursing, to bng to his pests tythinges and offeringes to fin den his pestc, and he c1epeth that Gods part, and due to pestes that seruen him in church. But Lord, in the old law, the tithings of the lewd people nI' wer not duc to priests, but to that other childer of Leuye that serueden thee in the tempIe, and the priest hadden their part of sacfices, and the fint bygetten beastcs and othcr thinges as the lawe telleth. And Lord, S. Paul thy seruaunt saith, that the order of the pcsthood of Aaron ceased in Chstes comming and the lawe of that priesthood. For Christ was end of sacryficesloffered vpon the crosse to the father of heanen, to bring man out of sinne an become himselfe a priest of Melchisedeckes order.. For he was both king and pest without b~ginning and end, and both the pnesthoode of Aaron, and also the law of that pnesthood, ben ychaunged in the comming of Christ. And S. Paul seyth it is reproued, for it brought no man to perfection. For bloud of gotes nI' of other beasts nI' myght done away sinnI', for to that Chst shadde his bloud. Theorder A Lord Jesu, wether thou ordenest an order of pesta to offren in the auter o~ I thy fesh and thy bloud to bngen men out of sinnI', and also out of pcine? ~o~~~e And whether thou geue them alonelych a power to eate thy fesh and thy bloud, o o!fer and wether none other man may eate thy fesh and thy bloud with outen leue o( ~~::~I pestes? Lord, we beleuen, that thy fesh is very meate, and thy bloud very Mnke, and who eteth thy fesh and drinketh tby bloud dwelleth in thee, and thou in him, and who that eateth this bread shallliue without end. But Lord thyne disciples seyde, this is an hard worde, but thou answerest them and sevdest: when ye seeth mans soone stiuen vp there he was rather, the Bpirite is that maketh you liue, the words that ych haue spoken to you ben spirit and Iyfl'. Lord, yblessed mote thou be, for in this word thou teachest vs that he that kepeth thy wordes and doth after them, eateth thy fl'she anil drynketh thy bloud, and hath an euerlasting life in thee. And for we shoulden haue minde of this liuing, thou gauest vs the sacrament of thy fesh and bloud, in forme of bread and winI' at thy supper, before that thou shuldest suffer thy death, and took bread in thine hand, and saydest: takI' ye this, and eate it, for it is my body: and thou tookest wyne, and ble88edst it, and saidest: this is the bloud of a newe and an euerlasting testament, that shall be shed for many men in forgiuenesse of sinnes: as oft as ye done this, dol' ye this in mynde of me. The 0.A Lord! thou nI' bede not thine disciples maken this a sacfice, to bng .ramellt men out of paynes, gif a pest of&ed thy bodie in the auter: but thou bede ~r: or them gOl' and fullen' all the folke in the namI' of the father, and the sonne, theLord and the holy ghost, in forgiueness of their sinnes: and teach ye them to keepe abuled. those thinges that ych haue commaundl'd you. And Lord, thine disciples nI' Prielll ordained not priests lrincipallich to makI' thy bodie in sacrament, but for tl) f,rincipal. teach the people, an good husbandmen that wel gouem their housholdes, Ix,th ;;:~~ lo wiues and children, and their meiny, they ordeind to be pesta to teachen ot:e~ nol.lo ;ay men the law of Christ, both in word, in deede, and they liuedl')'n as true ~al':k Dr chstian men, euery day they eaten Chsts body, and drinkPn his bloud, to thc I~en'x.ordl sustenaunce of liuing of their soules, and other whiles they tooken the sacrahodle. ment of his bodie in forme or bread and wyne, in mind of our lord Jesu eMil. He Ihlt But alllhis is turned vpse dawne: for now who so wi liuen 8Jl thou taughtel!t, ,]X'aketh he shal ben hol den a foole. And gif he spealte thy teaching, he sha ben ~~~linA'. holden an heretike, and accursed. Lord yhaue no lenger won der hereof, for S:l \o hol den they seiden to thee when thou werc here some time. And therefore w~e moten :it~~.ere-, takI' in pacience their words or blasphemie 118 thou didest thy selfe, or else we

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OF TUK ABUSES OF TUK WORLD.

786

weren to b1ame. And troelich Lord Itrowe, tbat if thou were nowe in be Bd_ wurlde, Rnd taughtest lIS thou dyddest some time, thou shuldest ben dane to Ill. death. For thy teacbing is damned for beresie of wise men of the world, and tben moten tbey nedes ben beretikes tbat teachen thy lure, and all they also 1360' tbat trauellen to liue thereafter. And tberefore Lord, gif it be thy will, help thine vnkunning and lewd seruaunts, tbat wolen by their power and their kunning, helpe to destroy sinne. Leue Lord, sith thou madest woman in helpe of man, and in a more frarle dell'l"ee then man ia, to be governed by mans reason: what perfection of cbantie is m tbese priests and in men of religion, that baue forsaken spousbod that tbou ordeynedst in Paradisc betwixt man and woman, for perfection to forsaken traueile, and liuen in ease by other mens traueile? For they mow not doe bodilich workes for defouling of tbeyr handes, wyth wbom they touchen thy precioUB bo?ye in tbe aulter. Leue Lord, gir good men forsaken the companye of woman, and needes they Whalin moten haue the gouernaile of man, tbeu moten tbey ben ycoupled witb shrewes, ci nue - h and therefore thy spoushode that thou madest in clennes from sinne, it is now ~h:n:. y ychaunged into likiug of the flesh. And Lord, this is a great miscbiefe mto ~arled thy people. And yongjriests and men of religion, for default of wiues maken ~~::l~~ many women boren, an drawn through their euel ensample maDy other men . to sin, and the ease tbat tbey liuen in, and their welfare, is a great caUBe of this mischiefe. And'Lord me thinketh, that these ben quaint orders of religion and He.com. none of thy sect, that wolen taken horen, wbilke God forfends, and forsaken ~~a;~:th wiues that God ne forfendeth not. And forsaken trauail that God commands, ldlenes ot and geuen their selfe to idlenes, tbat is th e motber of nil noughtines. prlellel. And Lord, Mary thy blessed mother and Ioseph, touched oftentimes thy body, and wrougbten Wltb their hands, and liuede in as much clenne88C of soule, 118 aur priests dane naw, and touched thy body, and thou touchedst them in their lIoules. And Lord aur hope is, that thou goen not out of a poore mans soule tbat traueileth for bis liuelode with bis hands. For Lorde, aur beliefe is, that trone house is mans soule, that thou madest after tbine owoe likene88C. But Lord Gad, men maketh now great stonen houses full of glasen wiD- Whalla dowes, and clepeth thilke thine houses and churches. And they setten in these lhe l'i:0 t houscs mawmet8 of stoeks and stones, to fore I them they knelen priuilich and ~~':i~t. o apert, and maken their prayen, and all thls they sayen is thy worsbip, and a great herying t to thee. A Lord! thou forbiddeBt sometime to make such mawmets, and who that had yworshipped such, had be worthy to be dead. Lord iD tbe ll'0spel thou sayst, that true heriers t of Gad ne berieth bim not in that bill beslde Samaria, ne in Hierusalem neyther, but true beriers uf God herieth bim in spirite and in trueth. And Lord God what herying is it to bylden thee a church of deed stones, and rabben thy quicke cburches of their bodylich lyueloode? Lord God what herying is it, to cloth mawmettes of stocka He comand of stones in siluer and in gold, and in other good colours? And Lord I p~elh Bee thine image gone in colde and in hete in clothes aU to broken, without imag.. sbone and hosen, an bungred and a thrust. Lord what herying is it to teende churchel. tapers and torches before blinde mawrnets that mowen not I seyen? And bide tbee that art aur light and aur lanteme toward heauen, and put thee vnder a busbell that for darknesse we ne may not scene aur way toward blisse? Lord what heryinge is it to kneele tofore mawmetes that mowe not yheren, and worshepen them with pre'yers, and maken thine quick images knele before them, and asken of them absolutions and blessings, and worshepen them as goo., and putten thy quicke images in thraldom and in traueil euennore as bestes, in cold and in heate, and in feeble fare to finden them in liken of the waride ? Lord what herieng is it to fetch deed mens bones out of the ground there as they shoulden kindelich rotten, and shrinen them in golde and in siluer: and suf&en the quicke bones of thine images to rot in priBon for default of clotbings? And suffren also thy quicke imageB to ierish for default of 8U8tenance, and rooten in the boorehouse in abbominable echerie? Same become theeues and robbers, and manquellers that migbten ben ybolpen with the gold and siluer that hongeth about deed mens bones and other blind mawmets of stocks and stones. Lord here ben great abhomillatiolls that thou Bhewdist to Ezechiel thy

AD

In

(I) .. To Core," lhatla, hetaro.

(2) .. Heryjng," wonhlpping. .(8) .. Herlon," wonhippen.

736
Bd"""d

THE PLOUGHMAN'S COMPLAINT

propbet, tbatl.riests done in thy tempie, and yet they elepen tbat tbtnP. heryen~. But leue Lor , me thinketh tbat tbey louen thee litle that thus defoulen thy quick images, and wursltippen blinde mawmets. 1360' And Lord anutber great miachief there is now in tbe world, an hunger that - - ' - Am08 tity prophet speaketh of, that there shall comen an hunger in the enrth. ~o rom not of bre:ul. ,le thrust of drink, but of hearing of God's worde. And tb, h ~r~~: sheepe woulden be refreshed, but tbeir shepheardes taken of tby shepe the& P&lto~. liuelode, as tythings, &1.'. and liuen tbemselfe thereby where them liketh. ~~.:~;~o Of such shepheards tltou speaketb by Ezechial tlty prophet and seist: wo tlocke, to the shepheards of Israel that feden tbemself, for tlte fioch uf sbeepe shoulden hut fh'do be yfed of their shepheards: but ye eaten the milkI.' and elotben you with tlleir noll em. wolle, and the fat sbeep ye slow, and my flock ye nI.' fede not, tbe mcke sheep ye nI.' healed not, thilk that weren to broken ye ne knit not together, thilke tbat periBhed ye nI.' brought not againe: but ye ratled tbem witb sternship and witb power. And 80 tbe sheepe be sprad abroad in deuouring of all tlle bea"ts of"tbe field. And Ieremie the prophet saytb: wo to the shepheards tbat dispearseth abroad and teareth tbe flocke of my lesew. 1 A Lord, thou were a good shepheard, for thou puttest thy soule for thy sheep : but Lord tbou teldest that tbilk tbat come not in by tbe dore ben night tlleeues and day tbeeues, and a thefe as tbou seeat commetb not but for to ateale, to slein. and to deatroy. And ZachariI.' tbe prophet saitb, tbat tbou wouldest rerren 'll a shepheard vnkunning, that nI.' wol not hele thy sbeep that beth' sick, IW seeke thilke that betb 10s1. Vpon his arrne is a swerd, and vpon his right eye : his arrne sha! waxe dry, and bis rigbt eye shal lese his ligh1. O Lord, help. for tby shepe beth at great rniscbife in the sbepheards defaute. ARain.t But Lord, there commeth hired men, and tbey nI.' feden not thy sheep in hlrelingll. tlty plenteous lesew, but feeden thy sheepe with sweuens' and false miracll'S and tales. But at tby trewth tbey nI.' comen not: For Lord, I trow thou sendest them neuer. For haue tbey hire of tby aheepe tbey nI.' caretb but little of the feding and the kepiog of tlty shepe. Lord of tlteae hired men apeaketh Ierernie the prophet, and thou seyst that worde by him. I nI.' seod them not, and they ronne bliuc:' I nI.' speake voto them, and they prophcciden. For if they hadden stonden in my counsell, and tbey had made my wordes knowen to tbe pupie, ech 'll'ould baue turned tbem away from tbeir yuell way and from tbeir wicked thougbts. For Lord, tbou seyst that thy words ben as fire, and as an harnmer breakio~ stonea. And Lord, tbou saist: Lo I to these prophets meeting sweuena of lestn~, that haue ytold her sweueos, and haue begyled my pupie in tbeir lesing and m their false rniraclea, when I neither seot nI.' bede them. And these baue profitet nothing to my pupie. Aod as Ieremie saith, from tbe lest to tbe mestl alI tbey studien couetise, and from the propbet to tbe priest, all tbey done gyle. Popi.h A Lord! here is mucb mischiefe and matere of sorow, and yet tbere is more. priellel For gif a lewd ma wold teacb thy people trewtb of tlty worda as he ia y bold neither by tby eommandement of ebarity, he shal be forboden and put in prison gif he t..-ach them do it. And 80 Lord, thilke tbat haue tbe. key of conning, haue y lockt the aelues. nor will trewth of thy teaching voder many wardes, and ybid it from tlty children. lufft"r But Lorde, sith thy teacbing is ycome from heauen aboue, our bopc is, that othcra with tity grace it ahall breaken tbeae wardes, and show him to thy pupie, to be.lde. kele botb the hunger and the tbrust of the soule. And tlten shall no shepthemi'Clues to beard, ner no falae hiridman begile thy pupie 00 more. For by thy lawe I leach. write, as thou ihightest' 8Ometime, that fro the leat to the mest, all they shullen knowen thy will, and weten' how tbey shullen pleaae tbee cuer more in certaine. A!ld leue Lord, gir it be tby will belpe at this ?ede, for ther~ is ~one hel~e but m tltee. Thus Lord, by hym that maketb himselfe thy Vlker ID earth, lS thy eommaundement of loue to thee and our brethren ybrokeo, botb to him and to thy pupie. But Lord God, mcrcyand pntience that bcth tweyne l of thy commaundements, beth destroyed, and thy pupie hatb furwe mercy. For Lord, Dauid in the Sauter saith: Blesaed beth they that done dome and rightfu1ness in euerich tyme.

""A'"D"

III.

(1) Sh
A,'IN"dir.

II II II

LeleW," that il, paature.

(;l)
~l

II If II

(ot) (7)

Hliuc," quickJy. Ween," know.

(K)

Deth," that is, bee. (3) Mest:' mOlt. (6) TWt'yne," that II, two.

II

Sweuens," that U, dreamn.. IhightcltJ " promiscdAt.

Ol!' THE ABUSES OF THJo: WORI.D.

737

o Lord, thou hast itaught ~ as rightfulnes of heauen, and hast ybeden VI BdlDartl forgeuen our brethren as oft as they trespassen against vs. And Lord, thine olde III. law of iustice was, that such hanne as a man did his brother, such he should Buffer by the lawe, as eye for an eye, and tooth for a tooth. But Chst made 1360' an ende of this law, that one brother should not desire wracke of an other: but ._ not that he would that sinne should ben vnpunished, for thereto hath he ardained kings and dukes and other lewd officers vnder them, whilke as Saint Pawe saith, ne caen not the swerd in vaine, for they ben the ministers of God, and wrakers to wrath, to them that eui! dane. And thus hath Chst ymade an ende of this olde law, that one brother may not suen another himselfe, for that 1 to wreken without sinne, for breaking of chatie. But this charitie Lord hath thy vicar ybroke, and says that we sinnen, but gif we suen for aur gh And we see I wat that thou taughtest vs some time to giue aur manwll also, euer that we shoulden suen for aur coate. And 80 Lord beleuen we, that we b"en ybounden to don by thy law, that is all chatie, and offieers duty is to defenden vs from thilke theuery though we complainen not. But Lord, thv law is turned vpsedowne. A Lord! what dome is it to slean a theefe that take a mans cattel away from He com him, and sufferen a spousebreaker to liue, and alecheraur that killeth a womans f:rl;~~h 80ule? And yet thy law stoned the spousebreakers and leachours, and let the nlshing theeues liuen and haue other punishment. . lilie A Lord! what dome is it to slean a thefe for stealing of a horse and to lefhim ~':t\'o lei liue vnpunished, and..to maintaine bim that robbeth thy poore people of their grea! liuelod, and the soule of his food 1 raulte. Lord, it was neuer thy dome to I!&yen, that a man is an heretike and cursed ;;~pe~ for breaking of mans law, and demen bim for a good man for breaking thine an herihestes. tlke Ihal Lord, what dome is it to curse a lewd man t if he smite a prietlt, and not curse ~::~:~ a priest that smitetll a lewde man and leeseth his chatie. what ls ' Lord, what dome is it to curse the lewd people for tythings, and not curse :~:tope the parson that robbeth the people of tythmgs, and teacheth them not Gods hreakelh law, but feedeth them with painlng of atone walles, and songes of Latin that God. the people knowen not 1 . lawe I Lord, what dome is to punish the poore man for bis trespasse, and suffer the rich to continue in bis sinne for a quantitie of money 1 Lord, what dome is it to slayn an vncunning lewed man for his sinne, and suffer a priest, other a clearke that doth the same sin, scape aliue? Lord the sinne of the pest ar of the clearke is greater trespasse then it is of a lewd vncunning man, and greater ensample of wickednesse to the common people. Lord, what maner people be we, that neither keep thy domes and tity rightfulnes of the olde testament that was a lawe of drede, nor thy domes and thy rightfulnes of thy new testament that is a law of loue and of mercy: but haue A.,.'n.t an other law, and taken out of both thy lawes that is liking to vs, and the rem- ::e canon nant of heathen mens lawes, and Lord tbis is a great mischiefe. w. O Lord thou sayest in thy lawe, deme ye not and ye should not be demen: for the same mesure that yee meten to other men, men shall meten to you againeward. And Lord thou sayst that by their worke we should know them. And by that we know that thou commaunded vs not to demen mens thoughts, nor their works, that were not against thy lawe expretlly. And yet Lord he Thepope. that sayth he is thy vicar, will demen our thoughts and aske vs what we thinke : lawe not of the Lord, of thy hestes, far they caren little for them, but of bim and of ~ad~sl his whilke they set aboue thine, and maken vs accusen our selfe, or else they la,. In willen accursen vs, for our accusers mowen 3 we not knowne. And Lord thou "'Wll~or saydest in thine old law, that vnder twa witnes at the least ar three, should stand ::~.o euery matter. And that the witnea shoulden euer be the first that shouldcn them helpe to kil them. .elu... And when the Scbes and the Pharises same tyme brought before thee a woman that was ytake in spousebreaking, and axeden of the adome, thou didst wte on the earth, and then thou gaue tbis dome : He that is \\;thoul sinne, tbrow first at her a stone, and Lord they went forth away from thee and the woman: and thou forgaue the woroan her trespasse, and bad her goe forth and &inne no more..

AD

(I) .. For that, but. VOL. lI.

(2) " A Jewd m.n, a lay maD.

SB

(a) " Mowen," _y.

788

THE PLOUGHMAN'S COMPJ.AINT

Sweet Lorde, if the priestes tooke keepe 1 to thy dome, they would be agut O Lord, if one of them breake a commaundement of thy law, he will l1llke mercy of thee, and not a peine that is due for the 1360' sinne, for peyne of death were too lide. O Lord, how daren they demen any _ _._ man to the death for breaking of their lawea, other l1ll8ent to lIUch law? for Th. breaking of thy law they will set men penaunce or pardon them, and mantaine bm"klng them l1ll often as they trespl1llsen. But Lord, if a man once breake their lawea ~~: or speake against them, hee may done penaunce but once, and after be bumt. l.w~mora Trulych Lord thou sayst, but if euerie of vs forgeue not other his trespllS8e, thy f~n"ihed. father will not forgeuen vs our sins. And Lord when thou hong on the cI'Olle, br:~ln~ thou praiedst to th! father to haue mercie on thy enemyes. Dr God. And yet they sam Lord, that they demen no man to the death, for they sain law.. they ne mowen by their lawe demen any man to tbe death. A leeue Lord! euen so saden their forfathers the Pharises, that it ne was not lawfu11 far them to kill anie man. And yet tbey bidden Pilate to done thee to the death againat his owne conscience, for hee would gladly baue iquitte tbee, but Cor that tbey tbreatned him with tbe emperour and broughten agWnst thee false witnes also. And be was an heathen man. O Lord, how much truer dome was there in Pilate that was an beathen iustice, then in our kings and iustices that woulden demen to the death and beme in the fire him, that the priests deliueren voto them withouten witnes or prefe! For Pilate ne would not demen thee: for that the Phariseis sayden that gif thou ne haddest not bene a misdoer we ne would not deliuer him voto thee : for to, they broughten in their false witnesses against thee. But Lord, l1ll thou saidest sometime that it should ben lighter at domes day to Tym and to Sydon and Gomorra, than to the cities where thou wrought wonders and myracles: so PUal. I dred, it shall be more light to Pilate in the dome, then to our kinga and domes mora men that 80 demen without witnes and prefe. For Lord to demen thy folk for com m.nded hereticks: is to holden thee au hereticke: and to brennen them, is to brennen th.n th. thee, for thou saydest to Paul when he persecuted thy people: Saule, Saule, popo. wherefore persecutest thou me, and in the dome thou ahalt say, that ye haue done to tbe lest of mine, ye haue done to me. Thus Lord, is thy mercy and iustice foredone by him that sayth he u thy vicar in eartb: for he neither keepeth it himself, nor nill not su1fer other to doe i The third commaundement, that is patience and sufferance is also ibroken by this vicar. Lord thou biddest sufferen botb wronga and strokes withouten agail18tanding, and so thou diddest thy selfe to geuen vs ensample to su1feren of our brethren. For suffering nourisheth loue, and againstandeth debate. Ali tby lawe is loue, or eis the thing that draweth to loue. ..,.,.,."du. But Lord, men teachen, that men shoulden pleten for their right and fighten also therefore, and eIs they seyn, men ben in perill: and thou bid in the old law men fight for their countrey. And thy selfe haddest two svrords in thy company when tbou shouldest go to thy passion, that as these clerkes seyn, betokeneth a spirituall sword and a temporall sword, that thou gaue to thy vicar to rule with, thy churcb. Lord this is a sleight sJ?Cech, but Lord we beleuen that thou ort king of blisse, and that is thine hentag"e and mankindes countrey, and in thu world we ne bene but straungers and pugrimes. For thou Lord ne ort of this world, ne tby lawe neither, ne tby true seruants that kepen thy law. And Lord, thou were king of Iuda by inheritage if thou wouldest haue ihad i, but thou forsooke it and pletedest not therefore, ne fought not therefore. But Lord, for thy kind heretage and mankindes countrey, that u a land of blisse, thou fougbtest mightilic:h: In battaile thou ouercame thy enemie, and so tbou wonne thine heretage. For thou that were a Lord mightiest in battail, and also Lord of vertues, are rightfullich king of blisse, as Dauid saieth in the Psalter. But Lord, thine enemie smote the despiteful1ich, and had power oC thee and hang thee vpon the cr08se as thou hadat ben a theefe, and benomyn thee all thy clothes, and sticked thee to the hart with o speare. r..~rct; O Lord, this was an hard assault of a battaile, and here thou ouercome by rall.nce. pacience mightilich tbine enemica, for thou ne wouldest not done against the

AD

Bd"'IJrd III.

to demen men as they done.

(I) "Took. k.ape, that 11, tooke beede.

(2) " For to,' thal la, th.relorv.

OF THE ABU8ES OF THE WORLD.

759

wi of thy father. And thus Lord thou taughtest thy seruantes to fight for their Ed".~rJ country. And Lord this fighting was in figure itaught in the olde law. But III. Lord men holden now the shadow of the old fighting and leuen the light of thy fighting, that thou taughtest openlich both in word and in deede. 1360 Lord thQU gave vs a sword to fighten against our enemis for our country, _ _._ that was thine holy teaching, and christen mens law. But Lord thy sword is put in a shethe and in priestes waM, that haue forsake the fighting that thou taughtest. For as they seyn it is against their order to ben men of armes in thy battail, for it is VIlsemelich, as they seyn, that thy vicar in earth, other his pnests shulden sulrer of other men. And therefore gir any man smyte him, ChrIat..' other any of his clerkes, he ne taketh it not in pacience, but anon he smiteth vlcar with his sword of cursing, and afterward with h18 bodilich sword, he doth them ~rl~a~~ to death. O Lord me thinketh that tOO ia a fighting agamst kinde, and much wUlauft'er against thy teaching. nothlni, O Lord whether axsedcst thou after swerdes in time of thy passion to againe stond thine enemies 1 nay forsooth thou Lorde. For Peter that smote for great loue of thee, had no great thanke of thee, for his smiting. And Lorde thou were mightie ynough to haue again stond tbine enemies, for throgh thy looking they fellen downe to the ground, Lord yblessed mote thou be. Here thou teachest vs that we shoulden suffren: For thou were mightie ynow to haue agaynstande thine enemies, and thou haddest wepen, and thy men weren hartie to haue smitten. O sweet Lord, how may he for sbame elepen bim selfe thy vicar and head of the chureh, that may not for shame sulrerl Sithe thou an a Lord, and sulreredst of thy subjects, to giuen UB ensample, and BO did thy true seruantes. O Lord, whether geue thou to Peter a spirituall swerd to cursse and a tem- No temporal swerd to sle mens bodies 1 Lord I trowe not, for then Peter that loued porali thee so much, wold haue &mit with thy swerds: but Lord, he taught vs to a:~;~ to blessen them that cursen vs, and su1&en, and not smiten. And Lord he fed thy ~eler, people 88 thou bed him, and therefore he suffred the death as thou didat. O Lord, why c1epeth any man bim Petera successor that hath foraaken patienee, and feedet.h thy people with eursing and with smitingl Lord thou saydest in thy gospell, when thy disciples knewen well that thou were Christ, and that thou mustest goe to Ierusalem, and su1feren of the Scribll8 and Phari&eS, spittings, reprofes, and wo the death. And Peter tooke thee aside, and saide, God forbidde that. And Lord thou saydest to Peter, goe behinde me Sathanas, thou sclaunderest me in Israel. For thou ne sauorest not thilke things l that ben of God, but thilke that ben of men. Lord to mens wit it ia vnreaBOnable, that thou or thy viear, gif thou madest any on earth, shoulden suffren of your su~getes. A LordT whether thou ordeynest an order of fightera to tum men to the Fallh beliefe? Other ordeinest that knigbtes shoulden sweare to fight for thy wordes 1 com;:,elh A Lord! whether bcde thou, that gir a man turne to the faith that he should :~:W!1'I1 gelle his goods and eattel to thy vicar that hatb great lordsbips, and more then force. bim needeth? Lord I wote well that in the beginning of the cburcb men that weren eonuerted, threwen adown their goods afore the apostles feet j for al they weren in charitie, and none of them said this is mine, ne Peter made himselfe no lord of these goods. But Lord, now he that clepeth himselfe thy viear vpon earth, and sueeeBBor to Pope Peter, hath y.roke thy commaundment of charitie, for he is become a lorde. breateth And hee hath also broken thy commaundement ofmerey, and aIao ofpatienee. l~e ~~~_ Thus Lord we be fallen into great misehiefe and tltraldome, for our ebief- ~Ie~ of tayne. hath forsaken war and arme&, and hatb treated to haue peace with our ="!r' enemles. paUence. A Lord I gir it be thy wil, draw out thy swerd out of his shethe, that thy seruants may fight therewith against their enemies, and put eowardise out of our harJl: and comfort us in battail, or than J thou eome with thy Bwerd in thy mouth, to take vengeance on thyne enemies. For gir we bene aceorded with our enemies tU that time come, it is dread least thou take vengeaunee both Of them and of vs to~ether. A Lorde! there is no helpe now in this great miacbiefc, but onelych m thee. J..ord, thou geuest vs a commandement of truth, in bidding VII say yell yea,

AD

(I) .. Thilk thlnp,' tli... thinges.

(2) .. Or than," beforc lhaL

8B!t

740
Jrd_rd

THE PI,OU'GHMAN'S COMPLAINT

nay nay, and sweare for nolhing. Thou geue vs also a maundement of meekenes, and anotber of poorenes. But Lord be that clepetb bimselfe thy vicar on eartb, batb ybroken both these commandments, for he maketh a law to compel 1360' men to sweare, and by his lawes he teacheth that a man to saue his life, may forsweare and Iye. And so Lord, tbrougb comfort of him and his lawes, the Tbe Pope people ne dreadeth not to sweare and to Iye, ne oft times to forswearen them. breaketb Lord here is Iyttle truth. ~~e:;n~~ O Lord, thou hast ybrougbt vs to a liuing of soules that standes in beleeuing in thee, and kcpyng thy hestes, and when we breaken thyne hestes, then we slen our soule: and lesse hanne it were to suffer hodilich death. Lord, king Saule brake tbine hestes, and thou took his kingdome erom his bcires euermore after bim, and gaue it to Dauid tby seruaunt, tbat kept thine hestes. And tbou saydst by Samuell tby prophet to Saule tbe king, that it is a maner of worsbipping of false gods to breake thy hestes. For who that loueth thce ouer al things, and dreacletb tbee also: hee nole I for nothing break thine bestes. O Lord, gif breaking of thine bestes be berying of fwe ~ I trow that be that mllketb the people breakc thine bestes, and commaundeih that bis bestes bcn kept of the people, maketh himself a fwe gad on earth: as Nabucbodonosor did sometime: that was king of Babilon. But Lord, we forsaken such false gods, and beleuen tbat ther ne ben no mo gods tben thou: and though tllOU suffer vs a wbile to bene in disease for knowledging of thee: we thanken thee witb aur hart, for it is a token that thou louest vs, to giuen vs in tms world some penaunce for our trespas. Lord, in tbe old law, tby true seruantes tooke the deatb, for they would not eaten swynes f1esb that thou haddest forbidde tbem to eate. O Lord, what trutb is in vs to eaten vncleen mete of the soul, tbat thou hast forbid ? Lord thou says1, be that dotb sinne is seruant of sinne, and then be that Iyeth in fOl'llwearing bim selfe, is seruant of lesing: and then he is seruant to the deuil, tbat is a lyer and fatber of lesinges. And Lorde thou sayest, no man maY!lerue two lords at ones. O Lord tben euery Iyer for tbe time that he Iyeth, other forsweareth him selfe, and forsaketh tby seruicc for drede of his bodily death, becommetb the deuils seruan 8eruant O Lord, what truetll is in bim that clepeth himselfe seruant of thy seruants, ~~-th and in his doing, bee maketh bim a lord of thy seruants: Lord, thou were hath popel' e Lord and maister, and BO thou said thy selfe, but yet in thy warkes thou were Itlle as a seruaunt. Lord tbis was a great truetll and a great meemea: but Lord Ilbuled. bid tbou thy seruauntes that tbey shoulde not haue lordship ouer their brethren ? Lord tbou saidst kinl;\'S of tbe beathen men ban lordship ouer their subiects, and they that vse thelr power be cleped well doers. But Lord, thou saidst it should not be BO amongest thy seruaunt&. But he that were most should be as a seruaun Thou Lord, thou taughtest thy dil ciples to be meeke. Lord in the old law tby seruaunts durat haue no lordship of theyr bretbren, but if that thou bid them. And yet they sboulde uot doe to their brethren as they did to thrailea I that serued them. But they should doe to their brethren that were their seruauntes as to their owoe brethren. For all they were Abrahams children. And at a certaine time they shoulde let their brethrcn passe from them, in all freedom, but if they would wilfullich abiden still in seruice. O Lord thou gaue vs in thy comming a law of' peect loue, and in taken oC lone thou clepedst thy selfe our brother. And to make vs perfect in loue, thou bid that we should clepe to Y8 no father vpon earth, but thy father of heauen wee should clepe our father. Alas Lord, how violently our brethren and thy children ben now put in hodily thraldom, and in despite as beasts euermore in greeuous trsuell to /ind proud men in ease: But Lord, if we take this derowe and this disease in patience and in meekenes and kepe thine hests, we hope ta be free. And Lord geue our brethren grace to come out of tbraldom of sin, that they be falI in through the desiring and vsage of lordship vpon their brethren. PrId. ~t And Lord thy priests in the old law had no lordships among their bretbren, prielll, but houscs and pastures for their beasu: but Lord, our priests now haue grent lordships, and put their bretbren in grellter thraldom then lewd men that be lonls. Thus is meekenesse forsaken.

AD
___ o

III.

(I) .. Nole," would not.

(2) .. ThraiJeI,' tlIat la to

sar. bondmen.

OF TlIJ> ABUSES OIo' THE WOllLD.

741

Lord thou biddest in the gospel that when a man is bid to the feast he Bd_,a should sit in the lowest place, and then he may be set hyer with worship when JlI. the lord of the feast beholdeth how.his guests sitteth. Lord it is drede that tney that sit now in the highest place sbould be bidde, in time comming, sit beneath: 1360' and that will be shame and vilenie for them. And it is thy saying, those that hyeth himselfe should be lowed, and th08e that lowetb themselues should be an heyghed. O Lord thou biddest in thy gospel to beware of the Pharisies, for it is a point of pride contrary to mekenes. And Lord thou sayat that they loue the first sittinges at supper, and also the principall chaires in churches, and greetings in cheping and to be cleped ,maisters of men. And Lord thou sayst be ye not cIeped maisters, for one is your maister, and that is Christ, and aIl ye be brethren. And clepe ye to you no father vpon earth, for one is your father that is in heauen. O Lord this is a blessetl lesson to teach men to be meke. But Lord he that clepeth himselfe thy vikar on earth, he clepeth himselfe Meekn.. lather of fathers against thy forbidding. And all ~hose WOrshlpS thou hast ~~ded forbad. He a:pproueth them, and maketh them m81sters to mimy, that teach in minesthy people thell' own teaching, and leaue thy teaching that is nedefull, and ~~s. i hiden it by quaint gloses from thy lewd people, and feede thy people with e:~ n~t sweuens1 that they mete, and tales that doth litle profite, but much harnle to the loBerable people. But Lord, these glosers obiect that they desire not the state of mastry in th. to be worshipped therby, but to profit the more to thy people when they preach pope thy word. For as they seggen the people will beleue more the preaching of a maister that hath taken a state of schole, then the preaching of another man that hath not taken the state of maiatry. Lord whether it be any nede that maisters beren witnesse' to thy teaching that it is true and good? O Lord whether may any maister now by his estate of maisterie, that thou hast forboden, drawe any man from his sinne, rather than an other man that is not a maister, ne wole be none, for it is forbodden ~im in thy gospel? Lord thou sendest to maysters to prcach thy people, and thou knowledgtst in the gospel to thy father that he hath hid his wisedome from wise men and redy men, and shewpd it to lide children. And Lord, maisters of the law hylden thy teaching folly, and saiden that thou wouldest destroy the people with thy teaching. Trulich Lord, so these maisters seggeth now: Muter-. for they haue written many books against thy teaching that is trueth, and 80 ~hlS ~d the prophecie of Hieremie is t\t1filled, when he saith : Truelich the fulse points of i~rp:..':h . the m81sters of the law hath wrought lesing. And now is the time come that era. S. Paul speaketh of, where hee saith: Time shall come when men shall not susteine wholesome teuching. But they shullen gather to hepe maisters with hutching eares, and from trueth they shullen turnen away their bearing, and turnen tbem to tales that maisters haue maked to showne tbeir maistrye and their wisedome. And Lord a man sball beleue more a m8l18 workes then his words, and the dede shewetb well of these maisters- that they desiren more maistrie for thcir owne worship tban for profite of the people. For when they be maisters, tbey ne prechen not so oft as they did before. And gir they preachen, commonlich it is before rich men there as they mowen beare worship and also profit of their preaching. But before poore men they prechen but seldem, when they ben maisters: and so by their works we may seene that they ben false glosers. And Lord, me thinketh that who so wole keepen thine hests him needeth no gloses: but thilke that clepen them selfe christen men, and lyuen against thy teaching and thine hestes needelich they mate ~lose thine hestes after their Faloe liuing, other else men sbulden openlich yknow thelr hypocrisie and their falshod. &101en. But Lord, thou sayst that there is nothing yhid that shal not be shewed BOme time. And Lord yblessed mate thou be. For somewhat thou shewest V8 naw of aur miscbiefes that we ben falI en in through the wisedomes of may&tera, that baue by sleightes ylad vs away from thee and thy teaching, that tbou that were the maister of heauen taught vs for loue, when thou were here same time to heale of aur soules, withouten error ar heresie. But maisters of worldes wisedome and their faunder, haue ydamned it for heresie and for errour. O Lord, me thinketh it is a great pride thus to reproue thy wisedome and thy teaching. And Lord me thinketh that tbis Nabugodonoaor king of Babilon that thus hath reproued thy leaching and thine hests, und comm811deth 011
o

AD

(1)

Sweucn.," that iB, dreamcI.

TIlE PLOUGHMAN'S COMPLAINT

all wise to kepen his hesta: maken thy people hearen him as a Gad on earth, and maketh them his thrales and his seruantes. But Lord, we lewd men knowen no God but thee, and we with tbine helpe 1360' and thy grace furmen Nabugodonosor and his lawes. For he in his proud - ' - - ' estate wole haue al men vnder him, and he nele 1 be vnder no man. He ondoth thy lawes that thou ordaynest to ben kept, and maketh his own lawes as him liketh: and so he maketh him king aboue al other kin~ of the earth, and maketh men to worsbippen bim as a god, and thy great sacrifice he hath ydone away. O Lord, here is thy commaundment of meekenes, miachi1ich to brake: and thy blessed commaundement of poorenes is also to broken, and yhid &om thy Pouertle people. Lord, Zacharie thy prophet saith, that thou that shouldest ben Ollr oC Cbrlat king, shouldest bene a J?O?re man, and 80 thou were: for thou saydest thy selfe, not rolow_d. Foxes haue dens, and birdes of heauen nestes, and mans sonne hath not where to legge his head on. And thou saydest yble88ed ben poore men in spirit, for thy kingdome of heauen is theiren. And woe to riche men, fur they han their Cou.tiu. comfort in this world. And thou bade thy disciples to ben WBre of all couetise, for thou saydest, in the abundanee of a mans hauing, ne is not bis lifelode. And sa thou teachest that thilke that han more then them needeth to their liuing liuen in couetise. Also thou Baiest, but fCif a man forsake al thinges tbat he oweth, he ne may not ben thy disciple. Lord, thou sayest also that thy word that is sown in rich mens harts, bringeth forth no fruit: for riches and the businesse of this world muen it withouten fruit. O Lord, here bene many blessed teachinges to teaclt men to bene pore, and loue porenesse. But Lord harm is, poore men alld poorenes ben yhated, and Pouertle rich men ben yloved and honored. And gif a man be a poore man, men counl.d holden him a man without cFiace, and gif a man desireth poorenCllse, men rolly. holden bim but a foole. An if a man be a rich man, men clepen him a gratious man, and thilke that bene busy in getting of riches: ben yhold wise men nnd ready: but Lord these rich men sayen that it is both leful and needful to them to gather richesse togither. For they ne gathereth it for themselfe, but for other men that ben needy, and Lord their workes shewen the truth. For if a poore needy man would borowen of their riches, he nele 2 lean him none of his good, but fCif he mow be seker to haue it again by a certeine day. But Lord, tbou bede thnt a ml1Il should lend, and not hoping yeldin~ agaille of him that hee lendeth to: and thy father of heauen wal quite bim h18 mede. And gif a poore aske a rich man any good, the rich man will giue bim but a litle, and yet it shall be little worth. And Lord me thinketh that here is little loue and charitie, both to God and to Dur brethren. For Lord, thou teacheBt in thy gospell, that what men doe to thy seruauntea, God l. they dane to thee. A Lord! gif a pooremall nxe good for thy loue, men geueth :L~~~r~~. him alitle of the wurst. For these rich men ordeinen both bread and ale for Gods men of the wurst tllat they haue. O Lord, syth al the good that men have commeth of thee : how dare any man geue tllee ot' tlle wurat, and kepe to himselli! the best? Howe may sllch men say that they gatheren riches for othel'll need, as wel as himselfe, sith theyr works ben contrary to their words? And that is no great truth. And be ye seker these JtOOds that rich men han, they ben Gods goods, ytake to your keeping, to lokenaw ye wolen be setten them to the worsbipping of God. And Lord, thou sayest in the gospel, that who so is true in little, he is true in that thing tllat is more: and who tllat is false in a A ICIO~n Httle iliing, who wole taken bim toward things of a greater value ? And there~hr tt\e fore, be ye ware that han Gods goods to keepe. Spend )'ee tllUke trulich to ~d' ::li the wcrship of God, least ye leesen the blisse of heauen, for the mtrue dis'0 'I,end pending of Gods lioods in this worid. holll. O Lord, these nch men Beggen" that they don much for thy loue. For many poore labourers ben yfound by th('m, that should'1I fare febelich, ne were not they and their readinesse: forsooth me thinketh that poor labourers geueth to these rich men, mOf~ then thcy giuen them ngaynward. For the poore men mote ~one to hislabaur in cold and in h('ate, in wete and dry, and spend his Resh and lus bloud in the rich mens worka, '"pon Gods ground, to find the riclt man in ease, and in liking, and in good fare of meale, and of drink, and of clothing. Heere is a great gift of the poore man, for he giueth his owne body. Bllt what giueth the f)'che man him agaynward? C('rt('s feable m('at, alld feoble drink,

AD

BdftHJ,d III.

(I)

'Kel_," thatls, "III not.

(2)

Ibid.

(3) ..

Sel!gen," tha! is, do "y.

OF THE ABUSES 01<' THE WORl.D.

and feable clothing. Whateuer they seggen, BUch be their werks, and bere is Edward lide loue. And whosoeuer looketh wel! about, all tbe warIde fareth tbus as we III. seggen. And al! men studieth on euery syde, baw tbey may wex rich men. And euerich man almost is a shamed to ben bolden a poore man. 1360' And Lord, I traw for thou were a poore man, men token lide regarde to thee, and to thy teaching. But Lord thou came to geue vs a new testament of loue, and therefore it was semelich that thou came in poorenes, to proue who wold loue thee, and kepen thyne hesta. For gif thou haddest ycome in forme The po_ of a rich man and of a lord, men wold Tatber for thy dread then for thy loue, c~rl.Y of haue ykept thine hesta. And sa Lord naw thou might wel ysee which louen rl~~:I~ thee as they should in keeping thine hestes. For who that Ioueth thee in thy COli&!poorenes and in thy lownes, needes be mate loue thee in thy lordship and dered. thy highnesae. But Lord, the warIde is turned vpse dawne, and men loue poore men but a litle ne poorenes neither. But men be ashamed of poorenes, and therefore Lord, I trow that tbou art a poore kyng. And therefllre I trow that be tbat A poore clepeth bimself thy vicare on earth, hath forsaken poorenes, as he hath do the king, and remnaunt of thy law: and is become a rich man and a lord, and maketh his ~i~~~~~w treasure vpon the earth that thou forbiddest in the gospel. And for his right loyn~ and riches be will plete, and figbt, and curse. And yet Lord, be will segge :he.et'~ that hee forsaketh all thyngs that he.oweth, as thy trae discipie metc dane after ogel er. thy teaching in tbe gospel. But Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken his goods and plete for tbem, Chril a and figbt, and curse. And Lord hee taketh on himlower to assoyle a man of ~.~:unl all maner things, but if it be of dette. Truely Lor , me tbinketh he knoweth earth' litle of charitie. For who that betb in charitie, possesseth thy goodes in t1\" ,;;,pe common and not in proper at his neighbours nede. And then shall there nonc ~or . oC them segge this is myne, but it is goods that God graunteth to vs to spenden it for ehrope to his worship. And so if anie of tbem borroweth a llOrcion of those goods, and righl and dispendetb tbem to Gods worsbip: God is apayed of this spending, and aloweth ~I:ie. him for bis trtJe doing: And if Gad is a payed of that dispending tbat is tbe princi- plead, pal lord ofthose goods, how dare any of hIS seruants axen thereof accounts, other figb! and challenge it for dette? Serten, of one tbing I am incerteine, that these that cune. charge sa much dette of worldly cattell, they know li tle of Christeslaw of charitie. For if Ich am a bayly of Gods goodes in the worId, if I see my brotherin nede, I am hold by charity to part with bim of tbese goodes to biS nede: and if he spendeth them well to tbe worship of God, I mate be well apayd as thougb I my selfe bad spended tbem to tbe worship of Gad. And if the principalI Lord is well fayed of my brothers doing, and the dispendyng of his goodes: how may segge jor shame that my brother is dettour to me, of the goodes that I tooke him to spende in Gods wOIship at his nede? And if Proprl my brothcr spendeth amisse the goodes that I take him, I am discharged of my :~~~~ deliuerance of the goodes, if I take him in cbarity thilk goodes at bis nede. And here, \o I am hold to be sorie of his euill dispending, ne I may not axen the goodes, nol laken that I tooke him to bis nede in forme of dette, for at his neede tey were bis ~h:Jil~UI as wel! as mine. And thus is my brother yholde to done to me gif he see me I. ~in nede, and gif we bene in charitie, lide should we cbargen of dette. And ~~i~e~~o ne we shold not axen sa dettes, as men tbat knowen not God. And than we neede of be poore in forsaking al! thinges that we owen: for gif we ben in charitie, we our wonen nother fight nor curse, ne plete for aur goods with aur brethren. ::::~~O Lord thus thou taughtest thy seruauntes to lynen. And 80 they Iyneden while they hadden good shepheards, that fedden thy sbeepe and robbed them not of their lifelode, as Peter thy good sbepheard and thy other apostles. But Lord, he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth and 8Uccessour to Peter: he robbeth thy pupIe of their bodyhch lyfelode, for he ordeneth proud shepherds to lynen in ese by the tenth party of poore mens trauell. And he giueth them leue to lynen where them lyketh. And gif men no wolen wilfullich geuen them the tithinges, they wolen han them against their will by maystery and by The r,0pe cursing, to maken them rich. Lord, how may any man segge that BUch shepherdes that l"uen more the wolle 8 ma ntben the sheepe, and feden not thy sheep in body ne in ~oul, ne ben such :;;~:~~:f rauenours and tbeeues f And who mar scgge that the mamtaynour of such and robIlhepheards, ne is not a maintenaur of theeues and robbers ? Baw wole bec ben.
o

AD'

THE PLOUGHMAN'S COMPLAJNT lUtHrtl usoile shepherda of their robbing without restitution of their~, thnt thev 111. robben thy sheepe of against their will? Lord, of all shepherla, blessed mote

For thou louedst more the sheepe tben their wole. For thou feedest thy sheepe both in body and soule. And for loue of thy sheepe thou tooe thy _ _._ death to bng thy sheepe out of wolues mouthes. And the most charge that Chrlot a thou goue to Peter was to feede tby sheepe. And so he did truelich, and good tooke the deathe for thee and for thy sheepe. For he came into the fold of ~~~-In sheepe by thee that were the dore. And so I trow a few other did 88 he did, deede. though they clepen tbemself succeSBOurs to Peter, for their worka showen what Comparl- they ben. For they robben and sleen and destroyen: they robben thy sbeepe or lOn be-h the tenth part of thejr trauell, and feden them self in ease. They sleen thy sbeepe, ::;::~ l e for they pyenen them for hunger of their soul to the death. They destroyen .heepthe sheepe, for with might and with stemship they rulen thy sheepe: that for ~~'l:~d dred they ben dispearsed abrode in mountaines, and there the wilde beastes or the field destroieth them -andl devoureth them- for default of a good sbepheard. O Lord, gif it be thy will deliuer tby sheepe out of such shepheardes ward that retcheth not of thy sheepe, they han their wolie to make themselfe che. For thy sheepe ben in great IDlschiefe, and foule accombrOO with their shepheardes. But for 2 thy shepheardes wolden ben excused, they haue ygetten them hYTl'd men to feed thy people, and these comen in sheepes clothing. But dredles, their workes shewen that within forth l they ben but wolfes. For han thl'Y their hyre, they ne retcheth but alittle howe sorilich thy sheepe ben kl'pt. For 88 they seggen themselfe, they ben but hyrcd men that han no charge of thy sheepe. And when they shulden feden thy sheepe in the plenteous lesewe' or thy teaching, they stonden betweene them and their lesewe, so that thy sheepe ne han but a sight or thy lesewe, but eaten they shall not thereof. But they feden them in a sorry sowre lesewe of lesinges and of tales. And 80 thy sheepe fallen into ~eeuous sicnes through this euill lesewe. And gif any dheepe breake ouer mlo thy lesewe to tasten the sweetnesse thereo(, anon thcse byred men due bim out with houndes. And thus thy sheepe by tll'SC hyred men, ben ykept out of their kindlich lesewe, and ben yfOO with soure grllSSC and sory baren lesewe. And yet they feden but seldome, and when thl'Y han solich fed them, they taken great hyre, and gone away from thy sheepe and Icttcn them a worth. And for dread least thy sheepe wolden in their absence go to thy sweet lesew, they han enclosed it all about so stronglich and so high, that there may nu sheepe comen there within, but gif it be a Walisch lepeT" of the mountaines that may with his long legges lepen ouer tbe waliys. For the byd men ben ful1 certain, that gif thy sheepe had oncs ytasted the sweetnesse or thy Jesewe: they nI' WOlIIde no more bene yfed of these hyred men in their sowre leseWB, and therefore these hyred men keepen them out of that lesewe. For haden the sheepe ones ytasted well of that lesew, they woulden without a IOOer go thider to their mew, and then mote ttese byred men secben them anot:.er labour to liue by than keping of sheepe. And they ben felI and ware ynowe thereof, and therefore they feden thy sheepe with soure meate that naught is, and hiden Wal ue. from thy sheepe the sweetnesse of thy lesewe. And so though these h}Ted ~~I~:- men gonI' in sheepes clothing, in their worka they ben wolues, that much harme ICrlbed. done lo thy sheepe 88 wee baue ytold. O Lord, they comen as sheepe, for they seggen that they ben poore and haue forssken the world to liuen parfetlich 88 thou taughtest in the gospel. Lord this is sheeps clothing. But Lord thou nI' taughtest not a man to forsaken the trauelous liuing in poorenesse in the world, lo liuen in ese with chell by other mens traueli, and haue lordship on tbeir brethren. For Lord, this ia more to forsaken thee and go to the world. O Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake the world to liuen in pooreHe romplaineth nesse of begging by oUler mens rauell that bene as feble as they bl'n. N e agaInot Ihevall- Lord thou nI' taughtest not a man to liuen in poorl'nesse or begging, that were ant bestrong inough to travayle for his lifelode. Ne Lord thou nI' taughtest not a r:'o~ man to ben a begger to begge of men more then him needeth, to build grent cut1es and makI' l;l"eat feasts to thilke that han no necd.

--u- thou be.

fioo'

Pl .. Withln Corth," Inwardly.

(I)

Prom the op:"Ond Edltlon oC 1570, p. SOO.-ED. ()" Lnewe." ruture.

(2) .. But Car." bul becauae. (S) .. A Welch leaper."

OF TRE ABUSES OF TRI<: WORLD.

745

o Lord thou ne taughtest not men this poorenesse, for it is out of charitie. Ed,ttml But thy poorenesse that thou taughtest, norisheth charitie. Lord, sith Paul lII. eayth, that hee that fonaketh the charge of thilke that ben homelieh I with him, hath forsaken his faith, and is wone than a misbeleued manne: how then now 1360' these men seggen that they beleuen in Christ, that han forsake their poore feeble frienda, and let them liue in trauelI and in disese, that trauelled fuli sore for them, when they weren yong and vnmighty to helpen them self? And they wolen liue in ease by other mens traueil euermore begging withouten shame. Lord thou ne tau~htest not this maner poorenes, for it is out of charitie. And all thy law is chantie and thing that nourisheth charitie: and these hyrdmen, these shepheards send about, to keep thy shepe and to feden them other whiles in sorrye bareyne lesewes. Lord thou ne madest none such WUruJl shepheards, ne keepers of thy sheep that -weren' ireners about countries and ~~erli~ wolden oder ones twyes a yere - feed sorylich thy shepe, and for sa litle trauel a orre taken a great hire, and sithen alI the yeare afterward, doe what them liketh, and let thy shepe perish for defaut of keping. But thy shepheards abiden still with their sheepe, and feeden them in thy plenteous lesewe of thy teaching, and gone byfore thy shepe, and teachen them the way into the plenteous and sweet lesewe, and keepen thy focke from rauening of the wild beastes of the field. O Lord deliuer thy sheepe out of the ward of these shephearda, and these Tho prohyred men, that stonden more to keepe their riches that they robben of thy pertJo of sheep, than they stonden in keping of thy sheepe. ~;:::p_ O Lorde when thou come to lerusalem, sometime thou droue out of the heardo. tempIe, sellera of beastes and of other chaffre, and saydest: Mine house shoulden ben cleped an house of prayers, but they maden a den of theeues of it. O Lorde, thou art the tempIe in whom we shoulden prayen thy father of heauen. And Salomon's tempIe that was ybelded at lerusalem, was figure of this tempIe. But Lord, he tha! clepeth himself thy vicar vppon earth, and say!h that hc occupieth thy place here on earth, is become a chapman in thy tempIe, and Tho pope hath his chapmen walking in diuerscountreys to sellen his chaflare, and to maken II a chaphim rich. And he eaith, thou gaue him sa grea! a power alJouen all other ~~IID men, tha! what euer he bindeth other vnbindeth in earth, thou bindes! other tempIe vnbindest the same in heauen. And sa of great power be selIeth other men forgiuenesse of their sinne. And for much money hee will assoylen a man sa cleane of his sinne, that he behotethS men tbe blesse of heauen withouten any pain arter that they be dead, that giuen him much money. Bishoprickes and cherches, and such other chaffares he selleth also for mony, and maketh himselfe rich. And thus he beguiled the pupIe. O Lord lesu, here is much vntruth, and mischiefe, and matter of sorrow. Notogood Lord thou saidest sometime, that thou wouldest be with thy seruaunts vnto the rcadcr if end of the world. And thou saydest aho, there as tweyne ar three byn ygadred ;~~:: to gedder in thy name, that thou art in the midie of tbem. A Lord! then it or 3lJe was no need to thee to maken a liefetenant, sith thou wolte be euennore amongst r.~~\~rcd thy seruaunts. nam., Lorde, thou axedst of tby disciples, who they trowed that thou were. And whal . Peter aunswered and swde, that thou art Christ God's sonne. And thou ~~;~:f ~ saydest to Peter, Thou art yblesscd Symon Bariona, for feshe and bloud ne lieuele &howed not this to thee, but my father that is in heauen. And I say to thee nant. that thou art Peter, and vppon this stone ych wolde bylde my churche, and the ~c.p!"';.e gates of heli ne shullen not auailen agens it. ~o f;~~~o And to thee ych wole geue the keyes of heauen, and what euer thou bindest J' kCJ'c" vpon earth shal be bound in heauen, and what euer thou vnbyndest on earth, ~:lUnd hall be vnbounden in heauen. This power also was graunten vnto the other disciples as well as to Peter, as tbe gospell openlich telleth. In this place men ICggen that thou graunted to Petera successors, the selue power that thou gaue to Peter. And therefore the bishop of Rome, that sayth he is Peters successour, taketh this power to him to bynden and vnbynden in earth what bim Iiketh. But Lorde, ych haue much wonder how he may for shame clepen himself Peters successour. For Peter knowledged that thou were Christ and God, and kept the hestes of thy lawe : but these han forsaken the hestes of thy law, and hath ymaked a lawe contrary to thyne hestes of thy lawe. And so

"AD'
o

:1) "Ho.,..Jicb," orMI hOulOholde.

(2) &C. EdltioD 1570.-EIl,

(3)" Behoteth," promilet!>.

746
EtI."t...J
III.

TIIK '1.0UG1UIAS'S COMPLAJXT

hee mllked himself a fal8e Christ and a false God in earth. And Itrowe thou gaue him no power to vndoe thy lawe. And so in taking this power vppon him, A!)" maketh him a false Christ and Antichrist. 13'60' For who may be more agens Christ, than he that in his wom maketh hirn---._ selfe Christes vicar in earth: and in his werkes vndoth the ordinaunce ot 1'ho pop. Christ, and maketh men byleuen that it is needf'ulI to the heale of mannes ':l~~e~n~ sonlcs, to byleuen that he is Christes vicar in earth? And what euer he :khriotin byndeth in earthis ybounden.in heauen, and vnder this colour hee vndoth carth. ChriBtes lawe, and maketh men alwaies to kepen his law and hestes. 1'hepopea And thus men may yseene that he is agenst Christ, and therfore he is Anteab!"'m. christ that maketh men worshupen him as a God on earth, as the proud king ~~~~~~u Nabugodonosor did sometime, that was king of Babylon. And theretbre wee cd.' lewed menne that knowen no God hut thee Iesu Christ, beleuen in thee that art our God, and aur King, and aur Christ, and thy lawes. And forsaken Antichrist and Nabugodonosor that is a false God and a false Christ, and his lawes that ben contrary to thy preaching. And Lorde strength thou V8 agenst aur enemies. For they ben about to makcn vs forsaken thee and thy law, other else to putten vs to death. O Lorde, onclich in thee is onr trust to helpe vs in this mischiefc, for thy great goodnesse that is withouten end. Lord thou ne taughtest not thy disciples to llIl80ylen men of their sinne, and setten them a penaunce for their sin, in fasting ne in praying, ne other almous dede : ne thy selfe, ne thy disciples, vseden no such J,lOwer here on earth. For Lord, thou forgeue men their sinnes, and bede hem sm no more. And thy dil ciples fulleden 1 men in thy name, in forgiuenesse of her sins. Nor they took no such power vpon them as aur priestes dare naw. And Lord, thou ne as80yledest no man both of his sinne and of his peyne, that was due for his sinne, ne dwu grnuntedst no man such power here on earth. PurgaloAnd Lord me thinketh that gif there were a purgatorie, and any ellrthrie. lich man had power to deliueren sinful men from the peynes of purgatory, he should and he were in charitie, sauen euerich man that were in way of sallltation from thilkc peynes, sith they make them greater then any bodilyche peynes of this worId. AIso gif the bishop of Rome had such a power, he hunselfe should neuer comen in purgatory ne in heli. And sith we see welI tbat he ne hath no power to keepen himselfe ne otber men notber out of these bodilicb peynes of the world, and he may goe to heli for his Binne as an other man may: I ne byleue not, that he hath sa great a power to assoylen men of tbeir sin as he taketh vpon him abouen all other men. And I traw tbat in this he hygheth him selfe aboue God. 8elllng ot As touching the selling of bishopricks and personages, I traw it be a point of ~~~p- f.usehed. For agenst Gods ordinancc hce robbcth poore men of a parcion of a~d : . their sllstenance, and selIeth it, other giueth i, to find proud men m idlenea nelkcL that don the lewd pupIe litde profite, but much harme as we told before. Thus ben thy eommaundemcnts of truth, of meekenesse, and of poomesse, \'ndone by bim that clepeth bimselfe thy vicar here vpon earth. A I.ord! thou gaue vs a commaundement of chastite, that is, a forsaking of feschlich lustes. For thou broughte!t vs to a liuing of sOlue that is ygouerncd )Iarlage. by the word. For Lord, thou ordeinedist women more frele than man to ben ygouemed by mans nile, and his helpe, to pleWle thee and keep thine bestes. Nc thou ne ordainedist that a man should desire the company ofu woman, and maken her his wife, to liuen with her in his lustis, as a swine doth ar a bane. And his wife ne like him not to his lustes, Lonie thou ne gaue not n man lenue to departen him from his wife, and taken him another. But Lord, thy maria~e is a common accord betweene man and woman, to liucn togither to their liues cnd, and in thy seruice eyther the better for otl~rs helpe, and thilkc that ben thus ycome together, bene ioyned by thee, and thilke .._~. that God ioineth, may no man depart. But Lord, thou sayst that gif a man sec a woman to eoueten her, tban he doth with the woman lecherye in his hart. And sa Lord, gif a man desire his wife in couetise of 9\lcb 1tu;tes, and not to Iy from whoredome, his weddins is leehery, ne thou ne ioynest them not togeli 1E'5BOn ther. Tbu9 was Raguels daughter ywedded to scuen husbandcs that the deuill bo" to marry. instrangled. But Toby tooke her to liuc with he, in dennes, and hringing vp
(J) u Ful1rdrn,"
Ll~z:.t

hl, uaptiicd.

OF THE AllUSES OF THE WORLD.

747

of her children in thy worship, and on him the deuill ne had no power. For Bd_rrt the wedding WI\8 ymaked in Gad, for God, and through Gad. III A Lord, the I.'eople is farre ygo from thys maner of wedding. For now men - - wedden their WlUes for fairenes, other for riches, ar some SIlch other feshlich A. D. lusts. And Lord, 90 it preueth by them for the most part. For a man shall 1360. not finde twa wedded in a land, wbere the husband loues the wife, and the wife is buxum to the man, as they shoulden after thy law of rnarriage. But other the rnan loues not his wife, ar the wife is not buxum to her man. And thus Lord is the rule of prefe, that neuer fayleth no preue whether it be done by thee or no. And Lord, all this rnischiefe is common among thy people, for that they know not thy word, but their shepheards and hyred men fedden them with their sweuens 1 and leasin~. And Lord, where they shoulden gon before vs in tbe field, they seggen theJr order is 90 holy for thy marriage. And Lord, he that calleth himself thy vicar vpon earth, will not suffren priests to takell them wyues, for that is against his law: but Lord, he will dispensen with tbem to kepen horen for a certaine sornme of mony. And Lord, all boredome is forfellded in thy lawe. And Lord, thou neuer forfendest priests their wiues, Prl ta ner tby apostles neitber. And well I wote in our land, priestes hadden wiues hod vntill Anselrnus daies in the yeare of aur Lord God, a leuen bundred and twentie ~:.,ut~:"~ and nine, as Huntingdon writes. And Lord, this makes people for the most ar AnIpart beleuen, that lecherie is no synne. Therefore wee lewd men prayen thee mu. that thou walL send vs shepheardes of thine owne that wolen feden thy Hocke in thy lesewe, and gon before them selfe, and so written thy law in our harta, that from the lel\8t to the most all they mayen knowen thee. And Lord, geue aur king and his lords, hart to defenden thy true shepheardes and thy sheepe from out of the wolues mouthes, and grace to know thee that art the true Christ, the sanne of thy heauenly father, from the Antichrist, that is the 90nne of pride. And Lord, gcue vs thy poore sheepe patience and strength to suffer for tbr law, tbc cruelnes of the mischieuous wolues. And Lord, as tbou hast proffilged, shorten these dayes. Lord we axen this now, for more need was there neuer.

I doubt not, gentle reader, but in readiug this goodly treatise above prefUed, the matter is manifest and plain of itself without any further explication, what is to be thought and judged of this viear of Christ, and successor of Peter, whom we eaH the bishop of Rome; whose life here thou seest not only to be di50rdered in aU points, swerving from the steps and example of Christ the prince and bishop of our souls, but also whose laws and doctrines are so repugnant and contrary to the precepts and rule of the gospel, that almost there is no convenience bctween them; as in the perusing of this complaining prayer thou mayest notoriously understand. Wherefore, having no need to stand in any further expressing of this matter, but leaving it to thine own consideration and discretion, I will speed myself (Christ wilIing) to proceed toward the tmle of John Wickliff and his feHows, taking in the order of years as I ~o, such things by the way, as OOth happened before the said time of \V ickliff, and also may the better prepare the mind of the reader to the entering of that story; where, first, I think it not inconvenient to infer a propheticaI parable, written about this time, or not much before, which the author moralIy appIieth unto the bishop of Rome. To what author this prophecy or moral is to be ascribed, I have not certainly to affirm: some say, that Rupescissanus (of whom mention is made before) was the author thereof, and allrge it out of Froysard; but in Froysard, as yet, I have not found it. In the mean season, UF! I have found it in Latin cxpressed, becunsc it puintcth out thc
(1)
CI

Sweuens," that ts, drean1('s.

748
BIl_rd

A PARABLE PROPHESYING THK DESTRUCTION OF THE POPF.

--.!..!.!:..- was

pope so rightIy in his feathers and colours; as I thQught the thiog not to be omitted, so I took this present place, as most fit A.D. (although peradventure missing the order of years a littIe) to in1360. sert the same. The effect of the parable followeth here underwritten. In the time of pope Innocent VI. above specified, this Johannes de Rupescissa, a mar, among his other prophecies marvellously fore,,~ spake (as allegeth Froysard, who both heard and saw him) of the taking of John the French king, prisoner, and brought forth many other notable coIlections conceming the perils, mutations and changings in the church to come. At the time the pope kept hiro at Avignon in prison (where Froysard is said to have seen him, and to have spoken with him), the said Froysard heard in tbe pope's court this example and parable,recited by the aforesaid friar Rupescissanus to two card.ina1s, to wit, the cardinal or Ostia, and the cardina1 or Auxerre, which foIloweth in these words : AParabIe prophesying the Destruction or the Pope.

When, on a eertain time, a bird was brought into the world all hare and without feathers, the other birels hearing thereof, eame to visit her: and 8JI they 88W her to be a marvellously fair and beautiful birlI, they eounselled together how they might best do her good, since by no means without feathers she might either Hy, or Hve eommodiously. They all wished her to live for her excellent foml and beauty's sake, insomuch that among them all there was not one that would not grant some part of her own feathers to deek this bird withal : yea, and the more trim they saw her to be, the more feathers still they gave unto her, 50 that by this means she was passing well penned and feaThe pope therelI, and began to tly. The other birds that thus had adomed her with ~om~~r~d goodly feathers, beholding her to fly abroad, were marvellously delighted theref:'::he:e.,. with. In the end this bird seeing herself 50 gorgeously feathered, and of all the with rest to be had in bonour, began to wax proud and haughty j insomueh that abe bl:';.~ had no regard at a11 unto them, by whom she was advaneed: yea, abe punged feathen. them with her beak, plucked them by the skin and feathers, and in all places TIIe IInt hurt them. Whereupon the birels sitting in eouncil again, called the matter in ~~~~~and question, demanding one of another what was best to be dane touehing thia JItOIn:,I. unkind bird, whom they lovingly with their own feathers had deeked and ty o tho adomed; affirming that they gave not their feathers, to the intent that ahe, pope. thereby puffed up with pride, ahould eontemI,>tuously despise them~all. The peacock therefore answereth first, "Truly," SBlth he, "for that she'is bmvely TIIe de- aet forth with my painted feathers, I will again take them from her." Then DayorJhe saith the falcon, " And I also will have mine again." This sentence at length ~bed~' took place among them all, 50 that every one plucked from her those feathers whieh before they had given, ehallenging to them their own &gain. Now this proud bird, seeing herself thus to be dealt withal, began, forthwith, to abate her haugh~y stomach, and lmmbly to fl1lbmit herself, openly eonfessing and acknowledging. that of herself 8be had nothing, but tliat her feathers, her honour, and other omaments were their gift; she eame into the world all naked and bare j they clad her with eomely feathers, and, therefore, of right may they receive them again. Wherefore, in most humblewise, 8he desireth pardon, promisin/ to amend a11 that was past, neither would she at any time hereafter commit that whereby, through pride, she rnight lose her feathers again. The gentle birels, that before had given their feathers, lIceing her sa humble and lowly, being moved with pity, restored again the feathers which lately they had taken away, adding Wlthal this admonition, " We will gladly," say they, " behold thy Hying among us, sa long as thou wilt use thine offiee with humbleness of mind, which is the chiefest eomeliness of all the rest : but this have thou for eertainty, that if at any time hereafter thou extol thyself in pride, we will straightways deprive thee of thy feathers, and reduee thee to thy former 8tate wherein we found thee." "Even 50, O you cardina1a!" saith

HISTORY Ol!' ARMACHANUS.

749

Johannes Rupescissanus, "shaU it ha:'pen unto you: for the emperors of the Bdll!nrd Romans and Almains, and other cbriatian mgs, potentates, and princes of the l l l. earth, have bestowed upon you goods, lands and riches, that should serve Gad, but you have poured it out, and consumed it upon pride, and aU kind ofwicked- 1360 ness, riot and wantonnell8."l .

AD

i[~e

i.ife anll ~tor1 of

'Irmtl'~tlnu_. 'Ircbbj~bop

of 'j/celano

I1nll ll)rtma:e

In the catalogue of these learned and zealous defenders of Christ against Antichrist above rehearsed, whom the Lord about this time began to mise up for reformation of his church, being thcn far out of frame, I cnnnot forget or omit something to write of the reverend prelate and famous clerk, Richard, archbishop of Armagh and primate of Ireland: a man for bis life and learning so memorabIe, as the condition of those days then served, that the same days then, as they had but few as good, so bad none almost his better. His name was Richard Fitz-Ralph, made archbishop and primate, as is said, of Ireland; first brought up in the university of Oxford in the study of all liberal knowledge, wherein he did exceedingly profit under John Bakenthorpe, his tutor and instructor. In this time the begging mars began greatly to multiply and spread, nnto whom this Bakenthorpe was ever a great enemy; whose steps the scholar also following, began to do the like. Buch was the m0d"m. capacity and dexterity of this Fitz-Ralph, that he, being commended ~::..... to king Edward III., was promoted by him, first, to be archdeacon or .Lichfield, then to be the commissary of the university of Oxford: at length, to be archbishop of Armagh in Ireland. He being archbishop, upon a time had cause to come up to London; at what time here, in the said city, was contention between the friars and the clergy about preaching and hearing confessions, &c. Where- ArOlaCh. upon, this Armachanus, being requested to prcach, made seven or ~i~ by eight sermons; wherein he propounded nine conclusions against the the l'rlan friars, for wbich he was cited up by the friars before this pope t':,;.~r;~~ Innocent VI., to appear; and so he did: who before the face of pope. the pope valiantly defended, both in preaching and in writing,2 the same conclusions, and therein stood constantly unto the death, as the worda or John Wickliff, in his Trialogue, do wen testify.s The like also Waldenus testifieth of bim; i also Volateranus reporteth the same. Gulielmus Botonerus~ testifying of bim in like manner, saith, that Armachanus first reproved begging friars for hearing the confessions of professed nuns without license of their superiors, and also of married women without knowledge of their husbanda. What Trouble, dangers and troubles he sustained by his persecutors, and how :'~lh.~1 miraculously the Lord delivered bim from their handa; insomuch, o~that they meeting him in the open streets, and in clear daylight, yet c UL had no power to see bim nor to apprebend him: in what periI of thieves ;J~'::'ni~ and searchers he was, and yet the Lord delivered bim; yen, and caused bfDld.wav.. yhle
.Lonl.

AP:::-.

(I) 8ee Append.1x ror the II111er app11eatlon Dr tbe parable.-Eo. (I) For hl. numeroUl wrltlngo on IJlIa lubJect, _ CaWogue Dr MSS. Angl. et Hlbern.-Eo. (3) Ab Aqlorum eplacopil conductul, Armac:hanua novem in Avinione conclualane. eoram Ino_ntlo VI. et ouorum eardlna1lum """tu, c:ontr& fratrulD meodicltatem, audaet.. publlc:avlt, ver. boque ac oerlptla ad mDl1em Ulque dereod.1t. (i) In Caolculo sLauiDrum. (iI (\II Gulielmul Betoneru., ... AppcnclJ.x.-Eo.

750
Bcfrrard

HISTORY OF ARMACIJAXUS.

_-_o

his money, being taken from him, to be restorcd to him again by portions in time of his neccssity and famine: also from what dangers A. D. of the king's officers, who, coming with the king's Ietters, Iaid aIl the J60. havens for bim; yet how the Lord Jesus deIivered him, showing him by what ways to escape them: moreover what appeaIs were Iaid against bim, to the number of sixteen; and yet how the Lord gave him to triumph over aIl his enemies: how the Lord also taught bim and brought him out ofthe profound vanities of AristotIe's subtIety, to the study of the Scriptures of Gad: aIl this, with much more, he himseIf expresscth in a certain prayer or confession made to Christ Jesus our Lord, in which he describeth almost the whole history of hIs own life; which prayer I have to show in oId writing hand, and hereaftcr (Christ willing) intend, as time serveth, to publish the same.! Thus what were the truubles of this good man, and how he was citcd up by the friars to the pope, you have parlly heard. Now, what were his reasons and argumcnta wherewith he defended his cause in the pope's presence, followeth to be declared; for the tractation whereof, first, I must put the reader in remembrance of the controversy mentioned before in the story of GuIieImus de Sancto Amore, p. 510; also in the story of the university of Paris contend.ing ngainst the friars, p. 71~; for so long did this controversy continue in the church, from A. D. 1~40, when the Oxford men began first to stand against the friars, to the time of this ArmachanuB, A. D. 1360; and after this time yet more did it increase. So it pleased the secret providence ofGod, for what eause he best knowcth, to suffer his church to be entangled and exercised sometimes with matters and controversies of no W'eat importance; either to keep the vanity of men's wita thus occupied from idleness, or else to prepare their minds, by these smaIler matters, to the consideration and searching out of othcr things more grave and weighty. Like as now in these our queen's days we see what tragedies be raised up in England about forms and fashions of ministers' wearings, what troubles grow, what placing and displacing there is about the same. Even 80 at this time happened the like stir about the liberties and privileges of the friars, which not alittIe troubled and occupied almost aU the churches and divines throughout Christendom. This controversy, to the intent it may better be undcrstood, a1l the circumstances thereof being expIained, we will first begin, from the original and foundation of the matter, to declare by order and course of years, upon what occasion tbis variance mst rising, in continuance of time increased and mu1tipIied by gathering more matter, and burst out at length in this tumuItuous contention among learned men. ConceminK therefore this present matter ; first, it is to be understood, that (A. D. 1~15), under pope Innoccnt II!., was caIled a general council at Lateran, mentioned before (p. 334), in the days of king John. In that counciI, among many other things, was constituted a certain law or canon, beginning "Omnis utriusque sexus," &c. the tenor of which canon in EngIish is thus : IlI.

(I) Tli. "'gi__ i_g oflA. pra"" I_ Lali_" lA": "Tibllau !ibl gl.rIa, t1b1llTallarum a.II l .... plilSime, Jeau potentiBlltme, Jelu du)ci..ime: qui dixistl, (Ogo lum vi&, veritaA et vita. Via .iDe devio; ,eritAI .ine nubilo; et vita sine termlno. Quod tute viam mihi o.tendi.U i tute "'eram ..eotatem me doC'ui.sti ~ et tute "itam nlihi promhiati. Yia era. mih1 in exUio; verlu era in eonp;iUo i et vita eri. mihi In l?!remio."

POPE GltEGOllY'S BULL.

751
Ed_rtI

Be it decreed, that every faithful Christian, both man and wornan, coming
to the years of discretion, shall confe88 himself alone of all his sins to the priest

of his own proper parish, once in the year at least; and that he shalI endeavour, by his own self, to fulfil the penance, whensoever he receiveth the sacrament of 1360' the Eucharist, at least at the time of Easter, unless by the assent of his minister, upon sorne reasonable cause, he abstain for the time. Otherwise doing, let him Nole both lack the communion of the church being alive, and christian bOOal when :U:'l:~t he is dead. Wherefore be it decreed, that this wholesome constitution shalI be Dat the published accustomably in churches, to the end that no man, of ignorance or aac~- r blindness, rnake to himself'!l cloak of excuse. And if any shaIl confess himself ~:nal:'ar. to any other priest than of his own parish upon any just cause, let bim first ask and obtain license of his own priest: otherwise the priest shaIl have no power to bind him or to loose him, &c.
o

AD

III.

In the time of this Innoeent, and of this Lateran eouneil, was Dominie, the firet author and founder of the preaehing friars; who laboured to the said pope Innoeent for the eonfinnation of his order, but did not obtain it in his life time. The next year after this Lateran eouneiI 1 died pope Innocent, A.D. U16, after whom came Honorius III., who in the firet year of his popedom eonfinned the order of the mars Dominie, and gaye to him and his mars authority to preaeh, and to hear eonfessions, with diyers other privileges. And under this pope, who govemed ten ycars, lived Dominie fi.ye years after the eonfinnation of his order, and died A.D. l~~l. About that year the order of the Franeiscan mars began also to breed, and to spread in the world, through pr.eaching and hearing eonfessions. After this Honorius, next foIIowed Pope Gregory IX., March, A.D. 1~~7, who, for the promoting of the aforeaid order of Dominics, gaye out this bulI, in tenor as foIIoweth : The BuII of Pope Gregory in the behalf of the Dominie Friars.
Gregorius bishop, servant of GOO's servants, to his reverend brethren, archbishops, bishops, and 'to his well-beloved children, abbots, priors, and to aIl prelates of churches, to whomsoever these presents shall come, greeting, and apostolical blessing. Because iniquity' hath abounded, and the charity of many hath waxed cold; behold, the Lord hath raised up the order of our well-beloved ' children the preaching friars, who not seeing thmgs of their own, but pertain-' mg to Jesus Christ, for the extirpating of heresies, as well as for the rooting out' also of other pernicious pestilences, have dedicated themselves to the preaching Dr the word s of Gad. We therefore, minding to advance their sacred pur- Frlara to pose, &c., command you to see the said persons, gently to be received among hear eon. you; and that your focks committed to your charge do receive devoutly the re'~lon~, seed or God's word out or their moutb, and do confess their sins unto them, aIl j~n mch as list, whom we have authorized to the same, to hear confessions, and to aoce. enjoin penance, &c. Dat. Perusii. An. Pont. noatri 8.

;D'

This pope Gregory died A.D. 1!t41, after whom came CeIestine IV. Innoand sat but eighteen days: then came Innoeent IV., and sat eleven =~nl.i' years and six months; who, although he began first to favour the tbeCl'la... friars, yet afterwards, being aItered by eertain divines of uniyersities, prelates of churehes, and eurates, he debarred them of their liberties
(1) Prlar Domlol., In the lIme orpope InnoceDt In. obtalDed not the eonJInoatloD orhll order; but the order was ftrst eonftrmed by pope HODor\DI III. The order ar FraoeIacaD' ....u conftrmed rhortly after th. Dominie.. -'" . " ,. (2) Inlqulty hath abounded at Rome. (3) Naf, to tbe preaching rath.r or men', tradilloD. aplo.t Ibe word or Gad.

752

THE STUDENTS

o~'

PARlS AGAINST THE FR1ARS.

lldrrard and privileges, and gave out again preeepts and excommunications, a9 ~ well against the friars, as aIl other religious persons. And, not long A. D. after the same, he was despatched. 1360. Innoeent being thus removed out of the way, Dec" A.D. 1254 ~le~~- suceeeded pope Alexander IV., a great maintainer of the fiiars, and ~~~oelh sat six years. He revoked and repcaled the acts and writings of the aell of I h' d . 1.' h . h fi' I hi, prede- pope nnoeent JS pre eeessor, glven 10rt agamst t e nars; w Jereee88or. with the divines and. stud.ents of Paris being not well contented, Four stirred up tour prineipal doetors: the first and chief captain was ~\~~- Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, mentioned before (p. 510), against :::~;~. whom wrote Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas; and, at Iast, ,he was condernned by this aforesaid pope Alexander IV. in the App~16. Extravagant, "Non sine multa." The seeond was Simon J omalensis; the third Godfridus de Fontibus; the fourth Henrieus de Gandavo. .These four,1 with other their aeeornplices, compiled a certain book against the begging order of friars, both Dominicans and Franciscans, entitIed, 'De periculis Ecelesire,' containing fourteen chapters, whercof the fourteenth, which is the last, with thirty-nine artieles against the friars, we have already translatcd and expressed, p. 511. Besides these thirty-nine artieles, be other seven articles, moreover, to the said book ;nnexed, under the narne of the students of Paris against the friars, proving why the said friars ought not to be admitted into their society. These seven articles, bccause the)' are but short, I thought here better to place, than to omit them.

,Certain Articles givcn out by the Students of Paris, against the Friars, why they should not be adrnitted to their Society.
First, We say, they are not to be admitted to the society of our school, but upon our will and Iicense; for our company or fellowship ought not to be coactive but voluntary and free. Secondly, We say they are not to be admitted, forasmuch as we oft proved their communitr manifold ways to be hurtful and incommodious. Thirdly, Seemg they be of a diverse profeBSion from Ul, for they are called regular, and not scholastic, we, therefore, ought not to be joined and lI980ciated togetber in one scholastic oflice; forasmuch as the council of Spain doth say, "Thou shalt not plougb with an ox and with an ass together j" whicb is to say,-Men of divers professions ought not together to be matehed in one kind of calling, or standing, for their studies and conditions be disagreeing and w... severed from ours, and cannot frame orcouple together in one commwlion. Tbe trlan Fourthly, We aflirm by the apostlc that they are not to be admitted, because mak~ dll- they work dissensions and offences j for so saith the apostle [Rom. xvi.] .. W t! ..,011001. desire you, brethren, that ye obsen'e and takI' heed of such as make dissensions and offences about the doctrine which you have learned by the apostles, and avoid them; ~r such serve not the Lord, but tbeir own belly." Glosa. "Sorne they flatter, some they backbite, whereby they might feed their bellies." "That through their sweet and pleasant words, and b~ their benedictions, they may deceive the hearts of tbe simple." Gloss. "1 bat is, with their fine ilugared and trimly couched words they set forth their oWD traditions, wberewith they bcguile the hearts of thc simpll' innoccnts." Fifthly, We say tbey are not lo be admitted, for that we fear lest they be in Del-our men', the number of them, who go about and devour men's bouses: for they thrust houlta, in themselves into every man's house, searching and sacking tbe conscicnce IIPt"II&o and states of all persom: and whom they find easy to be seduced, as WOTl)en, traolei clomOl." BUch they do circulllvent, and lead them away !'rom the counsels of their prelales, binding them eitber in net or oath: sucb we are warned by the apoatll' to avoid. '
(I) See Ap?endix for Ibe correClioo of aD error bere.-En.

REPUGNANCE BETWEEN POPES.

758

SixthIy, We say they are to be avoided, because we fear they are false pro- EdmJrlJ phets, who being neither bishops, nor parish pests, nor yet their vicars, nor III. sent by them, yet they preach (not sent) against the mind of the apostle [Rom. x.J, saying, "How shall they preach except they be sent?" for else 1360' there appeareth in them no such great vil'tue, for the which they ought to be admitted to preacb uncalled. Seeing therefore that such are so dangerous lo Preacb the church, they ought to be avoided. uncalled. Seventhly, We say thel are not to be admitted, because they be a people sa curious in searching and lllquing of other men's doings and spitual demeauaur. And yet be they neither apostles, nor yet successors of the apostles, as bishops; nor of tbe number of the seventy-two disciples of the Lord, nor their successors, that is, pash pests, nor their helpers, nor yet vicars. Wherefore, Have no seeing tbey live tbus in no order, by the sentence of the apostle we are com- order ot manded to avoid them [2 Thess. iii.J, where he saith, "We admonish and de- ~: l~aJ~he nounce unto you, O brethren! in the name of our Lord JesU8 Christ," (that is, cbur.b. as the glo88 wth, "We command you by the authoty of Chst,") "that you withdraw yourselves from every brother that walketh inordinately, and not after the tradition which you have received of us," &c. Look upon the common gloss of this place, aud you shall find, that such are to be avoided till such time as they amend from sa doing. &c.

AD
o

Besides these articIes above rehearsed, certain propositions or conc1UBions were also propounded in the schools of Paris at the same time, solemnly to be disputed and defended against the friars; which, in a brief sum of words to collect them, were these : ~to~

First, That the begging f'riars were not in the state of salvation. Cerlaln Secondly, That they were bound to labour with their hands that could, and conclu-

Thirdly, That they ought not to exercise the office of preaching, or to hear ~~""~t~;" the confessions of them that will come unto them, although being licensed there- Parl~ to unto by the bishop of Rome, ar by the diocesnn; forasmuch as the same is ~~'.rot prejudicial to the ministers and priests of the pashes. agaln.t
Ibo (riar

~~

AlI these aforesaid articIes and concIusions, with the book set forth by these men of Paris, this pope Alexander IV. condemned to be aboIished and bumed, writing his prccepts to the French king, and also to the university of Paris, in fuvour of the mars; willing and commanding the said friars to be restored to all their privileges and Iiberties in as ample manner, as before in pope Gregory's time. N ot Iong after popc Alexander IV. followed element IV. (A. D. Anotbor 1265) and sat three years : "who ~o ga~e the .p~vilege to the friars, :r~~~ef: beginning "Quidam temere, &c.; lU whlch pnvilege he condemneth tbo triaro those who say, that no man without license of his curate or minister ~re:::1 ought to confess him to the friars, or that a subject ought to ask IV. license of their ministers 50 to do, which was against the canon, "Omnis utriusque sexus," &c. made by pope Innocent IIL, bcfore recited. After this Clement came pope Martin IV. (A. D. 1~81), who PopeMarrenewed again the canon, "Omnis utriusque sexus," in behalf of ~~.J~h the curates against the friara. with cuThen pope Boniface VIII. began to sit A.D. 1294, and sat eight :~n.t years and nine months; who, taking side with the friara, gave them ~efrla,". another privile~e, beginning, "Supm cathedram," &c., in which he B~l:'1race Iiccnsed the friars, that WitllOut Iicense of vicars of churches they ~~:~e:ee shaU' first present themseIves to the prelates to be admitted; by Zg~~ wIlOm, i' they be rcfused the second time, then they, upon special
VOL. lI.

8 c

'154
Bd-.

DlVERSl': OPINIONS OF LEARNED MEN AGAINST FRIARS.

--.!..!.!:.- curatc,
A. D.
1360.

Johanne.
Mona-

ohus .....

~r~;l:...

~O~~~I~'
friars,

Pope Cle-

wllh Ibe

and re-

~}I~~~
diet.

r;:~~~~-

authority Ot' this pOpe, shaIl be privileged, without either bishop or to preach, to bury, and to hear confessions, whosoever will come to them; revoking all that was decreed by his predecessorn before to the contrary notwithstanding. By this pope Boniface, a eertain Dominie friar was made cardinaI. named Nicolas Bocasi de Trevisa, and after the death of Boniface was also made pope, A.D. 1808, surnamed pope Benediet XI.; who, sering the constitution of Boniface, his predecessor, to gender dissension between the priests and friars, marle another constitution, beginning " Inter cunctas," &c., revoking the constitution of Boniface, his )iedecessor. Upon which constitution or pope Benedict Johannes onachus making a gloBS, revoked also his other gloBS made upon the constitution of pope Bonifaee before. Again, after this Benedict XI. folIowed pope Clement V., (A. D. 1805,) lIJld sat nine years; who, in his general couneil, holden at Vienne, revoked the constitution of Benediet, his predecessor, and renewed again the former decree of Boniface, by a new constitution of his, beginning "Dudum a Bonifacio VIII.,'" &e., whieh constitution, moreover, was confirmed afterwards by pope John XXII., A.D. 1816. This pope also caused Johannes de Poliaco to reca.nt. Upon this variable diversity of the popes (one dissenting and repugning from another) rose among the divines and schoolmen in universities great matter of contention, as well in the university of Paris, as the university of Oxford, about the begging friars, some holding one way, some another. But especially frve principalopiniona be noted of learned men, who, then disputing against the friars, were condemned for heretics, and their assertions reproved. Diverse Opinions or Learned Men in this Age against Friars.

I. The fint W88 the opinion oC those who contended that the friars might not, by the license oC the bishop of Rome and of the prelates, preach in pariahea and hear confessions.

And of this opinion was Gulielmus de &neto Amore, with his fellows, who, as it is said, were condemned.
Tbe 10-

::,d.OPI-

II. The second opinion W88 this, that friars, although not by their O'll'1l authority, yet by the privilege of the pope and the bishop, might preach and henr confessions in parishes, but yet not without license of the parish prieats.

Of this opinion was Bernard, glossing upon the ca.non, "Omnis utriusque sexus," before mentioned.
Tbe thlrd oplnlon.

III. The third opinion W88, that friars migbt preach and hear COnfeuiOl18 without license of the parish priests; but yet the said parishioners, notwithstanding, were bound by the canon, "Omnis utriusque sexus," to repeat the same sins agam, if they had no other, to their own proper curate.

Of this opinion were many, as Godfridus de Fontibus, Henricus de Gandavo, Johannes Monachus Cardinalia, Johannes de Poliaco; wllich Johannes de Poliaco pope John XXII. caused openly in Paria to reeant and retract. This Johannes de Poliaco,2 doctor of divinitv in Paris, being complained of by the friars for certain articles or aSsertiona, was sen t for to the pope ; where, time and place being to bim assigned, he, in the audience of the pope and of friarly cardinals and other doctors, was strictlyexamined of his articles. To make
(I) Ex Clemenl cap. Dudum. (2) Ex IibN

tralril En..,1bertL

THREE ASSE:lTIONS OF JOHANNES DE POLIACO.

.....
:11

.DD

the slory short, he, at length submitting himself to the uuthority of ZdllltJrfl the terrible see of Rome, was eaused to reeant his assertions open]y ~ at Paris: the assertions which he did hold were these. A. D.
. . . . 1360. Fint, that they who were confessed to fnars, althou~h havmg a ~eneral hcense - - to hear confessions, were bound to confess again thelr sina to thelr own parish ~~ree priest, by the constitution "Omnis utriusque sexus," &c. ag:;n.~n. The second was, that the said constitution "Omnis utrinaque sexna .. standing th. trIaJ.. in its force, the pope could not make away with, but panshioners were bound once a year to confess their sins to their pest. For the doing otherwise importeth a contradiction in itself. The third was, that the pope could not give generallicense to hear confe8sions, but that the pashioner 80 confessed was bound to reiterate the same confession made, unto his own curate.

Which he proved by tllese pJaces the canon law, !5 quest. i. Qum ad perpetuam."l Those things which be generally ordained for perpetual utility, ought not to be altered by any change, &c. I tern, the decrees of the sacred canons, none ought to keep more than the bishop apostoJica1, &c. Ibid. !tern, to alter or to ordain any thing against the decrees of the fathers, is not in the authority or power, no, not of the aposto]ieal see. Ibid.
li

ar

IV. The fourth opinfon was, that the mars, by the licenae of the pope and of n,e the bilhops, migM lawfully hear confessions, and the people migM be of them fo~~h confessed and ab801ved. But yet notwithstanding, it was reasonable, convenient, op on. honest, and profitable, that once in the year they should be confe88ed to their curates (although confe88ed before to the mars), because of the administration or the sacraments, especially at Easter.

Of which opinion was Gulielmus de monte Lauduno. Henricus de Gandavo also held it not on]y to be convenient, but also that they were bound so to do.
V. The fifth opinion was, that albeit the mars might at all times, and at Easter The 1I1\h allO, hear confeslions as the curates did i yet it was better and more sare, at oplnlon. the timc of Easter, to confcss to the eurates, than to the fars.

And of tms opinion was this our Armachanus, of whom we presentJy now treat. And thus have ye, as in a brief BUm, opened unto you, what was the matter of contention between the friars and the churchmen; what pepes made for the friars, and what popes made against them; moreover, what learned men disputed agamst them in Paris, and other places; and what were their opinions. The matter of contention about the mars stooo in four points : first, preaching without license of curates; secondly, in hearing confession; thirdly, in burying; fourthly, in begging and takingofthe people. The popes who maintained the mars were, Honorius III., Gregorius IX., Alexander IV., Clement IV.,' Boniface VIII., Clement V. The popes who maintained curates, were Innocentius III., Innocentius IV., Martinus IV., Benedictus XI. The learned men who disputed against the mars were, Gulie]mus de S. Amorc; Bemardus super eapitulum, "Omnis utriusquc sexus Godfridus de Fontibus; Henricus de Gandavo; Gulielmus de Lauduno; Johannes Monachus Cardinalis; Johannes de Poliaco and Armachanus. AlI these were condemned by the popes, or else caused to reeant. Thcse considerations and circumstances hitherto premised, for the
'l'l

(I) .. QnIe ad JI'!I1I"lnam. Contramtnta JlBtrum <onc.dere [I condere] vel mutar. allquld nec buJUI quidem sedil poteot autorilU." [Decretl pan II. Cau.a xx... Qu",.t.l. capp. 3, l.-Eo.]

756

ARltlACHANUS'S NIKE CONCLUSIONS AGAINST HU. FHAaS.

Bd".ard more opening of this present cause of Annachanus sustained against thc ~ ide bcggarly sects of friars, in whom the reader may well perceive AntiA. D. christ plain y reigning and fighting against the chureh: it nowremaincth. 1360. that as I have before declared the travails and troubles of divers godly leamed men in the ehureh striving against the said friars, continually. from the time of Gulielmus de Amore, hitherto; BO now it remaineth, that forasmueh as this our Annachanus laboured, and in the same cause sustained the like co~fict, with the same Antiehrist, we Iikewise eollect and open his reasons and arguments uttered in the consistory, l and in the audienee of the pope hiroself, wherewith be maintaineth the true doetrine and cause of the chureh against the pestiferoW! canker creeping in by these mars after subtle ways of hypocrisy to eorrupt the sineere simpIieity of ChrisCs ho1y faith and perfeet testament; whieh reasons and arguments, with the whoIe process of his doings, I thought good and expedient, for the utility of the church. more amply and Iargely to diseourse and proseeute, for that I note in the seets, institutions, and doetrine of these friars, sueh subtle poiBOn to lurk, more pernicious and hurtful to the reIigion of Christ and souls of Christians, than aU men peradventure do consider. Thus Armaehanus, joining with the clergy of England. disputed and eontended with the mars here of England (A.D. 1857) about a double maUer; whereof the one was coneerning eonfession and other exeheats whieh the friara eneroached in parish ehurehes, against the eurates and public pastora of churches. The other was concerning wiful beggary and poverty, which the friars then took upon them, not upon any necessity, being otherwise strong enough to work for their living, but on1y upon a wilful and affected profession, for which cause the mars appealed hiro up to the court of Rome. The occasion thereof did thus arise. H befel that Armachanus, upon certain business coming up to London, found there certain doctors diSpllting and contending about the begging of Christ our Saviour. Whereupon be, being greatly urged and requested ofttimes thereunto, at request, made seven or eight sermons unto the peopIe at London, wherein he uttered nine conclusions; whereof the first and principal conclusion was, touching the matter of the friars' privileges in hearing confessions. His conc1usions were these:

Nine Conclllsions or Armachanus against the Friars.

Fint, that if a doubl or question be moved fur heang confessionl, which ol' two places i rather to be chosen i the pariah church i. to be preferred beCore tiu' church ol' the frian. Secondly, it being demanded, which i to be preCerred to hear the confessiOll ol' the pariahioners, the ordinary or the friar j it i to be said, rather the ordinary. Thirdly, nat our Lord Jesus Chriat in hi. human conversation was alway. poor, not for that he loved poverly. or did covet to be poor. Fourtbly, That our Lord Jea118 Chriat did never beg wilful1y, proresalng to be poor. . Fiflhly, That our Lord JesUl Chriat did nenr teach othen wilful1Y to beg, or to profess wilful beggary Sixthly, That Chrlat our Lord held the contrary, that men ought not wilfully or purposely, without mere necessity, to beg.
(1) Ex libro cul tl!uhll, .. D.!.nlorlum ""ratorom... [PriDted In Ooldaltl .. do Ifo..-hl.. tom. li. p. 1391; and Brown.'1 .. Fuclcuha," p. 6G; ...hODCll re... corroclioJUI ... mado In IM o""ulng tranalalion.-ED.]

OllATION OF AllMACHANU8 AGAIXST BEGGING FRIARS.

'757

8e'l"enthly, That it is neither wisdom nor holiness, for any man to take upon Ed_rd him wilful beggary, perpetually to be observed. III. Eighthly, That it iB not agreeing to the rule of the Observants, or Friars Minorite, to observe wilful poverty. 1360' The last conclusion waB touching the bull of pope Alexander IV., which cono demneth lhe book of the mastera ol' Paris: that the said bull touched none of thesc ais. lut concluaiona.

A"D-

Upon these nine conclusions premised Armachanus being appealed, cited, and brought up to the presence of the pope, began to prove the Ba~e his aforesaid conc1usions or assertions under protestation made
That hiB intention was not to affirm any thing conlrary to lhe christian faith The proor to the catholic doclrine, or that Bhould be prejudicial or deBtructive to thc t~.~n orders of the begging mars, Buch as were approved by holychurch, or confirmed ~hanu.~ by the high bishops ; but only his intention Wilii, to have be said orders reduced to the purity of their first institution. Concerning which matter, he deBired hiB reasons to be heard i which, if bey Bhould be found weaker than the rellllons of the mars, be punishment Bhould be his. If otherwise, that then the friars mightjustly be rewarded for their slanderous obtrectation, and public contumelies, and injurious. dealin~, both privately and publiely, wrought and sought against him: and so takmg for his theme, II Nolite judicare secundum faciem, His sed justum judicium judicate," &c. i that is, "Judge not after the outward face, tbeme. but judge true judgment," &c. (John vii.) j he entereth on the probation of his conclusioulo I. First, begiuning with ~he former conclusi.on, .. that ~he parish ch~rc~ WWl ~~:I~:~t a place more fit and convement for the confeBslons or bunals of the panshioners .ioll proto be used, th8n any otber exempt church or place of tbe friars." Wbich he porJcl!. proved by tbree causes: first, for lbe more sureness or certainty to tbe con- Probation science of the pariBbioners confeued. Secondly, for their more ut.ility and profit ~r~:~IIlIY of them. Thlrdly, for lhe less incommodityensuillg by confessions taken in ~~:~;,. parish churcbeB, lhan in frian' churcbes. dity. l. As touching the first, for the morc IIIIsuredness and certainty, thus he argueu Fint parl upon the place in Deuteronomy, "Unto that place which the Lord )'our God ortbe shall assign of all your tribes, to place his name and dweJl therein j thither ~[~~I~~n ahall you resort, to offer up your oblationB, tithes," &c. And in the Bame place conGod saith, " See thou offer not by sacrifice in every place that liketh thee, but lirmed. in that place alone which the Lord hath elected in one of the tribes; and thou &halt do in an thingB as I command thee." AIso UpOD the words of Leviticus, [vi. 6,J which be these, "Who90ever sinneth of ignorance shall offer to be prieBt, and he Bhalljrayfor him, and be &hall be forgiven," &c. Upon these placeB thus he argue : Tbat forasmuch as the 8BCramenls of the church are to be frequented and used in no other place, but only in that, which, by God himself peculiarly, is lIBSigned and commanded for the same i and seeing that elect place in the law representeth be parish churches i neither can it be proved that the mars' church is the place prescribed of Gad, but only pernlilted bJ bishopl of Rome; he concluded, therefore, that parish churches, for confeBslonl and burials, were more sure and certain to the conseience of parishioncrs, than the exempt places of the By another reason also he conflrmed the same, for bat while the pariah church Confirmcommonly standeth tree from the popc'a interdict, BO do not be churches of the ed \'1" friars, which stand not 80 elear, but tbat they are under suspieion and doubt of :o,::.r the POPC'B interdict, by the Decretal, " De sepulturiB," in Sexto cap. II Animarum pericnlis:' In that Decretal, all such conventual churcheB and church-yards of mars be interdicted, as do induce any person or personB, eiber by oath or promise mIlde, to cboose their burying places in their churcbes, as commonly tbe mara are reported to do j for else what parishioner would forsake his own churcb and parish where his ancestors do lie, to be buried among the friars, if the did not induce them BO to do? 2. Moreover, for the second part, concerning the utility ol' the place, that Second he confirmed doublewise i fint, for that confession made within the pariBh part ol church, hath a double merit of obedience, both for obeying the commandment tbe ~"l of God in opening his confession [tbus he speaketb lICcording to the blindness ~~onncC~~,. of bllt time, for that auricular confes.3ion hath any commandmcnt of God cannot /irmcd.

mars. .

mars

758
&4_4

OnAT[O~

OF .4RHACHANUS AGAINST BEGGING JrJ11,ARS.

III.

he proved] and also in obeying the commandment of God in observing the place by bim appointed j which second merit of ohedience lacketh on the friars#

A. D. part. ' lty i" . h' "bim to he greater uli Secon dl'f, h e prov ed It 1360 lor a pana loner to conlesa in his pansh churcb, than witb the friarB j because, commonly, the numher ot AD.lbar christian people praying is ten times more in parish cburcbes. Whereby it i8 :=~ to be thougbt, tliat each lingular person may hetter be belped through more -..nd prayers, than in the oratoriea of the friarB, &c. . ~lIotl 3. Furtber,as touching tbe third part ofthe lint conclusion ar anicie be prond, ~IeJ~ that it bad fewer incommoditiel for every man to rellOJ't to hil puish church ThIrd . than to the mars; for that both great utility and more certainty (as hath hem r':ofl~. proved) did ensue thereof: which two heing tabn away (as mUlt needs, in .~.I:.n re80rting to the friars' churcb), then two special commodities Ibould be hindered. proved. and 80 great incommoditiel thereof should follow. And thua much for the place of tbe friars. Second II. Naw to tbe second conelusion ar aniele, touching tbe person ofthe friar, and ..noJu- of tbe ordinary curate. If the question be, wbich of these twa is to be preferred ~~l:.' in the office of ecelesiastical administration; the opinion of ArmacbamlS Willy Three re- that the ordinarr curate was hetter than the extraordinary friar; and that for :ru~ or ~e three Il;foresald resp:cts, to wit, for certaintyor lI88urance, for utility, and for lo be mcommodlty to be aVOlded. provod: 1. Fint, tbat it is more Rafe and lIIll'e for the parilhionerl to relort to their ordinary lir parilb prielt, be argued by three rellAODI i first, becallSe the person of the lawCul ordinary, or prielt, is expreaJ.y of Gad commanded; wbereaa the person of tbe friar is not, and tberefore is forbid. Secondly, hecause the parisbioner may more trust to bis ordinary carate; as one wbo is more bound and obliged to pronde, and to be cueful for bim, than any other extraordinary person. Tbirdly, because in the person of the ordinary carate, commonly there is llO doubt of any interdict to bind bim; wbereaa on the contrary, in the friar'l behalf there is good matter to doubt, whether he stands bound under the pope'l censure of excommunication or not, and that for divers caUlel, &I by the chapter " ReligioIi" in the Clementine De decimis i where it is decreed that all luch religioUl men who, baving no beneficel ar cure of SOull, prelume to impropriate unto tbem (by any manner of colaur ar fraudulent circumvention) glebe-Iand, ar elae titbel due unto cburches, and not appertaining to them, do iDCur tbe aentence of excommunication, iplo facto. Abo by another cbapter, "Religioai," in the Clementine De privilegiis, where it is aaid, that allaucb religioUl men ue Prlan excommunicated de facto, wh060ever do ab80lve any againat wbom the sentence l:vad lo of excommunication hath been denounced by atatute provincial, or Iynodal; 1UI m~:~om. i is commonly said, that the friars, hearing men's confessions, are accuatomed caled bY, to do, in laosing them, whom the censures of prelatel ar their officiala have :~!",p". bound. Whereof the said Armachanus brin~eth forth an example in his own diocese: "For I," aaid he, "in mine own diocese of Armagh have as good as two tbousand under me, who, by the censure of excommunication every year dencunced against wilful murderers, common thieves, bumera of men'a bOUlles, aud such-like malefactora, ltand accursedj of all which number, notwithatanding, scarcely fourtcen there he who come to me, ar to any about me, for tbeir absolution. And yet all they receive the sacraments as others do, and aIl becauae tbey he abaolved, ar because they feign themaelves to he absolved, by none other than tbe friara j who, in sa doing, are proved to be under the t1llnger of excommunication, both the friara, and alao the parishionera, if they, kllowing thereof, do cousent to their error." Also out of the aaid Clementines, he proved tbe friars to be excommunicate by a tbree-fold aentence in one chapter, to wit, in tbe cbapter .. Cupientea" uf the Clementine De prenil. In wbich cbapter, Fint, all auch religioua wen are excommunicate, as, in their aermons, presume to withdraw their hearers ftom their tithcs paying, due unto churches. Secondly, in the aaid chapter all such friars are suspended from preaching, and 80 are excommunicate, who, witbin a certain time, did not make a concion to such as come to their confewons, in paying their tithel truy and duly to the cburch. Thirdly, in the aforesaid cbapter also, all Buch religious persons he bound in
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OllATION OF ARMACHANUS AGAINST BEGGlNG FRIARS.

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exeommunication, who induce men by any manner of means, either by vow, Edward oath, or promise, to ehoose their burials within tbeir ehurches, or not to ehange -!I~ the same, if tbey have made any suchlromise before. In all these three points A D he proved the friars to be culpable an excommunicate. 1360' Moreover, that it is the more sure way for the parishioners to resort to their ordinariea than to the fara, he argueth thus: for that the ordinary being pro- :::::,}her vided for by the law of Gad and the ehurcb, his parishioner will the leBl that!he IUBpect him of imposing unreaaonable penances for 61thy lucre' IRke: whereas, parlihl. contrary, the friara must needa be suspeeted, for that they have their living :::..may thereby. . wely go 2. Thus tbe 6nt part oC the second conclusion or artic1e being proved and to h'r" argued, Armacbanm proceedeth further to prove the second part: "That it is ~~:. ~~ beuer Cor the parishionera to leave the Criara, and to resort to their own pastOt'll. the fliara. Which he proved by eight or nine reasons." Thede. I. For that the ordinary pastor is properly appointed oC God unto that ~~~h::~~ ministry; whereaa the friar is only permitted oC man thereunto. eond cDn II. For that in resorting to the ordinary oC the parish is a double reward of cl::~~~ merit, whereas in comin~ to the friat'll there is but one. p , III. Because the ordinary is more bound to his own flock, and is to be thought to be more tender and careCul over them than a stranger. IV. Because, in reaorting to the person oC his own ordinary, there is more _urance and certainty (as is above dec1ared) than in resorting to another. V. Because, as Innocent (cap. "Etsi Animarum") saith, the coming to the eurate or ordinary paator is more eas1 and Iight, both in the night, and in necessity. VI. ForasmucII as the parishioner must needs come to his curate at some time, and especlally being in neceSllity, it is expedient and profitable that his former life before were knowlI to him, rather than to the other. VII. For that (as the said Innocent affirmeth) it striketh more shame of his lin, for the 'parishioner to be eonfessed to his curate whom he seeth every day, than to a fnar unknown. VIII. Because it is more pr06table, eB,Peeially Cor them that Hve in matrimony, that he which heareth the confeSSlon of the one, should henr also the conCession of the other; BO that one hearing the confession of them both, as a Ipiritual physician taking two cures in one body, he may better know what Ipiritual eounsel is to be administered to the one, after he had cured the other, &c. . 3. These thmgs thuI proved, Armachanus then proceedeth to the third part, Thlrd arguing how that greater detments and incollveniences do ensue by confes- part oC sioDlI, burials, and other ecelesiaatical functions exercised by the friara, than by ~~.reonthOlle exerciaed by paston and seeular eurates, serving in parishes; about which eluIlon matter the said Armaehanus learnedly and worthily inferreth a long discourse, lIlllUed. proving and inferring how pemicious these orden of fara are to the whole .tate of the church, and what mischief cometh by the privileges of certain popes, who have privileged them to intermeddle in the office and function oC ecc1esiastical ministen, to preaeh, and to take ams and tithes of the people, and impropriationa from the church. AlI his reasons and arguments to prosecute in order 81 he hath left tbem in writing, would make a matter for a large book. Notwithstanding, because it shal not be unfruitful both for the lime present, and Cor posterity, to know the manifold detriments and discommodities received from thCle friars, and to know what great bene6t God hath done for us in unburtlening the church of this monstrous generation; and espeeially becausl' the book of Armaehanus is rarely to be found, entitled, " Defensorium Curatomm," I have brie1y therefore contraeted out of the same certain of his reasons, luch as seemed most pertinent and worthy of noting. And fint, alleging the authority oC Innocent IV., he importeth Cour inconTeniences rising by the friars, which be these: contempt of the people against their ordinariea; decreaaing of devotion; taking away of shame from thc people by confeasing to the (riars; detaining of oblations, such as the people are wllnt to give at their eonfeB8ions and burials, and which by right belong to tbe perish churchea. Item, By the said privileges of the popes, granted to the friars, many other great enormitiCl do ariae. As fint, because thereby the true shepherds do not buw the faeCl oC their 1ock. o

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III. ~

Item, By thc occasion of these prhileges given to the friars, great contention, and sometimes blows we between the friars and secular curates, about titles, impropriations, and other avails. Item, By the occasion of the aforesaid privileges, divers young men, 113 weH ___._ in universities as in their fathers' houses, are allured craftily by the frian their Hanno confessors, to enter their orders; rrom whence afterwards they cannot get out :~~~~omo though they would, to the great grief of their parenta, and no less repentance world by to the young men themselves. The exam'ple whereof Armachanua, in the BBid tbo raro. his treatise, inferreth of a certain BUbstantial En~lishman being with him at his ExamplJ inn in Rome j who, having a Bon at the university of Oxford, who WII3 enticed Or.lhe. by the friars to enter into their order, could by no means afterwards rele8lM" r~:tt\n hun j but when his father and his mother would come unto him, they could not Oxford. be suffered to speak witll lIim, but under the fmrs' custody j whereas the Scripture commandeth plainly, that whoso stealeth any man and selleth him (being thereof convicted), shall be put to death [Exod. xxi.] j and, for he same callse, the father was compelled to come up to Rome to seek remedy for his Bon. And thus, saith Annachanus, it may appear what damagl' and detrimenta rome by these friars unto the common people. Frla.. And no less inconvenience and danger, alao, by the said friars ariseth to the h1n1ero'o clergy; forasmllch as laymen, seeing their children thus to be stolen from them ~r uli: o in the universities by the mars, do refuse therefore to send them to their Btudies; en Je. rather willing to keep them at home to their occu,PBtion, or to follow the plough, than so to be eircumvented and defeated of thelr BonI at the ulliversity, "as Thlrty by daily experience," saith he, "doth manifestly appear." "For whereas in lho",.nd my time," saith Annachanus, "there were in the university of Oxford thirty i~~~er~~~l t1lOusand students, now are there not to be found six thou.'I/IIId j the OCCIUlion in Ihe of which so great decay is to be ascribed to no other cause but to this circum~me Dr vention only of the friars above mentioned. c~~~.. Over and besides this, another inconvenience as great or greater, the said 'rlan a Annachanus inferred to proceed by the mars, through the decay of doctrine "real r and knowledge in all manner of faculties and liberal seienccs, which thua Ile ~~~:~ ~r declared: for hat thcse begging mars, through their privileges obtained of tbe learuing. popes to preach, to hear confessions, and to bury, and through their charters of unpropriations, did grow, thereby, to BUch great riches and poBBessions, by tbeir begging, craving, caching and intermeddling with church matters, that no book could stir of any science, either of divinity, law, or physic, but they were Books. both able Rnd ready to buy it up. So that c~'cry covent having a great library no: lo ': fuli stuffed and furnished with all som of books, and there being BO many ~~elfr~ar~~ covents within the realm, and in every covent so many mars increasing daily more and more; by resson whereof it came to pass, that very few booka, or ExampJe none at all, remain for otber students. This, by his own experience he thus wi~:clt testifieth, saying j that he himself sent forth to the university four of his OWD ~ometh~ prieRts or chnplains, who, sending him word again, that they could neither find b~ Ih. the BibIe, nor liny other good profitabil' book of dh-inity meet for their stuciy, rrlAlO. therefore were minded to retum home to their country; and one of them, he was sure, was relumed by this time. FrIara Furthennore, as he hath proved hitherto the friars to be hurtful both to the ~:~:; In laity, and to the clergy j so proceeding farther, he proveth them to be hurtful laul,": also to themselves: and that in three point&, as incurring the vice of disobeI. DiOD' dience against Gad, Bnd against their own rule; the lice of avarice; and the ~~~:~e. vice of pride. The probation of all which points he prosccuted in a long ner. discourse. 3. Pride.' 'irst, saith he, they are disobedient to the law of God, .. Thou shalt not :hr:~. covet hy neighbour's house, OX, nor BllS, nor sny thing that is his j" in that charl!~lh they procure the pope's letters to preach in churches, and to take burials from lhe :r~l" churches, with license annexed withal to receive the avails which riBe of tbe ~~~di. same, which properly belongeth to the right of parish priests. e".oe.. Item, They are disobedient to this rule of the gospel: CI So do to other, Ba ~:~,~~~ thou wouldest have done to thee," lhe rule . !tem, They be disobedient against their own rule, which being founded upon ~r Scrlp. strict poverty and beggary, this license obtained for them, to require nece888riel un. of the people for their labours, is repugning against he same fuundation. Item, They be disobedient to the mil' of [he Scripturc, which saitll, " Let bO

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man take honaur unto him, except be be called, as Aaron." Aiso Sl Paulsaith, Bil_II " How shall they preach, unless they be sent?" And how observe they this III. rule of obedience, who professing to keep the perfection of the gospel, yet contrary to the gospel procure to themselves privifeges to run before they be sent.? 13'60' Item, To their own rule they are disobedient j for where their chapter saith, _ _._ that if any will take upan them tbis order, and will come to aur brethren; let our brethren fint 1lend them to the provincials, to be examined of the catholic faith and sacramenta of the church, &c. j contrary herelmto tbe friara bave procured a privilege, that not only the provincials, but other inferiora, also, mal take unto them indif'erently wbom tbey can catcb; 80 far, without all examlnation, that almost at tbis day tbere ia no notable house of friara, wberein is not either a whole, ar half a covent of lada and boys under ten years old, being eircumvented, who neither can skill of the creed nor sacroments. Again, the rule of Francis saith, that his brethren Observants must observe DiIobenot to preach in the diocese of any bisbop, without tbe consent of the biahop; ~.fl to and, moreover, the said Francis in his testament saith, that if he had as much pr:r~WIl wiadom as Salomon, and found poor secular priests in the pariabes where they Ilon. dwell, yet he would not presume to preach without their will, and aiso would fear, 10\'e, and honour them, and aU other as bis mastera, and 80 they be. Against which rule how the mars do disobey, how little they reverence bishops or secular priests, what privileges, exemptions, and immunities tbey procure against them, the world may see and judge. Item, When none may be admitted to preach, ar to hear confessions, unless they be entered into ordera ; and, seeing by the common law of the cburch, none mUlit be admitted into holy orders, except he have sufficient title of living and clothing; the friara, tberefore, having no such title, being wilful be~gara, do disobey in hath respects, that is, both in entering into such orders wlthout convenient title, and in exercising the office of preaching without such lawful omers. Moreover, the aforesaid Francis in his testament commandeth thus: "I commaIld," saith be, "firmly by virtue of obedience, to all and singular my brethren wheresoever they be, that none of them prcsume to obtain in the court of Rome any letler or writing, eithcr by romself, or by liny othcr means, neither for the churcb, nor for any other place, nor under any colour of preaching, nor yet for the peraecuting of theIr own bodies," &c. Against which testament of Francia, the Franciscans, in procunng their privileges from tbe bishop of Rome, bave incurred manifest disobedience as all the world may see. Neither will this objection serve them, because the pope hath dispenscd with Francis' rule. For if the testament of Francis, as be saith, came from God (and so should Gad bave tbree testaments), how then can the pope repeal his precept, ar dispense witb bis rule, when by the rule ofthe law, " Par in parem non habet imperium?" . Secondly, conr.erning the vice of avace, manifestly it may be proved UpOIl them, saith Armachanus j for eise, seeing so many charges belong to tbe office of a secular parisb priest, as to minister the sacrament at Easter, to visit the sick with extreme unction, to baptize cbildren, to wed, with sucb othera, wherein Annastandeth as great devotion j how then happeneth it that these friara, making no c~anu'll labour for these, onlYlrocure to themselves privileges to preacb in churches, to ~Il:rfr~~ra hear confessions, an to receive license to bury from fash churches, but ... llh o because there is lucrc and gain, in these, to be looked for, m the other is none? rlc. Which also may appear by this, for, othenrise, if it were for mere devotion Anolll.r only that they procure license to bury from pasb churches and to preach i why proof. tben have they procured witbal, license to take offerings, oblations, and legacies for their funerals? And, for their preaching, why have they annexed also license to require and take, of the people, necessaes for their labour, but onIy that avarice is the cause thereof? Likewise, for hearing of confessions, wben all good men have enough to Allnthor know their own faulta, and nothing list to hear the faulta of other j it is probably proof. to be supposed, by this their privilege of heang all men's eonfessions, that they would never have been 50 desirous of procurillg that pri\'ilege, were it not that these friara did feel some sweetness and gain to hang upon the same. Item, where the rule of friar Francis forbiddeth them to kecp eompan)" witb any woman, to enter into monastcries, to be godfathcrs and gossips to mell and

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ORATION OP ARXACJIANUS AGAINST lIEGGl~G FIlIAR'.

j

80 blinded their 1360' eyea, and stirred their hearta! Thirdly, that the frian fa1l into the vice of pde and ambition, the .ud AnnaAnnachanua provoo thua: ~l::';th To seek or to procure any high place in the chureh, iI a point of pde and the I'rian ambition. 1 "Nunquam sine ambltione desideratur pmatua in ecc1elia." -::: The fBra seek and procure a high ~1ace in the chureh. P.... Ergo, the friars ue proud and ambltioua. The minor he proveth, to have the lItate of preaching and heang confeasions ia, in the church, a lItate oC honour. The friars leek, and have procured, the ltate oC preaching and heang confeSl!ionl. Ergo, the fBra seek and procure' a high place in the church, &c. The hlnl III. His third concluaion Wal, tkat" the Lord Chst in his human conversation ::':ne~~- Wal alwaYI poor, not for that he loved or desired poverty for itself," &c. artlcle. Wherein this is to be noted i that Armachanus di1Fered not from the fiiars in thil, that Chst Wal poor, and that he 10vOO poverty; but herein ltood the dilference, in manner of loving, that is, whether he 10vOO J?Overty for itself, or not. Wherein the aforesaid Annachanua uaOO four probationl. First, forasmuch al to be ]?ODr iI nothing else but to be milerahle, and seeing no man coveteth to be in IDlBery for itself; therefore he concluded that Chrilt desired not poverty for itself. His lecond reason was devOO out of Ariltotle;1 Nothing, saith he, iI to be loved for itseif, but that which (all commodities being secludOO which follow thereupon) is voluntaly 80ught and deBired. But take from poverty all respect of commodities following the same, and it would be 80ught neither ar God nor man. Ergo, he concludOO, Chriat loved not poverty for itself. Thirdly again, no elfeet of lin, said he, is to be 10vOO for itself. But poverty il the elfect of sin. Ergo, poverty was not loved of Chst for itself. Fourthly, no pvation of the thing that is good, iI to be loved for itself. Poverty is the \Irivation of the thing that is (l'ood, that il, of ches, for God himlelf is prinelpally rieh. Ergo, poverty for ltBelf was not loved of Chril HII IV. "The fourth eonclusion was, that Christ oUr Lord and Saviour did never :~~. beg wilfully." Whieh he proveth by sundry reasonl. Ilon 1. For that Christ in so doing should break the law, whieh saith, " 111011 agaInat shalt not eovet thy neighbour'l houle, his wife, hi.q lervant, his maid, his OX, the I'rian. his lL8I, or any thing that is his" [Exod. xx.]; the danger ofwhic1l eommandment he that beggeth voluntarily must needs incur. 2. Item, If Chst had begged voluntarily, he Ihould have eommitted sin against another eommandment, whieh saith, "There shall be no beggar, nor needy perlOn amo~ you," &e. [Deul vi.] 3. Item, Christ ID 80 doing should have transgressed the emperor'l law, under which he would himself be BUbjeet (as appeueth by giving, and bidding tribute to be given, to Cresar), forasmuch as the same emperor's law saith, " There shall no valiant beggar be sulfered in the city." 4. Item, If Christ had been a wilful beggar, he had broke the law oC loving his nl'ighbour i whom he had vexed, having no need. For whoso, without need, asketh or craveth of his neighbour, doth but vex him, in BUch 80rt III he would not be vexed himsel!": which Christ would never do. 5. Item, If Christ had begged wilfully. he had moved slander, thereby, to his own gospel, which he with miracles did confinn j for then they that BaW his miracle in feeding five thousand in the wildemellll, would have thought much with themselvel how that miracle had been wrought, if he who fed others, either could not, or would not feed himself. 6. Item, If Chrilt had begged wilfully, then he had done that which rumself condemneth by Paul, for 80 we read, Tim. vi.] that Paul condemneth them, who esteem piety to be gain and Jucre j wbicb all tbey do, who, under the eolour of piety, bunt (lr seek for gain, when otherwise they need not. 7. Item, If Christ bad bcgged wilfully, he had olfcnded in dec1aring an

"AD counsels of their doings, but that avance and commodity have

11...... women how cometh it that they, contrary to their rule, enter into the IeCrM chambers of queens and other women. and ue made to know the most secret

rl

(I) ChrYIOlt.1n op.re

impeecto

[vol. vi. p. a92. Parl. 1837.]

(2)

Mia.

Ethle. Ub. I.

ORATION OF ARMACHANUS AGAINST BJWGING l'RIARS.

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untTUth in so doing; for be that knoweth, in his mind, that he needeth not in Bdt:tU'tl dl'ed, that thing which in word he asketh of another, declareth in himself an III. untTUth, as who in word pretendeth to be otherwise than he is in very deedj ~ which Christ without doubt never did, nor would ever do. 13mj 8. Item, If Christ bad begged wilfully, that is, havin~ no true need there- -.-_. unto, then had be appeared either to be a bypocrite, seemmg to be that he was not, and to lack, wben he did not j or eIse to be a true be~gar in very deed, not able to suffice his necessity. For be is a true beggar mdeed, who, being constrained by mere necessity, is forced to ask of another that which he is not able to give to himself. But neither of these two agreeth to Christ. 9. Item, If Cbrist had beg~ed wilfully, then why did Peter rebuke the Dlother of St. Clement, his disClple, finding ber to stand among the be~gars, whom he tho~ht to be strong enough to labour with her hands for her living, if she, in so domg, had followed the example of Christ 11 10. Item, If Christ bad begged wilfully, and if the friars do rightly deline CIernenI'. perfection of the gospel by wilful poverty, then was Clement, St. Peter's eumpl. succesllOr, to blame, who laboured so much to remove away beggary and ::~~,:,Y poverty from among all them that were converted to the faith of Christ, and is tlian. apecially, for the same, commended of the church. 11. Again, why did the said Clement, writing to James, bishop of Jerusalem,' command 1IO much to obey the doctrine and examples of the apostles; who, as he sboweth in that epist1e, bad no beggar or needy person amongst them, if christian perfection, by the friars' philosopby, standeth in wilfu1 be~gary 1 12. Item, If Christ tbe hilsh priest bad begged wilfu11y, then did the boly cburch err wittingly, whieh ordained that none without sufficient title of living and clothing, should be admitted to holy orden. And moreover, wben it is Haid, in the canonieal decrees, that the bishop or clerk that beggeth, bringeth shame upon the whole order of the clergy. 13. Item, If Christ bad wilfully bell'ged, then the example of wilful poverty had pertained to the perfectioll of chnstian life, which is contrary to the old law, which commandeth the priests (who lived then after the perfection of the law) to have possessions and tithes to keep tbem from beggary. H. Item, If Christ did wilfully beg, tben beggary were a point of christian perfection: and sa the church of God should en, in admitting BUch patrimonics and donations ginn to tbe church, and so in taking from tbe prelates their perfeclion. 15. Again, what will these friars, who put their perfection in beggin~, say to Melchisedec, who, witbout begging ar wilful poverty, was the high pnest of God, and king of Salem, and prefigured the order and priesthood of Christ? 16. And if beggary be BUch a perfection of the gospel, as the mars say, how cometh it, that tbe Boly Ghost given to the apostles, whieh sbould lead them into all truth, told them no word of this beggarly perfcction, neither is there any word mentioned thereof throughout the whole Testament of Gad 1 17. Moreover, where the prophet sailh, "I never did see the just ma:l forsaken, nor his seed go begging their bread:" how standeth this with be justice of Christ, which was most perfectly just, if he should be forsaken, or his seed go beg their bread? and then how agreeth this with the abominable doctrines of mars Franciscan, who put their llerfection in wilful begging 1 18. Finally, do we not read that Chnst sent his disciples to preach witbout scrip or wallet, and bade them salute no man by the way j meaning that tbey should beg nothing of any man? Did not tbe same Christ wo labour with his bands under Joseph? S Paul,.likewiBe, did he not labour with his hands, ratber lban be would burden the church of the Corinthians 1 And where now is the doctrine of the maro, which putteth the state of perfection in wilfu1 begging? V. The fifth conclusion of Annachanus against the mars, was this, " that F1'lheon Christ never taught any man wilfully to beg," which he proved thus: It is ~ualo~ ot written, [Aets i.] " Christ began to do and to teach." If Christ, therefore, who did never wilCully beg himself, as hath been proved, had taught men agalnll otherwise to do j then his doing and tebching had not agreed togcther. Ihe frlara. Item, If Christ, who never begged himself wilfu11y, had taught men this

chr;::.

11) Ex vII. S. Clem.nll.

(2) CaU5:l xii.

qu~!t.

i. c:\iJ. 2,

Dilecti8~imi!."-J.::o.

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onATION OF ABHACHANUS AGAJNST BEGGING FUIARS.

bia own doing i he had given suspieic>D of his doctrine, and ministered slander oC the same, as hath been proved AD before in the Courth conclusion. 1360' Moreover, in 80 teaching, he bad taught contrary to the 'emperor's just law, which expresaly Corbiddeth the same.
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~trard dortrine ar wilful beggin~, contrary to

VI. The &ixth conclusion of Armachanus against the mars was, "that om UJ, that we should not beg wilfully," which he against proveth by seven ar eight reasona. tb.lrl.u.. 1. Where it is written, [Lub xiv.] "When thou makest a feast, call the poor, weak, lame, and blind j and thou shalt be blesaed: Car they have not wherewith to reward thee again." To this also pertaineth the decree oC the apostle, [2 Thesa. ili.l "He that will not wark, let him not eat." Furthermore, the same apostle adileth in the same place: "For you have us for example, how we were burden80me to no man, neither did we eat aur bread freely, but with labour and wearinesa, toiling both day and nighl, and all because we would not burden you," &c. 2. Item, Where we read in the Scripture the slothful man reprehended, [Prov. vi.] " Why sleepest thou, O slUgard f thy poverty' and beggary are coming upon thee like an armed man,' &c. And again, m the same book oC Proverbs, " The slothful man," saith the Scripture, " for cold would not ~ to the plough, therefore he shall beg in summer, and no man shall give him, &c. Also in the said book oC Proverbs, the last cbapter, .. The ~ent ~ woman is commended, whose fingers are exercised about the roel[ and spindle. And all these pIaces make against the wilful begging of sturdy friars. 'J'he rui. 3. Item, Friar Franci&, their own Counder, in his own testament laith, ~rr:. And I have laboured with mine own banda, and willlabour, and will thu all my friarlings shall labour and live by their labour, whereby they may 8Upport themaelves in an bonest way. And they that cannot wark, let tbem learn to wark, not Car any covetousness to receive for their labour, but for example of good worka, and to avoid idleness. And when the price of their Iabou.r is not given them, let them resort to the Lord's teble, and ask tbeir alIDI &om door to door," &c. Thus much in his testament. And in his rule he saith, " Such brethren to whom the Lord halh given the gin to labour, let them labour faithfulll and devoutly," &c. WhereCore it is to be marvelled how those friara with thell' wilful begging, dare transgress the rule and obedience oC friar Francis, their great grandfather's testament. 4. Item, If Christ at an~' time did beg, or did lack, it was more because he wuuld use a miracle in hiS own person, than because be would beg wilfully; as when he sent Peter to the sea to find a groat in the mouth oC tbe fish j which thing yet he tbought rather to do, than to beg tbe groat oC tbe people, "'hich he might 800n have obtained. 5. Item, By divers other his examples he seemeth to teacb tbe 581De, Ba where he saitb, .. The workman is warth)' oC his Wre j" also, " The workman is worthy of his meat" [Matth. L Luke x. J; and when he spake to Zaccheus that he would tum into bia bouse. And sa likewise in Betbany, and all other plltCell, he ever used rather to burden his friends than to beg oC otbers unacquainted. 6. Item, With plain prccept, thus he sendeth forth his disciples, willing them not to go from house to house [Lub L1 as friars used naw to ~o. Many other Scriptures tbere be which reprove T!egging, as where it is 881d, .. The Coot oC a fool is swi(t to tbe hOWie of hu neighbour" [Ecclus. lai.]; and in another place, " my chiid, n saith he, " see thou beg not in the time oC tby life, Cor better it is to die, than to beg" [Ecclus. xL l 7. Iem, Where Chrisl, counaelling the young man, bade bim go and sell what he had, and give to the poor, and fo1101l' him if he would be perfect i he doth not tbere calI him to wilCul begging. but calleth bim to Collo", bim, who did not beg will'ul:f. &.V'ntb. VII. The seventh conclusion of Armachanus is, " that no wise nor true holy ~ronn'~r- man can take upon him wilful poverly to be observed always," which be Annaprovetb by four reasons. hanuI 1. That wilful beggary was reproved both by the doctrine oC Christ and ~::\I:~r ar the apostles, as in tbe conclusion beCore hath been declo.red. 2. Item, A man in taking upan bim wilful heggary, in 80 doing should lead
~::IU81xtb

Lord J esus Chriat teacheth

..

..

NOTES TO BE OBSEB.VED IN THE ORATI'>N 010 AJtMACHAKUS.

765

himself into temptation, which were againat the Lonl's Prayer. Forasmuch Bd-.rl W!IO as Solomon LProv. :ax.] saith, " O Lord, beggary and great riches ~ve Ul. me not, but only sufHciency to live upon, lest if I have too much, I be driven to deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord? Again, if I have too little, I be 1360' forced thereby to steal, and perjure the Dama of my Gad." Wherefore saith Ecclus. xxvii., "For Deed many have ofrended." And therefore they that WOful chOOl8 willul poverty, take to them great occasion of temptation. begga..,. 3. ltem, They that take wilful poverty upon them, when they need not, ::~_to be induce themselves voluntarily to break the commandment of Gad, "Thou shalt m1tled. not covet thy neighbour's house," &c. Again, where it is commanded, " There ahall be no beggar among yon," &c. 4. ltem, He that taketh upon bim needlessly and wiltully to beg, maketh bimseli unapt to receive holy orden, having, as it is said, no sufficient title thereunto, according to the laws of the church.
o

AD

VIII. The eighth conclusion of this matter is, that it is not ~eing to the Elghlh rule of the Friars Observant, to observe wilful beggary; whicb, Balth he, may be ,,:,0.1~ proved, because friar Francis, both in his rule, and in his testament left to bis ~ Franciscans, doth plainly prefer labour before begging. chan.... IX. The ninth alld last conclusion of this matter ie, that the bulI of pope Nlnth Alexander IV. which condemneth the book of the masten of Paris, I impugnetb none or these conclusiona premised. For the proof thereof be thus inferred : . 1. That f.Ol: John XXIV., in his constitution beginning thus, "Quia Pope NI quorundam, afHrmeth expressly, how pope Nicholas III. revoked and called back the said bulI of pope Alexander IV., and aIl other writings of his, touch- Yotelb. ing allsuch articles, which in the same aforesaid constitution of this pope John, thebull ot be contained and declared. Wherein aleo is declared how strait the poverty of the mars ought to be, which they call wilful poverty. der IV. , 2. ltem, It is manifest and notorious to all men, how the said pope Nicholas III., in his declaration showeth how the friars ought both to labOur with their banda, and bow, moreover, the said friars ought not to preach within the diocese of any bishop, wherelOever they be resisted: which heing so, the conclusion appeareth that the bulI of pope Alexander IV., as touching these articles, is void and of none efrect. Besides these articlee, there is nothing else in the said bull of Alexander, that I remember, which impugneth any of theae concluaions J1!,!mised. " Many things more," said he, " I had besides these, both to object and to ne end 8111Wer again to the same, and to confirm, more surely and firmly, these my :f~Ic;:':;f reasons and _rtions premised. " But I have alreadr too much wearied your IhlJ onholiness, and your reverend lordships here presentj wherefore I conclude, and 1100 of bumbly and devoutly beseech yon, accordin$ to my former petition premised in the beginning of this matter, that you jUdge not after the outward face, but betore the judge ye true judgment.' pope

:lu-

irI'la. _

=.0-

=.-.

NOTES TO BE OBSERVED IN THIS FORMER ORATlON OF AB.MACHANUS.

By this orauon of Armachanus the learned prelate, thus made Not.. to before pope Innocent and his cardinals, divers and sundry things ::~. there be, for the utility of the church, worthy to be observed. First, what troubles and VexauoDB came to the church of Christ by tbese friars. Also what persecuuon followeth after, by means of them, against 80 many learned men and ~e servants of Chrlst. Furthermore, wbat repugnance and contrariety there was among the popes, ~ntra-. and how they could not agree among themselves about the fri8rs. am%., Fourthly, what pestiferous doctrine, subverting well nigh the testament thepopee. of J esus Chrlst. Fift.hly, what decay of ministers in Chrlst's churcb, as appeareth. Sixthly, wbat tobbing and circumventing of men's
(1) TCIW'hioJ thIJ boolt ot th8 ~ ot PerIa 0CIIIIIemDed, loo1t p. 761. (I) Ex 1IbIO Armacballl, cuI t1CUlUl, DdaIIoriam Caratorum. ,

766
JU_d

NOTES TO BE OBSERVED IN THE ORATION o~ ARMACHANUS.

children, as appeareth. Seventhly, what decay of universitiea, as appeareth by Oxford (p. 760). Eighthly, that damage to learning. A. D. and lack of books to students, came by these triars, as appeareth. 1360. Ninthly, to what pride, under colour of feigned humility, to what riches, under dissembled poverty they grew, herc is to be secn ; insomuch that at length, through their subtle and most dangerous h~ crisy, they crept up to be lords, archbishops, enrdinals, and at last also chanceIlors of realms, yea and of most secret counsel with kings and queens, as appeareth. Wbplher AU these things well considered, now remaineth in the church to ~=kr:::; be marked ; that forasmuch as these (with their new-found tesIbe body tament of friar Francis), not being contented with the testament of ;~~~I:;" God in his Son Christ, began to spring up at the same time when 00. Satan was prophesied to be let loose by order of the Scripture; whether, therefore, it is to be doubted that these friars make up the body of Antichrist, which is prophesied to come in the church, or not; which is much less to be doubted, because whoso list to try shall finel, that of aIl other enemies of Christ, of whom some be manifest, some be privy, all be together cruel, yet is there no such sort of enemies that more sleightily deceiveth the simple Christian, or more deeply drowneth him in damnation, than doth this doctrine of the friars. Tho But of tbis oration of Armachanus enough. What success it bad :::~ ot with the pope, by story it is not certain, but by his own.life declared, :b:~ it appeareth that the Lord so wrought that his enemies did not triumph over him. Notwithstanding, this by story appeareth, tbat he was seven or eight years6 in banishment for the same matter, and Te.Umo. . cardinal h eanng . 01 ot a there died' lD t he same at A VIguon, of whom, a certain. =olDa1 of his death, openly protested that the same day a mighty pillar or blm. Christ's church was fallen. After the death or Armachanus, the friars had contention likewise with themonks or Benedict's order I about the same year (A.D. 1860), and so removed their cause, both against the monks, and against the FrIan university of Oxford, unto the court of Rome; wherein, saith the ~t author, they lacked another Richard.~ By this that appeareth to be v~l~ ot true, which is testifled in the first volume of Waldenus, that long o o debate continued between the friars and the university of Oxford. EnIl'U.b Against the friars first stood up Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln) ~~~ above mentioned; then Sevallus of York; afterwards John of Bacon thefrlan. thorpe, and now this Armachanus, of whom here presently we treat ; and after him again John Wickliff, of whom (Christ wilIing) we Para will speak hereafter. Against this aforesaid Armachanus wrote divers ~~:1:'1te friars; Roger C<>naway, a Franciscan, John Heyldesham, a Carmelitc, Ahrma. Galfridus Hardby, a friar Augustine. Also friar Engelbert, a Domie &nUl. nican, in a book entitled Defensorium Privilegiorum,' and divers others. I credibly henr of certain old lrish Bibles translated long since into the lrish tongue,4 which, if it be true, it is not likel)' to be the doing of any one but of this Armachanus. And thus much or this learned prelate and archhishop of Ireland, a man worthy, for his christian zea1, of immortal commendation. After the death of this Innocent, next was poped in the see of
_ III.

mars

(I) Es Chron. Beg. Rleh. 11. (2) EJ< DolOMro. (3) Ex Waldeoo. (4) Te.IUled by ..<tato Rnlll.bmon, whleb &re yet all.e, and ban ocen II. (') S Ib. Appendls.

A BEIlKON OF NJCHOLA8 ORBK BEFORB POPE URBAN

v.

767

Rome pope Urban V., who, by the father's side, was an Englishman. B~_" This Urban had been a waiter a long time in the court of Rome; and ....!!!:.when he BaW no promotion would light upon him, complaining to a D. certain friend of his, he made to him his moan, saying, That he ~ thought, verily, if all the churches of the world should falI, yet none ~~~aln would falI into his mouth. His mend afterwards seeing him to be elb lbal pope, and enthronized in his threefold crown, cometh to him, and :::'o~'.:'.; putting him in remembrance of his words to him before, saith, That ~~drall whereas his holiness had moaned his fortune to him, that if all the A m. churches in tbe world would fall, none would fall upon his head, .:e~~~ "now," saith he, "God hath otherwise so ~osed, that all the ::':;~n. churches in the world &re fallen upon your head. =~ This pope maintained and kindled great wara in ltaly, sending Giles, bis co.rdinal and legate. and aft.er him Arduinus, a Burgundian, bis legate and abbot, with a great puissance and much money agaIDst sundry cities in ltaly; by whose means the towns and citics which before had broken from the bishop of Rome were oppressed : also Barnabas and GaJeaceus, prince. of Milan, were vanquished,' How lhe By wbose example other being sore feared, submitted themselves i::,~hof to the church of Rome; and tlius came up that wicked church to her by great possessions, which her patrons would needs father upon Con- roy~ poastantine, the godly emperor. ....IOOL In the time of this pope Urban V., and in the second year of his reign, about the conclusion of the year of our Lord 1863, I find II. certain sermon of one Nicholas Drem, made before the pope and his cardinals, on Christmas-even. 2 In which sermon the learned man doth worthily rebuke the prelates and priests of his time, declaring their destruction not to be far ofF, by certain sigus taken of their wicked and corru:pt life. AlI the sayings of the prophets, spoken againRt the wicked pnests of the Jews, he doth aptly apply against the clergy of his time, comparing the church thenyresent to the spiritual strumpet spoken of in the prophet Ezekiel l chap. xvi.]; and he proveth, in conclusion, the clergy of the church then to be so much worse than the old synagogue of the J ews, by how much it is worse to sell the church and sacraments, than to sufFer doves to be sold in the churcb. With no less judgment also, and learning, he answereth to the old and false objections of the papists, who, albeit they be never so wicked, yet think themselves to be the church which the Lord cannot forsake. All these things to the intent they may the better appear in his own words, I have thought good here to translate and exhibit the sermon as it was spokcn before the pope.

::oe

A Copy of a Sermon made before Pope Urban V., the fourth Sunday in Advent, A.D. 1868, by Nicholas Orem.
1/ Juxta tllIt salua mea, ut veniat, et juatitia," &c. That u, "My aaving Tbe health u near at band to come, and my righteousness to be revealed," &c. world fI... lvi.] After the sentence of Sl Paul, Rom. ii. and in divera otber places, ~~~o l>eCore the nativity oC Cbrist tbe whole world Wal divided into two sorta 01 men, aort. or tbe J eWI and Gentile8-tbe J eWI, wbo waited Cor tbe opening oC tbe door oqnen paradiae by tbe blood oC the Saviour to come: the Gentile., whu yet eitting in 1:::"1\:. darkness were to be called to light, and to be juatilied by Caith, QI it u wrilten t10n or in Romans, chap. v. ChrisL

t':

(I) Ex Sabel. EDneacl. Ix. IIb. 8

(I) Ilee the Appendlx.

'768
Ed","rtJ

A 8ERMON OF NICHOLAS OREM BEFORE POPE URBAN V.

This salvation, pertaining both to the Jew and Gentile, Gad promiaed'before time to the fathera by the propheta, to stir up the desire thereof in their hearU - - - the more, and to inerease thelr finn hope and faith in the same. As firat, in t:i~' Micah vi., the voice of the Lord crieth, " Health and salvation shall be to a1l _ _._ men which fear my name." And lsaiah xlvi., "I will give-in Sion salvation, and in Jerusalem m,! glory," &c., with diven other such places. And forasmuch as hope which 18 deferred many times, doth affiict the soul, and conceiveth weanness of long deferring; he, therefore, prophesying of ihe nearness of the comin~!hereof, saith moreover [Isa. xiv.l, " HIS time is near at hand to come." AIso Liab. ii.], "He will come, and will. not tany." With many such o!her places more. So then the holy fathera being in Limbo, looked and hoped that he should bring out them !hat sat bound, and which in the house of prison sat in darkoess, as we read in lsaiah xli. Then the time drew on, in which came the fulness of the Gentiles, and in which the Lord would declare the riches of tbis myste'}' hidden from the world, and from generations. [CoL i.] Wherefore the Lord, ID this text, doth both certify our fathen of the coming ofour Saviour, and doth comfort them touching the nearness thereof, and also teacheth the justification of the Gentiles by faith, approaching now near at hand, accordiog to the words of my text, "my salvation is uear." Which words were fulfilled then, what time the Lord did manifest his salvation, and did reveal his Three righteousness in the Hight of all the Gentiles. And it is divided iuto three b_ado. parta i of which the first speaketh of the nearness of bis coming, where it is said, "my salvation is near." The second concemeth the mystery of the advent of Christ and his incarnation, where be saith, "ut veniat," &c. Thirdly. is considered the severity ofGod, his terrible revenging judgment to be revealed, where he saith, "ut reveletur," &c., which is to be expounded ofbis primitive justice, whereof speaketh Amos [chap. v.l, saying, "And judgment shall be revealed like a flood, and righteousness like a strong stream." Wherefore, for our cootempJation of the solemnity of the most holy "igil, let us receive with joy the word of God the Father, " My Salvation ia nigh," thal is, Christ. To whom he saith [Isa. xlix.], .. I have given thee to be a lighl to the GentiJes, and to be my salvation throughout the ends of the world:" and agai.a [Isa. xlvi.], "My salvation shall not slack," &c. Tb_ nn\ As touchiog the neamess thereof, it is in these days opened to us by the vrtofll1l gospel, where we read in St. Matthew, When the virgin Mary was espoused tbem_. unto Joseph, before they did come together, she was found with child oy the Holy Ghost. By this lt was evident to underatand, that our Saviour ought shortly,to proceed out of the chaste womb of the virgin, according as the prophet did foretel, saying, "Behold a virgin shall conceive and bring forth a soo," &c. For as the grape, when it waxeth great and fuli, is near to the making of wine; and as the flower, when it shooteth abroad, basteth to the fruit ; so the salvation of the world, in the swelling and growing of the virgin's womb, began to draw nigh to mankind. For then appeared the grace and benignity oC our Saviour, whom bis mother was found to have in her womb by the Holy Ghost, as is declared in that which followeth by the angel, saying, "For that which is bom of her is oC the Holy Ghost." Tbo Touching the second part of that which is said, "ut veniat:" this may be oerood applied to the contemplation of the mystery of Christ coming in the flesh; bil whereof speaketh Haggai the prophet [chap. ii.], "He shall come who is desired ana looked for of all nations," &c. Albeit the same also may be applied to the second advent, spoken of in Isaiah [chap. iii l, "The Lord shall come to judgment," &c.; in memorial whereof the fourth Sunday was dedicated in the old time, of the fathers. And of this day of judgment lt is written in the prophet Zeph. [chap. ii.], .. The da)' of the Lord is near, great and mighty, lt is approaehing at hand, and wOlldroUS short," &c. And albeit not in itself, yet it may be expounded in triblllations that go beCore, as preambles unio the same j as Gregory saith, "The last tribulation is prevented with mauy and aundry tribulations going before, although the end of all be not yet." :1110 IhlId Wherefore now coming to tbe third part of my sennon or theme, let UB see, ~ ofllil of those tribulations that go before the last coming oC Christ, if there be any IIDI. BUch tribulation approaching nigh at hand, whereof this last part of my theme may be verified, where he said, " Ut reveletur," that my rigbleousness shall be revealed j to wit, the righteol1sness primitive, that righteousness may be
111.

r;::,.a:.

A SER!>ION Ol' XICIIOI.AS OREM BEI'ORE POl'E URBAN V.

769

broughl, and the l'ropheey of Daniel fulfilled [Dan. ix.], cl'neerning whi, h Edward matter four things here COlllC in order to be decIared. . Iil Io'irsl, Concenling the revealillg of tribulation, according to th.;.~ part of my Al)" theme, " Ut reveletur," &c. 13'(j4' Secolldly, Concerning the ncarness of the tribulation coming, according to __,_._ lhat part of my theme, " (~uia juxta est," &c. Fo~r, KubThirdly, Of the false opinions of some upon this part of my theme, " Ut dhlllouR. veniat," &c. Fourthly, Whot means and consultation we ought to take, " Ut juxta est salus." As for the first, it is so notorious and so common in the Scriptures that the P,int,lubchurch should suffer and abide tribulatioll, that I need not here to stand in dl.I.IOU. alleging any thing touching either the causes to be weighed, or the tenn to be conjectured thereof. As coneerning which causes I will give two rules to be noted before, for the better opening of that which is to follow: The firat rule is, that by the two kingdoms of the nation of the Hebrews which were in the old time, to wit, by the kingdom of Isracl, whose head was Samaria, is The kl.g. signified in the prophets the erroneous synagogue ; and by the second kingdom of ~om of. Judah, of whose stock came Christ, whosc head metropolitan was Jcrusalem, n~~f~;,g is sigllified the tme ehurch. And this rule is not mine, but is an authentie tbe fal gloss of St. J erome, and al80 is the rule of Origen in the last homily upon the cburch. Old Testament, and is ol'proved by the ehureh. ~~gThe second rule is, that by the brothel-house and fomication mentioned in Judah the prophets, ore signified simony, and abused dispensations, and promotions of ;~gni~.,t~ persons unworthy, for luere's sake, or eise for any other partial favour, who, by ~b~:;~ IlDlawful ways, by all laws of the warId, come to office and honour. "Merx dicitur namque a merendo;" that is, because gain ar priee is derived of gaining; for the which gain ar priee, that is sold, whieh by nature ought not to be sold. Therefore, to give any thing for respeet of gain or hire, whieh ought to be given freely for virtue's sake, is 1\ kind uf spiritual corruption, and as a man would say, a whorish thing; whereof the prophet [Isaiah, chap. i.] complaineth, speaking of Jerusalem, and saying, " The city whieh onee was faithful and fulI of judgment, how is it naw become a whorish city?" And in like manner Hosea also, the propbet chap. ix.], "Jerusalem, dlOU hasl fornicated and gone a whoring from thy God. Thou hast loved like a harlot to get gain in every bam of com." And in many other places of Scripture, where fol1lieation cannot be otherwise expounded. These twa rules thus premised, now let us mark the Scriptures, and, according to the same, judge of the whole state of the church, both what is past, and what is to come: Firat, treatin~ of the causes of tribula:lOn to come: Secondly, of the vicinity of time of the swd tribulation to come. And first, concerning the state of the church, and of causes of tribulation, PI thus saith the Lord in the prophet Ezekiel [chap. xvi.], speaking to the church Itat.. of under the name of Jerusalem: " In tbe day of thy birth I came by thee, and ~~~rch Baw thee trodden down in thine own blood," &c. Here he speaketh of the delCrlbed, time of the martyrdom of the church. Then it followeth, "After this thou wast deansed from thy blood, thou wast grown up, and waxen great; then \. Th~ washed I thee with water, I purged thy blood from thee" (speaking of ceasing martyrof persecution), l i I anointed thee with oil, I gave thee change of raiment, I ~~: ot girded thee with white silk, I decked thee with costly apparel, I put rings uyon cburcb. thy fingers, achain about thy neck, spangles upon thy forehead, and ear-nngs 2. The.. upan thine eara. Thus wast thou decked with silver and gold, and a beautifull:r":"~f1Y crown set upon thine hl'ad. Marvellous goodly wast thlJu and beautiful, even chureh. a very queen wast thou: for thou wast excellcnt in my beauty, which I put upon thee, saith the Lord God," &c. This prophecy, ar rather history, speaketh of, and declareth, the prosperity of the church. And now hear the corruption and transgression of the church, for so it fol- 3. Tbo lowcth: " But thou hast put confidence in thine own beauty, !ind played the ~:~~~h. harlot, when t1IOU hadst gotten thee a name. Thou bast comlIlltted whoredom .hureh wid! all that went by thee, and hast ftufilled their desires; yea, thou hast taken thy gllnllents of divers colours and decked thine altars therewith, whereupon thou mig-htest f\llfil thy whoredom of such a fashion as never was dane, nor shall be." Which whoredom can in no wise be expounded for carnal, but

Po';,

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A SF.RMOS OF NH'HOLAS OREM BF.FORI': POPE URBAN T.

spitual whoredom. And therefore, see how lively he hath pailltl'd out tlle COl'rnption and falling of the church. A. D. And therefore followeth now the correction and punishment of the church. 1364. It followeth, " Behold I stretch out my hand over thee, and will diminish thy - - - store of food, and deliver thee over unto the wills of the Philistines, and ol BUch 4. Th~. as hate thee: dnd they sha11 break down thy stews, and destroy thy brothel~;~r;:~ lon houses" (that is, the place whereiu thou didst exercise this wickedn(911) " the)' church. ahall atp thee out of thy clothes: all thy fair beautifu1 jewels shall they takI' from thee, and so let thee sit naked and bare," &c. [Ezek. xvi.] Here is plainly to be seen what sha11 happen to the church, and more fo11oweth in the said chapter : "Thine elder sister is Samaa, she and her daughters upon thy left hand: but the youngest sister that dwelleth on thy right band ia Sodoma with her daughters, whose sins were these: pde, fulness of meat, abundanC', and idleness, neither reached tlley their band to the poor. And yet, neithM' Sodoma thy sister, with her daughters, hatb done 80 evil as thou and thy daughters: neither hath Samaa" (that is, the synagogue) " done half of thy sius; yea, thou hast exceeded them in wickedness. TakI' therefore and bear thine own confusion," &c. Again in Ezek. [chap. xxiiL], after the prophet lwi descbed at large the wickedness, corruption, and puuishment of the synagogol', tuming to the church, he saith, " And when her sister saw this, she raged and was mad with lust more than before; she was mad, that is, with feshly lust,l. love of ches, and fo11owing voluptuousness. Her fomication and whoredom she committed with pnces and great lords, clothed with all manner of gorgeous apparel; 80 that her paps were bruised, and her breasts were marred." And then speaking of her punishment, he saitb, " Then my . heart forsook her, likI' as my heart was gonI' from her sister also." And moreover, repeating again the cause thereof, he addeth, " Thy wickedness and thy fomication hath wrought thee a11 this," &c. The likI' we find al80 in Isaiah, Jeremy, Ezekiel, and in a11 the otha prophets, who, prophesying all together in one meaning, and alm08t in one manuer of word&, do couclude with a full agreement and prophecy to come, that the church shall fall, and then be yunished for her great excell8eB, and bo, utterly spoiled, except she repent of al her abominations. Whereof speaketh Hasea [chap. ii.], "Let her put away her whoredom out of her sight, and her adultery from her breasts, lest I stp her naked, and set her eyen as ahe came naked into the worId," (that is, in her pmitive poverty). Sa if she do it not, it shall fo11ow of her as in the prophet Nahum [chap. iii.l, "For the multitude of the fomication of the fair and beautiful harlot, which is a master of witchcnl.ft, yea and selleth the people through her whoredom, and the nnUona through her witchcraft." And it followeth upon the same, "Behold I come upon thee, saith the Lord of hasts, and will pull thy clothes over thy head, that they nakedness shall appear among the heathen, and thy shame amongst the Thc re; kingdoms" &1'. Wherefore by these it is to be understood that llpon thia ~';-'::llon church the pmitive justice of God is to be revealed hereafter. And tJIUS o'urch. much of the first of the fuur members above touched. 8'"01ld Now to the second member of my tbeme, "Juxta est;" concemiug the :~~lVI- nearness of time. Although it is not for us to know the moments and articles Sig,:. of time; yet, by certain notes and signs, peradventure, it may be collected and 'hat ;he gathered, that whicb I have berI' to say. For the tractation whereof, first I 'T1b\lI~- ground myself upon the saying of tbe apoetle Paul [2 Thes. ii.], where he :;~en o wteth, " That unless there come a defection first," &1'. By the which defeeehureh tion, Jerome' gathereth and expollndeth allegocally, the de80lation of the ~~:.th monarcby of Rome: between wbich de80lation, and the persecution ,ol the Pirai.lgn. churcb by Anticbrist, he putteth no mll811 space. And now, ",hat is the state of t/cepl that commonwealth, if it be compared to thc majesty of that it hath been, judge ~~::: a YOllrselves. Another gloss there is that s'lith, bow by that defection is meant, ~.rl'Ctlon that from the cburch of Rome ahall come a departing of some other churches. ~r~;'l~o:, The second note and mlll'k i this, when th.e church sball be worse in ID8I1ners underthan was the syn~oglle; as appeareth by the ordinary gloss upon the third of .,00<1. Jeremiah, where It is wtten, "Thc backslider Israel may aeem jllst and ~I;:nd ghteous in compa80n of sinful J udah ;" that is, the synagogue in compsrisuo
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Itr the church of God. Whereof writeth Origen 8Ilying, Think that to bc Etl,...rtl IIpoken of us what the Lord saith in Ezekiel [chap. xvi,], "Thou hast ~xceeded Ul thy sister in thine iniquities." Wherefore now, to com'pare the one with the A D other: Firat, ye know how Christ rebuked the Pharlsees, who, as Jerorne 1364' witnesseth, were then the clergy of the Jews, of covetousness, for that they suffered doves to be sold in the tempIe of God: Secondly, for that they did The .yhonour God with their lips, and not with their heart; and because they said, ~~ogl1e but did not: Thirdly, he rebuked tbem, for tbat they were bypocrites, To chureh the firat tben, let us see wbethe~ it be worae to sell both church and sacraments ~~~r~~~d than to su1fer doves to be sold In the tempIe, or not. Secondly, whereas the in manPhariseea were rebuked for bonouring God with their lipa, and not with their Dm. heart, there be some who neither honour God with beart, nor yet with lipa, and who neither do well, nor yet say well; neitber do they preach any word at all, but be dumb doga, not able to bark, impudent and sbameless dogs, that never have enougb; sucb pastora as have no understanding, declining and straying all in their own way, every one given to covetousness from the highest to the loweat. And thirdly, as for hypocriay, there be also some whose intolerable pride and malice are ao manifest and notorious, ltindled up like a fire, that no cloak or ahRdow of h)"llOCrisy can cover it, but they are so past aU ahame, that it may be well verified of them, which the prophet speska, " Thou h8llt gotten tbee the face of a harlot ; thou wouldat not blush," &c. The third sign and token of tribulation approaching near to the church, may Third well be taken of the too much unequal proportion acen this day in the church; aign. where one ia hungry and atarveth, another ia drunk. By reason of which ao great inequality, it cannot be that the stae of the cburch, 811 it ia now, can long endure j for, like as in good harmony, to make the music perfect, ia required a moderate and proportiona.te inequality of voices, which if it do much exceed, it taketh away all the aweet melody j so, according to the sentence of the phio sopher, by too much immoderate inequality or diaparity of citizena, the commonwealth falleth to ruin. On the contrary, where mediocrity, that ia, where a mean inequality with some proportion ia kept, that policy standeth finn artd more sure to continue. Naw, among aU the politic regiments of the Gentiles, I think none more ia to be found in hiatoriea, wherein ia to be aeen so great and exceeding odda, as in the policy of prieats j of whom some be so high, that they exceed all princea of the earth; some again be ao base, that they are under all rascals, OligarIO that such a policy or commonwealth. may well be called Oligarchia. e'hl&, ia Tbis may we plainly see and learn in the body of man, to the which Plutarch, ;';we::r writing to Thracinius,' doth semblably compare the commonwealth. In the allthe whicb body, if tbe auatenance received ahould all run to one member, so that :naJ;:nd that member should be too much exceedingly 'pampered, and all the otber parts rea' be too much pined, that body could not long contmue; ao in tbe body of the wealtb nolh~ng eccleaiaatical, if aome who be the bew be ao enonnoualy overgrown in riches wort . and dignity, that the weaker membera of the body be aeantly able to bear them up, there ia a great token of diasolution and ruin abortly. Wbereupon cometh well in place the saying of the prophet Iaaiah: " Every bead ia aick, every heart is fulI of sorrow j" ofthe which hew it ia also apoken in the prophet Amos [chap. vi.], "Woe be to the secure, promi, and wealthy in Sion, and to such as think themaclvea ao aure uFnn the mount of Samaria, talting themaelves as hew and nuera over othera,' &c. And, moreover, in the aaid prophet Isaiab it followeth, " From the top of the heRd to the sole of tbe foot there ia no whoe part in all ~he body," to wit, in tbe inferiors, because they are nllt abe to live for poverty j in tbe superiora, because for their excesaive richea they are let from doing good. And it followetb in tbe same place, "But all are wounda, and botches, and atripes." Behold here tbe danger coming, th(' wounda of diacord and division, the botch or aore of rancour and en")', the swelling stripe of rebellion and miaehief. The Iou.. - tb aign ia the pride of preates. Some there have been who fondly Fourth have disputed of the poverty of Chriat, and have inveighed againat the preate&, algn. because they Hve not in the poverty of the aaints. But this fantasy cometh or the ignorance of mora phiosophy and divinity, and of the defect of natural prudence j for that in all nationa, and by common laW!, prieats have had, and, ought to bave, wherewith to austain themseves more honestly than the vugar lIOrt, and prelatea more honestly th~n the subjects. But yet hereby ia not
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pemlitted to tbem tbeir great horses, tbeir troops of hOl'llemen, the super6IlOUll pomp of their waiting-men and great families, which scarcely can be maintained without pride, neither can be sustaicled with safe justice, and, Olany, not 364' without fighting and injuries inconvenient j not much unlike to that whic.h -'_:,- J tlstin tbe historian writeth of the Carthaginians, "1'he family," saith be, "ol Prlde "r 90 great emperors, WRS intolerable to BUcb a free city." In semblable wise, this r,~:~';; great pride in the cburch .of God, especiaHy in these daye, doth move not SD few to due reverence, as many to indlgnation j and yet more, to those thin~. aforesaid: who think no less but to do sacrifice to God, if they may rob and spoil certain fat priests and persons, namely, BUch as neither ha\'e nobility Ol blood, and less leaming to bear themselves upon, but are liara, servile and fraudulent, to whom the Lord speaketh by his prophet Am08 [chap. iv.], "Hear you fat-fed kine of Samaria, ye that do poor men wrong, and oppress the needy, the day shaH come upon you," &c. Fiflh 1'he fifth sigo is, the tyranny of the prelates and presidents, which as it is a .ign. violent thing, so it cannot be long lasting. For as Solomon saith [chap. xvi.], " For it was requisite that, witbout any excuse, destruction should come upon tbose which exercised tyranny." 1'he prorerty of a tyrant is not to seek the Th. tyranny commodity of his subjects, but only his wil and profit. Such were tbe pastora ofp..... that fed not the Lord's fock, but fed themselves; of whom and to whOlII late.. noted. speaketh the prophet Ezekiel [chap. xxxiv.], "Woe be unto those pastora ol Israel that feed themselves. Should not the shepherds feed the Bocu?" with many other threatenings against them in the same chapter. "'VDe be unto them who rejoice at the transgressions of those whom it lieth in their power to condemn, neither do they seek what he is able to pay;" to whom crieth Micah the prophet [chap. iii.l, " Ye hate the good and love the evil j ye pluck olf mpn'. skins, and the fesh from thp bones j ye eat the fesh of my people, and flay olf their skin j ye break their bones j ye chop them in pieces, as it were mto a cauldron, and as fesh into the pot," &c. And, therefore, the aforesaid Ezekie [chap. xxxiv.] pronounceth, " Behold, I will myself come upon the shDpherds and require my sheep from their hands, and make them c"ase from feeding my sheep, yea the shepherds shall feed themselves no more; for I will deliver my sheep out of their mouths, so that they shaH not devour them any more." Bixth 1'he sixth sign is the promoting of the unworthy, and neglecting them tbat ~ ~J{D. worthy. 1'his, as Aristotle saith, is a great cause many times of the dissolution li~I~n;,~ of commonweals. And oftentimes it so hap'peneth in he wara of princes, that u~worthy the contempt and small regarding of the valiant, and the exa1ting of othera that :-::~~l.- be less worthy, engender divers kinda and kindlings of sedition. For partly . by reason of the same, partly of the other causes above recited, we have read not only in books, but have seen with our eyes, divera fourishing cities well nigl subverted; whereas good men be not made of, but are vexed with sorrow and grief by the evil: the contention at length bursteth out upon the prince, as Haymo reciteth out of Origen. This always hath been the perverse incredulity of man's hard heart, and that not only in hearing, but alBO in seeing: yet will they not believe hat others have perished, unless they also perish themselvea. 8eventh The seventh sigo is, the tribulation of outward policy and commotions of the aign. people, which in a great part has now happened already. And thereforp, forasmuch as Seneca saith, " Men do complain commonly that evils only come so fast;" it is to be feared lest al80 the ecclesiastical policy be afHicted not oni, outward1y, but also in itselfj and 80 that be fu1fi11ed in UB, which iu Jeremy 18 prophesied [chap. iv.j, " Murder is cried upon murder, and the whole land shall perish, and suddenly my tabernacles were destroyed, and my lents very quickly." And Ezekiel [chap. vii.], "Wherefore I will bring cruel tyrants from among the heathen, to take their houses in possession i I will make th~ pomp of the proud to cease, and their sanctuaries shall be taken. One mischief and sorrow shall folIowanothel', and one rum'our shall come after another: then shall they seek visions in vain at their prophets i the law shall be gone from their pests, and wisdom from their elders," &c. F.lghth The eighth is, the refusing of correction, neither will they hear their faults 11h'1l. Refl..lng told them, so that it happened to the princes and rulers of the churl:h, as it is of corwritten in the prophet Zechariah, [chap. vii.] "They stopped their ears that they rectlOD would not hear, yea they ruade their hearts a8 an adamant stone, lest they should In the hear the law and worda which the Lord of host.q sen t in his Holy Spirit by the c1erg)'.
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rrophets aforetime." Also Iaaiah, witnessing after the same eft'ect [chap. xxx. J, Bfi'tJrd saith, " For it is an obstinate 1'1.'01'11.', Iying children, and unfaithful children, lU, that will not hear the law of the Lord, which say to the prophets, Meddle with nothing, and tell Ul! nothing, that is true and right, but speak friendly words to ]364' us," &1.'. Ali this shall be yerified when the prelates hegin to hate them that _.__ tell them truth, and haye knowledge; likI.' lmto sllch of whom Amos speaketh Trulb [chap. v.], "They bear him evil will, that re~roveth them openly, and whoso ohent. telleth them the plain truth, they abhor him.' And therefore saith the Lord, by Hosea, to the church of Jerllsalem [chap. iv.], " Seeing thou hast refused understanding, I have refused thee a1so, that thou shalt no more be my priest. And forasmuch as thou hast forgotten the law of thy God, I will also forget thy children, and change their honour into shame. And so shall ie be, likI.' priest, likI.' 1'1.'01'11.'," &1.'. j and many other sayings there be in the prophets, speaking of the dejecting and castin~ down of the priestly honour. Besides these aforesaid SlgnS and tokens hitherto recited, there be a1so diyers Lack ot others; as the backsliding &om righteousness, the lack of discreet and learned 1.~rro.-t priests, promoting of children into the church, with others such. But these pn l being a1ready well notcd and marked, you may easily ju~e and understand whether these times now present of ours be sarI.' and elear from tribulation to be looked for, and whether the word or the Lord be true according to my theme, "My righteousness is near at hand to be revealed," &c. And thus much of the second part. Now to the third part ar member of my subdi\;sion, which is concerning the Tl.lrd false and perilous opinions of some, upon this word ar my theme, "Ut o~.lxlivl. veniat," &1.'.; which opinions principally be four, alI repugning against the 01011. truth of the canonical scripture. TlIe first oJ>inion is of such men, who, having too much confid~nce in themselves, do think and persuade with themseh'es, that the prelatcs be the church ~hieh the Lord will always keep and never forsakI.', as he hath promised in the persons of the apost1es, saying, in Matthew rchap. xxviii.], "And I will be Th. with you to the end of the world," &c. But ibis lS to be understood or faith, chhU1Chil whereof Christ speaketh in LukI.' chap. xxi.J, .. I haye prayed for thee, that~.:'d ID thy faith shall not fail." Whereof we read in Ecelesiastcs [chap. xL], "Faith who!" II shall stand for ever," &1.'. And a1beit charity wax never 80 eold, yet faith, not- ~b,"OI' withstanding, shall remain in a few, and in aU distresses of the world; of the which distresses, our Saviour doth prophesy, in many l'laces, to come. And lest, peradventure, some should tlunk themselyes to be safe from tribulation, because they be of the ehurch; this opinion the Lord himself doth contradiet in J ercmillh [chap. \;i.], "Trust not," saith he, "in false lyin~ words, saying, The TempIe of the Lord, the TempIe of the Lord." And alittle after, "But you trust in words and lying counsels which deeeive you, and do you no good." The second opinion is of them who defer time j for tbis they will grant, that the elmrch shall abide trouble, but not so shortly j thinking thU8 with them8elves, that all these eauses and tokens afore recited, have been before, at other times as well, in the chureh. For both by Gregory and Bernard, holy doetors, in time past, the prelatcs have been in likI.' sort reprehended, both for their bribings, for their pomp and pride, for the promoting of children, and persolls unfit unto eeelesiastica1 funclions, and other vices more, which have reigned before this in the chureh of God more than now, and yet by God's grace the church hath lrospered and stands. Do ye not see, that if a house have stood and continue ruinous a long season, it is never the more near the fali thereby, but rather to be trustcd the bettcr? Moreoyer, many times it cometh so to pass, in realms and kingdoms, that the posterity is punished for the sins of their predecessors. Whereof speaketh the book of Lamentations [chap. v.], " Our fathers ha"e sinned and are now gonI.', and we must bear their wickedness," &c. Against this cogitation or opinion, well doth the Lord answer by the proplIet Ezekiel chap. xii.], saring, "Behold, thou Son of Man, tlIe honse of Israel saith in ibis manner, 'l ush, as for the \;sion that he hatII seen, it will be many a day ere it come to pass; it is far oft' yet, the thing that he prophesietli. Therefore say unto them, thus saith the Lord God, 'fbI.' words that l have spoken sha1l be deferred no longer, look, what I have said shall come to pll8ll, saith the Lord," &c. We ha"e seen in our days things to happen, which seemed before incredible. And the likI.' IIatII been seen in other times a1so,

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re.td w:itteu in the book of Lamentatioll8 rchap. iv.], "The kinga ol tbe nor all the inhabitanta of the world wouTd not have beleived, that the A"'i)" enemy and adversary should have come in at the gateR of the city, for the BiD8 1364' of her \lriesta, and for the wickedneBB of her elden, that have &hed innocent ___ o blood Wlthin her," &c. By Jeruaalem, aR is Raid, is meant the chnrch. The third opinion or error is very periloUB and perverBe, oC all such &I say " veniat," let come that will come j let UB comonn ounelves to this world, and take our time with those temporizen who Bay in the book of Wisdom rchap. ii], " Come, let us enjoy our gooda and pleasures that be present, and Tet UB UBe the creatnre B8 in '0uth quickly," &c. Such aR these be, are in adangeroUB CaBe, and be greatly preJudicial to good men in the church. And, if the heads and rulen of the chnrch were so vile to have any such detestable cogitation in them, there were no place in hell 100 deep for them. This church, founded by the apost1es in Chnst, consecrated with the blood of!KI mauy martyrs, enlarged and increased with the virtues and merita of 80 many sainta, and endued 80 richly with the devotion of BO many secular princes, and 80 10ng pl'Ollpered hitherto j if it now should come iuto the banda of such persous, it should fall in great danger of ruin, and they, for their negligence and wickedneas, would welI deserve of God to be cursed; yea here, also, in this present world, to incur temporal tribulation and destruction, which they fear more j by the sentence ol the Lord, Ba}-IDg to them in the book of Proverbs [chap. i.], lO AlI my counsels ye haye despised, and set my' correction at no~ht; therefore shall I alBO laogh in yonr destruction, when tribulation and angwah shall fall upon you." Fourthly, another op'inion or error is, of such B8 being unfaithful, believe not that any such thing will come. And this error seemeth to have no remedy, but that B8 other things and olher kingdoms have their enda and limita set unio them, which they cannot OverpllS8 j so it must needs be, that sllch a domination and govemment of the church have an end, br reason of Ule demerits and obstinacies of the govemon provoking and requinng the same; like as we read in the prophet Jeremy [chap. viii.], lO There is no man that taketh repentance for his Bin, that will so much B8 Bay, Wherefore have I done this? But e\'ery man runneth forth stilllike a wild hone in battle." And the same prophet, in chapler xiii. of his prophecy, "Like 118 the man of Inde may change his skin, and the caklf-mountain her spota, so may that be exercised in eYiI, do good:' Whereunto also accordeth that which is Wlltten of the same prophet [chap. xvii.J, speakin~ of Juda1l, sianifying the church, "The sin of Judah," Raith be, "19 wrilten m the table o,?ooiur hearta, and graven BO upon the edges of yonr altars with a pen of iron, an with an adamant caw;" which is B8 much to Bay, it is indelible, or which cannot be rased out; aR also Ezekiel, speaking of the punishmeut [chap. xxi.], saith, "I the Lord have drawn my sword out of the sheath, and it cannot be revoked." Notwitbstanding, all these signify no impoBBibility, but difficult" because that wicked men are hardly converted; for, olherwise, the Scriptnre lmporteth no such inflexibility with God, but if conversion come, he will forgive. So we read in the prophet Jonas rchap. iii.l, " Who can leli? God may tum and repent, and ceB8e from his flerce wrath that we perish not." And to the like effect sailh the same Lord in Jeremy rchap. xxvi.], .. Look thou keep not one word back, if peradventure they will hearken and tum every man from his wicked way, that I also may repent of the pl~e which I have delennined to bring upon them, because of their wicked mventiollB," &c. For the further proof wbereof, Nineveh we sec was converted, and remained undestroyed, &c. Likewise thc Lord also had revealed destruction unto Constantinople by sundry signs and tokens, aR Augustine in a certain sennon doth declare. And thUB for the third part or member of my division. }'ourtll Fourthly and lastly, remwneth to decare, some wholesome concluding, now 11Ibdhi upon the callses precedillg: that is, if by these caUBes and signs, heretofore delIob. dared, tribulation be prepared to fall upon the chnrch, thell let us humbIl' our minds rnildly and wi.ely. And if we BO return with heart and in deed uuto God, verily he will regcue and help after an inestimable wise,. and will surcease from BCOurging UB, as he promiseth by his JlI'ophet Jererniah [chap. xviii.], .. IC that people against whom I have thus devised, convert from thelr wickcdness, immediately I will repent of the plaguc that I dcvised to bring upon them;" epeaking 1:.ere after the manner of men, &c. Now therefore, forasmuch lU
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,..,.. j.l
~

tribulation and afHiction iB 80 near coming toward UB, yea lieth upan us already, Edward let llB be tbe more diligent to call upon Gad for mercy. For I think, veriy, III. th~se ~any years, therc have not been. sa many and.sa despiteful haters and A. .o eYlI willers, stout, and of Buch a rebelhous heart agamst the church of Gad, 1364' as be now-~IIYs; neither be they lacking, tbat wouhl wark all that they can ._ against it, and lovers of new-fangleness; wh08e bearts the Lord haply will tum, that they shall not hate his people, and wark deceit agmnst bis servan15, I mean against priests, whom they have naw in little ar no reputatian at all, albeit many yet there be, through God's grace, good and gadly; but yet the fury of the Lord is not tumed away, but slill his hand is suetched out. And IInle88 ye be converted, he shaketb his sword; he hath bent his baw, and prepared it readJ'. Yet the Lord standeth waiting, tbat he may have merc)' upon you [Isaiah xxx.] And therefore, as the greatn!'sa of fear ought to incite UB, 80 bope of salvation may a1lure ua to pray and call upon the Lord, especially now, toward this holy and sacred time and solemnity of Christ's nativitv: for that holy and continua! prayer without intermission is profitable, and the instant devotion and vigilant deprecation of the just man is of great force. And if terrene kings, in thd day of celebralian of their nativity, be want to sbow themselves more liberal and bounteous, how much more ought we to hope well, that the beav!'nly King, of nature most benign, naw at his nata! and birth-day, will not deny pardon' and remission to such as rightly cali unto him. And' naw, tberefore, as it is writt.en in J oshua [chap. 'ii.], "Be ye sanctified againa! to-morrow," &c. And sayunto him, as it is writt.en in the fint book of Samuel [chap. xxv.], "Naw let thy aervants I pray thee find favour in thy sight, for we come to thee in a good seaaon." Moreover, ye may /ind whl1t ye ask, if ye aak that which he brought, in the day of his nativity, that is, the ppace of the church, not apiritual only, but also temporal ; which tbe angelical noise did aound, and experience the same time did provI', teatilied by Livy, Pliny, and otber heathen atory-writera, who all marvl'iled thereat, saying that auch an universal peace as that could not come on earth, but by the gift of Gad. For 80 Gad did forepromise in tbe prophet lsaiah [chap. lxvi.], " Behold, Iwilllet pesce into Jeruaa1em Iike a waterflood," &c.; and in Psalm lxxi., "In his time righteousnesa ahall flourish, yea, and abundance of pesce," &1'. Therefore naw, O reverend fathers in the Lord! and you, here in thia present assembly! behold, I say, tbe day of life and wvation; naw ia the opportune time to pray unto Gad, that the same thing, which he IJrougbt into the world at bis birth, he will naw grant in thcse daya to his church, tbat ia, his peace. And, likI' as Nineveh was aubverted, andoverturned,not in membera but in manners, so the same words of my theme, " Juxta est justitia mea ut reveletur," may be "erified in UB, not of the primitive justice, but of our sanctificatioD by grace; 80 that, as to-morrow is celebrated the nativity of our Saviour, aur righteousnesa may rise together with him, and his biesaing may be upon us, which Gad hath promised, saying, " My saving healtb ia near at hand to come," &c.; wbereof .peaketh l wab the prophet [chap. li.]... MYsaviDg health shall endure for ever, &c. This health grant unto Ud, tbe Father, San, and Holy Gh08tl Amen.
II

This sermon was made by Master Nicholas Orem before pope Urban V. and his cardina)s, upon the even of the nativity of the Lord, being the fourth Sunday of Advent, A.D. 1363, and the second of his popedom. In the fifth year of this forenamed pope U rban, b~gan first the Tho ordor order of the JeBuats. 1 Unto this time, which was about A.D. 1367, :;f(.:c~:i~oi the offices here in England, as that of the lord chancellor, the lord o~c.. treasurer, and. the privy Beal, were wont to be in the handB ofthe clergy; ~.:::-a m but, about this year, through the motion of the lords in the parliament, :~':~I~';'~ to the (1) The I JeBU&tl" Dr I Jeluatea" are mentfoned mprl, pp. 57, 162. They wele aD order ot lord. temmonka, Couoded by Bt. Joho ColumbioI, chleC mag!otrale nr BieDna, ".D. 1363. Becomlog COD- pora~ vinced of lin, he gave up bil hanour., lold hi. eltates, and devoted hlmHlt to the aervlce or God A.D.U67. aod the poor. He wu jolned by oe"'Dty dlaciple.. They Collowed Bt. AuguatlDe'. rule, and ooI< St. Jerome Cor thelr patron. Urban V. cooflrmed tholr lo.tltule at Vlterbo, ".D. ISll7. Theywere calIrod Jesuatl" tram ahr.,. having the name or Jelul on thdr lip. : lt oeeun 1.500 time. in a few lettero whleh Columblol wrote. The order w ...uppre..ed by Clement IX. In 1668.-AJban ButJer'1 Llveaortbe Satata. They are not to be con!oundedwitb tbe I Juuitl," whowerefounded lJy IgnaUuI Loyola ".D. 15M, co01lrmed by PaulIJI. ".D. 15O.-ED.

rr

,I

776

Tli F. POPE PUT Jo'ROM RESERVING OF BENEFICES.

Ed",",1. and partly, as witncsseth mine author, for hatred of the elcrgy, all the .~ sait! offices \\Tre rcmoved from the clergy to the lords temporal. A. D. After the death of pope Urban, next succeedcd pope Gregory XI., 1~70. who, among his other acts, first redueed ugain tbe papaey out of Pope Gre- France unto Rame, which had from thence been absent the space ~~~ ::. now of seventy years; being thereto moved (as Sabellicus recordeth) I;'C~.' by the answer of a certain bishop, whom as the pope saw standing by ;';;~In him he nsked, why be was 50 long from his charge and church at ~~~ce home, saying that it was not the part of a good pastor to keep him lo Rom. from his fiock 50 long. 'Vhereunto thc bishop answering ngnin said, " And you )'oursclf, being the chief bishop, who may and ought to be a spectacIe to us all, wby are you from the place so long wherc your church doth lic?" by the occasion whereof the pope sought all means after that to rcmove and to rid his court out of France again to Rome, and 50 he did.' KinK The king of England, lJOlding a parliament in the third year of :dwlrd t IliS . pope, sent h'IS am bassadors to h'lm, d" . t Ilat IJe .lirom complan. csmng I11m, ~';:~ ~~ thenceforth would abstain from his reservations of benefices usc,l in oervatinu tbe realm of England; and that spiritual men, within this renlm pro~~;:'D" moted unto bishoprics, might freely enjoy their elections wit1Jin the realm, and be confirmed by their metropolitans, according to the ancient custom of the realm, Wherefore, upon these, and such olher like matters, wherein the king and the renltn thought themseh'cs agg-rieved, be desired of the pope some remedy to be provided, &c. Wbereunto the pope retumed a certain answcr again unto the kiug. requiring by his messengers to be certified agnin of tbe king's mind conceming the same. But what answer it was, it is not in the story expressed, save that the year following, wllich was A.D. 13740, therc was a tractation at Bruges upon certain of the said articles betwecn the king and the pope, whieh did hang two yenrs in suspen~e; anll Thc pope 50 at length it was thus agreed between them, that the pope shou!J ~~t ;;~m no more usc his reservations of beneficcs in Englancl, and likewise the ~;~~~~r king should no more confer and give bcnefices upon the writ "Quare :n Eng- impedit," &c.; but, touching tbe freedom of elcctions to be con.'~~;... firmed by the metropolitan, mentioned in the year before, thcreof impedit.' was nothing touched.' As touchiug these rcservations, provisions, and collations, with the elections of archbishops, bisbops, beneficed men, and otbers, wherewith the pope vexed this realm of England, as before you hnvc heard ; the king, by the consent of the lords and commons, in tbe twentyfifth year of his reign enacted, t1lat a statute made in the thirty-fifth year of his grandfather Edward L, but not put in execution, should Th~ law be revived; wherein was made an Act against the mvenous pillage of =~~;.~,'" the pope through the same provisions, reservations, and collations, .;"0110. &c.; by the which provisions the state of the realm dccreased more and more, the king's royalty and prerogative were greatly obscured and diminished, innumerable treasurcs of the ren)m transported, aliens and strangers placed in the best and fatlest bishoprics, abbeys, and benefices within the realm, and s\1ch, as either for their offices in Rome, as cnrdinalships and such-like, coulU not be herc residcnt, or
(1) Reapecting twa paragrapbl which Foxf' introoucefll lJere re.peocing 1tlilitZ1l111 and JAI"obUl )(i:,nenlill, He in/ra, p. 78C notr (2).-ED. {2) Ser inrra, pp. 789, i~U.-:D.

THE PRUPIIECY OF BIlIDGET.

777

if resident, yel better away fur causcs infinite, as pallly lJave hecn EdH'nrtJ touched before. Moreover, he not only rcvived tbe said statute made ~ by Edward I. his grandfather, but also enar.ted another, forbidding A. D. that any one, for any cause or controvt'rsy in law whatsoever, either 1370. spiritual or temporal, the same being detrrminable in any of Ihe king's courts (as all matlers were), whether they were personalor real citations, or other, should either appeal or consent to any appellation to be madc out of the rcalm to the pope or see of Rome; adding thereunto very strait and sharp penalties against the offcnders tllerein or in any part thereof, as, cxemption out of the king's protection, loss of nil their lands, goods, and otbcr possessions, and thcir bodics to bc imprisoncd at tbe king's pIcasure; and further, whosoever werc law. fully convicted, or who otbcrwise, for want of appenrance, by process directed forth were within the lapse of this statute of ' Prremunire,' Th. I... for so bore the namI' thercof, should suffer all and every such molestn- :::-u~~:. tions and injurics, as men cxcmptcd from the protection of tbe king; with J~he insomuch that whosocver had killed such men, bad becn in no more r;::::,o~, cianger of law thcre-for, than for the- killing of an outluw, or one not worthy to live in a commonweal. LikI' unprofitahlc mcmhers wcre they th!'n, yea, in that time of ignornnce, estccmed in this commonweal of En~lnnd, who wuuld offer thcmsc1ves to thc wilful slavcryand servilc obedienre of tbc pope ; wbich thing in these days, Jen, and that amongst no smali fools, is counted more than evnngelieal holincss. He that listeth to peruse the statute, and would see every hranch nnd nrticle thereof at large discussed and handled, with the ]lcnalties Ihere-for dur, let him read the statute of Provision and Prremnnire made in the twentyfifth year of this king's days: and let him rrad in the statules made in the parliaments holdcn the twenty-seventh and tllirty-eighth )ears of his reign, and under the same titles of Provision and Prremunire he shall find the pope's Th., primncy and jurisdiction within this realm more nearly touched, and ~r~':"y much uf his papaI power restrained. Divers other matters wherein i~~el~~d the pOpI' is restraincd of bis usurped power, authority, and juris- bri~,ed. diction within this realm of England, are in tbe said titles and statutes expressed and at large set forth, whoeyer listeth to peruse the same, which for brevity's sake I omit, hastening to other matters.' Abgut' this time, heing AD. 1370, lived holy Bridget, whom the St" church of Rome llath canonized not only for a saint, but also for a Urldgelo prophetess; who, notwithstanding, in her hook of Revelntions, which hath been oftentim"es imprinted, was a grent rebuker of the pope and of the filth of his clergy, calIing him a murderer of souls, a spilier and a pilIer' of the fiock of Christ, more abominable than J ews, more crueller than Judas, more unjust than Pilate, worse tban Lucifer himself. The see of the pope, sbe propbesieth, shall be thrown down iuto the deep likI' a millstone, and tbat his assisters' sha11 burn with brimstone. 8he affirmeth, that the prclates, bisllOps, and priests, are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected, and allllost extinguished ;
(I) s.., Ihe Statut.. at Large, and th. Extractll rrom th. Parll.ment Rolli, infr&, pp, 783-780. The foregoing paraKraph hu been corrected lu twa or three particuJan.-Eo. (2) Ex lib. revel&tionum Dlvre Brigit~. [The "ext five pagee are D tranl1atlon af IPv'rHl detaehed pallacea in the Il Catalogua Te.tiltm," to which Foxe rden in the DE:xt page. F"\l'" texl haa bt-en collaled with 111yrlcu!, and in mnlly inllotanC"CiI correC'fed.-Eo. (3) II IJilperaorem et laceratorem," 111}'rlcuI.-:D. (4) ,I Af;BClloOfe!il," IIIJ'riruI.-Eo.

778
~rd

THE

PKOPHI~CY

oF CATH.-\KIJ'A SI,: N El\SIS.

and that the c1ergy have tnmed the len commnndmenls of God iuto Jt were ~.O. long and tedious to declare all that she against thcm writeth; let 1.170. the above suffice: one tbing only l will add, where the said Bridget na pee... affirmeth in her Revelations, that she belu'ld when the BIessed Virgin ~;:~a said to her Son, how Rome was a frnitful and fertiJe field, and ~~:d that he replied, " Yea, but of weeds onIy and cockle." 2 Dr weedl To this Bridget I will join also Catharine af Sienna, a hoiy virgin, :::e'iJ.. who lived much abont the same time (A.D. 1370); of whom wrileth Catharlna AntonimlSo" This Catharine, having (according to the papisls themSen.nlu. seIves) the spirit of prophecy, was wont much to complain of the eorrupt state of the chureh, name1y' of the prelates and monks, and of the court of Rome, and of the pope himself; prophesying before of the great schism which soon folIowed in tlte church of Rome, and endured to the couneiI of Constancc, the space of thirty-nine years;' also of the great wars and tribulation which ensued upon the same; Tho reand, moreover, declared before and foretold of this 60 excellent formatlon relormatIon I.' . t he chureh now present. '1'1 le words of ofrellglon of reI" 1 '10n ID 6 ~';l'hf- Antoninus be these : "After this virgin had, on setting out for Rome, ..:.r...:. foretold her brother of the wars and tumults that should arise in the countries about Rome after the schism which had just happcned between the two popes; I, then, curious to know of things to come, and it having become manifest that she had by revelation a knowledgc of futurity, demanded of her, I pray you, good mother, said I, and what shall befall after these troubles in the church of God? Thepro- And she said: ' By these tribulations and nffiictions, arter a secret I'hl..'l'yot Calhamanner unknown unto man, God shall purge his holy ehurch, and flne. stir up the spirit of his elect. And after these things shall follow Nol.. such o. reformation of the hC'ly church of God, o.nd sueh a renovation of holy pastors, that the only thought and Bnticipatioll thereof maketh my spirit to r~joicc in the Lord. And, as I have oftentimes told JOU heretofore, the spouse, which now is all deformed and ragged, shall be adorned and decked with most rich and precious ouches and brooches. And all the faithfuI shall be glad and rejoice to see themselves so beautified with such holy shepherds. Yea, and aIsa the infidels then, al1ured bv the sweet savour of Obrist, shall return to the catholie fold, and be con verted to the true shcpberd and bishop of their souls. Give thanks therefore to God; for after this storm be will give to his church a great calm.' And after sbe had thus spoken, she staid, and said no more.'" M'Uhlaa Besides these aforenamed, the Lord, who nerer ceaseth to work P.. rilieD~ .il, a in his church, stirred up against the mnlignant cburch of Rome the ::~l~~1 spirits of divers other good and godl)' teachers, as Matthias Parisienlil"pop". sis, a Bohemian born, who, about A.D. 1370, wrote a Iarge book "De AntlAntichristo," and proveth him already come, and hinteth the pope to "hri,t be the same; which book one IIIyricus, a writer in these our days, .lready come. bath, and promiseth to put it in print.' In this book he doth gre....tly
~ two'words" to wit, .. Da pecuniam," that is, .. Give money."
(I) H Jn unlcum Tl"rbum," IU,ric1l.I. The teD commandment. are called in lhe Hebre.. u ku tlJorrh."-En. (2) IUyrleul, .. Cat. T.lt" (G_nev. 1608),001. 1799.-En. (3, Ex AnIon. hlltorlzil1. (4) .1 NameJy," u prlelertim." e.pecially.-ED. (5) See .01. tU p.18.-En. (6) lIIyrieuI, 001. 1791. C... oayl Ihat Ih. waa bom 1347, and diod Aprll ..." 13110, and hat .he WP called "Seneo.ll," to d1Jtingubh her rrum Cath&rilll u Iiononiellll;i., '" who 40urilhed ".D. 1f38.-ED. (7) Jt Ul prlntedin Drowne'. Appendlx tn th" l Fucicu1ul" or Orthuinul G....tiw.-En.

pll".

".D.

DtVERS LEARNJ!:D Ml!:N WIlITV-aS AGAINST THE I'OPE.

i79

in veigh agninst the wickedness and fi)thiness of the c1ergy, and against Ed,.,4rd thil neglecting ol' their duty in goveming the church. The locusts -!.!!:..mcntioned in the Apocalypse, he saith, be the bypocrites reigning in ~.!). the ehurch. He saith, also, tbat it is through the opemtion of Anti- l.i/O. christ, ihat the fables and inventions of men reign in the church, and Tho dO<'d' 8n t hat lmages an d l." lelgn ed re l'Jes are wors h'Ippe d every wIlCre: I tern, Inne pro,... & I . . d . . d .Ion oC t hat men do worshIp, every.one, I\S proper samt an savlOur mstca M&tlhillll. of Cbrist, so that every man and city almost have their diverse and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed, moreover, that godliness and true worship of God are not tied to places, persons, or times, as though you would be heard more in this place than in llnother, at this time more than at another, &c. He argueth alao agninst the c1oisterers., who leaving the only and true Saviour, set up to themselves their Francises, their Dominies, and aucb otbers, and have them for tbeir saviours, glorying and triumphing in them, and feigning many forged lies about them. He was greatly and much offended with monka and friars for neglecting or rather burying the word ol' Christ, and for celebrating and setting up instcad ol' bim their own rules and canons; affirming it to be much hurtful to true godliness, that the priests, monks, and nuns do account themselves only spiritual, and a1l others to be mundane and secular, challeng-ing only to themselves the opinion of boliness, and contemning other men with all their public and social virt.ues as profane in compllrison ol' their own state. He further writeth that Antichrist hath seduced all universities and colleges ol' learned men, so tbat they teach no sound cloctrine, neither give any light to Christians with their teaching. Finally, he forewarneth that it will come to pBllS, tbat God yet once lIgain will raise up godly teachers, who, being fervent in the spirit and zenl of Elias, shall discloae openly to the whole world and refute thc errors of Antichrist, and Antichriat himself. This Matthias, in his said book .. De Antichristo," allegeth the sayings and writings of the university of Paria, al80 the sermons of Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, and ol' Militzius hereafter noted, and of others on the same subject. J About the same time, or shortlyafter (A.D. 1384), we read also Joll8nn of Johannes of Mountziger, rector of the university ol' Ulm, wh6 ;~~~~~i openly in tlte schools in a certain oration propounded that the body lellan' of Christ was not God, and therefore ought not to be worshipped as ~:I~~ God with that kind of worship calIcd' Latria,' as the sophisters term it, mcaning thereby that the sacrament oll~ht not to be adored ; which afterwards he also defended by writing. He affirmed also, tllll.t Christ in his resurrection took to him again all his blood which in his pllSllion he had shed; meaning tbereby to infer, tbat the blood ol' Christ, which in many places is worshipped, neither can be called the blood of Christ, neither ought to be worshipped. But by and by he was resisted and withstood by tbe monks and friars, who by this kind ol' idolatry were greatly enriched; till at length the senate and council of the city were fain to take up the matter belween them, referringthe same to tbe university of Prague, which inclined to favour lhe propoeitioDS aforesaid.'
(1) IUyricu., col. 17P2.-::D. (2)
1~lidcu.,

col. 17UJ.-ED.

780
JU"'ard

DIVEIlS LEAIlNd) MJ<:N WltlTEKS AGAIXST THE rO}'E

Nilua was archbisllOp of ThcsSll.lonica, and lived much about this He wrole a work in lwo books " De primatu PapIE,"" and a A. O. trealise" De Purf.,'11torio," against the Latins; that is, against such as 1:;70. took part and held with the chureh of Rome. His first work being Nilu_. writteu in Greek, was aflerward translated into Latin, and latelv now :~;:h~;~r into English, in tJlis our time. In the first book of this wo~k, he ~~i::.a Jayeth all the blame and fault of the dissension and schism between the east and the west church upon the pope. He affil'med that the pope only would command what him listed, were i never so coutrary to all the oId and ancient canons; that he would hear and follow no man's advice; that he would not pennit any frec councils to be llSScmbled, &c. And that, therefore, it was not possible that thc controversies between the Greek cJmrch and the Latin church should be decided and determined. In the second book of this work, he purposely maketh a very learned disputation. For first, he decJareth that the bishop of Rome, no whit at all by God's eommandment, but only by human Jaw, hath :'"y dignity, more than have other bishops ; which dignity the councils, the fathers, the emperors, havc grantcd unto him : neither did thcy grant the same for any other eonsideration more, than for grcater order,' and for tllat the same city then had the empery of all the whole world, and not at all for that Peter ever was there, or not there. Secondarily he decJareth, that the same primacy or prerogative ia not such and 80 great, as he and his sycophants do usurp nnto themselves. Also he refuteth the chief propositions of the papists, one arter another. He declareth that the pope hath no dominion more than other patriarchs have, and that he himself may err as well as other mortal men; and that he is subject both to laws and councils, as well as other bishops. That it belonged not to him, but to the emperor, to cali general councils ; and that in ecclesiastical causes he couldestablish and ordain no more than all other bishops might. And, lastly, that he is no further Peter's successor, than that he is a bishop, and that aIJ other bishops in like manner be Peters suecessors, &c.' J.cobu. I cannot, amcmg' other, following here the occasion of this matter ~t;:~: offered, Icave ont the memory of Jacobus ofMisnin, a learned man and MililZlu. writerwho lived in the time of John Huss, who also wrote" De Adventu Antichri~ti." In the same he maketh mention of a certain learned man whose name was Militzius, which Militzius, he saith, was" a famous and worthy preacher in Prague,"who lived about A.D.lS70, 10ng bcfore Huss, and before Wickliffalso. Jacobus citeth many things out ofhis writings, in which this g'ood Militzius thus declareth of himsclf, how he was moved and urged by the Holy 8pirit to search out by the TIl ..,m- sacred 8eriptures concerning the coming of Antichrist, and found that :~:h~f,~n- now, in hi;; time, he was already come; and that he was constrained by the ssme Holy Spirit to go up to Rome, and there publicly to preach; and that afterwards before the inquisitor he affinned the samr, namely, that the same migbty and great Antichrist, which the Scriptures made mention of, was already come. He affinned also, that the church through negligence of the paslora was become desolatc, nbounding, indeed, in temporal riches, but in spiritual riches cmpty;

---.!!.!:..- time.

(I) Prlnted in Gold&,ti dp MODirc',lR. tom. i. p.80.

(2) .. Ordini. comenaudl ("au"a," IUJrkul:I.-KD.

See Appendl:r..-ED. (3) 1I1)'ricuI, col.ISD8,

18!H.-En.

1\I1l.ITZlUS

PERS~:CUT.:D

BY 'rHE I'OPE.

781

and that the prediction in the Gospel was fulfilled, that " iniquity Btl_rd should abound," that is, by rrason of the Mammon nf iniquity. Also,~ he said, that there were in the church of Christ idols, whieh destroyed A. D. Jerusalem and made the tempIe desJlate, but were cloaked by 1370. hypocrisy. Further, that there were many who denied Christ, for that they kept silence; neither dared to own Christ and confess his verity before men, but wittingly imprisoned in their consciences the truth and righteousness of God. There is a1so a certain buli of pope Gregory XI. to the arch- MililZ1UI bishop of Prague; wherein he is commanded to excommunicate and :,~~beior prosecute Militzills and his auditors. The same bu11 declareth, that Ibe 1;"lb he was once a canon of Praglle, but that aftcrwards he renounced r.:~:~ hy bis canonship, and began to preach, and openly declared Antichrist Ibe POI"'" to be already come, and for that reason was of John, archbishop of Prague, put in prison; also that the said Militzius bad a company or congregation to whom he preached, and tbat in the same were certain harlots, who had forsaken thcir evil life and diJ live godly and well, wbich harlots he used to say in bis scrmons were to be preferred before a11 the holy religious virgins. He taught also openly, t1lat in the pope, cardinals, bishops, prelates, priests, and other religious men was no trnth, neither that they taught the way of truth, but th8t only he, and such as held with him, taught the true way of salvation. His PostiII in some places is yet to be seen. They allege unto him certain other inconvenient articles, w1lich notwithstanding I think the adversaries, to damage him withal, have slanderously depraved. He had; as appeareth by the aforesaid bull, very many of every state and condition, as well ricb as poor, tbat c1eaved unto bim. And tbus much of good Militzius, living in the time of Gregory XI. and King Edward III., A.D. 1870.~ About A.D. 1871, lived Henricus de Iota, whom Gerson doth much commend, and also his companion Henricus de Hassia, an excellent learned and famous man. An epistle of this Heuricus de Hassia, wbich he wrote to Jobn, bisbop of Worms, James Gruytrode, the Carthusian, hath inserted in his book " De Erroribus Christianarum." In thc same epistle the author dotb greatly accuse the spiritual men of everyorder, yea and tbe most holiest of all others, the pope himself, of many and great vices. He Baid, that the ecclesiastical governors in the primitive church were to be compared to the sun shining in the day time : and the political governors, to the moon shining in the night. But the spiritual men, he Baid, that noware, do never shine in the day time, nor yet in the nigbt time, but rather with their darkness do obscure both the day and tbe night; that is, with their filthy living, ignorance, and impiety. He citeth also out of the prophecy of Hildegard these words : " Therefore doth the devil in himself speak of you priests: Dainty banquets, and feasts wherein is all voluptuousness, do I find amongst these men; insomuch that mine eyes, mine earll, my belly, and my veins, be even filled with the froth of them, and my breasts stand astrut with the riches of
(2) IllyrkUB, coli. 1795, 1796. By Jurne inadvertenre Foxf' introducel Ihe twa roregolnJ pwa~&ph. about MiUl.zu8 and Jacobul Milnenlia lwice, thouKh with yarlation. : lIee lupd. p. 71d, Dote (1). The two par~aphl In the text ale made up flom a comparilon of the two 'enioD' witb

(I) See Appendi:l: for an explanaUon oUhI. wont-En.

oach olbet and wilh Ihe orlginal in Illyrlcu- En.

78~
Ed_'"

MARTYKS BEFOaE WICKLJFF.

them," &c.

"Lastly," saith she, .. they every day more and more, 8lI

-!!!..:....- Lucifer did, seck to climb higher and higher; tiII that every day witll
About A.D. 1390, there were burned at Bingen thirty-aix citizens of Mentz, for the doctrine of the Waldenses, 88 Bruschius nffinneth; Melll.. which opinion was nothing contrary to that they held before, wherein they aflirmed the pope to be that grent Antichst, which shouJd CODle; unIess, peradvcnture, the pope seerned then to be more evidcntly cOllvicted of Antichristianity, tllan at any otber time before he W88 revealcd to be.i A hrlef For the like cause, many other beside these are to be found' in ~~~~":~ stoes, who sustained the like persecutions by the pope, if leisllre ~,e~[.~1 would serve to peruse al! thnt might be searched. ~s where Masseus' -for hod- recordeth of dlvers at Menerbe near Carcassone, lU the province of ~~tn.t Narbonne, to tbe number of a llUndred and forty, who chose ratber ~~e~~~;~ to suffer whatsoever grievouB punishment by fire, than to receive the hefore Ih. decretnls of the Romish church, contrary to the upright truth of the
;:'~e. ~~l.

A D. him, more and more, they falI deepcr and deeper.'" 7

13 _~

~~:kri~r. 8cpture,

A.D.

l!lO.

What should I here speak of the twenty-four who suffered at Paris in the same year ? Also in the same author is testified that in the following year, at Lavaur, there were four hundred under the namI' of heretics burned, eighty behended, prince Aimericus hanged, and the lady of the castle stoned to dentlI. Moreover, in the Chronicles of Hoveden, and of other writers, be recitcd a mnrvellous number, who in the countes of France were burned for heretics; of wbom. some were called Publicans, same Catharites, some Paterines, and othcrs by other names. What their asscrtions were, I find no certain report worthy of credit.' Eckhar<l, In Trithemius, it is signified of gne Eckhard, a Dominican far. ~l~;~':,'d, who, not long before Wicklif's t.ime, wns condemned and sufferoo for heresy at Heidelbllrgh (A.D. 1380), who 88 he differeth not much in narue, sa may he be supposed to be the same, whom others do name Beghard, and is said to be bllmro at Erfurdt. 6 Gf the Albigenses, because sufficient ruention is made before, of whom great number were burned about the time of king John, I pass them over. An Er. Likewise, I let pass the Eremite of Whom John Bacon maketh relR:;::~ullng tion,7 who, disputing in Paul's Church, affirmed "That those sacraments ~,~:ina;",. which were then used in the church (A.D. 1360) were not instituted .a<r~ by Christ." Peradventure, it W88 the same Ranulphlls, mentioned in ~:;:~t the Flower of Histoes, nnd who is said to die in prisoD; for the phu.. time of them doth not much differ. In Boetius, why the pope should sa much commend a certain king, because fof one man he had slain four hundred, shamefully mutilating the rest, I canDot judge, except the cause were that which the pope calleth heresy. But to let these things ovcrpass that be uncertain, because neither is it possible to comprehend nIl them who have withstood the corrup(I) JlIyrleu., eol. 1800, 1801. Tbe ~ad.r wlll find Ibi. p.aaage from Hildegard ",peated, wUb lorne "ariatlon, otri. \'01. hl. p. 193j the oriinaJ LaUn ia .here given In LhexUlte.-ED. (Z) Ib. eol. 1$06. See Appendix,-ED. (3) Muwt u Chronica multlplicil hi.torilr utriu5Que Teatamenti, libr. 20." Tbe f[eta ber. broughl (orwan! appear \0 Ibe beginniD~ of Uh. xvii. () See AppeodlL (5) IbId. (6) Ihid. (1) 2 DIsI. Q_at. I.

WJlITRUS PARTIAL,-VARIAXCF. ABOUT CROSS-BEARIXG.

783

tion of the pope's see, neither have we any such firm tcstimony len Bd_d of their doinb"8, credibly lo stay upon, we will now (Christ willing) ~ cnnvert our storJ to thing-s more certain and undoubted; grounding A.O. npon no light reports of feeble credit, nor upon any fllbulous legends 1370. without authority, but upon the true and substantial copies of the public reeords Clf the rooJm, remaining yet to be seen under the king's most sure and faithful eustody: out of the whieh reeords' sueh matter appcareth ~'"'llinst the popish eburch of Rome, and against its usurped authority, sueh open slanding and crying ont against the said see, and that not privily, but also in open parliament, in the days of this king Edward 111., that neither will the Romish people of this our age easily think it to be true when they see it, neither yet shalI they be ahle to deny the same, so elear standeth the force of tbose records. . y c heard alittle before (p. 684), how John Stratford, arcbbishop P,artla! of Canterbury, being sent for, and required by the king to come nnto ~:I~~'::; him, refusc~ so to ~o. ,Wha.t the cause was why he denied. to. eome ~;;.~i~( at the king s sendmg, IS nelther touehed of Polydore VIrgII nor tile ' church of ' h chrODle . ler wrltmg . . of t hose acta an dtlmes; of any ot her mon kIS England. whose part had been, faithfully to have dispensed the simpll' truth of things done to their posterity. But that which they dissemblingly and colourably bave eoncealed, contrary to the true law of story, the true cause thcreof we bave found out by the true parliament rolls .declaring the story thus : King Edward I1L, in the siXlh year of hil reign, hearing that Edward Baliol had proclaimed himself king of Scotland, required counsel of the whole sialI.', lo wit, whether were hetter for him lo 88lIIli1 Scotland, and lo claim the demesing or' demesnes of the same; or e~e by making him parly lo takI.' his advantage, and thereby to enjoy tbe service, as other his ancestors hefore him had dune, For this cause he summoned a parliament of all estales to meet at York, about the beginning of December. Where the king was already come, waiting for the com ing of such as were warned thereunw; for the want of whose com ing tlle parliament was adjourned till Monday, and from thence to Tuesday next ensuing. None other of all the clergy came, but only the archbishop of York, the biahops of Lincoln and Carlisle, and the abbots of York and Selby; lO lhat hereunto came not the archbilhop of Canterbury, norabove oneof his province, The archand all for bearing the cro8S, whereby the same was a loss of the opportunity bl,hop or against Scotland. For, inasmuch as the matters to be debated were so weighty, ~a~; Rnd most of the states were absenl, the assembly rcq!.lil'ed the prorogation of c~e not the parliament unlil the Utas of St. Hilary then ensuing, at York, which was to \he granted. And so a new summons was especially awarded lo e\'ery person with l::':nl:~t special charge to attend, so that Ihe aff'airs ofthe king and the realm might not York, aud be hindered because of the debale between Ihe archbiahop of Canterbury and ~ll~~g the archbishop of York, for the superior hearing of their cross. t~e cros9. Jn conclusion, for all tbe king's summoning, the archbishop of Canterbury carne not.' And t!Jus much out of the records, whereby thou marest ellllily judge (prudent reader) wbat ia to he thought of these pope-holy catholic churchmen, being of the pope's brood and selting up; whom such frivolous canl\eS of conlention stir up both to such disquietness alDong themselves, and also lo such disobedience against their prince: excuse them who can, Il followeth, moreover, in the same records, concerning the abandollill~ of Th. the pOpI.' 's provisions,. how that the commons tind great fauil about provislOns POP.:. coming from Rome, whereby strangers were enabled wit!lin Ihis realm to enjoy ~[;~:-re. ecc1esiastical dignities, and show divers incolI\'enienciea ensuing thereby j Itrain.d. namely, the decay of daily 111ms, liiI.' tran.porting of the treasure to nouriah the

..-

") Ex Archiva Rh,. MaJ..taU.. [rhe fol1owlng cxlracll rrom th. ParlIamentary Roll. h"e been coll.ted with the printed ('r"py, and corrected iD many particuJan. See the Appendtx.-ED.] ;2) Ex all. 6. Rrgi. Ed. III. tito I. (3) Ex ano 17. Reg. Ed.1I1. .it. 59,

7840

AeT OF EDWARD I.

AGAlll:ST

PlOVISIO"SS

REVIVEiJ.

BdDard king's enemies, the discoverinA' of the seerets of the realni, and Ihe disablinr. ~ and impoverishing of the c1erk.s within this realm. '1'hey al80 show how the

A D pope had granted to twa new esrdinals (one of whom, namely eardinal Pera1370' gortz, was a hitter enemy ofthe king and of the realm) benefices within this realm to the anlount of 6,000 marks by the Valor Ecclesiasticus, wbich (owing to the n. general and coverl term8 of the grant) might and would be extended lo 10,000 ~';;;:~~c marks, 'Ch~y therefore re qui red the king and nobles to find same remedy, for opoil.d by Ihal Ihey nellher could nor would any longer bear those Itrange oppreuionl ; tb~ ,;;;pe ar else lo hel p them to expel out ar this real m the pope's power by force. t r.'reig~ Hereupon the king, lords, and commons, sent for the Act made at Carlis).e in en. the thirty fifth year of kinA' Edward J. upon the like complaint, the which forTh. act bade that any thillg should be attempted ar hroughl into the realm, whieh ~or~i. should tend lo th" blemishing of the king's prerogalive, ar to the prejudice oC agam" his lords ar commons. And sa at this time the statute caUed the Act of Pro1'~I~al pro- vision ' was made by common consellt, which generaly forbiddeth the bringiog :r~'i~'~~. in of any bulls ar such trinkets from the courtof Rome, ar theusing, enjoJing, ~..,. ar allowing of any such buli, process, instrument, ar such ware, as thereill at largoe doth appear j" wbich suffieieotly is toucbed before, pp. 689, 776, 777. 'Che penalty of the nforesaid statute afterwards followed in tbe Ilext parliament, which was tbis: the transgresson thereof were to lie in perpetual prison, ar to be forejured the land j and that aU jU8tice. of B88ize, gaol delivery, and oyer and terminer, may determine Ihe same. Ordered withal, that the san.' Act of provisiou' should continue for ever." P,-elrRhem, In the 8sid eighteenth year of the reign of king Edward, it 1II'Bll, tation moreover, propounded, that if the lawful patron, whether archbishop, ar ..ny within person religious, ar olher, do not present within four months same able clerk to tour monthl. an,. benefice, which any person hatb obtained from Rome by provision, bull, &c., but surcease the same, that tben the king may present same lible clerk to Ihe aaid benefice for thal turn.' No .1 ltem, It was propounded in the said parliament. that if any bishop e[ed :i~" t~ be shaU refuse to take the bishoprie otherwise than by such buU, that then such elect :~ee;,~, shall not enter ar eojoy his temporalties without the specia license ef the king." but on1y Also that the king shal[ dispose all the benefices and dignitie8 of such aliens :rn~' his enemies, as remain in the country of his.enemies, and shall employ the Di.~ profit8 thereo! to the def~n.ce of the ~ealm, s.ave what ia necessary lo maintain lition or the sacred edlfices and dlvlDe worshlp therem.' :::;\;~;;.. Moreover, it was propounded, .tha~ co~missi?ners be sent to all the king's th. king'. porta, lo apprehend all penon. brmgl11g m any mstmment from Rame cootrary band. lo this order, and to bring them, fortlawith, belore the couneil to answer thereto. J 111 Propounded Curthermore, that the deanery of York, which is recovered by Cor- judgment in the king'8 court, may be bestowed upon wme able man within the bld'!.n. realm, who will maintain the same agaiost him (meaning the cardinal afor' De.nery said) who holdeth tbe Mme by pro"ision from Rome, being the enemy of the ~k;~rk king and of the realm, and that the profit8 may be employed to the defence of Crom the the realm. eardinol. The king'. answer. To all wbich petitions answer WlU made in form follow. ~e , iog:" It is agreed by the king, earls, barons, justice_, aod other wist! men oC on~'!.:r tbl' law, Ihat the petitiOlIs aCoresaid be reduced lo proper form oC law, according ::o~:"ld to the pra}'er of the .aid par[iament," pel1lion..
___ o

1::

Ro:.

N ote in this answcr of the king, good reauer, llml at the grant hereof tIte consent of the bishops is ncithcr named, nor expressed, wilh the otherlords of the parliament: and yet tIte aet of parliament standeth in its fulI force, notwithstanding. Notes of the Parliament holden in the Twentieth Y ur of King
Edward

III.

Alien

To paSll on further, in the twentieth year of the killg's reign, in tbe parliamolika to ment holden September 8th, tbe commani prayed, th&t al! alien mOIIks should
'li Ex ano 17. FA. III. lit. 59.
,, Ibid. tito 3.

lYokl.

(2) Ibid. lit 60.

(6) Ibid. tit.:I6.

(SI Ex ano Reg. FA. IS, lit 3!.33.

(7) Ibld.llt. 37. IS) Ibid. lit. 38

(5) tbid. lit 35

~OT~:S OUT O~ TlIF. P.-\RI.IAMF.NT ROI.I.S AGAIl'ST TUF. POPE.

78b

B90id the reslm by Michaelmas next coming, and that their houses and livings Bl_d should be disposed of to young English scholara. Answer: being ~piritual 111. penona they could not be displaced without the king's consent j but their temporalities were slready in his hands.' . . !tern, That the king would take into his own hands the profits of all other 1370. strangers' livings, as cardinais and others, during their lives. Answer: the same as the lasU That any aliells, enemies to England but advanced to livings here in Eng- Living. land, who should henceforth remain here, should be outlawed, and their goods ~I~t seized to the king's use, and be bestowed on EngIishmen able to teach the ",.'angen parishionen and supply the chantries; for that the aliens aforesaid were but ~"r::.d shoemakers, tailon, ar chamberlains to cardinaIs, and unabIe to teach. Answer :l~hmen. the 88me as before. The commons wished not to make any payment to any cardinaIs sojourning abroad in France to treat of war ar peace: which was grsnted as reaaonsble.' Item, It was propounded and fullyagreed, that the yearly advancement of Cardillal. twa thoussnd marks, granted by the pape to twa cardinaIs of the provinces of dep~ved Canterbury and York, should be restrained, and that any who might sue at law fi~:n=~r for the same should be olltlawed.~ In EngLikewise it was enacted and agreed, that no Englishman should take any land. church or other benefice in farm of any alien religious, or buy any of their goods, ar be of their counsel, on pain of forfeiting his goods and imprisonment for life. Enacted further, That no penon, Englishman or alien, should bring to any biphop ar other person of the realm, any buli Dr other papalletter touching any foreign matter, unless he fint show the same to the chsncellor ar warden of the Cinque ParU j upon 1088 of all he hath. Finally, the parliament having resolved to r~uest of the king to take possellsion of all benefices held by a1iens, the archblshops and bishops of England were all commanded, before the next convocation to certify to the king in his chancery the namesof &Uch aliens and their benefices, and the values of the same.'

""""AD

Notes of the Five and Twentieth Year of King Edward III.

The parliament of the twenty-fifth yesr of the reign of king Edward III. Th. was begun on Wednesday, the Utas of the Purification [Feb. 9th, A, D. 1351J. pepe'. In that parliament, beside otber matters, it was prayed, that remedy might be ~:::ts and had against the pope's reservations, and receivmg the firat fruits of all eccle- rrsiastical dignities in England; which, with the brokage attendant thereon, were Talion. a grealer consumr.tion to the realm, than all the king's wars," ::'.:'~~ul AIso, that the hke remedy might be had against such as in the court of Rome to the presumed to undo any judgment given in the !ting's court, as if they lahoured ~~~:al1 to undo the laws of the realm. the king'. Whereunto it was answered, that there was sufficient remedy alresdy pro- won. vided hy law. 7 [The Statute of Provison is then gigen (tit.43), tbe same as is flJund in the Statutes at Large under 25 Ed. II!.)

Notes of the Eight and Thirtieth Year of King Edward III.

In the parliamentholden atWestminster, the thirty-eightb year of Edward I II., on Mondsy the Utavesof St. Hilary [Jan. 20th, A.D. 1365J, Simon, bishopofEly, being lord ehancellor, it was by the king's own mouth declared to all the estates hllw eitations eame daily to all sorts of persons in thp. realm through false suggestions made to the pope, for matten determinable in his courts within the renlm, and for procuring provisions to ecclesiastical dignities, to tbe great defncing of the ancient Isws, to the spoiling of his crown, to the daily conveying nway of the treasure, to the wasting of ecclesiastieal livings, to the withdrawing of divine senice, alms, hospitality, and other acceptable works, and to the daily increase of all mischiefs: wherefore, in person, and by his own mauth, the king required all tbe estates to provide hereof due remedy. An ordinsnce was accordingly prepared and enacted the Saturday folIowing.
(I) An. 20. Ed.., lU. tlL 30. (5) Ihid. liL 37, U, 46. IH} 38 Ed... Ul. tlt. 7,8,9.

fo~ ""u

~:e~~~

The re-

:lt::d at Rom. Wbat

pertlog
t

not lo be

~~:~~:. 1T&oaR:"e~ o

(2) Ibid. lit. 31. (3) Ibid. tlt. 32, 33, 34. (6) 25 ao. Reg. Ed... III. tit. IS.

(4) Ibid. tit. 35. (7) Ibid. UL 14.

VOL.

II,

786

.~OTES OUT OF THE PARLIAMENT ROLU AGAINST THE POPK.

AU
___ o

Jld_d III.

It is to be noted finally In tbis parliament ofthe tbirty-ej~bth year, that tbe Act of Provisors brolltl:ht in during tbis parliament, altbougb ID the printed capy [chapters l, 2, 3.4,J It doth agree with the record in manner, yet in the said 1370' records, unprinted, are more biting worda against the pope: a myltery not to be known of all men l

Th.
prillled

ltatule or pro-

Notes of the Fortieth Year of King Edward HL

It followeth, moreover, in tbe laid acts of king Edward II L, and in the

vi.ioD.

fllrLieth year of his reign, that another parliament WaB called at Westminster on the Monday after the Jnvention of the Holy Crols [May 4th, A.D.1366J,' the bisllop of Ely being lord chaneellor and speaker; who, on the lecand day of the said 888embly, in the presence of the king, lordl, and commona, declared halli' the day before tlley understood the callle of this their aBBembly generally, and naw should understand the same more particularly; especially halli' that ne pope the king understood that the pope, for the homage which he said king John mlndelh made to the see of Rome for the realms of England and Ireland, and for the ~~r~d trib!1te nf a th?usand marki annually by him granted, mean~ to instit~te a pr~elS the king agaIDst the kmg and the realm, to recover the same i whe),(,1D the kmg reqUlred by protheir advices, what were be.t for him to do, if any luch thing were attempted; ..... graoting tbem a relpite of answer unLi! the next day, when the biehopa, lorda, and commons Ihould anlwer separately. King The ned day the whole of the estates re-aslembled togetber, and by common Joh1:J censent enacted in effect as foliOWI, viz., That neither king John, nor any other, :'1~hO~~I, could bring himself ar his realm and people into luch subjection, but by their con..nl common aBSent; and if he did what was alleged, yet it wal abundantly e..ident ~!.:'t'lt- he did it without their assent, and against his coronation oath; and therefore eome'trl. if the pope should attempt any thing agaiDst the king, by procesa ar in ally ~tary lo other manner, the king with all his lubjects should with all their force and ~=. power resist the same.! 'hallh. Herc, moreover, is not to be omitted, halli', in the said present parliament, the king universities of Oxford and Cambridge on the one side, and tlle (riars of the four :~~~dlh. orders Mendicant in the said universities on the other side, made long complaints pope. the one against the other to the king inlarliament oC certain mulual outrages, disputel and mischiefl, and in the en submitted themselves to the kin.g:S order.Brawl beAfter thil the king, upon full digesting of the whole matter, by assent of lween th. parliament took order; tbat as well the chancellors and mastel"l!, regent aud ~~~ ~~. non-regent, and all others of the said universities, as the friars of those orders trlan aod in the said univeraitiel, should in all graces and school exercises Ule each ln~ t"~ other in friendly wiee, without any tumult, as they were want to do brfore a ~i:l~e - certain statute was lately pB88ed in the said universities, ordaining that lIOue oC thole orders should receive any scholara of the said universities into tbeir said orders, being under the age of eighteen years: which statute the king annulled. Prian That the said friars shall take no advantage of any processel which have lub)ecl to been instituted by them in the court of Rome against tbe said universities since l'h~:Uhglr the pB88illg of the said statute, nor proceed therein; and that tbe king have e~Dlr:.- power to redress all controvenies between them from thenceforth; and the ..nlel. oWenden to be puniehed at the pleasure of the king and bis council. I

Notes of the Fiftieth Yenr of King Edward III.

In proeess of the aforesaid acta and rolls it foIloweth more, that in the fiflieth year of the reign of king Edward III. another great parliamelIt was assembled ih~ ~;.. at Westminster on the Monday after thefeaBt ofSt.George [April28th, A.D.13761; Th. where, Sir John Knyvet being lord chancellor of England, a certain long bill cau of was put up against the usurpalions of the pope, as being the cause of all the :::i~;~f' plagues, murrains, famine, and poverty of the realm, BO that thereby WaB not land. len of persons, ar other commodlty within the realm, the third that lal.ely was. Trea.ute II. That the !axes paid to the pope of Rome for ecclesiastical dignities, do ~~:r:: amount to fivefold as much as the tu of all profita whicb appertain to the king,
Againll lheiululi

awaJ.

eon1'eyed

(I) 25

ano Reg. Edw. III. 1ll.1. (5) Tlt. 10, II, U.

(2) 10 an. Ed. III. Ut. T. (8) Tlt.8. (1) Tit. 9-11. (6) Ex Arehlvl. Regile l\a,Jeota'b, aD. 50. Reg. Ed. lit. !H.

NOTES OUT OF THE PAKI.IAMENT ROLL! AGAINST THE POPE.

7Ri

by the year, oat of his wbole realm; and tbat for some one hisbopric ar other Bd"'_rd dignity voided, the pope, by means of translations, bath twa ar three sever.u III. taxes. 1 --III. That tbe broken of that wicked city Avignon for money promate many caitiffil, bein~ altogetber unlearned and unworthy, to preferments of the value _ _._ uf a thousand marks by year, whereas a doctor ofdecrees ar a master in divinity must be content witb twenty marks; wbereby leaming decayeth. IV. That aliens, enemies to this land, wbo never saw nor care to see tbeir pariabionen, bave Englisb livings, wbereby tbey bring God's sernce into contempt, and conve,. away the treasure, and are more injurious to boly cburch tban the J ews ar Saracens. ' V. Also, it was put in the said bill to be considered, that the law of holy church would have benefices to be bestowed for pure love only, witbout paying ar praying for them. VI. Tbat both law and reason and good faith would, that Iivings given to holy churcb of devotion should be bestowed to tbe honour of Gad, and according to Ihe pious intent of the donar, and not out of the realm, among aur enemies. VII. Tbat Gad had committed his sheep to aur holy fatber the pope, to be p8lltured and not to be shom. VIII. That lay patrons, perceivinlt tbe covetousness and simony of the The Jl'lll8 churchmen, do leam from thelr example to sell the benefices in their patronage leac:helh unto those who de'l'our tbem as beatts, none otberwise than Gad Wat sold to the Jews who put him to deatb. . IX. Tbat tbere is no prince in Christendom sa ricb, tbat hatb by tbe fourtb Inoltlpart 80 mucb treasure as goeth most sinfully out of tbis realm in the way m~Jo, descn1>ed, to the ruin of tbe realm; a11 tbrougb luft"erance and want of good ;'~~:i. counsel. a horo OU1 X. Over and besides in tbe said bill, repeatin~ ogain tbeir tender zeal for the J:,,~"ghonour of boly church, they declared and partlcularly Damed, all the plagues . which bad juslly fallen upon tbis realm, for sufferin~ tbe said church to be 80 defaced, with declaration that wbere tbere is great miquity there alwa,.s hatb been and always will be advenity. XI. Whereupon with mucb persuasioll Wat delired help, to remedy thele dis- Reformoarden; and the rather, for tbat tbis was tbe year of jubilee, tbe fiftietb year of tioa orthe L' , . of t h e ..mg s relgn, t b e year of grace and JOY, an d t h at t bere cou Id be no greater .hur.h EalllDd grace and joy to tbe realm, nor more acceptable to Gad and bis cburcb, tban dooired In bis providing such remedy.a porllaXII. The means how to begin tbis was to write twa letten to the pope, tbe me~~ one in Latin, under tbe king's seal, the otber in French under tbe Beals of the App"","". nobles, as was dane by the parliament on a farmer occasion [see p. 689], requiring redress in the above particulan.' XIII. And for a further accomplishment hereof it Wat suggested, to enact A.tI that no. money sbould be ~rried fo~b ft:om the realm by letter of Lombard ar ::'old,:o;''':y otherwtBe, on pain of forfelture and Impn80nment. lo be XIV. Tbe king answered thathe had beretofore bystatute provided mllicient IrlU'.remedy, and otherwise was punuing the same object with the boly father tbe pope, poncd. and 80 minded to do from time to time, until he bad obtaiued redresa, at well for tbe matten hefore, as for the articles ensuing, being in a manner all one.7 XV. That tbe pope's collector, a French subject, and otber a1iens the king's enemies, lived bere, spying for English dignities and disclosing of the secrets of tbe realm, to tbe great prejudice of the realm.' XVI. Tbat tbe same collector, being also receiver ofthe Pope's pence, keepetb no a great hostel in Londo~, with clerks and ollicen tbereto. 88 it were a prince's ~;r.;,~ior,. cuatom-bouse, transport.mg thence to the pope twenty thousand marks on an whalit average yearly.1 com.rh X VII. Tbat cardinals, and other clerks, aliens and denizenl, reside at Rome, ~. whereof one cardinal is dean ofYork, another of Salisbury, another of Lincoln, dl~~'i';';:: another atchdeacon of Canterbury, another archdeacon of Durbam, another In EIII(arcbdeacon of Suft"olk, another archdeacon of York, anotber prebendary of :t~~~ndlThame and Nasaington, another prehendary of Bucks in the church of Lincoln: ll&1o. r and many othen aliens living at Rame have divers of the belt dignities and

tifo'

:':::.00

111 Ex An:hlvu Regla! MaJealAlio, ano 50. Reg. Ed. tlI. 95. (2) Ibid. tlI. !Hl, 97. (3) Til. 98, 99. (4) TIL 100. (5) TlI. \01. (6) TlI \02. (7) TlI. 103. (8) TlI. 104. (9) TlI. 105.

788
TU_.d IIl.

1Il'OTRS OUT OF TUR PARLlAMENT ROLLS AGAINST TIIE POI'E.

benelices in England, and have sent over to Ihem yearly twenty thousend marks, over and above that which English brokers living there have. l A D XVIII. That the pope, lo ransom Frenchmen taken prisoners by the English. a~d to maintain his wars in Lombardy, doth levy a subsidy oC the clergy uf ___ EUg'land. Th~ pop" XIX. That the pope, on the vacancy oC a bishopric by death ar otherwise, ~~~'~I::m- maketh Cour ar five translalians oC other bishops, to have tbe Iirst fruiu of each : kin.'. and the same by olher dignities within the realm.' .ne;:'I~. XX. That tbe pupe's colleclor bath this year (for the lint time) taken to hie :i~K': use Ihe first Cruits of al1 benefices beatowed by collation ar provision, w bereaa money. he never used lo take first fruits bul for vacancies in Curia Romana.' The la... XXI. Whereupon it was suggested to renewall tbe Statutes against Provisors ::;J~: from Rome, and lIgainst papai reservations; since tbe pope reserveth all the ren..... d. benefices of lbe world for his own proper gift, and hath tbis year created tweh'e new cardinais, sa tbat naw there are thirty, wbere were wont to be but tweh'e ; and a11 those cardinais, except twa or three, are tbe king's enemies.' XX II. Tbattbe.pope, in time, will give tbe temporal manors of tbose dijl:nities to lhe king's enemie., since he sa dail)' usurpeth upon the realm and lbe king's regalities.' XXIII, That a11 bomes and corporations of religion, wbich until the present king's reilf" had free eleclion of their own beads, the pope halh encroached tbe same tohlmself.' Engllah XXIV. Tbat in a11 legacies Crom the pope wbatsoever, tbe Englisb c1ergy mon~~ bear the charge of tbe legates, and a11 Car the 101'e of tbe realm and oC aur r~:';,ope. money.? legacie.. XXV. And 80 it appeareth, that if tbe money of the realm were as plenliful 81 ever it was, the co11ectors aforesaid, wiLb tbe proctors of cardinaIs, would saon convey the same away. Th. XXVI. For remedy hereuf may it be provided, That no foreign collector or ~r.:tor proc tor d.o rem~in in England, on pain oflife and limb; and that no Engl!s~man, drhen on the hke palO, become any sucb collector or proclor to others re'ldmg at 0111 of Ihe Rome. ;~alm. XX VII. For better informatioD berein, aud namely touching the pope's P:;". co11ector, for lhat the whole clergy being at bis mercy dare not displease him, colleclor it were good tbat Mr. John Strensale, parson of St. Botolph's, living in Holbom, :~.amm- in lbe same housa where Sir W. Mirfield used to live, may be sent for to come before the lords and commons oC this parliament; who, being strait\y charged, can declare mucb, for tbat he lived witb the .aid collector as clerk fuli five years. l

1370:

~~~1~~

......

And thus much of this bill, touching the pope's matters; whereby it may appear not to be for nought what hath been of us reported by the ltalians and other strnngers, who nsed to caIl Englishmen goud asses: for they bear aIl burdcns that be laid upon them. Certain other Notes of Parliament.

Order

agalu.t u8ury.

Complalllt againlt

Ihe arch-

~~~~~:~

his omc.ro for Ih.~ ea.~k~nV:for tli.ir ad1II1lon

hem, In tbe said parliament it was provided also, tbat such order as is taken in London against the homble vice of usury, may be observed tbrougboul the wbole realm.l'1 Tbe commons of the diocese oC York complain of tbe outrageous takilIg of tbe archbishop and his clerka, for admission of priests to their benelices. lI h To Ibese records of the parliament above prefixed, of the fiftieth year of t is king Edward, we will adjoin also other notes collected out of the parliament in tbe year next following, wbich was beld Ibe fifty-first year uf this kin~'s reign, and the last of bis life, on Tuesday the Quilldime oC St. Hilary LJanuary 27, A.D.377] : althoujl:h in the printed book these Stalutes are said to be made at the parlillment holden, as above, in the fiCI.ietb year: which is much mistaken, and ought to be refe"ed to lbe une and fifl1eth year, as by the records oC tbe said year manifestly doth appear. (4) Tlt.109. (3) Tit. 108: oee vol. I. p. 11. (1) Tli. 106. (21 Tlt. 107. (O) TiL 1:4. (7) 1'11. 112. (8) Tit. 113. (5) Til. no. (Iii TlI. III.
(10) Til.1I5. (11) Tit. 158"

(1"111'11.171.

NOTF.S OUT OF 1'HE PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINS1' THE POPE.

789

In that parliamenl, the bishop of St. David's, being lord chancellor, made a ]f __." long oralion, taking his lbeme out of St. Paul, .. Libenter su1fertis insipientes," IIl. &c. : declaring in be said oralion many tbinga; as firat, sbcwing tbe joyful news of lhe old king's recovery; then, declaring the love of Gad toward tbe king and 1370' realm in chastising him with sickness; afterwards, sbowing tbe blel!sing of Gad upon tbe king in seeing his cbildren's cbildreu; tben, by a simililude of lbe The efl'ecl head and members, exhorting tbe people, as tbe members ofone body, to conform ~~~~~el. themselves unto tbe goodness of the bead; lastly, be tumed bis matter to the lor'. onlords and the rest, declaring tbe cause of tbat assembly: lhat Corsomuch as the tlono 'reucb king bad allied bimself witb tbe Spaniards and Scota, Ibl' king's enemies, wbo had prepared great powera, conspiring to blot out the English tonyue and name, the king, tberefore, wished to have lherein their faithful counsel. This being declared by the bishop, Sir Robert Ashton, the king's cbamber- Thl. par. lain, dcclaring that be was to move tbem on tbe part of the king for the profitlit:n~n~ of lhe realm (lhe which words perchance lay not in the bishop's mouth, for ~~..~~~ bat it touched tbe pope), prolesting firat, tbat the king Wal ready to do al1 uaurpathat ought to be dane for the papl'; but, becausl' divera usurpations were dane Ilon n t by the pope to the king's crown and realm, as by particular bill. in thifl parlia- :::''':''l!. ment sbould be sbowed, he required of tbem to seek redre88.' In tbis present parliament petition was made by thl' commons, tbat all Againat, provi80rs of benefices from Rome, and their agenta, should be out of the king's ~~~\~pe. protection; whereunto the king answered, that the papl' had promised redress, aion. wbich if he did not give, the laws in that case provided should then stand." ~om It was also in tbat parliament prayed, that evel}' person of what sex soever, Ao~e. t being professed of any religion, continuing tbe habIt till fifteen years of age and th';,";':~'a upward, may, upon proof of the aame in any of the king's courta, be in law dia""n.. utterly forebarred of all inheritancl', albeit be bave dispensation from tbe papl'; tlon. against which displ'nsation, is the chief grodge. Wbereunto tbe king aud lhe lords answered, saying, tbat they would provide. Item, In the said parliament the commons prayed, tbat tbe Statutes of Provisora at any time made he executed, and that remedy might be had against such cardillals as, wilbin tbe provinces of Canterbury and York, had purchased reservations witb the clause 'Anteferri,' to tbe value of twenty ar tbirty tbou- By thla sand gold crowns of tbe sun yearly: also against tbe pope's collector, who had ~ Ant,ej, been want to be an Englishman, but was nowa mere Frenchman, residing at ':::nt London, and keeping a large office at an expense to the c1ergy of tbree hun- the. pr. dred pounds yearly, and wbo conveyed yearly to the pope twenty tbouaand ::::"::~~: marks, ar twenty tbouaand pounds; and who, tbis year, gathered the first ..lnl!. fruita of all benefices what80ever: alleging tbe means to meet these resel'- ..~ vations and novelties to be, to command all strangera to depart the realm dung . the wara; and that no Englishman become their farmer, ar send to them any money without a spedal license, on pain to be out of tbe king's protection. Wbereunto W88 answered by tbe king, that the statutes and ordinances for that purpose made, should be observed. 5 In the rolls and rl'cords of such parliamenta lL8 were in tbis king's time The heJd, divera otber things are to be noted very worthy to be marked, and not to rope'~ be suppre88ed in silence; wherein the reader may learn and understand, tbat ,a;.;. the state of the king's jurisdiction here within this realm was not straitened in emiDire,' those days (altbough the papl' tben seemed to be in his chief ruff), as afterwards :~;c~e in other kinga' days was seen ; as mayappear in the parliament of the fifteenth corruplly year of this king Edward II L, and in lhe twenty-fonrth article of lhe said calI 't~ parliament: where it is to be read, that lhe king's ufficers and teDlporal justices :f.~:r:'d ~id t~en both punish usu~era, and im'peach the officers of tbe church for ex~or- bjlhe tlon ID the money taken lor redemptlon of corporal penance, probate of wl11s, ~ ng h i solemnizing of marriage, &c., a11 the pretensed liberties of lhe popish church to m~~t" or the contrary notwitbstanding. 8 thec1ergy Furthermore, in the parliament of the twenty-fifth year it appeareth, that :: t~ra1 the liberties of tbe clergy, and their exemptions in c1lliming the deliverance of m~n'a men by tbeir book under tbe Dame of clerks, stood then in litlle force, as banda. appeared by one Hawktine Honby, knight; who, for imprisoning one of the C1~Jka I king 's subjects till he made fine of twenty pounds, was on tbat account executed, :~m;~:at

AD
o

la....

(I) (4)

F.x Arcblvlo Reg. FA.... III. reg. TlI. 62 () Tit. 78, n.

51, lit. 4-12. (6) Ex Actl.

Tit. 13. (3) Tit. 36. Parliamemi in aD. 15. Rog. Ed.... III. tito 24.
(2)

s..
ApJ""Uliz.

700
lU__II

TlIE STORY OF JOHN WICKLU,'jo.

notwitbatanding tlte liberty of tbe clergy, who by hiB book would have savoo himBelf, but could not. The like also appeareth by judgment given againBt a pneBt at Nottingham, D for killing hil master. And likewise by hanging certain monks of Combe. 1 'rhe arItern, In the parliament of the fifteenth year, by the apprehending ar J obn ~:~~~~t Stratford, arehbishop of Canterbury, and his arraignment; conceming "'roch .he .I'"h- his arraitl'nment a11 things were committed to Sir William of Kildisby, keeper ~~~~:,..ol" of the pnvy aeal. I
lIl.

t:i74.

Besides these truths and notes or the king's parliaments, wherein may appear lhe toward proeeedings or this king and or aIl his commons. against the prelensed ehurch of Rome; this ia, moreover, to be added to the eommendation or lhe king, how in the book of the Acta and Rolls of the king appeareth, that the said king Edward III. John sent also John WicklifF, reader then of the divinity leelure in Oxford, WickJitr h . other lords an d amU8llllWors, L .l nl wilh WIt eertam over mto t he parta or ~:;;b~~g' Flanders, to treat wilh the pope's legates coneerning affairs betwixt I&dOI'>. the king and tbe pope, with fulI commission: the tenor whereof here fullowelh expressed :"buf]'.

The King's Letter aulhorizing John Wiekliff and others to lreat with the Pope's Legates.
The king, to all and singular to whom these preaents shall come, greeting. Know ye, that we, reposing assured con6dence in the 6delity and wiBdom oftbe reverend father, John, bishop of Bangor, and our well-beloved and tmlt}" Mr. John Wickliff, profesaor of sacred theology, Mr. John Gutur, dean of Segovia, and Mr. Simon Multon, doctor of lawa, Sir William de Burton, kn~hl, John Bealknap, and John de Henyngton, hue directed them as aur .peclal ambusadors, nuncios, and commissioners to the parts beyoud the seas: giving to the said aur ambassadors, nuncioa, and commissionera, to six or 6,-e of them, ar whom we will the aforesaid bishop to be one, authority and power, with commandment special, to treat and consult mildly and charitably wilh the nunciOl and ambasaadors of the lord pope, touching certain a1'airs, whereupon, of late, we sent heretofore the aforesald bishop and Sir William, and friar Ughtred, monk of Durham, and master John de Shepeye, to the aee apostolical ; and to make fuU relation to UB and our council of all things done and paSled in the said assembly: tbat allluch things as may tend to the honour oC Doly church and tbe maintenance of our crown and our realm oC England may, by the aasistance of God aud wisdom of the Bee apostolical, be brought to good elfecl, and accomplished accordingly. In witness wher('of, &c. Given at London tbe lwenty-sixth dar of July. [48 Ed.lIl. A.D. 1374.]

By the whieh it is to be noled, what good-will the king then harc to lhe said WieklifF, and what Bmall regard he had to the sinful see orRome. Of the whieh John Wiekliff, because we are now approaehed to his time, remaineth eonsequently for our story to entreat of, 80 as we have herelofore done of olher like "aliant soldiers of Chst's ehurch before him.
~be ~toqa

ot ~obn l8itfllt1f.

Although 4 it be manifest and evident enough, that there were divers and sundry before Wickliff's time, who have wrestled and laboured in the same cause and quarrel that our eountryman WiclifF hath done, whom the Holy Ghost hath from time to time raised and
(I) ExParliam.an.23.Edw.llI. (2) Ibld.t1L49. (3) I Rex unlyerail, ad quorum notitiam prarlleutel llte12 penenerint," &te. [1"hll commlujoa la In Rym.r, ..benco tb. tran.latlon ha> been nvtoed. 8ee Appendh:.-Eo.) (4) Prom th. Edltlou ar !~63. p. 8.'i. except a rew word. erom Ibe Edition ar 1570, p.523.-Eo.

THE STORY OF JOHN WIC){LIFF.

791

stirred up in tbe church of Go~ .something ~o. work agUnst. the bisbop E~;r or Rome, to weaken tbe permclOus SUpersbtlOD of the frlars, and to _ _ ._ vanquish and overthrow be great errors wbich daily did growand A. D. prevail in the world; 1imoDgtlt the which number in the monuments 1371. of historiell are remembered Berengarius, in the time of the emperor Henry III., A.D. IO.H; and John Seotus, who took away the verity ot' the body and blood from the sacrament i Bruno bishop or Angers; Okleus the second; the Waldenses; Marsilius of Padua; John de ..,;::_ Janduno; Ocham; with divers other of that sect or school: 1 yet notwithstanding, forsomuch as they are not many in number. neither yet very famous or notable, foIlowing the course of years, we will begin the narration of this our history 2 with the story and tractation of John Wickliff; at whose time this furious fire of persecution seemed to take his first original and beginning. After aIl these, then, whom we have heretofore rehearsed, through God's providence stepped forth into the arena 3 the valiant champion of the truth, John Wickliff,. our countryman, and other more of his time and same country; whom the Lord wilh the like zeal and power of spirit raised up here in England, to deect more fuli y and amply the poison of the pope's doctrine and false religion set up by the friars. In whose opinions and assertions albeit Borne blemishes perhaps may be noted, yet such blemishes they be, which rather declare him to be a man that might err, than who directly did fight against Christ our Saviour, as tha pope's proceedingtl and the friars' did. And what doctor or learned Th. bl.man hath been from tbe prime age or the church so perfect, so abso- :rl~~ct lutely sure, in whom no opinion hath sometime swerved awry? and lilfmadc yet be the said articles or his neither in number so many. nor yet so ;,~r:ethey gross in themselves and so cardinal. as those Cardinal enemies or be. Christ. percbance, do give them out to be; ir his books which they abolished were remaining to be conferred with those blemishes which they have wrested to the worst, as evil will never said the best. This is certain and cannot be denied, but that he, being the public reader or divinity in be university or Oxford, was, for the rude time wberein Ile lived, famously reputed for a great clerk, a deep schoolman, and no less e:s:pert in all kinds or philosophy; the which doth not only appear by his own most famous and learned writingtl and monumens, but also by the conression of Walden, his most Tb. tel, cruel and bitter enemy, who in a certain epistle written unto pope ~':Jdi oC Martin V. saitb. "That he was wonderfully astonished at his most an ene-n, strong arguments, with the places or authority which he had gathered. ~~~. with the vehemency and force or his reasons," &c. And thus much ~:~k':;.c out of Walden. It appeareth by BUch as have observed the order and course of times, that this Wickliff flourished about A.D. 1871, TbetIm. Edward III. reigning in England; for thus we do find in the :~.lllitC Chronicles of Caxton: "In the year of our Lord 1871," saith he, rilhed. " Edward II!.. king or England, in his parliament was against the A.D.l3ii. pope's clergy: he willingly hearkened and gave ear to the voices and tales of heretics, with certain of his council conceiving and following sinister opinions against the clergy; wherefore. afterwards, be asted
(I) " D1.en olben:" Robert GlOItb.ad, bilhop oC Lincoln; FU.-ralpb, archbllhop oC Armagh ; NtchoI.. Grem; the author oC the Ploughman'l Complalnt, and otherl. 8ee aJ.. p. 712; and the beglnnlng oC Doolr. V. p. 727, and Fox"1 Pr'_I, pp. xxI. xxll.-ED. (2) Th. roader wUl obIerv., that the Latln EdIUon open I wilb the biltoryo! WlcliJf, and tbe fint Enl(llsh Edltlon had aaid .ery liUIe o! any pre.ioul conCellOr. to the trulb.-En. (J) H lu 4!'cnam proliliit," in the Latin edition aW7, p. J.-ItD.

THE liXOWLEDGE Ol' THE GOSPEl.

Edward and sufcred much adven;ity anli trouble. And not long after, in thc ~ )'ear ol' our Lord,'" saith he, "137~, he wrote unto the bishop of .~.D. Rome, that he should not byany means intemleddle any more within 1372. his kingdom, as touching the reservation or distribution ol' benefices ; and that all such bishops as were under his dominion should rnjoy thrir fonner and aneient liberty, and be eonfinned ol' their metropolitans, as hath been accustomed in times past,'" &c. 'l'hus much writeth Caxton. But, as touching the just num ber ol' the year and time, we will not be very curious or careful about it at present: this A deis out ol' all doubt, that at what time all the world was in most ~~'W:~k- liesperate and vile estate, and that the lamentabIl' ignorance and ~.tim.. darkne88 ol' God's truth had overshadowed the whole earth, this man stepped forth like a valiant champion, unto whom that may just1y be applied wbich is spoken in the book calIed Ecclesiasticus, of one Simon, the son ol' Onias: "Even as the moming star being in the midst ol' s cloud, and as the moon being fulI in her COllrse, alld :lS the bright beams ol' the sun; so doth he shine and g~ister in tl.e tempIe and church ol' God" [chap. 1. v. 6.] 'l'hus doth A1mighty God continuslIy Sllccour and help, when aU things are in dcspair: being always, according to the prop1lec\" ol' the Psalm [Ps. Ix. v. 9.], "a hel per in time ol' necd;. ... whieh thing never more plainly appeared, than in these latter liays and cxtreme age of the church, when the wllOle state and eondition, not only ClI' worldly things, but also ol' rc1igion, was so dcpraved and eorrupted : that, like the disease narned lethargy amongst the physicians, even 50 the state ol' rcligion amongst the divines, was past sil man's help and remedy. The narne only of Christ rernained nmongst Christians, but his true and lively doetrine was as far unknown to the most part, as his name was common to all men. As touching faith, consolation, the end and use ol' the law, the offiee ol' Christ, our impoteney and weakncss, the Hol)" Ghost, the greatness and strength ol' sin, true works, grace and free justification by faith, the liberty of s christian man, whcrein consisteth and resteth the whole sum and matter ol' our profcssion, there was almost no mention, nor any word spokcn. ScriptUTe, learning, and divinity, were known but to a few, and that in thl' scllOols only; and there also they tumed and converted almost alI into sophistry. Instead ol' Peter and Paul, men occupied their time in studying Aquinas and Scotus, and the Master ol' 8entences. 'l'he world, leaving and forsaking tlle livcly power ol' God's spiritual word and doetrine, was altogether led and blinded with outward ccremonics and Imman traditions, wherein the whole scope, in a manner, ol' all l'hristian perfection, did consiat and dl'end. In these was all the 1Iopc ol' obtaining salvation fully fixed; herellnto alI things were attributed; insomuch that sraredy any othcr tli ing was scen in thc tcmples or ehurches, taught or sl>okcn ol' in acnnons, or finully intended or gone about in their w IOle life, but onI y heaping up nf certain shadowy ceremollies upon ceremonies; nrither was thcre any end ol' this their hl'aping. The peopll' were t.aught to worship no other tIling but tl18t w!Lich tllCY did see; and clid see allll08t nothing whieh tItey did not worship. The church, Leing llegeneratcd frum the true :lIJCJt;tolic illstitutioD

GIWSSLY EXI'OUNDED BY

TUo:

IW,\IANISTS.

'IV3

above all measure, reserving on]y the nallle of the apostolic churdl, Edward but far from the trllth thcrcof in very deed, did fali into all kind ot' ~ extreme tyranny; whcrcas the poverty and simplicity ot' Christ was A. D. changed into cruelty and abolllination of lit'e. Instead of the apo- ~ stulic gifts and continual labonrs and travails, slothfulness and ambition was crept in amongst the priests. Beside all this, there arose and sprang up a t1lOusand sorts and filslIions of strange religiom:; being only the rout and well-head of all superstition. How great abuses and depravations were ('rept into the sacraments, at the time they were compelled to worship similitudcs and signs of things for the very things themsclves; and to adore such things as were Ali good instituted and ordaincd onIy for memorials ! Finally, what thing ~~~;~d was there in the whole state of christian religion so sincere, so sound, and opot Il was nut (e l fil cd an d spotte(lWIt ' ]l some k' ted witll aml so pure, W om d of. B?pel1l11h1C supcrstition? Besides this, witlI how many bonds and snares of t1on. daily new-fangled ceremonies were tlIc silly consciences of men, redeemcd by Christ to liberty, ensnared and snarled; insomuch that there coull be no great difrcrence perceived between Christianity and J ewishncss, save only the name of Christ: so that the state and condition ot' the J ews might seem somewhat more tolerabIe tlllm ours! Thcre was nothing sought for out of the true fountains, but out of the dirty puddles of the Philistines; the christian people were wholly carried away as it were by the nose, with mcre decrees and constitutions of men, even whither it pleased the bishops to lead them, and not as Christ's will did direct them. All the whole world was filled and overwhclmed with error and darkncss; and no great marvcl: for why? the simple and unlcarncd peoplc, bcing far from all knowledge of the holy 8cripture, thought it quite enough for them to know only those things which were delivered them by their pastors .md shepherds, and they, on the other part, taught in a mamler 1I0thing clse but sueh things as eame forth of the court of Rome ; whereof the most part tended to the profit of their order, more than to the glory of Christ. The christian faith was esteemerl or aceounted none other thing tlI en, but that every man should know that Christ once suffcrcd; that is to sny, that all U'ten should know and understand that thing whieh the de viIs themsclves also knew. Hypoerisy was aecounted for wondrnul holiness. AU men wcre so addicted unto outward SIIOW8, that evcn they themselvcs, who professed the most absolute and singular knowledge of the 8criptures, searcely did understand or know any other thing. And this did evidently appear, not on!y in the common sort of dl)etors and teachcrs, but also in the very heads and Thc eap. ]e re l"IglOn an d I10I'mess conslstc . d, lain> eaptams of ] le cl lUreI l, ] w IUse wI 10 the uf in a manner, in the observing of days, meats, and garmens, and such ~:~'~~~'ct, like rhetoriea circumstanccs, as of place, time, person, &c. Hereof RH ",ell as ' f l thc III fe sprang SO many sorts aml i' laS Ilons O vestures am gannents; so many rior surt. diff'crenccs of colours and meats, with so many pilgrimages to sevcra! places, as tllOugh St. James at Compostella l eould do that, which
(1)
II

St. James at Compo8tella."

Thil refen to a tamolia but most weazisflme piJgrimag'f',

lI11lt'h C51eel1led in farmer Umcs, to the tomb of St. James at Compostella, l,) the province Jf li;liliria in 8pain. The di~131l('C (rom Romu "'olS aln)ld tweive hundred CIlJCIish mi1cll, and )'ut fnlln theuC't", 3i al80 from he must distaut part! or Europe. ha\'c millions or ChristiaI1lJ, to their O\\Tl ('n~t and mi~erYI trnv-'Tlutf m('ka ClJlUllloulltainll to \'bit hat tomb.-Sec Dr. Michacllicddt:d'
Mi':;l;'cl1.J.lll"OUS l'ract8 J "oj. iL-.E.v.

794
ltd_rtI

TllE KNOWLEDGE OF THE

GOSP:L

Christ could not do at Canterbury; or c1se that God were not of oot be found but A. D. by being sought for by running gadding hither and thither. Thos 1372. the holiness of the whole year was transported and put ofF unto the Pal.otin. Lent season. N o country or land was counted holy, but only ~~~;';.~ Palestine, where Chst had walked himself with his corporal feet. Ch;~.I'1 Such was the blindness of that tirne, that men did strive and fight ;;,~,;,~"g for the cross at Jerusalem, as it had been for the chief and only foree and strcngth of our faith. It is a wonder to read the monurnents of the forrner times, to see and understand what great troubles and calamitics this cross hath caused almost in every christian commonwealth; for the Romish champions never ceased, by writing, admonishing, and counseIling, yca, and by quarreIling, to move and stir up princes' minda to war and battle, even as though the faith and belief of the gospel were of smalI force, or little efFect without that wooden cross. This was the cause of the expedition of the most Richard noble prince king Richard unto J erusalem; who being taken in the ~i~~:~d. same Joumey, and delivered unto the emperor, could scarcely be A";:'IiZ. ransomed home again for thirty thousand marks. In the same Fred.rlc, enterprise or joumey, Frederic, the emperor of Rome, a man of ~:'o~n~r most exeeIlent virtue, was drowned in a certain river there, A.D. 1190 ; Rom.. and also Philip, the king of France, scarcely retumed home again in rl~,i~i~'c safety, and not without great losses: so much did they esteem the France. recovery of the holy city and cross,J Upon this alone aIl men'8 eyes, minds, and devotions were 80 set and bent, as though either there were no other cross but that, or that the cross of Christ were in no other place but onlyat Jerusalem. Such was the blindness and superstition of those days, which lmderstood or knew nothing but such things as were outwardly seen; whereas the profession of our religion sandeth in much other higher matters and greater mysteries. What was the cause why Urban did BO vex and torUlent himself? Because Jerusalem with the holy cross was lost out of the banda of the Christiana; for so we do find it in the ChronicIes, at what bme as J erusalem with king Guido and the cross of onr Lord was taken, and under the power of the sultan, Urban took the mattcr so w-ievously, that for very sorrow he died. In his place succeeded Albert, who was called Gregory VIII., by whose motion it was decreed by the cardinals, that (setting aport aIl riches and voluptuousness) "they should yreach the cross of Christ, and by their poverty and humility first of al 8hould take the ~oss upon them, and go beTIto fore others into the land of J erusaJem." These are the worda of the ~.d~;or history 2; whereby it is evident unto the vi~ant reader, unto what lbe g~opel grossness the true knowledge of the spirituaI doctrine of the gospel ~~':~lnd' was degenerated and grown in those daY8; how great blindness and ~o::r~~ darkness were in those daye, even in the first primacy and 8upremacy uli. of the bishop of Rome: as though the outward succession of Peter and the ap08tJes had been of greater force and efFect to that matter. What doth it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule? It is much more to be regarded that every man should labour and study with all his endeavour to foIlow the life and eonfession of Peter; and that man seemeth unto me to be the true 8uccessor of Peter against whom the gate8 of helI shalI not prevaiI. For if Peter in the Gospel

.-!!!:- like power and strength in every place, or could

II) Se. Appendix.

IZ) Jbld.

CROSSLY EXPOUNDED BY THE nOMANISTS.

795

do bear the type and figure of the christian churc'h (as aIl men, in a Bdft'tJrd manner, do affirm), what more foolish ar vain thing can there be, than ~ through private usurpation, to restrain and to bind that unto one A. D. man, which, by the appointment of the Lord, is of itself free and open 137~ to sa manv? But 1 "let it be BO that Peter did establish his chair and Beat at Rome, and admit that he did the like at Antioch: what doth thiB place of Peter make, or help, to the remission of sins, to the interpretation of Scriptures, or to have the authority or keys of binding and loosing? The whieh things, if they be the works of the Holy GhoBt and of christian faith, and not of the place, surely very foolishly do we then refer them unto the Bee of Rome; including, and hedging them in, as it were, within certain borders and limits, as though there wcre no faith, or that the Holy Ghost had no operation or power, in any other place but only at Rome. What doth it make matter, where Peter served the Lord? We ought rather to Beek and know wherein Peter was acceptable unto his Lord, or wherefore? that we likewise, with all our whole power and endeavour, may go about by the same mean and way, to do the like. 'Vherefore if we do think or judge that Christ had given unto Peter any singular or particular privilege, which was not alBO granted uno the residue of the apoBtles, more for any private affection or love of the man (such as many times reigneth amongst us now-a-days), we are far deceived. But if that he, for the most high, divine, and ready confession, which not he alone, but for, and in tbe name of them all, did pronounce and expreBS, obtained any Bingular privilege; then he who doth succeed in the place and chair of Peter, doth not, by and by, Bhow forth Peter's faith; but whosoever doth neareBt follow Peter in faith (in what chair or see Boever he UO Bit) is worthily to be counted the successor of Peter, and iB his successor indeed; in such sort and wise that he getteth thereby no kinu of worldly honour.2 For the aposteship is an office, and no degree of honour; a ministry or service, and no mastership or rule; for as amongst the apoBtles themBelves there was no pre-eminence of place or dignity, but that they altogether, with one mind, Bpirit, and accord, went about and did the work of their Master, and not their own busineBll, so he who was the least amongst them was most Bet by before Ohrist, witness to himself. s Whereby tbeir Buccession deserved praise berore God, but neither dignity nor promotion in the world. For, as Polyearp answered very weIl in Eusebius, unto the under conBul, "How doth the profesBion of them (Baid he) who bavl' forsaken all things for Christ's sake, accord or agree with these worldly riches and earthly promotionB?" But the bishops in these days' (1 know not by what means of ambition, or desire of promotion) have altered and changed the eccIesiastical ministration mto a worldly policy, that even as prince suc-ceedeth prince, so one bishop doth succeed another in the see, as by right and title of inheritance, flowing and abounding moreover in all
(1) Th..... three paraJ{Taph., wUh tbe few word. at tbe .100e oftheauec:eedlngone, &re reprinte<!, with Ib. aid of Ibe Latin, trom the edltlon of 1563, p.81. See BIsa tbe Latin edltlon or I:;~. pp. 3, .-En. (2) See Appeudlx. (3) i.~. II al he himle)' teelifleth;" Re Luke iL 48. I Sic ut qui minor inter iplOl forel, plurla habcretur apud Chrl,tum t'ltem." Lat. Editiun 1559, p. f.-ED. () u Their dayl," J::diUlm 1S63. HoruIU tcmlOruW.' Editiun 1.569.-EJJ.
lO

796

TIE

STORY OF JOHN WICKLIFF CONTJNlJED.

Edward kind of wealth and richcs hcre in earth; being also guarded, aft.er the ~ fashion and manncr of the world, with routa and bancs of men, cha A.y. lenging unto himsc1f rule and loniship, in sueh manner that the whole ~ goveruance and rule of al! things ful!y did rest and rcmain in his power and hands. Al! other pastors and sllCpherds of other churches had no power or authority, more than was permitted and granted unto them by him. He alone did not only rule and govcrn over all churches, but also reigned over al! kingdoms; he alone was fcared of all men; the other ministers of Christ were little or nothing reganied ; aU things were in his power, and at his hands only, al! things wcre sought for. There was no power to exeommunieate, no authority to releasc, neither any knowledge of understanding or interpreting thc 8criptures, in any other place, but only in the cloister at Rome.Thus, in these so great and troublous times and horrible darkness The ril hlK up or of ignorance, what time there seemed in a manner to be no one so Wleklitr in trou little aspark of pure doctrine left or remaining, this aforesaid \Vickhloul litr, by God's providence, sprang and rose up, through whom the Loni li Olei. would first waken and raise up again the world, whieh was ovennuch drowned and whelmcd in the dcep streams of human traditions. Thus you have llere the time of Wickliff's original: - now we will olso in few words show somewhat of his troubles and confiieta.Wicklilr, This Wicklitr, after he had nowa long time professed divinity in :r~;lr~~. the university of Oxford, and perceiving the true doctrine of Christ's gospel to be adulteratcd and defiled with so many filthy inventions of bishops, sects of monks, and dark errors: and that he, after long debating and deliberating with himsc1f (with many secret sighs, and bewailing in his mind the general ignorance of the whole world), cnuld no longer sulfer or abide the same, at the last detcrmined with himself to help and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide, and out of the way. But, forsomuch as he saw that this dangerous mcddling could not be attempted or stirred without great trouble, neither that these things, which had been so long time with use and custom rooted and grafted in men's minds, could be suddenly plucked up or taken away, he tllOught with himself that this mattcr should be done by little and little, - even as he that plucked out the hairs out of the horse tai, as the proverb saith.- Wherefore he, taking his original at small occasions, thcreby opened himself a way or mean to greater matters. And first be assailed his advcrsaries in logical and metaphysical questions., disputing with tbem of tbe first form and fasbion of things, of tbe increase ol' timc, and of the intelligiblc substance of a creature, with other such like sophisms of no great elfect; but yet, notwithstandin,!!, it did not alittle help and furnish him, who minded to dispute of "",~':"iz. greatcr matters. So in these matters first began Keningham, a Carmc1ite, to dispute and argue against John \Vickliff. By thesc originals, the way was made unto greater points, so tOOt at length he earne to touch the matters of the sacraments, and other abuses of the church; touching which things this holy mm took great pains, protesting, as they said, opcnly in the schools, that it was his chief and principal purpose and intcnt, to revoke and calI back the church nom her idolatry, to some better amendment; espeeially in the matter of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. But this boilor sorc could not be touchcd w"ithout the great griel' and pain of thc whole world: for, first of all, thc wbole glut of monks and

LASCASTER AND PERl'Y MAIS'TAIXERS OF WICKLlFF.

797

begging friars was set in II. mge and madness, wIO, even as homets with Ed_rd their sharp stings, did assuil this good man on evcry side; fighting, as ~ is SlI.id. for their altars, paunches, and bcllics. After thcm the }Jllcsts A. D. and bishops, and then af'lcr them the arehbishop, being then Simon 1377. Sudbury, took the matter in hand; who, for the same cause, deprived cricAlilf him of his bcneficc, which then he had in Oxford. 1 At" the last, o;~i:~~ when their power seemed also not sufficient to withstand the truth ~xtlf~~~' which was thcn breaking- out, they ran wholly unto the lightnings and thunderbolts of the bishop of Rome, as it had been unto the last refuge of most force and strength. For tbis is their extrcme succour and anchor-hold, in 11.11 such storms and troubles, when the outcries of monks and friars, and their pharisaical wickedness, eannot any more prevaiJ.- Notwithstanding, he being somewhat friended and supported by the king, as appearctb, continued and bore out tbe Duke or maJice of the friars and of the archbishop 11.11 this while of his first::r~~'::'d beginning. tilJ about A.D. 1377; after which time, now to prosecutelordI'He.n. likewise of hIS troubles and conflict, first l must feteh about a littlc ire~,e'~Y. compass, as is rcquisite, to introduee some mcntion of John of~;:l~~n. Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, the king's son, and lord Henry Perey, Wickllif. who were his speeial maintainers. .As years and time grew on, king Edward 111., who had now A.:::diz. reigned about fifty-one years, af'ler the deeease of prince Edward his son, who deparled the }-ear before, was strieken with great age, and with sueh feebleness withal, that he was unwieldy, through Iaek of strength, to govem the affu.irs of the realm. \Vherefore, a parliament being called the year before his death, it was there put up, by thc knights and other thc lmrgesses of the parliament, because ofthe misgovemment ofthe realm (by eertain greedy persons about the king, raking aIl to them selves, without seeing any justiee done), that twelve sage and disereet Iords and peers, such as were free from note of alI avarice, should be placed as tutors about the king, to have the doing and disposing under wrn (six at one time, and in their absenee, six at another) of mattel'B pertaining to the public regiment. Herc, by the way, I omit to speak of Alice Perris, the wicked harlot, who, as the story reporteth, had be- Allce Perwitehed the king's heart, and govemed all, and sat upon callses herself, kr~;~e through the devilish help of a mar Dominie; wh~, by the duke of M:~u Lancaster, was caused to be taken, and was convIcted, and would '111. kmg have suffered for the same, had not the arehbishop of Canterbury and ~~c~. the friars, more regarding the liberty oftheir ehurch than the punish- :i.0m&~h ment of vice, reclaimed him for thcir own prisoner. This Aliee lh:h:;jpot Perris, notwithstanding she was banished by this parliament from the a Cthr. king, yet af'lerwards she came again, and lef'l him not, till at his death she took aIl his rings upon his fingers and other jewcls from him, and so fled away !ike a harlot. But this of her by the way. These twelve govemors, by parliament aforesaid being appointcd Twel.c to have the tuition of the king, and to attend the public affairs of::~::'::f the realm, remained for a eertain space about him; till af'lerwards it ~:~ Ih. so felI out, that they being again removed, aU the regiment of the n realm next under tbe king, was eommtted to thc duke of Lancaster, the king's son; for as yet Richard, the son of prince Edward, Iately departcd, was very young and under age.
(I) See Appendlx. (2) See EdIt10n 1563, p. 88. Lal. Ed. 1559, p. 5.-ED.

798

WICKHAM, BISHOP OF WINCHESTEJl, DEPRIVED.

R"-rd This duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceh'ed a ~ cerlain displeasure against the popish clergy; whether for eorrupt A. D. and impure doctrine, joined with like abolUinable cxcess of life, or 1377. for what other cause, it is not precisely e:xprcssed; only by story the cause thereof may be guessed to we by William Wickham, bishop of Winchester.1 The matter is this: A praeThe bishop of Winchester, as the saying went then, was reportcd ~::~~the to affinn, that the aforesaid John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, was :g:~~~e not the son of king Edward, nor of the queen ; who, being in travail ufLanat Gaunt, had no son, as he said, but a daughter, which, the same eastt'r. time, by lying upon of the mother in the bed, was there smothered. Whereupon the queen, fearing the king's displeasure, caused a certain man-child of a woman of Flanders, bom the very same time, to be conveyed, and brought unto her instcad of her daughter aforesaid; and so she brought up the child whom she hare not, who now is called duke of Lancaster. And thie, said the bishop, did the queen tell him, lying in extremity on her dcath-bed, under scal of confession; charging him if the said duke should ever 88pire to gct the ClOwn, or if the kingdom by any means should fiill unto hilll, he then should manifest the same, and declare it to the worId, that the said duke of Lancaster was no part of the king's blood, but a falsc heir of the king. This slanderous report of the wicked bishop, as it Il8voureth of a contumelious lie, so seemeth it to proceed of a subtlc seal towards the pope's religion, mClming falsehood: for the aforcs:lid duke, by favouring of WicklifF, declared himself to be a professetl enemy against the pope's profession; which thing was then not unknown, neither unmarked of the prelates and hishops then in England. But the sequl of the story thus followeth. "This slanderous villany of the bishop's report being blazed abroad, and coming to the duke's car; he, therewith being not alittle discontented, as no marvel was, sought again, by what means he could, to be revenged of the bishop. In conclusion the duke, having nowalI the govemment of the realm, under the king his father, in his own William hands, 80 pursued tlle bishop of Winchester, tbat by act of parliament ~~~ill- he was condemned and deprived of all his temporal goods; which ~?~ch~ goods were assigned to prince Richard, of Bourdeaux, the next inter deheritor of the ClOwn after the king; and, furthermore, he inhibited the prlved. said bishop from approaching nearer to the court than twenty miles." Further as touehing this bishop, the story thus proceedeth: "Not long after (A. D. 1877), a parliament was callcd by means of the duke of Lancaster, upon eertain causes and respeets; in whicb parliament great request and suit was made by the clergy, for the deliverance of the bishop of Winchester. At length, when li subsidy was asked in tbe king's name of the c1ergy, and rcquest also made, in the king's behalf, for speedy expedition. to be made for the dissolving of the parliament, the arehbishop therefore aceordingly convented the bishops for the trnctation thereof. To whom the bishops with great lamentation Llbertie. complained for laek of their fellow and brother, the bishop of Winofthe church e ehester, whose injury, said they, did derogate &om the liberties or tlle ~r. whole church ; and therefore they refused to join themselves in
(I) Ex Chron. Mon..lcrli Albanl.

1VICXl.lFF SI':NT FOR !lY TnE DUlCE OF LANCASTER.

799

tr:Jctation of any such matters, hefore aIl the memhers together werc B~ united with the hcad; and, seeing the matter touched them altogether --.!.!!..in common, as weIl him as them, they would not otherwise do. And A. D. they seemed, moreover, to be moved against the archbishop hecause 1377. he was not more stout in the cause, but suffered himself so to he cited of the duke.... The archbishop, although he had sufficient cause to excuse himself, B~~hop ol wherefore not to send for him, (as also he did,) because of the periIs ~:~~~I' which might cnsue thereof, yet being forced and persuaded thereto for to II,. by the importunity of the bishops, directed down his Ietlers to the ~o~~:""' aforesaid bishop of \Vinchester, willing him to resort unto the convocation of the clergy; who, heing gIad to ohey the same, was received with great joy by the other bishops ; and, at Iength, by means of Alice Perris, the king's pammour, above mentioned, baving given her a good quantity of money, the said Winchester was restored to his temporalities again. As the bishops had thus sent for Winchester; the duke in the mean John time had sent for John Wickliff, who, as is said, was then the =~~kl~~ divinity reader in Oxford, and had commenced in sundry acts and ~~h. f disputations contrary to the fonn and teaching of the pope's church Lan~. in many things; who also, for the same bad been deprived of his ter. benefice, as hath heen before touched. The opinions which he began at Oxford, in his Iectures and sennons, fust to treat or, and for which he was deprived, were these: That the pope had no more power to excommunicate any man, tban hath another. That if it he given by any person to the pope to excommunicate, yet to absolve the same is as much in the power of another priest, as in his. He affirmed, lloreover, that neither the king, nor any temporalIord, could give any perpetuity to the church, or to any ecclesiastical person; for that when such ecclesiastical persons do sin 'babitualiter,' continuing in the same stiIl, the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously take away from them what hefore hath heen bestowed upon them. And that he proved to have been practised hefore here in England by William Rufus; "which thing'" (said he) "ifhe did lawfully, why may Ex~!,,~i. not the same aIso be practised now? . If he did it unlawfully, then ~~~~AID doth the church err" (said he) " and doth unlawf'ully in praying for him." But of his assertions more shalI foIlow, ehrist will ing, hereaf'ter. The story which ascribeth to him these assertions, being taken out (as I take it) or the monastery of St. Alban's, addeth withal, That in his teaching and preaching he was very eloquent, " but a dissembler" (saith he) "and a hypocrite." \Vhyhesunniseth him to be a hypocrite the cause was this:First, Becaulle he resorted much to the orders of the begging mars, frequenting and cxtolling the perfection of their poverty: Secondly, Because he and his feIlows usuaIly accustomed in thcir preaching to go barefoot, and in simple russet gowns. By tbill, I suppose, may sufficiently appear to the indifferent the JP:::";I nature and condition of \Vickliff, how far it was from that am bition and pride, which in the slanderous pen of Polydore Virgil, Tbe lian repllrting in his nineteenth book of him, that becausc he was not ~~o~; preferred to higher honours and dig'Dities of the church, conceiving oiydore. there-for indignation against the clergy, he hecame their mortal

800
Ed'D.",1

WICKI.IFF FAI.SF.I.Y r.U.\RGF.D WIT H AMBITlON.

How truc WllS this, He onI\' knoweth best, that rightly shall thc one and the other. A'l:' In the menn time, by other circumstances and parts of his life we ~ mayaiso partly conjecture what is to be thought of the man. But however it was in him, whether true or false, yet it had bec'l Wleklilf Polydore's part, cither not so intemperately to Imve almsed his peli, ~~::~~d or at least to have showed some grcater authority and ground of that ;:;~\~,~;:'; his report: for to foIlow nothing clse but f1yillg fumc, so rashly to l'olydore. dcfame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not thc part of a fhithful story-writer. Wieklilf But to return from whence we digressed. Beside these his opi:':;1~':.~~h nions and assertions above recited, with others which are herenfter to Ihe mAt I ' be brought forward in order, he began then something ncarly to touch ter of t . th .d sacmment t hc ""erat he matter of th c sacroment, provmg at 'm t II.' sal ment. accidents of brcad remained not without the subject, or substanre; and this, both by the holy ScriptureB, and also by the authority of the doctors, but espccially by Buch as were most ancient. AB for the later writers, that is to say, such as ha\'e written upon that argument undcr the thousand years sinee Christ's time, he utterly refused them, &'lying, '1'hat after these ycars Satan WllS loosed and set at liherty; and that sin CI.' that time the life of man hath been most 8ubjcct to, and in danger of, crrors ; and that the simple and plain truth doth appear and consist in the Scriptures, whercunto aIl human traditions, whatsoevcr they be, must be referrcd, llnd especially such as are set Thelat- forth and publishcd now of late years. This WllS the cause why he ~~;;~;h. rcfused the later writers of dccretals, leaning only to the ScriptUTCS ~~lI::.eh I . and ancient dodors; most stoutly aflirming out of them, that in tlw douhl':/ sacrament of the body, which is cclcbmted willi brend, the accidents 'rh. h out t he su bstance; t h denl.acc1 nol are not present Wit at ' 18 to say, that th e :~ebe'::ra. body of Christ is not present without the brend, as the common sort ment of priests in tllOse days did drenm. As for his arguments, what Wllhout l ' b y God's grace, Ihe .ub- t hey were, we Wl'11 sh ort y, at more opportumty, .tance. declare them in another place, lest that with so long a digrcssion we seem to defer and put off the render. But herein the truth, llS the poet speaketh very truly, had gotten John Wickliff great displeasure and hatred at many men's hands; and espeeiaIly of the monks and richest sort of priests. Albeit, through the favour and Bupportation of the duke of Lancaster and lord Henry Percy he persisted, hitherto, in some meao quiet against their wolfish violence and cruety: till at last, aOOut A.D. 1377, the bishops, still urging and inciting their archbishop ~imon 8udbury, who before had deprived bim, and afterward prohibited him also not to stir any more in those sorts of matters, had o1Jtained, by process and order of citation, to have him brought bcfore them; whereunto OOth place and time for bim to appear, after their usual form, was to him llSsigned. The duke, having intelligence that Wickliff, his c1ient, should come before the bishops, fearing that he being but one, was too wcak against sllch a multitllde, calleth to him, out of the orders of friars, four bachclors of divinity, out of every order one, to join them with \Yicklitf o]so, for more surety. When the day was eome, assigned to A"::::'Ii' the snid \Vickliff to nppt'nr, which day was Thursday, the nineeenth

-!!.!:- judge both

enemy.

I.

l..

WICKLIFF BROCr.HT TO

IIIS

APPEARANCE.

80]

of February, John Wickliff went, accompanicd with thc four friars Bd...ord aforesaid, and with thcm also the duke of Lancaster, and lord Henry --!!!:Percy, lord marshal of England; the said lord Percy also going A.D. bcfore them to make room and way ",here Wickliff should come. 1377. Thus Wickliff, through the providencc of God, being sufficiently guarded, was coming to the place where the bishops sat; whom, by the way, they animated and exllorted not to fear or shnk a whit at the eompany of the bishops there present, who were aIl unlearned, said they, in respect of him (fo! so . procee~ the ~ords of my aforesaid author, whom I follow m thls narmtIon), nelther tLat he should dread the eoncourse of. the people, whom they would themselves assist and defend, in such sort, as he should take no hann.' With these words, and with the assistance of the nobles, Wickliff, in heart eneouraged, approached to the church of St. Paul in London, where a main press of people was gathered to hear what should be said and done. Such was there the frequency and throng of the multitude, that the lords, for aIl the puissance of the Strl.inlf high mnrshal, unneth with greut difficulty could get way through ; r:~~tn insomuch that the bishop of Londun, whose name was William pa.. by Oourtney, seeing the stir that the lord marshIll kept in the church ~~:. peoo among the peopl.?, speaking to the lurd Perey, $8id, that if he Lad Thewonl. known before wbat mastees he would have kept in the Church, he ~~o~h~fbl. would have stopped him out from coming there; at which words of the London lo bishop the duke disdaining not alittle, answered the bishop and ~ee~~~ said, that he would keep such mastery there, though he said 'nay.' At last, after much wrestling, they piereed through aud came to Our Lady's Chapel, where the dllkes and barons were sitting together with the archbishops and other bishops ; before whom \Vickliff, according to the manner, stood, to know what shonld be laid unto him. To whom first spake the lord Percy, bidding him to sit down, saying, that he had many things to answer to, and therefore had need of some softer seat. But the bishop of London, cast eftsoons into a fumish chafe by those words, said, he should not sit tlere. N eithcr was it, Slrlf. b... said he, aecording to law or reason, that he, wlw was cited there to :::':n'~r~ appear to answer before his ordinary, should sit down during the timc b,"hop I~al and of of hIS answer, but tbat he should stand. Upon these words a fire Loodoo. begun to heat and kindle between them; insomuch tlIat they began so to rato and revile one the other, that the wbole multitude, therewith disquieted, began to be set on a hurry. Then the duke, taking the lord Percy's part, with hasty words Strlf. lK"began also to take up the bishop. To whom the bishop again, ~:~".:';:'. nothing infeor in reproacbful ehecks and rebukes, did render and :-a0~ requite not only to him as good as he brought, but also did so far ~~~;~) of excel him in this railing art of scolding, that to use the words of mine ~~~d~'~~T_ author, "Erubuit dux, quod non potuit prrevalere litigio;'" that is, ~~t~l::' the duke blushed and was ashamed, because he could not overpass acoldiog. the bishop in brawling and railing, and, therefore, he felI to plain ""'::".1. threatening; menacing the bishop, that he would bring down the pride, not only of him, but also of a11 the prelacy of England. And speaking, moreover, unto him: "Thou,'" said he, "bearest thyself so brag upon tlly pnrents, who shaJl not be able to hclp thf'e; they shaU (I) Ex Hllt. Alonachi n. Albanl ex ""commodalo D. l\Iallh. AreMepil. Canto
VOI.. II.

8F

802

RJOTOI'S CONDUC.T OF TJlE I.ONDONEK5.

EdK'JTd have enough to do to hclp themselvcs;.... for his parents werc the earI ~ and countess of DeVOIIshire. 1 To whom the bisbop again allswered, A. D. that to be bod to tcll truth, his confidcnce was not in his parents. 13i7. nor in any man else, but onIy in Gad in whom he tmsted. Tben The dllke the dukc softly whispcring in the car of him next by him, snid, That ~~~e:~en- he woulJ rnther pluck the bishop by the hair of his head out or the ~~:;; chureh, than he would take this at his band. Tbis was not spoken bi'h~P.bY 50 seeretly, but that the Londoners overheard bim. Whereupon, ~~~ o;:~le being set in a rnge, they cried out, snying, tbat they would not suffcr chureh. their bishop so contemptuously to be abused. But mther they would lose their lives, than that he should so be drnwn out by the bair. Thus that couneil, being broken with scolding and bmwling for tbat day, was Jissolved before nine o'clock, and the duke, with the 10nI Perey, went to the parliament; where, the snme day before dinner, PeUUon. a bill was put up m the name of the king by tlle lord Thomas :::l~ In Woodstock and lord Henry Percy, tbat the city of London should no :'~:~t";"he more be govemed by a mayor, but by a captain, as in times before; city or and that the marshal of England should have all the ado in taking Lon~n. the arrests within the snid city, as in other cities besides, with other 4""...&. petitions more, tending to the like derogation of the liberties of London. This bill being read, John Philpot, then burgess for tlle city, standeth up, saying to those who read ~he bill, tbat that was never scen so before; and adding, moreover, that the mayor would never suffer any such tbings, or other arrest to be brought into tlie city; with more such words of like stoutness. H~.ty The next day following the Londoners assembled themselves in a cOllll,elor'l . tlle Ihe Lon- COlIDCl , to consl'der o.mong t h em upon t he bill fior changmg doner.. mayar, and o.OOut the office of the marshal ; also, conceming the injuries done tbe day before to their bisbop. In the mean time, they, being busy in long consultation of this matter, suddenly and unawares entercd into the place two certain lords, whether cOllie to spy, or for what other cause, the author 4'/'::-, leaveth it uncertain; the one called lord Fitz-Walter, tbe otlier lord Guy Bryan. At the first coming in af them the vulgar sort was ready forthwith to fy upon them as spies, bad not they made tlieir protestation with an oath, declaring that their coming in was for no hann toward them. And 50 they were compelled by the citizcns to swear to the city their troth and fidelity : contrary to the which oath ifthey should rebel, contented tliey would be to forfeit wbatsoever goods and possessions they bad witbin the city. The oraThis dane, tben began the Lord Fitz-Walter, in this wise, to per:~~~ o:~~ suade and exhort the citizens; first declaring how he was bound and ~al~ to obliged to them and to their city, not only on account of thc ooth dIJ~enn- now newly received, but of old and ancient good will from his grmt grandfather's time; besides other divers duties, for the which he was chiefy bound to be one of tbcir principal fuutors; forsomuch as whatsoever tended to their damage and detriment redounded also no less unto his own: for which cause he could not otherwise choose, but that wbat he did understand to be attempted against the public profit and liberties of the city, he must needs communicate tbe same to them; who unless they with speedy circumspection do occur, and (I) ThiB bi.hop of London was WUllam Courlney. IOD to Ibe earl Dr DevOlllhirc.

THE LONDONERS' HASTY COUNSEL.

prevent perils that may and are like to ensue, it would tum in tllC Bd...id end to their no smalI ineommodity. And as there were many other ~~ things which required their vigilant care and cliligenee, so one thing A. D. th~re was, whieh he could in no wise but admoniBh them of; whieh 1377. was thiS, neeessary to be eonsidered of them all : how the lord lIl8nlhal Henry Perey, in his place within himselC had one in ward and C\l&oo ,/p:;:'iI. tody, whether with the knowledge,or without the knowledge of them, he eould not tell: this he could tell, that the said lord marshal was not allowed any BUeh ward or prison in his house within the liberties of the eity; whieh thing, if it be not seen to in time, the example thereof being suffered, would, in fine, breed to sueh a prejudice unto their eustoms and liberties, as that they I!hould not, hereafter, when they would, refonn the injury thereof. These words of the lord Fitz- WaIter were not so soon spoken, but, The cilio they were as soon taken of the rash eitizens ; who in all hasty fury r:,'::d~~ running to their armour and weapons, went ineontinent to the house ~r:alk ~p of the lord Perey, where, breaking up the gates, by violenee they Pe';..,t~ took out the prisoner, and burned the stoeks wherein he sat in the ~~: al midst of London. Then was the lord Perey sought for, whom, God'.pro saith the story, they would doubtless have slain if they might have ~~,~~l:ia found him. With their bills and javelins all comel'll and privy aervanll. chambers were searched, and beds and hangings tom asunder. But the lord Perey, as God would, was then with the duke, whom one ~. John Yper the same day with great instance had desired to dinner. The Londonel'll not finding him at home, and supposing that he Tbe was with the duke at the Savoy, in all hasty heat turned their power ~h~~':.~~ thither, running as fast as they eould to the duke's house; where ot LaJlalso, in like manner, they were disappointed or their cruel purpose. ::'~~led In the mean while, as this was doing, eometh one of the duke's ~~~~o. men, running post Laste to the duke and to the lord PereYl era. declaring what was done. The duke being then at his oysters, Tbe duke without any further tarrying, and alBO breaking both his shins at thli p~~c~~~ fonn for haste, took boat with the lord Perey, and by water went to lorllbe Kingston, where then the princess, with Riehard the young prince p did lie; and there declared unto the prineess aIl the whole matter A.-..dU. concerning the outrage of the Londonem, as it was. To whom she promised again, such an order to be taken in the matter as sbould be to llis contentation. At what time the commonB of London thus, as is said, were about the duke's house at Savoy, there meeteth with them a certain priest, who, marvelIing at the sudden rage and coneoUl'lle, asked what they sougbt. To whom answer was given !' pric"l again of some, that they sougbt for the duke and the lord marshal, ~:~~eor to have of them the lord Peter de la Mare, whom they wrongfuIly :.~nC81 bad deained in prison. To this tbe ~riest answered again more 170""" bold1y than opportunely: "That Peter, said he, "is a false tmitor ~;\~~: to the king, and worthy long sinee to be banged." At the hearing of these worda, the furious people, with a terrible shout, cried out upon him, that he was a tmitor, and one that took the duke's part, and so falling upon him with their weapons, strove who might first stl'ikc bim; and after they bad wounded him very sore, they had him, 80 wounded, to prison ; where, within rew days, for the soreness ofhis wounds, he died.

o:

804
B~7i'd
_ _ o -

THK DUKE REVKNGED OP THK LOSDONEnS.

Ncither would the mge of the pcople thus have cenacd, bad not. the bishop of London, leaving his dinner, come to them at &voy, and putting them in rcmembrallce of the blessed time, as they tenn ~ i., of Lent, had persuaded them to cease and to be quiet. ~~;::;:- The Londoners seeing that they could get no vantage against tOO London- duke, who was without their reach, to be~wreak their aoger they took his :".Inll arms, which in most despiteful ways tbey hanged up in the open Ib. duke. places of the city, in sigo of reproach, as for a traitor. Insomuch ..~. that when one of his gentlemen came through the city, with a plate containing the duke's arms, hanging by a lace about his neck, the citizens, not abiding the sight thereof, cast him from his horse, and plucked hil! escutcbeon from him, and were about to work the extremity against him, bad not the mayor rescued him out of their handa, and sent him home safe unto the duke his master. In BUch hatred then was the duke among the vulgar people of London. 11 III", After this the princr.5S, understanding the hearts and broi! of tOO ~p~n- Londoners, set against the af'oresaid duke, sent to London three ';':U~ knights, Sir Aubrey de Ver, Sir Simon Burley, and Sir Lewis CliJford, ~o~ ...~' to entreat the citizens to be reconciled with the duke. The LonA';::'. doners answered, that they, for the honour of tbe princess, would obey and do with all reverence, what, she would require; but this they required and enjoined the messengers to say to the duke by word of mouth: that he should suffer the Lishop of Winchestl'r, before-mentioned, and also the lord Peter de la Mare, to come to their answer, and to be judged by their peers; whereby they might either be quit, if they were guiltless; ar otherwi~e, if they be found culpable, they might receive according to their deserta after the Ian of the realm. What gricf and displeasure the duke conceived IUld retained in his mind hereof; 8Wlin, what means and suit the 1.ondoners on their part made to the old king for their liberties; wha\. rhymes and songs in London were made against the duke; how the hishops, at the duke's request, were moved to excommunicate those TIIa dukt maliclous slallderers; and, moreover, how the duke at last was revenged ~Yl~:ged of those contumelies and injuries; how he caused them to be brought London- before the king; how sharply they were rebuked for their misan. demeanour by thc worthy oration of the lord chamberlain, Robert Aston, in the presence of the king, archbishops, bishops, with divers cther staws, tbe king's children, and other nobilities of the realm; TlI. Lon- in conclusion, how the Londoners were compelled to tbis at lengt~ ~:~~ lo by tbe common assent and public charges of the city to make a beara great taper of wax, which, with the duke's arms set upon it, should ~::ri:t be brought with solemn procession to the chureh of St. Paul, there to ~=~~ bum continually before the image of Our Lady; and, at last, how ""1I~ur or both the ssid duke and the Londoners were reconciled together, in the II... duke. beginning of the reign of the new king, with tbe kiss of peace; and how the same reconcilement was public1y announced in the church of Westminster, and what joy was in the whole city thereof: these, because they are impertinent and make too long a digression from the matter of Wickliff, I cut off with brevity, refcrring the reader to other histories, narody of St. Alban's, where they are to be found At large. As thcsc aforcsaid things for brevity' sake I vass over, 1'0 l cannot

A.f.;

HAUGHTIXESS Ol' THE 1IISHOJ' OF NOllWICH.

BO.>

omit, thoug11 I will not be 10ng, thnt ",hich happened the snme time Etl..a~ and year to thc bishop of Norwicll, to the intent that this postcrity-.!!!:-. now may sec, to what pride the clergy of the pope's church had then A. D. grown. At the snme time that this broil was in London, the hishop Jan. of N orwieh, alittle after Easter, coming to the town of Lynn, A .lory ot belonging to his lordship; being not contented with the old aceus- ~~e~~:~op tomed hononr due unto him, and used of his predecessors before in wich. thc same town, required, moreover, with a new and unused kind of ~n::-. magnifieence to be exalted: insomuch that "hen he saw tlle chief EuropIe magistrate or mayor or that town to go in the streets with his ofIicer ~I~~;~~!~ going before him, holding a certain wand in his hand, tipped at hoth cle'llY. ends "ith black horn, lIS the manner was, he, reputing himself to be lord of tllat towu, as he was, and thinking to be higher than the highest, commanded the honour of thnt staff due to the mayor, to be yielded and borne before his lordly personnge. The mayor or bailiff, ne cour with other the townsmen, eourteously answered him, that they were :~:,r ar right willing and eontented, with all their hearts., to exhibit that :~71~:roen reverenee unto him; and would so do, if he n.rst of the king and bl.hop. couneil could obtain that custorn, and if the same might be induced, after any peaceable way, with the good wills of the commons and body of the town: otherwise, snid they, as the matter was dangerous, so they durst not take in hand any such new altemtion of ancient customs and liberties, lest the people, who aro always inclinable and prone to evil, do falI upon them with stones, and drive them out of the town. Wherefore, kneeling on their knces before lum, there humbly they besought him tllllt he would require no BUch thing of them; that he would snve his own honour, and their lives, who, otherwise, if he intended that way, were in great danger. But the bishop, youthful and haughty, taking occasion, by their humbleness, to swell the more in himsclf, answered, that he would not be taught no .lout by their counscl, but that he would have it done, though all tllC ~J"':;i~~':! commons (whom he namedribalds) said' nay.' AIso he rebuked the ~lhehl mayor and his brethren for mecocks and dastards, for so fearing the OWI" p. vulgar sort of people. The citizens perceiving the wilrul stoutness of the bishop, meekly auswering again, snid, they minded not to resist him, but to let him do therein "hat he thought good: only they desired him tlmt he would license them to depart, and hold them excused for not waitingupon him, and condueting him out of the town with tllllt reverenee which he required, for if they should be seen in his company, aJI the suspicion thereof would be upon tllem, and so should tlley be aJI in danger, as much as their lives were worth. The bishop, not reg'drding their advice and counsel, commanded one of his men to take the rod borne before thc mayol', and to cnrry the snme before him : which being done, and perceived of the commons, the bishop after tllat manner went not far, but the rude people runnitlg to shut the T,bi. lown gates, came out with their bows, some with clubs and staves, some ~,..thn with other instrument&, some with stones, and let drive at the bishop ~~llIt and his men as fust as they might, in such sort, that both the bishop bihop. and his horsc under him, witll most part of. his men, were hurt and wounded. And thus the glorious pride of this jolly prelate, ruffiing in his new sceptre, was reccived and weJcomed tberc: that is, Ile

80G
__ 1,_

DEATH OB EDWARD 111.

other instruments fit for sueh a l'kinnisb, that the most part of his A. D. men, with his maee bearer, a]] running away from him, the poor ~ wounded bishop was there Jen. alone, not able to keep his old power, who went about to usurp a new power more than to bim beJonged. Pride wUl Thus, as is eommonly true in all, so is it weJ] exempJified here, that ~a~~.e a which is commonly ssid, and as it is commonly scen, that pride will I'ow~ have a fall, and power usurped wiJ] never stand. In like manner, ~~~rnever if the citizens of Rome, following the eumple of these Lynn men, ~d. as they have the like cause, and greater, to do by the usurped power uAurpedf of their bishop, would an.er the same lllLuce handle the pope, and unihi:" sceptre him of his mace and regality, which nothing pertain to him ; ::.e~ they, in so doing, should both recover their own liberties, with more brldJe. honour at home, and a1so win much more commendation abroad.l This tragedy, with a]] tJle parts thereof, being thus ended at Lynn, which was alittle after Easter (as is said) about the month of April, Thedeath A.D.1877, the same year, upon the ll] st day of the month of June next ~:~~d. aner, died the worthy and victorious prince, king Edward III., arter he had reigned fifty-one years; a prince not more aged in years than renowned for many singular and heroical virtues, but principally noted and lauded for his singular meekness and clemency towards his subjects and inferiors, ruIing them by gentleness and mercy without a]] rigour or austere severity. Among other noble and royal ornaments of his nature, worthily and copiously set forth of many, thus he is described of some, which may briefy lluffice for the comprehension of all the Tho d'Om- rest: l .. To the orphans he was as a father, compatient to the affiicted. ~;; o~- mourning with the miserabJe, re1ieving the 0e~ressed, and to aU ~:ard. them that wanted, nn helper in time of need, &c. But, chiefy, above a11 other things in this prince, in my mind, to be commemorated is this, that he, above a]] other kings of this realm, unto the time of king Henry VII!., was the greatest bridler oC the pope's usurpcd power, and outrageous oppression: during a]] the time ofwhich king, not only the pope could not greatly prevail in this realm, but also John WicklifJ' was maintained with favour and aid sufficient.1 But before we close up the story of this king, there cometh to hand that which I thOllght good not to omit, a noble purpose of the king in requiring a view to be taken in all his dominions of a]] benelices and dignities ecclesiastical remaining in the hands of Italians, and aliens, with the true valllation of the same, directed down by commission; whereof the like also is to be found in the time of king Richard II., the tenor of which commission of king Edward III., I thought here under to set down for worthy memory. The king directed writs unto all the bishops of England in this form :
Edward, by the grace oC God king, &c. to the reverend father in ehrist, N., by the same grace bisbop oC L., greeting. Being dcsiroua upon certain causes to be ccrtifi~ what and bow many beneficcs, as weu arcbdeaconnes and othpr dignities, as vicarages, parsonages, prebenda and chapeis, within your diocese, be at this vresent in the hands of !talians and other strangers, what they be, oC what kind, and how every oC the said bcneficcs be called by name; and
~etl.ln~igontibUB

E~i,a was so peJted with bats and stones, so wounded with arroWB and

Chran. Monach. D. AlbanL Orphani. o"'t qu..i pater. aftllctl. eompatlenl, mlaedl eondoleni, 0PP""- relen.Dl, et ,impenden. auxIIia OpportunL (J) The l'I!ign of E.dwud 111. eloae. here in the _ d :lDd third edltiona.-ED.
(l) Ex

(2) ..

VIEW OF ECCLE8IAIlTJCAL BENEFICES.

801

bow much evcry (JC the same is worth by the year, not as by way oC taJ: or Bdw....d cxtent, but according to the true value oC the same; likewise of the names III. of all and singular such strangers being now incumbents or occupying the same AU and every ofthem; moreover, the names of all them, whether Englishmen or 1374 strangers, oC what state or condition soever they be, who have the oecupation or disposition of any such benefices with the fruits and profits oC the same, in the hehalf, or by the authority of any the aforesaid strangers, by way ofCanu, or title, or procuration, or by any other wavs or means wbatsoever, and how long they have occupied or diapoBed the same; and ll'ithal whether any of the NLid Btrangen be now residents upon any oC the said beoeficcB, or not; we command you, as we beretofore commaoded you, tbat you Bend us a tme certificate oC all and Bingular tbe premise&, into our high court of chancery under )'our seal di&inctly and openly, on this side tbe Quindeoe oC Easter [AprilI6th] next coming, atthe farthest: returning unto UB tbiB our writ withal. Witnesa ourself at Westminster, the sixth day of March, in the Corty-eighth year ofourreign over England and over France the thirty-fifth year. (A.D. 1374.)
o

By virtue hereof, certi6.cate was sent up to the king into his chan cery, out of every diocese of Engll1nd, of aU such spiritual livings as were then in the occupation either of priors aliens, or of other strnngers ; whereof the number was 50 great, as being aU set down, it would fiU almost half a quire ofpaper. Whereby may appear that it was high time for the king to seek remedy herein, eithcr by trenty with the pope or otherwise; considering so great a portion of thc rcvenues of his realm was, by this menns, conveyed away and employed either for thc relief of his enemies, or the maintenance of the foreigners; amongst which number the cardinaIs of the court of Rome lacked not their swe, as may appear by this which followeth. View of Ecclesiastical Bene6.ces.
The lord Francis of the title of St. Sabine, priest and cardinal of the holy Covent.ry church of Rame, doth hold and enjoy the dennery of the cathedral church oC and Lich Lichfield, in the jurisdiction oC Lich.field, which is worth five hundred marks by lIeId. the year; and the prebend oC Brewood, and the parsonage of Adbaston to the aame deanery annexed, which prebend is worth by the year Courscore marks, and the parsonage twenty pounds; which deanery with the prebend and parsonage aforesaid, he hath holden and oecupied for the space of three years. And one Master de Nigris, a stranger, as proctor to the said cardinal, doth hold and occupy the same deanery with other the premises with the appurtenances, by name oC proctor, during the yean aforesaid, and hath taken up the fruits and profits, for the said cardinal, dwelling not in the realm. Lord William, cardinal oC SI. Angelo, a stranger,Bdoth hold the archdeaconry Norwid ol SIIfrolk, by virtue of provision apostolical, trom the Ceast of S1. Nicholas last past; he is not resident upon his said archdeaconry. And the said archdeaconry, to~ether with the procurations due by reason of the visitation, is worth by )'ear slxty-six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence. And MlUlter John of Hellinington, &c., doth occupy the seal oC the official of the said archdeaeonry, &c, Lord Reginald of Sl Adrian, deacon-cardinal,3hath in tbe said county the 8umu. parsonage oC Godalrning, worth by year forty pounds, and one Edward Teweste doth farm the said parsonage for nine years plUlt, The lord AngliCUB of the holy church oC Rome, priest and cardinal, a stranger~ Ebor. was ineumbent, and did hold in possession the dennery of the cathedraI church. of York, trom the eleventh day of November, A.D. 1366, and it is yearly WOrtll, Rccording to the true value thereof, four hundred pounds; and Master John oC Stoke, canon oCthe said ehurch, doth occupy the said deanery and the profits oC the same, in the name or by the authority oC the said lord dean, &c. But tue said dean was neVl'r resident upon the said deanery mnce he was admitted thereunto. Item, lord Hugh of our lady in deacon and cardinal, a riN P",_ slmnS'er~doth possess thl' prebenu uf DrifficlU, in thc said church oC York, from licu.]

808
Bd_rd

VIEW

O~'

ECCLESIA8TICAL

BENEFIC.~8.

-!!!.:- and George Coupemanthorp, &c.,

the seventh day of June,

one hundred pounds j A. D . be d. ~ ~teml Lord Simon of the title of St. Sixt, pest and cardinal, &c.,6 doth possess the prebend of Wistow in the said church of York, worth by yelU' one hundred pounda i and the aforesaid Master John of Stoke doth occupy the aforesaid prebend and the profits thereof, &c.; but the said lord Simon is not resident upon the said prebend. Item, Lord Francis of the title of St. Sabine, pest and cardinal, a stranger~ doth posseas the prebend of Stransal, in the said church of York, worth by year one hundred marka. And Master William of Merfield, &c., doth occupy the said prebend, &c.; but the said lord Francis is not resident upon thl' said prebend. Lord Peter of the title of St. Praxed, pest and canlinal, a stranger?doth hold the archdeaconry of York, worth by year one hundred pounds, and Master William of Mirfield, &c., for farmen. The deanery of the cathedral church of Sarum, with churches and chapeis Illorllbu. The underwritten to the same deanery annexed, doth remain in the handa of lord deaue1'J' nr Sali.. Reginald of the title of St. Adrian, deacon and cardina!~ and sa hath remained bury. these tweny-six ye&1"8, who is never residentj his proclor is one Lawrence de Nigs, a stranger, and it is worth by year twa hundred and lifty-faur pounda, twelve shillings, and four pence. Richard, bishop, doth hold the vicarage of Meere, to the deanery annexed, and hath holden he same for nineteen ye&1"8 j worth by year forty pounds. Robert Codford, thefarmer of the church of Heightredbury, to tbe same annexed, worth by year fifty pounds. The church of Stoning and the chapel of Rescomp, to tbe same deanery annexed, worh by year seventy marks. The chapel of Herst, to tbe same deanery annexed, worth by :vear forty pounds. (W.kI.,. The chapel of Wokenhame, to the same deanery annexed, WOrth by)'ar .0".] thirty-six pounds. The ehnpel of SandhUl"8t, worth by year forty sbillings. The church of Godalming, to the same deanery annexed, in the diacese of Winchester, worth by year forty pounds, The digniy of treasurer in the church of Sarum, with church and chapela ~';'~~be underwritten to tbe same annexed, is in the handa of lord John of the tit.le of <hurch or St. Mar, priest and cardinal,8 and hath 80 continued twelve lears, who WIlS &1U1l1ll. never resident in the same i worth by vear one bundred and thirty-six pounds, thirteen shillings, and four-pence. The church of Fighelden, to the same annexed, worth by year twenty-six pounds, thirteen shillings, and four-pence. The church of Alwardbury with the chapel of Putton, worth by year ten pounda. The prebend of Ca!ne to tbe same treasurer annexed, worth by year one hundred poullds. (Nor"'. The archdeaconry of Berks, in the cathedra! cburcb of Salisbury, witli the ....10.] church of Morton to the same annexed, is in the hands of lord William, of the tide of St. Stephen: who was never resident in the same, worth by year eight score marka. The archdeaconry of Dol"8et, in the church of Salisbury, with the church of Giasiche to the IIllllle annexed, in the handa of lord Robert, of the title of the Twelve Apostles, priest and cardinall" and is worth by year one bundred and three marks. . The prebend of Woodford and Willeford, in the church of Sa!isbury, is in tbe handa of Robert, the cardina! aforesaid, and is worth forty marka. The prebend of Heyworth, in the church of Salisbury, is in the Iwnds of the lord cardina! of AgrifoUo," wbo is never residen, worth by tbe year eigbty pounds. The prebend of Netherbarnby and Beminster, in the church of Sa!isbury, one Hugh Pelegrine astranger, did hold twenty ye&1"8 and more, and was never ll'sident in the swne; worth by the year eight score marks.

1363: from which dar, &c. John of Gisbourne, do occupr the IllUd prebend, worth by yelU' the said lord Hugh 18 not resident upon the said preA. D.

VIEW OF ECCLESJASTfCAL BENE"ICE8.

809

The church prebendary of Gillingham, in the nunnery of Salisbury, lately Ri_.,d holden of lord Richard, now bisbop of El}', is in the handa of the lord Peter of 1[. the litle of St, Praxed, priest and cardinal, &c. 7 worth by the }'ear eighty pOUl.ds. ~ Lord William, of the holy church of Rome cardinal, a stranger,ll doth hold ja7/l' the archdeaconry of Canterbury, and is not resident; the true value of all the o yearly fruits, rents and profits, 18 worth seven hunlired ilorins. Canler , The lord cardinal of Canterbury' is archdeacoll of Wells, and hatb annexed bury. to his archdeaconry tbe churches of Hewioh, Berwe., and Southbrent, which ancl are worth by year, with their procuration of visitations ofthe IBid arehdeaconrv,' one hundred threeecore pounll. Hem, The lord cardinal' is treasurer oC the church oC Wells, and hath the moiety of the church of Mertock anllexed thereunJo, worth by year sixty pounds. Itern, The lord cardinal of Agrifolio D is archdeacon of Taunton in the church of Wells, and is worth by year, with the procurations and the prebend of Mylvertoll to the same anllexed, eighty poullds. Note. Like matter is also found in the time of king Richard II., upon wbat occaaion it is uncertain; but, as it seemeth b}' record of that time, a new pope b.!in~ come in place, he would take no knowledge of any matter done by his . predeeenors, tbat might any way abridge his commodity; and, therefore, thil king was foreed to begin anew, as may appear by tbis following. 6 Lord cardinal of Agrlfolio D ia prebendary oC the prebend of Coringham, noarcb togetber with a portion of S1. Mary of Stow to the same annexed; the fruits doaconry whereof, byeommon estimate, be worth by year one hundred and aixty-fiva oC810w. ponnds; Master John, vicar of Coringham, and Master Robert, person ot Ketlelthorpe, and W. Thurly, be farmera. Lord cardinal Albanum ' is prebendary of tha prebend of Sutton, tbe fruits [AUI....... whereof be commonly esteemed worth by year lour hundred marks. Roger .U.] Skyret of Buckingham, and William Bedeford of Suton, do fann the same [GItJ.da. prebend. The lord cardinal Glandaven 12 is prebendary of the prebend of Naa- ...n.] sington, worth, by estimalioll, three hunlired marks. Robert of Nanington, ~ho arch and John, san af Robert oC Abbethorpe, do occupy the same prebend. o;;::~i.. Lord cardillal Nonmacen Is paraon of Adderbury, worth, by estimation, one amplon. hunlired pound.; Adam Robelyn, clerk, Is hla proctor, and occupleth the ~r aame. Lord cardlnal of St. U ia prebendary of Tbame, worth yearly, by common ne archeatimation, two hundred marks; Jobn Heyward and Thomas a layman, d...onry do occupy the same prebend. of O~ou. Lord Peter de Yeverlno, cardinal,lS is prebendary of Aylesbur}", worth yearly, Tho arch by commoll estlmation, elgbty m81k.s. Holy Duae of Aylesbury dotb occupy ~;y~~J? the same prebend. The cardinal of St. Angelo. balh the arcbdeaconry of Suffolk, and ia worth Tho dl.... by year, by common esLimatioll, a hundred marks. ~ .. of Lord cardinal Nemlnacem, treaaurer oftbe church of Sarum, bath the arch- T:;~~~' deaconry of Sarom, wltb Ihe church of Figheldon to his dignity annexed, wbich ce.e oC is let to farm to Grace, late wife of Edmund Swayne, deceased, paying yearly r.~.rum. lifty m81ka. He hath also, in the same archdeaconry and county, the sald ,.::.~t church of Alwardbury, with the chapeIs of Putton and Farle to the same annexed, which is let to fann to the lord prior ofthe bouse of EderOle for Ihe yearly rent of Iwenty-three pounds; he hath alao the prebend of Calne in tbe said archdeaconry and county, worth by year one hundred pounds, and the farmer thereof is Raymund Pelegrine. Lord cardinal of Agrifolio D bath the archdeaconry of Berks, worth by year one bundred and twenty marka, and remainetb in his owo handa. Item, He bath the prebend of Worth, worth by year a hundred pounda; Raymund Pere, grine Is farmer there. Lord cardlnal Gebanen \I bath the prebend of Woodford and Willeford in [Gd . the county of WillBhlre, let to farm to Jobn Bennet of Samm, worth by year ] forty marka. . Lord Audomar de Rupy is archdeacon of Canterbury,t to the which arch Tho dl.... deacon belongs the church of Lymlll witltin the same dlocese, worth by year, c:' oC after the taxation of the tenth, twenty pounda. Tbe church ofTcnham, worth bur:~r by year, after tbe sald wation, one bundrcd and thirty pound., six shillings, [L,. .;

::1:.

(al Al Nt..,. nero wu no nunnery

at Sali.bury.-ED.

(6) An. 2. Rlch. Z. [8e. Appendls.l

810

VIKW OF ECCLESIAITICAL BENEFICIl:S.

ancl eight-pence. The church of hakington near Canterbury, worth by year twenty marks. The church oC Sto element in Sandwich, worth by year, ,.ftrr tha taxation aforesaid, eight marka. The church oC Sto Mary in &ndwich, 1378' wortb by year nille pounds, of the wbicb the said archdeacon receiveth only _,_._ six marks: tbe profit! of all wbicb premises Sir William Latimer, Knigbt, hath received, together with the profit! arising out oC the jurisdiction of the archdeaconry, worth by year twenty pounda. no dloAnglicus, ol the church oC Rome priest and cardinal,. hath the deanery uf cele or the cathedral church of York, worth by year three bundred and seventy-tbree York. pounds, six shillings, and eight pence, and the prebend oC Southcave, valued yeady at one hundred and sixty marks. . Tbo dloLord cardinal Gebanen lO doth hold the church oC Weannouth, and the cele ot archdeaconry of Durham, worth by year two hundred markL And John oC Durham. Chambre, and Thomas oC Harington, oC Newcaatle, be the farmen and procton [Oebm....11.] oC the aaid cardinal.

AD

BI_d II.

(Ex BllDdeDo BrtIYrum

8.et!a de ano 2,

Rlch. II.

pa

L)

Bome paln. h&ve been t&kon to dllcover tho Idontle&! return. from whleh Po,," complled tbe foregolog .. Vlow" of BODolIce. ho1d by Alleo.; but wlthout m_OL M&ny return. of a .imilar naturo, and reronlng to tbo perlod, ba.. been found, botb In tho Towor and rho Exchequer record., IOmo uf wh\cb ouctl,. tally wirb Paxo'tatemonto. ne prlnted .. TuaUo Eccl..1utlca" of Pope N\cholu IV., mado about a ceorury preTlou. lo rho.e rrrum. (ellea ".0. 12'1), confirm. Foxo'. oceurle"u noarly &I could be oxpected. Bevoral d..,lded ml.-.pelllnp hlve beeo corroeted. Tbe folIowtog tab10 I. complled from the Lllr of Cardin&l. In Morerl'. Dielloo&ry, articlo 'Cardln&!;' and will aerve to I1lUltrate and correct Fox.'. text. Plguro. of reforeoco &re ginD lo ....lIr th. re&der.

,-

C."4TSD

Dl&D

I Franci. nebaJdeochl, a Roman, cardlD&! of St. S&blno, and archprlo.t of Sr. Poter'. . . ".D. 1368 2 WlIIi&m NoeUot ar de Nou.e&n, & Frenehman, deacoD-cardID&1 of Bt. Angolo , . ".D. 1371 3 Regln&1d do. Unln., &Roman, deacon-eardin&1 of St. Adrian , ".D. 1350 4 Aogllo do Grlmoard de Gri&&<, a PrOnehm&D, blohop ot ATignOD, prl..rcardln&! of Sr. P&tor ad VIDeul", &Ilerw.lrd mado bl.hop of Albano ".D. 136& 5 Hugh de St. Martl&1, a Pronehman, do&COn-eardinal of St. Mary in Portleu. ".D. 1361 8 Simon de Langham, an Englilbman, &X-abp. of Cantetbury, cardIn&! of Sr. Slxt , , . . . ".D. 1368 1 Poter Gomex d' AlbomOl, a Spaniard, abp. Dr 9o.mo, carolnal ofSt. Praxed ".D. 1371 H John de BI&u&&<, &Prenehman, bp. of NI.m.., prle.r-eardln&! orst. Mark ".0. 1361 9 WlIllam d'Algrefeuillo, & Fronehmu, prlo.t-eardln&! or St. 8tephOD In ea.Uo Monte . . , , ....0.1387 lO Robert de Genho, &PrenehmlJ\, bp. of Cambr&y (anorward Clomont VIl.), prle.r-eardln&1 Dr tbo rwolve Apo.tlu. . ".D. 1371 11 William Judlel. Dr do 1& Jugie, & Fronebman, nophew of Clemont VI., doaconcardln&1orSt. MarylnCoomedln (S.. Huted', Kent, tom.l'f.1H2) &.D. 13-12 12 Bertrand Lagier, a Frenchman, bp. ot Gland~ve. in Provenee, prieltcardln&1 of St.PrIoca. no Parllamont&ry Noto. Dr rhe fif'tlolh yearor Edw&rd III. (,uPr&, p.1H1) mak. rbe ...mo eardlna1 prebend&rybolb of Thame &nd Nu.lngton: we .hou1d rberefore, probably, ,upply PrllC. ID tho hlaru. &t p. lI09, m&klng tbl, Lagier tbe probendary Dr Thamo. ".D. 1371 13 Peter FlandrIn, a Frenchman oC the dioceae Dr V1vlera, In le Vivuez, deleoo-<:&roln&! of St. EUlt&ce . . . ... 0.1371 I~ Aodomar de Rupe i. montioned In Huled', Kont (rom. Iv. 782) .. arehd. of Cant. no.t bUlone to Wllliam Judlei, (abovo, No. 11): In a PatODt of JllDe 3d, 2 Rleb. II., prlllted in Rymer, ho I. eaUed .. Adomar dola Rocho, &re1uL of canl.,.. ud l. rheroin deprl'fed rDr rakiDg part witb the ProD.h.

".D. 1383 A.D. 13'l ".D. 1374 ".0. 1387 ".0. HOS &.D. 1378 A.D. U7 1318

".J).

".D. HOI ".D. 1394

".D. 1374
A.D.
13f~

".D. 13<11

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

at London the Danish invuion: the defeat at Charmouth wu, no doubt, the occaBion or the council.

"'.D. 833, to debate on the meuures to be taken in consequence of

P..GB

5, lut line but one.]-Ingulph mentionB a councj]

hed

Page 6, line 1. Ol NotfJilll8tolditl!b i" tu tlut baJtk," &c.l-ThiB eentence DO doubt refere to the batlIe of Hengisdown, in Comwall, and ought to have been placed at the clOBe of the paragraph, according to tbe beBt authore (Suon Chron., Hoveden, Rapin, Henry), and even &ccording to Foxe himself; for the firet words of the next sentence imply, that when the Danes landed in tbe West of England tbey bad experieuced no check Bince their victory at Cbarmouth; and the onI,. occasion on wbich Egbert iB anywhere reported to bave rallied against tbe Daues, was at the battle of HengiBdown, consequent UpOIl tbeir descent in the West, of wbicb Foxe presently Bpeaks. Page 6, nole (4).}-Foxe'B &cconnt of the reign of Etbelwolph is confUBed, for want of due attention to the cbronological arrangement of hiB materials: for though he wu misled by Fabian into the nolion, that the Danes did not troubleEthelwolph tiU toward the clol6ofhiB rei,?" (seep. 12, note 3); yet be bere proceeds at once to introduce Etbelwolph s Charter to the Cburch, which speaka of the ravages of the DaneB as tbe moving cause wbich led bim to propitiate tbe Divine (avour by liberality toward the Church. An improved arrangement bu, therefore, been adopted from MalmeBbury, from whom Foxe appeare to have dt'rived his materialB for tbiB reign. Page 7, line 18... &rgilU II., w/wjir81 brOtlf1M i1l," &c.]-Authore differ on tbiB subject. Hoffman supports Foxe's statement: Ol Hic [Bergius II.] primUB Pontificum nomen mutavlt, cum antea Petros Buccaporcius diceretur." But Moreri sayB that .darian III. wu the fint to change bis name, which bad been Agapitus, on being mBde pope A.D. 884. He also sayB that it was Sergius the Fowrtl who wu called PetruB OB Porci or Bocca di Porco, before he waB made pope A.D. 1009. Ol Sergius II. n'osant porter le nom de Pierre, par reBpect de celui du Prince des Apatres, prit celui de Sergius, qui detroit l'opinioD du vulgaire, qui s'imagine que ce Pape se nommoit Groin du Pourceau, et que ce fut ee qui le porta a cbanger de nom. OD prend le change en ceci; car cette histoire ne peut regarder que SergiuB IV., qni ~toit d'une familie de ce

Dom."-Moreri', Dictionary.

Page 7, note (l).]-Aventine BeemBto be tbe firet who really disputed the current story. About one bundred and fifty good catholic writere usert orrecogniBe it. One of tbe fint modem antagonista iB Florimond de Remond in hiB " AntiPapesse," in 1607, which wu replied to by Alexander Cooke in his " Pope Joane," in 1625. But the most notorious-l?erbapB the best-is tbe ProteBtant Blondel, fint in French, rather myBteriously, ID hiB Ol Familier Eclaircissement," &c. AmBt. 1647; aner biB death, througb tbe editonhip of Stepb. de Courcelles (CurcelllleU8), in a Latin translation, "De Joanna Papissa," 1657, with a long Apol01O' for his mend; neither of wbom wu any friend to the Anti-remonstrantB of Holland. Tbe French wu answered in 1655 by the Sieur Congnard, Advocate of the parliament of Normandy; tbe Lalin by Sam. des Mareta (MareBiua) in hiB I I Joanna Papissa restituta," Groningre, 1658, the year after Curcellreua'B edition, whoBe Apology he examies point by point, reprinting the whole. After theBe appeared, on the same side, F. Spanheim and L'Enfant. Gieseler, in hiB valuable Text-Book, ii. 20, 21, was euber ignorant of these writers, or hu purposely suppresBed them, a1thougb tbey nil prety powerfully attack hi... tiecUifle" proofB. The numiBmalic champion, Garampi, may be

812

APPENDIX TO VOL. U.

toid, that tbe obverae and reverse of a coin are not neceuarily in every cue syncbronous; tbat bis chrooology il not the best supported; and tbat there is Ilucb a place as Padua. He has known better, bowever, thao to cOllceal tbe names of the opponents of bis Tbesis.-.z>" Nu_o .Argelleo Btm. III. Rom. 1749, pp. 8, 9. Page 8, line 15. .. By l"iI pope [NicboIu 1.1 pmlls begf1ll lo be rulraited," &c.]-Foxe here follows tbe authority of Vofalerran and others (sl.'e infri., vol. v. p. 326): but bl.' rather illclines himself to say this of Nichol88 11.; to whom also he conlidl.'ra the ensuing letter to be addressed, but by whom-botb he and the critics are undecidl.'d. (See pp. 12, 97, and vat v. pp. 305, 311, 314,326-331.) Page 10, IBlt line. ".AIff7U/ite IDtI8leu l!lal Hier(Wl4. "]-Thl're ia an allusion here to a p88sage of St. Auguatine's writings. Speaking of himself a bilhop and Jl.'rome a prielt, he says :.-" Quanquam eoim, lecundum honorom vocabuli qure jam eccIesire USUI obtinuit episcopatul presbyterio major sit, tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo minor e~t: licet etiam 8. minara quolibet non sit refugienda vel dedignanda correctio." Inter Epistolas Hieron. Kpist. 77, in fine.-Hieron. Opera, Ed. Bened. Paris, 1706, tom iv. col. 641. Page 10. note (l).l-The consequences of the constrailled celibacy enjoioed by thl.' Romish Churcli 00 her c1ergy are, unhappily, 80 notorioua, that (88 Bilhop Hall intimates) it would be irrelevant to dispute about the OrMJer of infanta' heads found io the pope's fish-pond. To suppose that 6,000 infanta, ar even 1,000 (for Martene, bpl. Coli. i. 449, reada "plusquam millia," leaving out " sex "), sbould have been murdered aod thrown into one pood withio la short a period 88 the story implies, is out of the question; and some critics have eveo thought this circumstance sufficient to prove the leUer a forgery, though the}' aHow that it came to our hands " it pontificiis." (See Maosi's editioo of Fa!Jricii Biblio/Mea Med. et Ilf. La/ili/alil, vol. vi. p. 285, and Theiner's EinpArwtlfl der Erz1CII,,!/_ EMloIiglceil, i. 46i.) Nothing, however, is more common thao errora al to numbera io ancient documenta. Indl.'ed, the number itaelf would not have been lO ineredible had the story referred to the age of Erasmus, who states in one part of his works, "Nunc videmus ml!lldum esae plenum sacerdotibus concubinariis. Eot apud GeNlallfJl episcopus qui dam, qui i~ae dixit in convivio, uno anoo ad SI.' delata ullliecim mil/ia sacerdotum paJam concubinariorum: nam tales singulis anni. pendunt aliquid episcopo."-ErIUllll Opera, Lug. Bal. tom. ix. p. 485. Era..mus wrote this in defending his published opinion respectiog the celibacy of the clergy against the aUacks of a papisl Page 12, line 23. "By tAiI .Adrial [111.] il IDt18 jirll decreed," &c.]-The emperor Aad 1W ,Aare in tbe election ar confirmation of Adrian II. mentioned in tbe preceding line; for the emperor'l ambassadors, who were at Rome at the time, were not invited to tbe eection. On complaining of this they were told, tbat the cerl.'mony bad not been omitted out of any disrespect to the emperor, but to prevent, for the future, the ambassadora of any prioce from pretending to interfere with the election of a fope. At page 464 we find thaL traosaction referred to as the fint instance o tbe exclusion of the emperor from a voice in the election of a papl'. But no decretl of exclusion was issued till the time of .Adria" III., as stated in the text here and supra. p. 6. The decreI.' (accordin~ to Martinus Polonus) W88, "Ut Jmperator non se intromitleret de eleclIone." (See the note In tbis Appendix on p. 464, line 6.) Hoffman, in his Lexicon, says brielly : .. Adrianus II. Nicholao successit, sioe consensu Imperatoris, regre id legatis ferentibus." " AdriaulIs II I. legem tulit, ut pontificis desiguati coosecrntio siue prreaentia regis aut legatorum procederet." See al80 Salldini rita Poltijf. Rom. p. 340. Page 12, note (3).]-The document transated at tbe top of the next page, and whieh will be found in Hovedl.'n, says expreuly "ab exordio regui EtbeIwulphi regis usque ad adveotum Normanorum et Willielmi regis, ad ducent08 annos et trigiota ;" which carries us back to the very beginning of Ethelwolph's reign. Hoveden bimself says in his text, tbat the Danes came .. primo Duno regni sui."-Scripl. poIl Bedam, p. 41:.'.

APPENDIX TO VOL.

n.

813

Page 16, line 3... TIwe IM1IfJ6 I111UJ dD1l8," &C.]-A88erius and the .. Anna1es Bertiniani " both alsert, that Ethelwolph went to Rome in A.D. 855 and continued tbere twelve months; that he visited the French court early in July A.D. 856; and that he was married by Hillcmar, abp. of Rheims, October lat. P. Pa~i adopts these dates (Crit. in Baronium), and says that the grants mentioned In the text were made-not to Leo. IV., who died July 17th A.D. 855, but to his succe88or-Benedict 111. The Benedictin8 Autbora of" L'Art de Verifier des Dates" follow this account. Poge 18, line 9. "Reif/lled 60lh logel1ler tlle lerm oj filJe 'Nm, D1I8 with IIle 011ler."]-i. e. for two years and a half each from their father's death; afier wbich period Ethelbert reigned sole monarch for about six yean, when he was succeeded by Ethelred A.D. 866. Pag-e 19, linel8 from the battom. II I"fJIIflr alld HrdJ6a ,lai" al E.n1lefield."]-Brompton states that they escaped after the battle of Englefield mta Ireland, and died there. Hoveden (p. 416), cited by Foxe at p. 23, gives a diWerent account of their death: see tbe note in this Appendix 011 that passage. Page 21, line I.J-Foxe, misled by Fabian, reads, " 1Yite6om or 1YolJtlrn." (See page 37, line 8.) Spelman in his life of Alfred statea, that tlle following inscription was formerly to be read on Ethelred's tomb at Wimborne, afterwards destroyed in the civil wars :-" In hoc loco CJuiescit corpuH S. Ethelredi regis West Saxonum, martyris, qui Anno Domim DCCC LXXIII, xxiii. Aprilis, per manus Danorum paganorum occubuit." (Camden's Britannia, and Spelman, p.43.) Alfred certainJy came to the tbrone in April, A. D. 872, according to the chronicie cited at page 32, note (1), which states that he died Oct. 28th A.D. 901 after a reign of twenty-nine yeara and six months.-8ee Hr. S4arote TwrW, .AR!Jlo-&u:on HilIOI'Y, vol. i. p. 537. Page 21, line 2. .. For lack o/iI,ue ol hil6ody.'1-0tber authara say, tbat it was by virtue of his father's will, and that Ethelbald at least len children behind him who survived Alfred.-Twrner, voI. i. p. 536. Page 22, line 16. "I" IIle IleZI year," &c.]-Foxe says, "tbe same" year: but see L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Also, it is plain that the three Danish kings left Cambridge A.D, 876; for they wintered after the battle of Wilton at London AoD. 872-3; at Torksey in Lindsey A.D. 873-4; at Repton A.D. 874-5; at Cambridge AoD. 875-6; alld in A.D. 876 they seized Wareham Castle. Page 22, line 27. II But lhey, falle/y 6reaki1lfJ lheir /efZfJ1le," &c,]-This statement is rather too elliptical. The treaty was broken toward the close of A.D. 876 by same oC the Oanes breaking out of Wareham, seizing the horaes of Alfred's coust-guard, and mak ing their way to Exeter. Of the rest, same attempted to follow by sea early next year, A.D. 877, when they were wrecked at 8wanawic, ar Swanage: the others escaped from Wareham to Exeter on foot.-Ropi", and Spelmall, p. 49. Page 22, line 29. ".At Swanawic,"]-says HunLingdon; i.e. Swanage on the Doraetshire coast, not Sandwich, as FOlCe says. Page 23, line 31. II Tjej, ellign, cal/ed ille Raven, Wal Ial:en."l-u The Danish standard cRIled &alan, ar the Raven, was the great confidence of those pagans. [t was a banner wilh the image of a raven magically wrought by the three sisters of Jngnar and Hubba, on purpose for their expedition in revenge of their father Lodebroch's murder, made (they say) almost in an instant, being by them at once begun and finished in a noon-lIde, and believed by the Danes to have carried great fatality with it; for which it was highlr. estecmed of them. It is pretended that, being carried in battle (Asser. Anna. ad ano 878, Gale ii. 167), toward good snccess it would always seem to cIap the wings, and do as if it would fiy; but toward the aprroach of mishap 1t would han~ them right down and not move. The prisal o it by the Christians was of no little consequence; for the pagans when they came to lose it, could not bUL lose withal their hearts and confidence."-Spelma,,', Life oj Alfred, p. 61: see the note on the Italian Caroccio, mentioned by Foxe at p. 479. Par,e 23, lilie 32. "In ille '1S1I8 con.fticl 60th I1IfJuar alld Hub6a were ,lai/. ']-For a diWerent accoUIlt, see p. 19. The AnnaIs of Ulster say Ihat Inguar died in !reland A. D. 872, and that Haldell Dr Halfden was killed in

814

APPENDIX TO VOL.

n.

Ireland at the baUle of Lochraun A.D. 876; and tbe Suon Chronicle sara that be died in lreland.-Tumer, vol. i. pp. 538, 540. Page 24, line 11. .. Coming to Winchelter," &c.]-The Saxon Chronicle lays, that Guthrum W88 baptized at Aulre, near Etheling, but that the chrilmal WaB pulled off him eight daya after at Wedmore. In MS. Digby, p. 196. this place il called u Westtil.," and soon after be oya that tbe twelve daYI' fea8ting which folIowed W88 at London.-Heame', Note to Spel.QfI'. Life oj Alfred, p. 66, and Turner, vol. i. p. 675. Page 24, line 21 from the bottom. .. He ulrtwUe &ent to India," &c.]-Mr. Sharon Turner (vol. ii. p. 158) devotea a lonlt Appendix to an examination into tbe probability of Alfred 'a emba89Y to St. Thomas, and decidea in ita flvour. Page 24, line 5 from the bottom. .. The jourth year after thil, which Wal tlie nmeteenth year oj tae reign oj king Alfred."J-Foxe saY9 .. the tbird," but he had lut mentioned tbe .. fifteentb " year of the reign. Tbe year was A.D. 890 according to the Saxon Cbronicle. Page 25.J-Tbia page describea, thougb in a confused manner, the operations of the Danes under their famoul Captain HaBtings during tbree or four years. The Suon Chronicie aaya that tbey came from Boulogne to .. Limene-muthan " in East Kent, A.D. 893. The same Chronicie placel their arrival at Lea in A.D. 895 or 896.-Turner, vol. i. pp. 587-602. Page 25, line 20.1-" Cheder" (the Chroniclea call it Legaceetria) muat mean Caerleon j lee p. 5, note (5): tbia auppoaition alone cnn explain bow the Danel Ibould go thence u by Nortb Wales to Nortbumberland." In confirmation ol thia it may be observed that Hoveden sayl, ad ano 905, .. Civitas, qure Karlegion Britannic~, Legaceltria Saxonice, dicitur, reataurata eat j" referring, no doubt, to the damage wbich tbe city had auatained from theae Danes. (See the notes in tbis Appendix on pagel28 and 37, line 17 from the bottom.) Page 28, liue 20 from the bottom.}-Tanner in hia Bibliotheca BritannoHibernica, p. 32, discuuea the story about the twa scboob in Oxfordshire, and explodes thls etymology. Page 28, 1I0te (I ).J_u Cheder, ill Sou/h WaleB," clearly means the .. Chester" so often mentioned by Foxe, viz., Caer/eon. "Galfridua" mentioned in the text is Galfridus Monumetensis, or Geoffry of Monmouth. III tbe place of his history referred to (lib. ix. cap. 12) he calls the rlace which Foxe denominales II Chester in South Wales" II U rbs Legionum.' Arthur il therestate d to have selected this place for his coronation on account of its beauty, and because u, Habebat gymnasium ducentorum philosophorum, qui altronomi" lltque clEteris artibus eruditi cursus stellarum diligenter observabant, et prodigia eo tempore ventura regi Arturo veril argumentis prredicabant.'" (See on p. 25.) Foxe might have mentioned, besides, the famous school of Duhritim (afterwards archbp. of Caerleon) on the banks of the Wye-alBO that of Iltntus a little later, in G1amorgaoshire, at Llantuyt, BO called from him. Dubritius died NI/V. 4, .LD. 522.-Godroin tU PrteBulibUB, and Uuher'B AntU[. Brit. Eccl. cap. 5. Page 28, note (2).)-The pall!age in Bede reads bm ;-" Qure in Gallia bene disposita vidit imitari volena, instituit scholam in quI!. pueri litem erudiren tur, juvante le episcopo Felice, quem de Cantia acceperat, atque pIEdagogOI ac magistros juxta mOTem Cantuariorum prrebente." Felix became bishop A.D. 630.-Wharton, Anglia Sacra, tom. i. Malmesbury (de Vitis Pontif.) says, that Felix was a Burgundian, whom 8igebert had become acquainted with during his exile in France, and that his BUcceuor in the see of Dunwich wa.~ a Knltilh man. Page 29, line 2. "Then hil motMr."J-This mUlt have been Alfred's stepmotheT, Judith, who married his eldelt brother, Ethelbald, after Etbelwolf's death, and remained in Enll'land BOrne time after Ethelbald's dealb in A.D. 860 ; after which sbl: married Baldwin, earl of Flanders, A.D. 862 (L'Art de V&. des Dates). 8ee Mr. SharOfl Turner', Anglo-Sazon Hillory, vol. ii. pp. 500, 505-507. Page 29, last line, nnd page 30.-" GrinbQld, AuerWa, Werejrith, Neotu., Johannes ScotUB,"]-<1rinbald was a very accomplished and cOllrteou~ man, and

1
I

APPRNDIX TO VOL. IL

815

was 80 attentive to Alfred on bis way to Rome at Rheims, that he afterwards begged Fulco, Archbishop of Rheims, to send him over to England. Asser the uncle and the nephew were monks of SI. David's. 1'he uncle wrote Alfred's Life, and was Arcbbisbop of Sto David's. 1'be other was made Bishop of Sherborne. W ~refrith was Bisbop of Worcester, A.D. 873--892. Neotus, called for bis piety Sto Neot, was the companion of Alfred's youtb: he was buried at St. Ouerrir's cburch, near Ginesbury, in Cornwall. Hence his body was removed to a monastery buiJt on tbe site of be Duke Alric's pelace, in Huntingdonabire. 1'bence tbe bones were removed in 1213 to Croy. land Abbey. Johannes Seotus, or Erigena, was very leamed in Greek, Cbeldee, and Arabic i he was patronized by Cbarles tbe Bald of France: be came over to England at Alfred's invitation, and taugbt publicly at tbe monastery of Malmesbury, wbere be was murdered by bis scholara witb their penknives. He is Bometimes confounded with another John, a monk of St. David's, and caUed J obn tbe Monk; and whom Alfred, in his preface to Gregory's Pastoral, cells bis mass-priest.-Spelman', Life oj Alfred, p. 133, &c. Page 30, line 23.]-Cbarles the Bald reigned over France A.D. 843-877. Page 31, line 9.]-1'be Council of VerceIli was held Sept. lat AoD. 1050. -L 'Art d8 re,. de, Date Page 32, line 21.]-Pleimund is Baid at page 103 to bave been archbisbop only twenty.uine yeara, and in M. West. to have been elected A.D. 889, and died A.D. 915, wbicb only gives twenty-six yeara: Godwin gives bim but nineteen or twenty yeara. Page 32, line 24.]-On the duration of be archbishopric of Odo, see tbe note in tbis Appendix on p. 50, line 6. Page 32, note (l).l-AII the concurrentl of time given in this note agree, by Sir H. Nicolass Tables; so tbat the date may be looked on as certain. A~ Alfred died in his 53d year, he must bave been bom A.D. 848 or 849. Page 33, line 5. Ol Buhop oj Porto,"]-Porto was a smali place at the mouth of the 1'iber, opposite to Ostia, and gave the title to one of the seven cardinal bishops. 1'bose were the bishops of Ostia, St. Rufine, Porto, St. Sabine, Prameste (bod. Palestrine), Tusculum (hod. Fraacati), and Albano.JlIoreri', Dict. II. Cardinal. Page 33, line 6.]-" Cum aliquando in sinistram suspicionem veuisset"-are the words of Sigebert, ad ano 900. The authority whicb Foxe here follows is Ol Sigebert Gemblacensis Camobitre Cbronographia, ab ano 381 ad ano 1112," reprinted in Pistoriuss "Germ. Rer. Script." tom. i. (edit. Ratisb. 1726, p. 804.) Page 33, line 28.]-" Prresertim cum ipse FormOlus 8. Marino papa absolutus fuerit a perjurio,"-Sigebert (ibidem). Page 33, line 31. "Who then marc1Ung," &c.]-8igebert Bays (ibidem):.. Romam venit; sed non admissus, Romam Leonianam obsedit. Lepusculo forte versus Romam fugiente, et exercitu cum clamore nimio sequente, Romaui timentes se de muro projiciunt et h08tibus per factos acervos murum ascendendi locum facjunt," From wbich Foxe derives lhe (ollowing :-" Who then marching towards Rome, W88 tbere prevented by the Komans from entering. But in tbe siege (saith the author) the Romans within la played the lions, &c," The pun in "lians " is not perceived, from Foxe's not fully translating "Romam Leonianam." Page 34, note (2.)]-Foxe 88YS "The Frencb king, Eudo," but i must have been Chariel the Simple: (or Eudo, ar Eudes, died Jan. lat A.D. 898; but John IX. did not succeed to the papacy till the July (ollowing, and he held li couneil at Rome that year in favour of Formosus, tbe acta of wbich were ratified by tbe council of Ravenna lhat same year. So that tbe French king there preaent mUlt have been Cbarle8 the Simple, who succeeded Eudes and 11'88 present at the council of T'Irin lhe July following. Sigebert (p. 805) confirms lhis opinion.-L'Art d8 rb. dea Date. Page 305, nole (1.)]-" Formolum sepulcro extractum in sede pontificatUa

816

APPEND1X TO VOL. II.

sacerdotaliter indutum decollari pnecepiL" (Si~ebert. ad ano 907.) allusion to this history by Pilkington infra, vol. viii. p. 292.

See

aD

Page 36, line 9. "8tephm VII. or VIII."]-For the reAlon of tbe un certainty, sec thc note in the Appendix to vol. i. p. 372, line 14. Page 36, line 17. "Migllt be furtker appli4d tllan to tkat Maro:zia of Rollle.'"]-The allnsion is to Catharine of Aragon, wife of Prince Artbur, and al'terwards of his brother Henry VII[. See infra, "01. v. pp. 45-55. Page 36, line 22. "Ordo Cltmiacnui ."-The Abbey of Clugny was founded by William the Pious, Earl of Auvergne and Duke of Aquitaine, by a chart dated Sept. 11th, A.D. 910; at which time Sergius III. waa pope. (L' Art de Ver~fier des Dates.) The fint abbot was Berno, who wu succeeded at his death, A.D. 927, by St. Odo, who died A.D. 944. (Moreri,!l. Clugni.) See the note in thia Appendix on page 57, line 25, 26. Page 37, Hne 8. " lYimbome.'']-So Polychronicon, Fabian, Grafion, adding "near Bath." Foxe ICems to have taken the reading of " Woburn" from a former pasaage of Fabian; aee tbe note in this Appendix on p. 21, line l. Page 37, line 17 from the bottom.]-" Cheder" here, 81 in other placea,means Can-leon. Pol)'chronicon ad ano 908 aaya, "Hoc anno civitu Caerleron aive Legecestria, qure modo Cestria dicitur, ope Etheldredi ducis MerclOrum et Elfledre uxoris sure post confractiones per Dan08 factas reataurata est, &c." See also the notes in tbis Appendix on page 25, line 20, and page 28, note (1). Page 38, \ine 12.]-Tbislist ofplaces occun in Polychronicon lub ano 912. Page 40, line 8 from the bottom. "To lie for the whet6tone."]-The same phl'lll!e, intended to point Ollt a fabricator of liel, the whetatone beillg an emblem of Iying, occun in vol. iii. 359, and V. 682. See Narea' Glossary ; or Brand'a Popular Antiquitiel, m. 212. Page 43, line 9. "Middkton tmtlMichelene.,")-i. e. Melton, in Doraetahire, and Michaelney, in Someraetahire. See infra, vol. ". p. 374, and Tanllt!r. Page 44, note (2.)]-Theae directiona concerning a bishop'a dutiea are printed by Mr. Tborlle at p. 547 ofhis collection of AlIglo-Snou Lawa, and in Saxon with an Enghsh tranalation at p, 426. Pag-e 45, line 16.]-Tbe ChronicIe of Melrose Abbey states that Athelstan died "6 Cal. Novemb. feria 4. Indictione 14," i. e. Wednesday, October 27th, ".D. 941, which concurrenta of time (by Nicolaa'a Tables) all fit. The Suon Chronicie givea the same date; 80 that it may be conaidered as fixed. lt also agrees with Foxe'a atatement here, that Atbelatan reigned ,l aixteen yeara," i' we suppose him to have come to the throne "'.D. 925, al atated above. Page 45, line 17.]-Foxe here atatel that Edmund reigned "lix )'ears," and at line 24 and page 50, line 18, "sis. yean and a half." In each case "four yean and I half" has been aubatituted; for the Snon Chronicie aays he died May 26th .... D. 946: the Melrose Chronicie adda the day of the wel'k and the IlIdiction, ""hich confirm that date. So that Edmund, by thia accoullt, reigned oniy" four yeara and a half:" it ia proper to observe, however, that Foxe had authority for "a~ yeara and a half;" for the Suon Chronicle, inconsistently with itaelf, aasigna tbat period to hia reign. Page 47, Hne 19 from the bottom.]-" Alfridus" meana Alfrid, treaaurer of Beverley Minster. .. Alfredus Beverlecensia [sea Fibroleganus] in aeptentrionalibus Anglire pllrtibus natua et Cantabrigire educatu9. In patriam reversu9 eVectus eat ad canonicatum in eccleaia S. J ohannis Beverlacenaia, in qui postea thesaurarius couatitutua. Ab hoc officio 'Tbeaaurariua' cognomine notua erat inter acriptores. Annalei (!ib. iL) edidit Tbol. Hearne. Obiit anno 1136, et Beverlaci sepultlll erat (Bale, Pita); vel anno 1126, quo et Annalea IU08 finiit. (V08liu9.)"-Tanner'. Bibliotheca. Alfrid il referred to by Mr. Turner on the matter in the tex1. "Pulcher," twa linea lower, il a corruption of .. Sepuichre," and "Pulcherchureh " is atill further corrupted into u l uckle-chureh ;" which is nowa amall village aeven milea N.E. of Briatol, and, according to Camdl'n, waa once a rOJal manar.

API'E~DIX

TO VOl II.

817

Page 4B, line IB. "OJo bi'ill,q a Dane born."]-Oaberne in hialife of Odo !la,l's that he was aon of one uf the Danea wbo came over with Inguar and Ubba. Paue 50, line 6. .. Thu Odo contimml bUh,1' the 'pace oj eighteen lIear,. ol] -Fo~e givea ditferent accounta of the dnration of Odo's episcopate: be here, and at pp. 32, 103, saya .. twenty yeara i" next page he says .. twenty-four." Godwin (de Prresulibu8, &c.) prefers "eighteen years," which iM here adopted in the text. Page 50, line 1B.]-Edmund died May 26th, A.D.946. (Sax. Chron.) The same Chronicie statea that Edred died Nov. 23d, A.D. 955, having reigned (as Fon atates) "nine yeara and a half." Page 50, line 26. .. In hi, time Dun,tan was promoted ... to be buhop of Wort'e'ter."]-This aeems incorrect, and is certainly inculIsiatent witb the statement in this and the next/.oge, .. that he was as yet but abbot of Ulastonbury .. after tbe death of Edre ,and even of Edwill. Page 51,line 21 from thll botom. .. Not crowned tillfourteen lIear. after,"] -This statement is not quite correct: the Cbroniclea have been misunder. stood. Doubtless, F.dgar was crowned witb great pomp At Bath, Whitsunday A. D. 973 (see pp. 62, 63) j but that was arter a .eflen-gear.' penance, part of wbich was, according to Malmesbury, ., diademate carere .eptennio"according to Oabeme, "ut in toto Ipatio (Ieptenm) coronam lui regni non gestaret... In explanatioll df tbe krm .. ge.tore" it may be remarked, that it W88 the cuatom of our ancient kinga to Wear their crowns in public at Christm88, Eaater, and Wbitauntide (Lord Lyttelton's Hen. II. vol. ii. p. 282); and that it was tbe prerogative of the Archbilhop of Canlerbury, ar bis deputy, to put the crown on the king'a head on tboae occasions, 88 well 88 at the original coronation. (See the notes in thia Appendix on pp. 62, 63, and 110.) Speed, on the authority of Polydore Virgil, saya tbat Edgar was crowned originally at Kingston j but no other author mentions thia: most probably, however, it W88 the fact j and the very nature of the penance seems to require it. Mr. Taylor in his" G10ry of Regality," p. 237, takea this view of the subject. Page 51, line lB from tbe bottom.]-On the promotion of Dunatan, aee the 1I0lel in thia Appendix on pp. 50, 74. Page 51, line 15 f,om the botom. "Odo, archbuhop twenty{our lIear....]See the note on page 50, line 6. Page 54, line 31.]-John Caslian waa bom about the middle of the fourth century-Gennadius saya in Scythiaj but othera say (with more frobability) in Provence. Having conceived an earneat deaire to become acquamted wilh the monka of Egypt, then very f8mous, be visited the Thebaid about A.D. 390: after residiug there aeveral yeara he went to Const.autinople, where he was ordained deacon about A.D. 409. He retired to Maraeillea about A.D. 414, and there founded twa monuteries, one that of St.Victor, in whicb be bad t;,000 manka, the other for nuna. He died A.D. 440 ar 44B, at t.he age of ninety.aeven yean. (See More and Biographie Univeraelle.) Hia printed worka are: "De institutis Ccenobiorum, libn xii. j" .. Collationea Patrum, libri xxiv. j" "Johannia Caasiani de Chriati Incarnatione,libri vii.;" "Florea Casaiani, live ilIu.~triores Bententile ex ejus operibua colleclre." Page 56, line 24. " Mazise....]-Alardus GazleUS was a Benedictine monk in the abbey of St. VedaBt. at ArraB, who wrole a Commentary on Casaian'B worka. His dedication of thia Commentary is dated" Michaelia apparitione [May 8th] A.D. 1615." In his Commentary on this place in CI1SSianUI he saya: "Mazicea liv.. "&e'1C4S Ptolemreua in eA JEgypti, sive Africle, parte loeat in qui CaasianUB. Eorundem ut barbarorum et immanium bominum meminit Palladiua (Lausiaca 7) in Araacio, quol tamen MazicOl vacat: Et Nesloriua apud Evagrium lib. i. Hiat. EccleBiast. cap. 7: Et NicephoruH, lib. xiv., cap. 13. In Vitis Patrum Gena Mazicorum dicitur, lib. iv. c. 15."-Cassiani Opera, Lipa. 1733, 1'.242. Page 57, line 25. "Ba.il'. rule-Bene", ,.ule."]-St. Basil was the faunder of Monkery in the Ea.t, St. Benedict in tbe Weat. SL Basil, aumamed the Great, became biahop of Creaarea A.D. 370, and died A.D. 378. He W88 an intimate friend of Gregory Nazianzen.-Calle'. Jlist. Litt. SI. Benedict WaB barn in Italy A.D. 480, and died A.D. 543. He built a
VOL. U.

818

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

monastery at Monte Cassino, NapIe., wbicb was dl'1ltroyed by tlle Lombard~ but rebuilt under Ibl' I8nction of Gregory IIL, who died A.D. 741. Zacllar~. who foliowe d bim in the popedom, sent them the MS. milO, and made thpOl indeppndent of all but papaI Jurisdiction. Boniface, the Anglo-Saxon, found..-d a Bcnedictine monastery at Fulda with tbe pope's IOnction, and Pepin, king of France, made it independent of all but papai jurisdiction. Berno introduced lhe rule into Clugny, of whicb he was the firat abbot, A.D. 910. One of hi,. pupils and his 8UCCe8l0r, Odo, introduced it into Fleury, which had belOn plundered lIy the Normans. He died A.D. 944. SI. Benedicl's body waa brou!!ht lo Flcury, which became the bead quarlera of tbe order in Ibl' West. St'e Sharor. Tuml'r'. Anglo-Sazon Hut. vol. ii. p. 233. Pa~e 57, line 26, u Cluniaun.e.,jirst .et up by Otho."]-The abbot Odo, melllioned in the last note and the note on p. 36, line 22, must be intended, For Sigebert mentions the rise of Clugny first ad an. 893, under the reign of .. Odo," [Eudo,] u King ol France, thus :-Hoc tempore floruit in Burgundia Berno, eJ: comite abbas Gigniacensis crenubii se fundali j qui etiam ex duno Avre comiti9lll! con.tituit Cluniacum crenobiu:n in ceHam Gigniaccnsem." But afterward. ad an. 912, we read :_U Ordo Clulliacen.u inripit. Berno abbas moriturus Odonem olim musicum constituit abbatem, ea condilione ut ecelesia Cluniacen.i. solveret annuatim eccle.ire Gigniacell8i censum duooecim denariorum." SI. Odo greatly advanced the popularily of the Order of Clugny. t is, therefore, of St. Odo that we must undeTlltand Foxe to speak.

Page 57, line 29.]-The congregation of Benedictine monks of Pallo",brMo, on the Apennines, was founded by John Gualbert, a Florenline, about A.D. 1030.-Soam,.'. M~"eilll, vol. ii. p.356. Page 57, line 34.]-The UFlogeUanl." originated in Italy, AD. 1260, and spread over a large part of Europe. See an account of Ihem in Soam.ea'. ltIo.heim, \"01. ii.. P 598, Pagc 59,line 3 from the botom.]-Respecling these drinking cups,see the note on p. 168. The following worda of Malmesbury will confirm Foxe, though the aemal law has not been found :-" In tantum et in frivolia pacis sequax, ut quia compatriotre in tabernia convenientea jamque temulenti pro modo bibendi cUlltenderent, ipse davoa argenteoa vel aureos vasis afligi juoserit, ut dum metom suam quisque eognoaceret, non plus subserviente vereeundia vel ipse appeteret "el alium appetere eogeret."-Scr;pt. pOJlt Bedam, p. 56, !ine 26. Page 62, line 27. I Stayed and kqJ back Irom hu Coronalian."]-See tl.e notea in this Appendix on p. 51, line 21 from the bollom, and p. 63, line li. Aecording to the view there taken, we ahould here read, I from tUl' use of hia crown, ~ rather than .. from hia coronation."-Foxe in tbe next line BaJ'a., lhat Edgar was .. crowned at the age of one-and.thirty, A.D. 974, as ia by the Saxon ChronicIe of W orceater church to be proved." The new edition and tranalation, however, of the Saxon Chronicie read I A.D. 973," and add the day, u 5 Id. Maii, die Pentecoates" (i. e. WhitSunday, May 11th), whieh proves (see Nicolas'a Tablea) that 973 ia the true reading. Aha in the nex! page Foxe calls it u the one-andthirtieth year of his age," which is here adopted in.tead of" the age of olle-and.thirty." Page 62, !ine 35. u 06benle."J-u Osbernus, gente Anglus, ecclesire CantuarieDsia prrecentor et monachus, Lanfraneo archiepiscopo familiariimus, claruit circa annum 1070. Prreter summam artis musiCie peritiam, eundendis Sanctorum Vilis ineubuit. NOlandum Oabernum duobus libris Dun.tani vitam et miracula deacripsia.e. Priorem tantum cum posterioris prologo dedit Whartonua, eo quod !iber aecundus parum ad rem historicam conferre videbatur."-

Cafle.
Page 63, line 6.]-The following i. the Latin Penance in Osberne (see

WhartOfl'. Anglia Sacra, \"01. ii. p. 111) :-" Septennem ei prenitentiam iudixit.
In toto apatio coronam reglli .ui non gestaret. Jejulllum in hebdomacla bidunie transigere!. Avitos pauperibus thesaur08 large dispergerel. Super hoc .ncrnndia Ueo vir~inibus mUlIaslerium quoddam fundaret; quatellus qui unam per peceatum Deo virginem abstulilIet, plures ei per plura Sl!ellli volumina a!!"gregarel. Clericos eliam maIl' actionales de ccclesii. propelleret, MUlla chorum agmilla introduceret: jllstas Deoquc arcept".legillll ratiolleB sBlIcirtl:

APPENDIX TO VOL.

n.

819

Ilauctal! conscriberet Scripturas, per omnes fines imperii sui populis clIstudienrlas manrlaret." It will be observed that no nunnery is herc named: ol Shaflcsbury" is Foxe's addition, and erroneous, see p. 24. Rumscy, in Hants, was probably the nunnery founded by Edgar on this occasion, .... D. 974.-See Tanner', Nolitia Monlllltica. Page 63, line 17. u Set tl,e crown opon te king', I,ead, at Batll."]-This was dane at the feast ol' Pentecost, May 11th, A.D. 973. (Osberne, &c.)-It seema probabie (as hefore intimated) that the crowning at Bath was not propcrly the corouation, but the conclusion of a seven yean' penance, during which time Edgar had not worn bis crolvn. The resuming it was made a great evcnt, for example's sake. For l\Ialmesbury himself says, that Edgar for his crime" Septennem pamitentiam non fastidivit; dignatUB Rex affiil!i jejunio, simulque diademate carere septennio." (Script. post Bcdam, p. 60.) In the life of Dunstan, he adds-- u Ita ut proceres ad spccimen et normam Rel'(is compositi, parom vel nihil contra jus et ll'quum auderent." (Ibid. p. 202.) See the notes on pp. 51, 62. Page 63, lin e 19.]-Foxe reads here Uthirteenth year ol' his reigo," but .. fourteenth" at p.51. He also says he was u only three yean crowned king:'" -more probabIy" ten," incIuding the fint seven yeara ol' his reign. See the Iast note. PBI'(e 63, note (2). J-Foxe reads here rather obscurely, "mention of Elfleda and Editha, and also ol' Ulfred and Dunstan. " Page 65, line 13.]-Hoveden dates the dealh ol' Edgar u the 32d year of his age, the 19th ol' his reign over Mercia and Northumberland, the 16th ol' his reign over aU England, Indictione 3, 8 Id. Julii, feri" quinta" (Script. post Bedam, p. 426), i. e. Tbursday, July 8tb, A.D. 975: these concurrents agree, by Nicolas's Tables. Page 65, line 24.]-Here shouId foUo'll' the address ol' Edgar to bis clergy, which is given afterwards at page 101. Page 66, Iast line.-The birth and parentage ol' Editha are stated at page 61. Page 69, line 15.]-Osberne and Brompton both represent the council as being held at Winchester. (See page 84, line 16 from lhe botlom.) Osberne speaks as if it were held a considerable period before tbat of Calne. But Wbarton (Anglia Sac. vol. ii. p. 112) shows that the council of Winchester sat about A.D. 96S, and that of Calne about seven yean later. Page 69, line 19. u Jornalemil ere maketh rehearral," &c.]-Foxe's reference to Jorualensis (or Brompton) is not quite accurate. Brompton says nothing about praying to the rood: Osberne says, that the eouncH feli to intreating Dum/an in favour ol' the priests; and that while he sat perplexed what to do, the image spoka. Foxe also says, that the inscription W88 put "ntier te Jeet of the rood; which was the more usual place for an inscription; but Brompton says_U In cujus rei memoriam in capite refectorii ejusdem monasterii lupra caput crueifixi, &e." (Decem Scriptores, col. 870.) Tbis quotatian will suggest to the reader the meaning ol' .. frater :" it is a eorruption of .. fratry," which is either a eorruption of reJectorium, ar is derived from Jratru, being a room in whieh they could all assemble. The u fratry" is still shown at Carlisie cathedral. For further information on the point, see Davies's Rites and Customs ol' the Cathedral Chureh of Durham; Parker's Glossary of Arehitecture, Oxford, p. 96; Fosbroke's Encyclopredia of Antiquities, vol. i. p. 108; and Fosbroke's British Monachism, fi. Refeetorium. It is hardly Ilecessary to add, that a u rood" was a larga woaden image ol' Christ crucified, such as may frequently be seen in France by the road-side: Osberne describes it on lhis oceasion a_ uDaminici eorporis fonna vexiIlo crucis fixa." Tbere are other allu_ions to rood_ in Foxe. (See ludex.) Page 71, lioe 7. u Pope John XII."]-Foxe is rather inconsistent in his numbering of lhis pope, lhe reason of which ia, that the old authara differ. Here, and at p. 462, Foxe ealls him John XIII; but at ]h 464, and voI. iii. p. 212, he colis him John X l 1. As John XL is the last pope John named by I<'uxc (p. 3G), this pope is in the present edition alwa}'s llumbered John XI l. 3 G 2

820

APPENDIX TO VOL.

n.

The numbering of severnl (ollowing Pape. J obn bas been altered in conleqoent'e of the ehange made bere. Page 72,line21. .. Pope Joh,. Xlr."]-Thil pope is not aeknowledged by the Romish churcb, and il not inserted in tbe list given in .. L'Art de Verifier de. Datel," which numbers the next tbree popes mentioned in tbis page

XlV. XV. XVI. Page 72, lin. 7 from tbe bottom. v Joh,. X YI. "}-Tbe pope J oho pnoceding Gregory V. i. numbered XV. in tbe liat of .. L Art de V41r. dei DatelI," and bia popedom dated A.D. 986--996. But lee tbe last twa note.-There were two couneila beld at Rhlliml during hia papacy, according to tbe lista oC Councils; tbe fint, June 17th, A. D. 991, wherein arcbbishop Arnold, ar Arnulph, was deposed; and a second, July 1st, A.D. 995, wherein Amulph was reItored. (L'Art de Ver.) The advancement of Gilbert to the papacy is mentioned at pp. 94, 95. Pllji:e 73, line 15 from the bottom.]-" E1frida" is substiluted for Foxe's .. Alfrith," .. Elfrida" being his reading in aU other cales. Page 73, nole (2).]-These verses are taken from Locorum comm"";"". collecta"~a a Ja". Man/.io pkraqlU! ez kctionibu Melanr.thOflu ~zcerpta, &c., tom. iii. p. 198 (Svo. Basii. 1563), and were written apparently by John Slrigeliua. They embraee the Rven Eleetorates ol' Gennany, both ecclesiastical and civil. Pa~e 74, line 6 from the bottom. .. Abo"t the ekfJ!1lt" !lear," &c.]-TIle D1argmal date, A.O. 988, proceeds on this supposition, and is that cho.en oy Godwin. lf Dunalan was arcbbishop for twenty ypan, as FOIe slatea at p. 103, then he was appointed A.D. 968; ar if he died in the nintlI year of Egeired, tbpn he was appointed A.D. 966, in the seventh year of Edgar's reign. Some date his appointment A.D. 959, the firat year of Edgar, which makea bim archbiabop at leut twpnty-tlpven yean. (See tbe notes in this Appendix on pp. 50, 51.) Pnge 74, line 4 from the battom. " After "im Elfric, &c.]-See the note on p. 104, lin e 9. Page 75, line 1.]-Thia .. narthem wand" Wal Lindiafame, ar Holy Island, mentioned before at p. 5. Slo Cuthbert was for twelve yean abOOt o( a famous mOOllltery therp, the ruins of wbicb are Ilill visible. Page 75, line 2.]_Ol Chester-ll'-IItreet" is a village six miles north of Durham, 50 called from being on the Roman high waJ". FOIe aays .. Rocbester," by lIIiatake. Page 75, lin e 19. UDanegilt.''] See tbe nole on p. 104, line 9. Page 78, line 17. .. Saikd into Den".ark,''J-For the real reasOl! wby Canute at thia time went to Denmark, lee the note on p. 81. 1' l1ge 78, line 26.J-The ancicnt Chronicles, including the Saxon, <see tbe Ilew Edilion,) date the death of EgeIred St. George tbe Martyr s Day, i. e. April 23d, ".0. 1016. Page BO, note (1).]-There are plenty of authoties for Foxe's statement in tlle lext reapectil1g the sona of Edmuud Iraolide; see Hoveden, Bromptor., Rutal's Chronicie, Fabian, Grafton, &c. But William of Malme.bury aimply SU}'S-" Filii ejus [Edmundi] Edwius et Edwardus mini ad regem Suevorum ut perimerentur: sed miseratione ejua conservati Hunorum rpgem petienmt; nbi dum benign/l alique tempore babiti essent, major diem obiit, minor Kpginle sororem Agotham in matrimonium aecepit," (Scriptorea post Bedam, p. 73.) And arterwards be say.: _" Rex Edwardua prOllUa in .enium, misit ad Regem Hunorum, ut filium fratria Edmundi Edwardum cum omni familia ma mittereL" (Ibid. p. 93.) Subsequent writera, in their attempta to fili in tbe names, bave made blunden. For example, the contemporary king of Sweden was named OlalIe (L'Art de Ver.), wbo ia s&id to have been halfbrother to Canute (Sl'eed). His being named II Suanua" probably arase from the circumstance of tbe u in bia patronymic II Suavus" (of Sweden) being taken for an I I : whence Olave might be called .. rex Suanu.... or II reI Suanorum i" and the combinalian of the twa would give, .. Suanus, king of Sweden." It i. remarkable that Foxe in the npxt page, line 5, calls bim II Suanus, king ofDenmark," where he is capying Fabian and Grallon, who cite "Guido and olhen." (See vol. i. p. 347, \Iote (3).) Tbis varialian may be explained by the cireumstance

P".

APPENDIX TO VOl,. II.

821

related in Brompton (p. 907), thal Wa4tar, Canute's domestic, was charged to carry the princes ioto Denmarle; but that, conscious of his mlllter's designs, instead of carrying them into Denmark be condllcted them to the king of Swedm, who, to avoid quarrelliog with Caoute, paJiBed them forward to his kinsman, the king of Hungary.-Again, Salomon, king of Hungary, did indeed in A.D.l 063 marry Sophia, sister of the emperor H eory IV., and thus became brotherin-law to tbat emperor; but that was alm08t lifty years too late for the preseo! purpOle. It is 00 less true, bowe\'er, tbat Stryun, the first king of Hun~ary, In A.D. 1008 married Gisela, sister of the emperor Henry II.: whence, Papebroche aod Lingard would have UB here substitute the name of Stepheo for Salomao. It is worthy of remark, however, that Fordun in his Scoti-chronicoo says, that Stephen was called &domon before his baptism, which may in same degree vindicate the iotroduction of that name here, and also may have led to the error of introduciug Henry IV., Stephen bein~ confounded Wilh lhe olher Salomon. (Scoli-chron. lib. vi. capp. 20, 22.)-Who Agatha W88 is not ('lear, for her oame does not IIppear among the daughters or sidera of llDy of the emperors of this period, and very likely she was only a daughter of same gennalllu of StepheD ar bis queen. (See lhe note on p. 83.) Page 81, line l. u The lcing of churZ." ar "ceoru."]-So called from his popularity wilh the common people. Page 81, line 5._ U Hu brot/ler, Sua7llu, leing of Dmmarlc."]-See the Dole above on p. 80, note (l). Page 81, line 7. u Sua7llu, king of Denmarle," &c.]-Here agaiu Foxe has Fabian aud Grafton for autborilies. The statemeut, however, seems incorrect, as we nawhere read iu the ancieut chronicIes lhat CaDute had a broth" " SuaIIUS." This looks like a patch of Danish history, relating Canute's a('cession to the lhrone of Denmark in consequence of hi. fath" Swanus's death. Daoish history ioforms ua that he had a younger brother Harold, who wuleft regenl of Deomark when Swanus aod Canute lirst wellt to England; and that on the deatb of Swanus he altempted to seize the throne of Denmark; but that Canule immediately weot over and aeltled matters in Denmark, before he \'entured to encounter the English (L'Art de Wir.). The statement in the text is probably ooly a varialioo of this story. The Saxoo Cbronicle aayllt that Canute sent fnr Emma before the Kaleods of August, A.D. 1017, and agreed to Edg'lr's laws A.D, 1018. Page 81, line 17.]-The Snon Chronicie datel Caoute's visit to Romo A.D. 1031, and bis death at Shaftesbury 2 Id. Nov. A.D. 1035. PlIge 81, line 28. II AgamIt the Nurll'egifllU."]-Godwin and his Engli.h troopl distinguished themselves againsl the Yandat., A.D. 1019. (Malmesbury, Huntingdon, Rapin.) Tbe Suon Chronicle dates the expedition against Norway A.D. 1028, and Godwin dops not appear 10 bave bpen concemed in i. Page 82, note (2)... WlIich 8011 he had by hu wije, Hardicanute'8 daughter."J lt Beeml very improbable lhal Godwin should bave married fint the Bider ar daughter of CaJlute (Bee 10me lines bigber), and then the daughter of Hardicanute. But the nader must relllember, tbat he bas here before him the diJrereot version of Alfred's story, whi('h commenced with the precediug paragraph and continues to "losing all his lands in Eogland" (next page). Coosequenlly the Hardicanute of one writer may be idenucal wilh the eaDute of anotber. Page 83, line 22 from the bottom.]-Gunilda, ar Cunegunda, was married lO the emperor Henry nI. A.D. 1036; Bhe died two years after. Henry III. thpn married A~es, by whom be had Henry IV., Sophia, and otber children. Salomon, king of Hungary, married Sophia, Dnd was tbus bralber to Henry l V. But il ia plain that Agatha, wbo had brought Edward four childreo in A.D. 1057, could not bave beeo a daughter of Henry IV. (See p.80, note (1).) Page 83, line 6 from the baltom. II St. Benet'8 in NorJollc."l-A solitary place among the marshe', then called Cowholm and Calvescro(t, was given by a peUy prince, named Horn, to lome religious hermits A.D. 800, IInd destroyed by tbe Uanel A,D. 870. Seven companioJls were collected and placed here b}

822

A PPE:'ODIX TO VOL. II.

one Wolfric in the ncxt c..ntury. Aft..r sixty ycan Canut.. fnund"d and endowcd the place as an ahhey of IJlack monks, in honollr of St. Benedict, A.D.

1020.-Tann..r', Notitia MOlla6lica. Page 83, line 5 from tbe botlom. u St. Edmund"JUry."]-Sigebert, king of East Anglia, founded a monastery A.D. 633 at Belricheswortb, in whicb be spent his cIosing days. The corpse of king Edmund was buried bere, when the town ehanged its namI', A.D. 903. Canule expelled the seeular priests, and plaeed Benedietine monks in their room A.D. 1020.-7'anner. Page 84, line 16 from the botlom. "Tlie image of tlle crucifiz btfore tio1U'd."]-The anusion ia to the occurrence mentioned in page 69; the word. u being then at Wincheater," which preaent1y follow, leave it undecided whetber that occurrence happened at Wincheater. Page 85, line 23.]-The Saxon Chronic1e (New Edition) atates under tbe )'ear 1043, that Edward was Ihat year erowned at Wincheater with great pomp un Easter-day, 3 Non. April, i. e. April 3d; and Easter-day feli that year au April3d. Foxe's" 1042" has, therefore, been cbanged into u 1043." Page 86, line 8 from Ihe bottom.]-U Euslace" is put in from L'Art de V rifier des Datea. Foxe only says, .. a certain earl of Boulogne." Page 87, note (1). .. Son Wilmot, and gran/urm I/acu. "l-Foxe, from I'olydore, reads .. bis twa aons Biomon and fostius ;" but he cfearly meant to adopt tbe reading in the text, because he refera to it next page, line 16, 118 preferabIe to Polydore's aceoun!. Biomon was an earl, whom Swanus, one of Godwiu's eoos and falber of lIaeus, had slain three or four yeara before this. Page 87, note (3). u Marianul Scotus."]-Under the year 1052 he writes.. Egu Marianus seculum rcliqui ;" col. 427, cdil. Basilcre, 1559. Page 89, line 20. .. U.ffa, king of Mercia."]-See vol. i. pp. 316, 317. Foxe inadvertent1y p1aees his name after lne, .. as of lnc, Olfa, Alfred," &c. Page 89, line 21. u 1IIerce1U'Z,ga," .. Wei-Sa,renele.qa," u Dnnelega."JBishop Nicholson, in his letter to Dr. Wilkins, prefix..d to hia edition of the Saxou Lawa, as...rts, that this thr..efold divison of the English laws is imllginary, and proceeded from tbe Norman interpretera miEtaking the meaning of the word "laga," which they thought was the .ame with the word ley, ar law j whereas "laga" aignifies region, terrltory, ar province, as is plain (he .ays) frum sev..ral places in the Saxon lawa, wherein Danelag-a means the same as among the Dane., ar in the territories of the Daoes. (Sce pp. 53, 135, of Dr. Wilkins'. Anglo-Saxon La.....) He aI.o says that Ib.. author of the Dia1o~ue de Scaccario was the firat that I..d lhe way in tbis error,lib. i. cap. 16. But Mr. Thorpe, in the Gloasary appended to his Anglo-Saxon Lawa, fi. Lagu, differs from the bishop, and mWlltama the other sense to be correet. Page 92, note (2).]-Foxe inadvert..ntly .ays "Gerardus" in the lext, instead of .. Giraidua." "Giraldus Cambrenais, in his boke called ltinerariu."'-Fabian. The following ..xtract from Higdell's Polychronieon, aub a. 1066, will iIIu.trat.. the text: u Vult tamen Giraldus Cambrensi. in .uo Itinerario, quod Huraldlls multis confossus vullleribus oculoque sini.tro sagilta pcrdilo, ad partes Cestrire victus evasit, ubi sallcta cooversatione vi tam, ut creditur, anaehoriticam in cella Sallcti J acobi, juxta ecclesiam Sancti J ohaonis, felieiter cOIIsummavit, quod ex ..ju. ultima confessione palam fuit." "111 the selle of St. Jame., faste by Saynl J ohan'a churehe. "-lubian. Page 93, lin .. 1.]_U Cousin-g..rmans removed," i. e. "one r ..mo\'e;" for Edward and Robert (William's fatber) werc firat cousills. (See the Table, p. 4.) Page 93, line 33.]-" Carnelll in tlle order and name ofeardintlll, " &c.]-The lIar/le was in u.e much earlier, having been uaed (according to Moreri) to di.til1guish the 1II0re digllified parochial clergy of towu. from those of chapeis aud orulorics. lIut Foxe ia hcre alluding to the decrce passed A. D. 10,59 by popc Nicholas II., vcating thc nomination of the pope in the college of cardil1al. (GraliaIIi Decret. Distinet. 2:1, cap. 1.) .. Ex hoc decreto, quo eleetio ponti6eu Homal1i illlprimis cardinalibus permiltitllr, ip.um cardina1ium nomen po.t celebr.ui lIIagb ulqlle uHlgis crepllllll," (Sigul1. dl' regno Italia', lib. ix. anll. 1050;

_eR-

APPENDlX

'ro VOL. 11.

823

Chronic. Reicher~pe"g'.'I1'. ad nnn. IO,S!I.) On thi. subj"ct sec U~.her, " De Cbrist. Eccl. SuceeSll. et Statu," cal" iv. 22. The reaner can hardly need tn be reminded. that Foxe's" 1030 years after Chri.t' i. equivalent to "A.D. 1060," thirty years being the period then commonly allowed lor aur Lord's life. (Sec page 72fi uf this volume, bis.) Page 94, note (2). "Pelnu Premoll<lratell3u."]- \'us.ius (De Seril't, Laliuis) saya that he wu aUlhor of a cbronicle illlituled " Biblia I'auperum." He i. dted again at page 711. Page 95. line 16, "Saying ma..... &e.]-" Dum in busilieR Sanetre Cruei. in HierusaJem Romre sucrilicaret, falo moriturum ae .tatim cognovit."-Plati1lu. Page 96. line 3. "And plaud i1l hi, room Peter, the king nf I/IlFlgary." &c.]1'hia fact is related by Benno, in a Jetter printed at fol. 39 of the "Fasciculua" ar Ortbuinua Gratiu., and of which Foxe translales a porlian at page 124. Benno saya thnt Henry sent Godfrey, duke of Lorraine, against Peler, who took him priaoner at the tirsl ousel. Henry does not appear to have retained any grudge IIgain.t Peter, fur (nccording to Lambert Sehal'naburgensis) he made lllree expedilions in lo lIungary A.D. 1042, 1043. to restore him lo Ilia throne, Sylvesler I L is said to have erected Hungary into a Ir.ingdom on purpose to be a balance against the Empire, which will acconnt for the pope'. sending to the king of H ungary on this occasion. Page 96, line 16 rrom the botlom.]-Foxe calla Bruno, by mistake, .. biahop of Cologne;" probably he was misled by the designntion of another Bruno, who founded the Carthusian order, and WlIS called " Bruno ofCologne." (See page 141. line 3 from lhe bolIom.) Page 97, line 18. lo Another bis/wp, a German."J-This was Gebhard, bishop of Eichstat.-L'Art de rb. tle. Date. Page 98,line 5. I Sienna."]-Foxe .a)'. "Sens." 1'he Latin aa)'. "ad Senas." Sena! is Sienna in Italy; the Latin for Sens is SenoFle.. Several .light corrections are made in the followiug sentence rrOIll the Universal Histor)'. Page 98, line 19. u JohaTme arclipried of the church of St. John' ad portam latillam',"J-Foxe reads " archdeacon ad Portam Latinam." 1'he correction is made from the list of the Popes given in L' ..\rl de Ver. des Dates. Page 98, line 6 from the bottom. "Berengaritu of Tour., arIIuleacan of Anger....J-A correction for Foxe'. "nerengarlUs Andegavensis. an archdeaeon."-See Cave'. Bid. Litt. Page 100. line 10. "All1elm, bu/wp uf Lllcca."]-See Ihe List of the Popes given in L'Art de Ver. des Dateo. Foxe only oays "another bishop. Anselm." Page 100, line 19. "AnIlo, archbi.hop of Cologne."]-See L'Art de Verifier nes Dates. Foxe reada " Otho." Page 101. line 7.J-1'his passage about Edgar. and his oration to the c1ergy, should have been inlroduced at p. 65. The origim.1 Lntin will be found in the ChronicIe of.Ethelredn8, Abbas RievallenHis, (Decem Scriptores, col. 360,) Page 102, line 20,l-Fuxe's reuding, "My grenl grandfather . my greRt great grandfather, Affred." correspollu8 betler with the Latin. ("pro,lVus meu . . . . atavu. meu. Aluredus" . ) than with the hi.tory. He calio Elhelwold (towards the end of the oration) "Edward," mistaking "Edelwaluus" for Edelwardus," Page 103, line 22. "Pleimund .. for twroty-nille years. "]-8ee the note in thi8 Appendix on p, 32. line 21. Page 103.line 25, "Odo for twenty ycar."]-See the note in thia Appendix on p. 50, line 6. Page 103. line 7 from the bot10m. "DuIIstan, who was arehbuhop lor tUleI/ty year....J-See the note in this Appendix on 1'.74. line 6 from Ihe baliom. Page 104, line 9.J-H Ihe Danegilt began A D. 991 (as slated al p. 75), and by the advice of Siric, archbishop ol' Canterbury (as hcre slaleu), lhen it is plain that Siric must have J'l"l'cel!ecl Ell'ric: for Dunslan died. by the ('arlicst computalion, A. D. !J8G; thi~ ,,"ollll! jusl leu\'c tillle fur Side (if hc died

824

APPENDlX TO VOL. II.

lix yeara after) to give thia R,lvice before Ile died. But if Siric folio wed Elfr;.., and sa did 1I0t come for twelve yean aller Dunstan, either the Danl'gilt eouM 1I0t have begun earlicr tban A,D. 998, ar Siric could not have advi.ed it. Page l06,line 10. "Bere, by tlle wag, 6pealci"9 oflaw, " &c.]-The following royal ordinanee granted to the ehurch an inde~ndent and aeparate jurisdiction, auch as it did not enjoy under the Saxon kinga, but whieh the church was everywhere atruggling to obtain. This ordinanee may be said to have occaaioned that licentioulneas in thc c1ergy, which foreed Henry 11. to enact the Conatitutiona of Clarendon, and to maintain the arduoul conleat wilh archbisbop Hecket, delcribed at pp. 196-252. Page 107, line 9 from the battom. before, p. 13, line 13.
"Two "undred and thirtg gean."J-See

PBt\e 108, line 11 from the bottom.l-u Eodem anno concilium magnum in octaV18 Paachre Wintonire celebratum eat, jubente et pneaente rege WilIielmo, domino Alexandro papa eonaentiente, et per suoa legatos Herrnenfredum SedunenBem episcopum et preabyteroa Johannem et Pelrum cardillalea aedis ap08toliere luam authoritatem exhibente. In quo concilio Stigandus, Dorobernire archiepiacopue, degradatur tribua de cauBis: sc. quOd l'piscopatum Wintonim cum archiepiscopatu, injuat~ poaaidebatj et quod, vivente Roberto archiepueopo, Ilon aoli:lm arcbiepiacopatum sumpait, aed etiam ejus pallia, quod Calltuarire remanait, dum vi et injuat~ ab Anglia pulaua elt, in missarum cele bratiolle aliquandii:l ulua eat; et a Benedicto quem saneta Homana ecclettia excommunicavit, eo quM peeuniis ledem ap08tolicam invaait, pallium accepiL" (Hoveden, Scriptorel post Bedam, p. 453.) Wilkina has trauaferred the pasaage inlo hia II Coneilia," tom. i. p. 322. Aa Eaater feli on April 4th, ill ...D. 1070 (by Nicolas'a TableB), the Octa'YeB feli on Aprillllh. Pag" 109, linea 1-7.]-This pauage ia very inaceurate in Foxe: 10me ebangeB have been made in his lext on lhe authorily of the pal8age cited from Hoveden in lhe DOte preceding thia. Page 109, line 19. "TlIoma., a NOTJllan, and C/UlOR of Baieu.z."]-Godwin. Foxe Baya .. a eanon of Bayonne" (" Haion," Fabian) j and in the next line .. Cadomoneneie " (Fabiall's corrupt rendering of " Cadomenae" [clEnobium]), meaning lhe abbey of St. Stephen at Caen. Page 109, note (3).]-After the wordl in the ted "was pressed to pay" Foxe adds, "a little before the council of Hasil:" the reader will find the reason "hy these have been omitted, in the note in tbis Appendix on p. 261, note (1). Page 110, line 13. II At hi, Becond coronation,/or nar/rJp" lJorJd not "tffer lI,e jirlt coronatioJl to uand, becall6e it WtU dmie bg the bi6hop nf York, rriJhoul I,u a'Be"t."]-Foxe has the aUlbority of archbishop Parker for this slale\lll'nt, who seema, however, to have misap\lrehended the real .tate of the cuc. The occasion referred to WBB tbe corooatlon of Henry'a aecood queen, at Windaor, Jan. 30th, A.D. 1121, at wbieh tbe buhopof SalisblIry c1aimed to do the honourz, WindBor being in bis Ol parish." Radulph resilted this, alld (88 too old for lhe exertion) appointed the bilbop of Wiuche.ter to perform the ceremonial for him. As tbe archbishop was about to begin the service at the altar, he spil'd' the king litting with his crown on his bead, on which he questioned him who had placed it there, al in his [Ihe archbilhop'l] preaence nobod)' elae had a right to do it. The kingsaid that inadvertemly he had pilI i on himself: the archbishop then, lakiog it off, replaced it on hi. heRd. (Parker, Antiq. Brit., Hanovire, 1605, p. 124, and Eadmer, pp. 136, 137.) The real explanalion of this affair is, thal aur kingi anciently wore their crownB at the three Ifreat festival&, and on Btale.occasiona, and that the archbishop of Canterb~ry clBlmed to put the crown on, elther by hllJlBelf or by deputy, on allsuch OCCBSlons, as well81 nt tbe original eoronation. l'buB Eadmer IIIforlJls ue (p. 105), that at the ChriBtmB8 after Anaelm's death the king held a solem n asBembly, at which the archbiahop of York c1aimed to put on the crown and perform mass; but the biahop of London c1aiml'd, and was aUowed. Nothillg wOllld be more natural thao that the king should wear his crown at his "<"ID qlleen'6 CoronatiOfl, and that the archhi.hop of'Canterbllry should assert his l'rerogative, especially as the bishop of Sllli.bury had shown I dispositioll lo inlcrfcrc wilh it. Dut archbishop l'arker

APPENDIX TO VOL. H.

825

has ~iven tbe affair a different lurn, and says tbat Radulph was displeased at tbe king s l'utling on his own erown as having never been pt'fY[J,rly erowned at all, lO qnod absente, ut di.rimlU, Anaelmo U. Thoma Eboracensi arcbiepiscopo in eonsecratione diadcma ei imp08itum est" (Antiqu. Bril. 1'.124); where arcbbishop Parker forgels lhal (at 1" 117, line 46) he bad aaid-" Rufo autem mortuo succeuit frater ejua Heoricus, a Mauricio LondiMfUi coosecratus." AU the historians aay the aame tbinR', except tbat M. Paris and M. Westm. join the arcbbilboI' of York with Maurice in tbe ceremonial. Maurice, no doubt, acted by Anielm's direction j and Eadmer, who aaya tbat OD ADlK'lm's arrh'al the king apologised to him for not deferriog bis coroDation, gives no bint of Aoselm'l expreasing aDy dissatisfaction. Same years arter, Becket, writing to the POJ?' (Epist. D. Tbomre, Iib. v. 45), diatinctly &IIert8 that the rights of his see lU regard to tbe coronaJion had never yet been infringed; for tbat Stigand. as an Ulurper, had 00 rigbt to crown tbe Cooqueror j and that Anlelm crowned Henry I. by tbe bisboI' of HereJOrdas his deputy, and repeated lhe ceremooial on arriving io England. (See lbe note on p. 159, line 15.) Arcilbishop Parker and Foxe are therefore incorrecl, in representing thia affair at Wind.or as Henry's lO uCOfId coronation;" and in ao doin~ have made lhe lame mi.take as MaImesbury seems lo have made respecling Edgar's crowning at Bath, Whitsunday, May 11th, A.D. 973, which (slric!fy speaking) was not hia coroaatio", bUL hi. rnum;ng the lUe oj hu croum al the yreatje.tirJal.; and it wonld be arcbbisbop Dunstan's l'rerogative, on Buch an OCCasiOD, to place it on his head. (See the noles on pp. 51, 62, 63.)-Foxe is miataken in saying tbe "lwenly-sevenlh" }ear of Henry, as il was Jan. 30th, A.D. 1121, whieb was 21 Hen. I.; and Radulph died Oclober A.D. 1122, which was 23 Henry L-Sae RichariUon'. Godwin de Prtllndibw. Page 1l0,Iine 31.]-It was on tilis occasion that tbe Humber was made the diviaion of tbe two provioces.-Godu7in de Prtl!.uliblU. Page 113, line 24. "Oj me/l lih conteatiom," &c.]-The following qllarrc\ i. related by a contemporary writer, supposed lo be Waltram, bishop of Naumburg, in the II De Conlervanda Unitale Ecclesire," lib. ii. cap. 13. (See lbe note on p. 155, line 8.) Page 111, line 9. II Not'Dit/lltanding," &c.]-The reader will find extracts from the letlera presemly named in Elldmer's "Historia Novorum" (edit. Selden), p. 127. Page 114, line 21. "For the ordn oj nIting, " &c.]-AI the order of precedence among the English prelates here laid down bas obtained ever since, Ihe r~ader may leel interesled to see tbe original canon, togetber with tbe prealllble wbicb inlroduces it, as given by Wilkins, Cooc. tom. i. p. 363. " El quia multis retro annis in Anglico regoo WlUS conciliorum obaoleverat, renovata sunt nonnulla, qUlIl antiquis etiam canonibus noscuntur definita. " Ex conc.lio igilur Toletano quarto Milevitano atque Bracharensi statutum est, ut sioguli secundum ordinationia SUIe temltOra sedeant, pl1ll1er eoa, qui "X antiqua consuetlldine, live suarum IlCclesiarum privilegiis, digniores sedes habent: de qua re iuterrogati lunt senes et mtate pro\'ecti, quid vel iJllli vidisseut, vel a majoribus alque antiquioribus veraciler ac probabiliter accepiuenl [see the remaru on recorclat;o d r.cognitio in he note on p. 216]; luper quo responso petillllllUnl inducim, ac concelllllll, Ulque in craaunum. er.tina autem die concorditer perhibuere, quod Eboracenaia arcbiepiacopus ad dextram Dorobemensis sedere debeal; Lundoniensis epiacopus ad linislram j Wentanua juxta Eboracensem. Si vero Eboracensis desit; Lnndonienlis ad dextram, WenlaoUl ad ainiatram."-Ex rJetudo regutro Wigoni. eccl,.. collat. cum MS. Cantflar. ecck A. vii. 6. Page 114, nole (3).]-Foxe rendera tbe word" villre" in lhe .econd canon viIIages," botb in this place and al page 140; but at p. 113 he renders i "towl1sbips " Page 115, line I.]-Godwin (" De Prresulibus ") states tllat Lanfranc ooly ornamented the calheJraI wilb new bnildillgs, bul "palatium archiepucopale quod esl Cantuarim jere totum comtruzit." Foxe repeats bis stalemenl al I'age 718. Page 115, line 16. "./8 MarcelllU," &c.]-Scc vol. i. pp. 21-25.

.upra

826

APPENDlX TO VOL. ll.

Page 115, IlOte (I).]-Foxe, in this and the lIext three pages, 8eell1l to bave hau before him IlIyricu8s .. Cat. Test." cols. 1304, 1305 (Edit. Gcnevre, Hi08). Page 116, line 13. "And thi.. rlection," &c.]-This and the next twa 8e1ltcnces are considerably improved from Aventille, whom Foxe is here tralU;Illtillg, though proba.bly he was immediately citing IIl}riclIs. (See Avcntille, .. Anllalium BolOrum, lib. vii." Ed. Cisner, fol. Bas. 1580, p. 446, and Francofurti 1627, p. 345.) Page 117, line 12. "DotlliniolI of t/.e Welt:']--So Aventine. Foxe Sil)'" " both of the ElIst and West churcb." Page 117,line 28. .. Aha bi.hop'," &c.]-Hence to tbe bottom of the page will be found in Aventine (ut antea), p. 448; wbence tbe proper uamea havl' been alittle amplified. Page 119, line 1.]-Tbis and the next page are taken by Foxe (or rather IIlyrieus, col. 1335) from Lambert's .. Histona Germanorum," sub annis lOH,J075, This Lambert Wl1S born at Ascbalfenburgh near Mentz, and became a monk MaIch 15th, A.D. 1058, in the abbey of Hirsfeld. The lame year he wa~ ol'dained priest, and set off to Jerusalem, and afterwards retunled to H iNfeld. He wrote a history, "ab orbe condito ad annum l1sque 1077: qua res geltas ante annum 1050 omina ehronologico, eoque brevi8limo, percurril; deinceps verc) res Germanicas ad annum 1077 fuaissiml! enarrat." (Cave, -i.t. Lit.) He is a much esteemed author, and has been 8everaltimes printed. Page 120, note (l.)]-As several corrections bave been made in Foxe'B text hcreabout, the reader is presented with the original : .. Ad ultimum congregata B)'nodo in Erfordia mense Octobri, A. D. 1014, pressius jam imminebat, ut, relegata omni tergiversatione, in prresentiarum aut eonjllgium abjurarent, aut sacri altaris ministerio se abdicarent. Multas e contra illi rationes asserebant, quibuB instantis perurgentisque improbitatem eludere sententiamque c891are niterentur. Cumque adversuB Apostoliele Bews authoritatem, qua se iIle ad hane exactionem prreter voluntatem propriam eompulBum obtendebat, nihil argument&, nibil lupplicationeB precelque proficerent; egresBi tanquam ad con6ultandulll, consilium ineunt ut in s)'nodum non redeant, Bell injussi omnra in domos BUU9 discedant. Nonnulli etiam eonfusis vocibuB c1amitabant, melius sibi videri, ut in s)'noduIll regressi ipsum episcopum, priusquam execrabilem adversum eos Benlentiam promulgaret, catbedra episcopali deturbarent, et merita morte Dlultato insigne monuillentum ad posteros transmitterent, ne quis deincepB succesBorum ejuB talem sacemotali nomini calumniam Btruere tentaret. Cum ad episcopum relatum esaet boc eos machinari, comIDooitus SuiB ut tumultum qui oriebatur matura moderatione prlEverteret, misit ad eOl foras, rogavilque, ut sedato pectore in Iynodum n'grederentur j se, cum primum opportunitaa arrisisset, Romam miBSurum, et dominum ApoBtolicum, Bi qua posset ratione, ab hal' seutcntire austeritale deducturum. Poslero die, admissiB in auditoriulII communiter laici. et c1ericis ... subit e/ferata mente se foraB proripilmt .... Ita soluta est synodus:' Under the next year Lambert addB:.. Synodum tamen eodem anno, A. D. 1075, menBe Octobri, Moguntta> congregavit [Sigifridus archiep. Maguntinus], ubi inler alios episeopol qui con,"t'neraot aderat CUIiensis episcopus, Apostolicre Bedis literas et mandata deCerens, quibus ei sub interminatione gradus et ordiniB sui prrecipiebat, Bicut atltea '1uoque multis legationibuB prreceperat, ut presbyteros omoes, qui intra sUam d,recesim esscnt, cogeret, aut in prlEsentiarum conjugibus renunciare, aut se in perpetuum sscri a1taris ministerio abdicare. Qllod dum facere vellet, exurgentes qui undique assidebant c1erici ila eum ,'erbis confutabant, ita manibus et IOlius corporis gestu in eum debacchabantur, ut se vita comite synodo exceBSUlum desperare Sic landem rei difficultate mperatus statuit, sibi deinceps tali '1"IEstione omnioo super, edendum, et Romano pontilici relinquendum ut causa m, '1uarn ipse toties inuliliter proposuissel, iIle per semetipsum, qnando et quomodo wlIet, peroraret."-Lutllbtrtu6 Schafnabrtrgemu De RebU. Ger71lanicis, plinled in thl: colleclion of Pistorius, tom. i. 1" 391, edi Ratisbonre, 1726. Page 120, note (2).]-Bilbop Hall, in his" Bonour of the married Clergy," book 3, 8, obsen'es, Ihat Aveutine declares "Hildebrancl" lo mean" lilio 11l1Iori.," or the brand oflove; but that Chemnitius namcd him "Tilio infernalis," tlI' .. IIdl-urulld." (Ex8mcn eonc. Trid.pars 111. p. 117, Fl'Rncof. 160li.)

APPENDlX TU VOL. II.

827

Page 120, note (3).]-1t is of consl'quence to observe, tilat the substnnce of the foregoing accouut from Lambert \\ill be found also iu the "German Chronicie of Huldricus Mutius," lib. xv. (tom. ii. p. 119, of Pistorius's collection of" Germanici Scriptores "); for FOlIe (or ralher lUyricus) afterwards refers lo this contest at Menlz as recorded by Mulius, not Lambert. (See page 133, note (1).) Mutins says of Ihis CouncH of Mentz, that it was attended not only by lhe c1ergy of the diocese of Meulz, bul by_" alii eccle,iastici prrelati, in ter qUO! erat Curien!i! episcopus, qui lingure facundift vir potens erat: veniebant HUlem ut caverenl schisma ecclesire, quod prrevidebanl fulurum ex sacerdolum Moguntinre ecclesire contentione cum Romano pontifice. Aderat etiam apaslolicus ex Roma legalus cum bullis pontificiit<, qure continebant horrendas minu," &c. Lambert above represenls the bishop of Coire himself 68 the pope's legale at lhe councH. Page 121, line 22. u To their mtuter.-]-The edition of 1563 (p. 24) adds, "Thus much oul of Henno, which ifi' be but a fable, ye bave the author lhereof." Page 121, line 23.]-Foxe's text has, u And it followelh, moreover, in the Epistle of the said Heuno to the cardina1s." Bul lhe passage just before cited is, in fact, the conclusiou of the epistle. This and the ensuing epistle are l'rinted in lhe " Fasciculus rerum expetendarum el fugiendarum " of OrlIminus Gralius, Dnd in IUyricus's "Catnlogus Teslium ;" whence Foxe's translations have been revised and corrected. Page 121, line 32. u John, the mtuter oj the nnging Ichool."l-u Primicerius scholre cantorum " ia Benno's expression. Ducange observes, tbal this ufficer is sometimes improperly coufounded with lhe " Prrecentor." This offieer is agaiu mentioned al page 125, line 3. Page 122, note (1).] "Propter ecclelituticum teltimtlnium et propter ItilU"1 fleritatil," are Henno's words. No conslitution exaedy of lhe nature described has been diseovered; but the reader may refer for more iuformalion to the 1I0te iu Ibl' Appendix on vol. i. p. 193. Page 122, note (2).]-See the excolllmunicalions at pp. 127, 131. Page 124, note (2).]-Lambert says that Henry went "nudis pedibus et laneis ad carnem indutua:" Benno himself saya here ulaneia vestibus," whieh Foxe probably mistook for" lilleu vestibus," for he says u thiu gurments." The penauce thus enjoined on Henry by Hildebrand is the same as that which iu old English is termed" to go woolwHrd." See this expression infra, vol. v. p.654 (bi8). Nares, in his GlosRary, tl. . . Woolward," qllotes this Lalin defiuilion of it, u N udis pedibus et ob.gul' lill/eu fleltibUl circumire," This penllnee was enjoined on our Henry II. by pope Alexander lIL after thl' murder of Beeket, and on the murderers themseh'es: see the notes on pp. 253, 254. Page 125, line 8.] .. Pedissequus ejus Turbanlls."-Benno. Page 126, line 6. "Ilerman, buhop oj Bamberg."]-Nallclerus in his history of these transactions calls Herman bishop of Bremen, and afterward speaka of Robert, bishop of Bamberg. But Foxe is supported by the contemporary writer De unitate Eeclesire conservandu." (See the note on p. 155, line 8.) Page 126, line 29. Nauelerus says that some balh of the Saxon and German bishops resisted the decree in lhe council, especially those of Wurtzburg and Mentz. Page 127, note (3).]-This use of the term" eommencement " is retained in lhe phrase--" the Cambridge commencement." Page 127, note (4).]-Lambert says that the u Teutonici prineipes," who met at Oppenheim, September 15th, A.D. 1076, rl'8olved to request the pope to meet them and Henry at "Augusta," on the feast of the Purifieation [February 2d] next ensuing, and that the pope set ont thither. Some authors, 'iIld among th.'m Platina, interpret "August,\" of Augsburg in GermallY; whom Fox!! here follows. Nauelerus, however, cal1s it .. Angusta Prretorill," i. e. Aosta in Piedmont j Bnd he says that Hildehrand "Augustam Prretoriam venire .tBtuens, venil cum cardinalibus Vercellas." See L' Art de V rifier des Dates, ",here this scnse of " Augusta" is adopted. See ulso the bote on p. 11 I, lin e 28.

828

APPE~DIX

TO VUL. H.

Page 128, lilie 24. Ol Alklaide, counte oj Savoy."]-Foxe reau. " Auelaua, carl of Savoy," for which he has the authority of Pllltina and Nallclerua. It nppeors, however, from the list of Earls of Sllvoy in L'Art de Verifier d..s Dates, Ihat there never was a connt or earl of Savoy of thnt name; but Am.. deus 1., count of Savoy, appears to have died abaut A.D. 1072, leaviDg behind him a widow, Adelaide, who would be dowa/{er countess of Savoy ; she afterwards married a second time to Rodolph the Anti-Cle.ar. It is most probabie, therefore, that for Ol Adelaua" wc should here read "Adelaia:" indeed, the followiug p888age from Aventine, relative to this mattt>r, puta it beyond a doubt:Ol Gregorius adhibila Machtyldl et Adelhaide, primariis Italire freminu., Cro.arem epu:o pontificio vpIUli pignoribua redintegratre amicitire excipit." Lambert mentions, 88 the parties concemed, Ol MatiliLtm, 80crumque IURm, el marchionem Azonem, et Cluniacensem Abbatem." Page 129, line 21. Ol Alt11la1l, bia/lOp oj Pauau."]-Foxe reads "Altiman, bishop of Padua." l'his mistake might easiy be made, 8 8 " Patavienlis " would .tand for either lee. Moreri has made the same mistake. 11 appears. bowever, from the lists of bishops uf the two sees given in the "Biblioth~ue Sacree .. of Richard and Girau<i (Paria, 1824), tbat S. Altman was bishop of Pasaau, A.D. 1069-1091, and that there never was a bishop of that Dame ot Padna. Page 129, line 24. Ol Thi. bting done," &c.]-This acconnt is supported by Aventille; but othera represent the crown as being sent on occ&sion of the sccond excommuuication; Bee battom of the next page. Page 130, line 23.]-Aventine dates this second battle .. 7 Id. Augulli, 3 die septimanre, 1078;" i. e. Tuesday, August 7th, A.D. 1078, wbich would be correct by Nicolas's Tables: the abbot of Ursperg says it was Cought at Stronui. Page 130, note {l).]-The p888age in the text between square brocketa is introduced 011 tbe authority of the best historians, and is necessary to malte Foxe consistenl with himselC; for, having mentioned tbe firat and second battles between Henry and Rodolph in this page, tbe next wbich he mentiun. is the deci.h'e engagement at Meraeburg (p. 133) which i.sued in the death of Rodolpb, and wbich Fou in tbe margin calls Ol the fourtb batLle." He bas Aventine's authority for this :-" Quarto Idus Octobris ducum copie in MyslJia juxta Elle.tram anlnem aperto marte quarto confligunt." Aventine, loowever, mentions a third battle, as well as Platino. A contemporar}' writt>r, Bupposed to he Waltrom, bisbop of Naumburg (see the note on page 155, line 8), in the" De conservandi Ecclesile unitate," lib. ii. cap. 16 (Freheri Ol Germ. Script." Argent. 1717, tom. ii. p. 284), thus briefly enumerates the four prillcipal baltles: 1. In Thuringia, 5 Id. Jun. 1075. 2. In Orientali Francia, 7 Augu.t, 1078. 3. In Thuringia, 6 Id. Fl'b. 1080. 4. 4 Id. Aug. 1080. Thia account is foUowed by the Benedictine autbors of L' Art de Verifier des Datas. Page 132, line 28. "TAe emperor, on ku part," &c.]-Foxl! most unacclluntably mokes thi. council oC Brixen to {ollow the hattle of Meneburg; wbereas the dote of the Sentence, and the date of the battle in A"entine and all Ihe otber histori8ns, Ihow thot it must be otberwise (see the last note): a portion of the teXI, therefore, which precede. this paragrapb in Foxe, bas been tran sposed to tbe next page: see the next note. Page 133, line 15. .. After and IIpOO thi.," &c.]-The whole passage, from these words to "couId find no favour with him," {line 34)-would, according to Foxe's ofrllngement, stand at p. 132, ofter the paragraph end in/( " witb fuU uuthority." The reason for this transpositiun ba. been olready gh'en in the laat nute. Page 133, line 19.]-Aventine Bllys this battle was fougbt 011 the banks of the EIster, near Mersebur~, which i. near Leipsic. Foxe sa}'. lO at H}'perbolis," mealJing HerbipoWt, or Wurlzburg, near which thejir8t of tbe four haltles W88 fought, but not the JOlJrt. Page 133, line 13 from tbe bOltom)-Foxe says that Henry Ol besieged the city al1 Lent, and after Easter got it.' This is too ellipticol a mode of speaking: Avelltine ond Urspergen.is l8y, that Henry sat down before Rome Ol Vi/(ilia Pentecustcs, lOSl," ulullouk i aftcr two year. ("hicnnillm ") soon ancr Eastcr

APPENDlX TO VOL.

n.

829

A.D. J083, Friday.June 2d,just hefore TrinilySundaYi which concnrrents oftime fit, b}' Nicoll18's Table A change hsB, thereforl', heen made in Ihe text i which ulso make& it fit better chronologically with whal folIow Page 133, note (l).]-Thil remark of Foxe'l (ar rather l1Iyricus's) atood u a parentheaia in Ibl' body of tbe Sentence, but i. better placed at the foot of the page. For explanalion of the remark itself, aee Ihe note in thia Appendix on page 120, note (3). Page J34, line 2. II To Sinma."] Foxe aaya " Senu," lea\'ing it untranslated. See tbe note in this Appendix on p. 98. line 5. Page 134, line 6. Ol Carr~d Mm away to Camp~."]-Ur&pergenais 88)'& he relired to Salemo, and tbere remained till his dl'ath, Muy 2.5Ih, A.D. 1085. Page 134, line 14 from the batom. II Dr flot Io"D fter."]-About two yean and five montlla inten'l'nl'd j Hildebrand dil'd May 25th, A.D. 1085, William, September 91h, A.D. 1087.-L~rt de rb. /k, Date,. Page 134, last line but one.]-Mantea is a town in the lsle of France, tweh'e miles from Ibl' Norman boundary. Page 135, line 8 from tbe bottom.]-Foxe here makes Ibl' eX!raordinary ltakment tbat William bnilt a monastery II named Barmoundsey, in his cuuntJ"}' of Normandy." He evidently had before him tbe following pasaage of Fabian'a Chronicie, cap. 222: l, He builded twoo abbaiea in Bnglande, one lit Battaile, in Sussex, where he lI'anne Ihe fielde againat Haraid, and ia at this daye call1'd the Abbay of Battaile i and an other he set beside London, upon Ihe louth lide of Thamia, and nawed it Barmondeaay i and in Normandie he builded ii. alao." Grafton copies thia, only varying tbe laat cIanIe lbul : " And he builded also one in Cane, in Normandie, where he waa buried, aud cledicated the same unto Saint Steven." lt is a miatake, however, to represent the king as the founder of Bermondsl'Y; for it originated in an elldowment by Aylwin Child, about A.D. 1082 j William Rufus afterwarda aidcd it by adding tn it the manor of Bermondsey and other re\enuea.-Tanner, NOlilia MOfI/Ulica. Holliuahed correctly mentions SeIby in Yorkshire, 8S the other Engliah abhey (ounded by the Conqueror, about A.D. 1069.-Tanner. Page 138, line 9 from the botlom. "Eulogillm."]-See the nole on page 317, nnte (1). Page 141, line 3 (rom the batom.] - Foxe erroneously calla Bruno II /,"!lop of Cologne," confollnding him wilh another Bruno, who was a bi.hop: see page 96, line 16 from the baltom. Page 142, line l.]-The tnIe Clement III., acknowledged R8 alich by tha Romi.h Chnrch, waR not made pope til! A.D. 1187, ul'ary a ccntury laler: see PI" 273, 294. Page 142, nole (I).]-Foxe has derived the whole of the pamgral'h in Ihe t ..xt from Fabian, who miscana Rievale "Merinle." Tanuer in hia Notilia Monaatica laya, that Walter Rapec founded the fi",t Ciatercian abbey in England al River (near Helmaley, in Yorkahire), alim Rievall, ar Rivaulx, quui Ihe vallpy throllgh whil'h the Rie f!ows. (See Gentleman'l Magazine for 1754, p. 426.) It il called lhe abhey of Rivaulx infra, vol. v. p. 148. Page 142, note (3).]-Adhemar, bishop of Le Puy, was the chief leader of this crllsade : he acted 88 the rl'preaentative of pope Urban, who excused his pel'sonal service. (Pll'ury, Eccl. Hiat.) Moreri aayl that il il not correct, though common, to cali BohemIInd duke of Apulia i for though biB father, Robert Guiscard, waa duke of Apulia, the san wu onll prince of Tarentum. Fabian, and afler him Foxc, Ulea the term "Puell;' "PouilIe" ia the French for "ApIIlia." Raymund W8S earl of Toulouse: hia original litle waa that here gi\'en~ whicb ia cormpted by Anna Comnena into Sangelel.-Moreri. Page 143, line 7.]-For " Liege" Foxe bas (from Fabian) " Eburone," " Eburonum Urbl" being a Latin name for Lil'ge. Godfrey-aon of EUllace I r. cOllnt of Bouogne, and Ida cOllnten of Bouillon-with his mother's conscnt sold his eslate of Bouillon to Otbert, bilhop of Liege, for 7000 marks of aih'er accordin~ lo some,othera say only 1300 ar 1500.-L'Art /k rerif. /k, Date., and Gallla Chrillia'la.

830

APPESIlIX TO VOl II.

Page 143, line 14. "Civi/a."J-u Cybolu8, which our wrilera calI CittJiJo1," was a village near Nice, in llithynia. (See Nalson's Crusades, book i. p. 22.) Page 113, line 21.) Phirouz, called Pyrrhlls by Foxe aner the Latin writers, was a Chrislian at Anlioch, of noble birth, who had lumed Turk. Page 143, line 26.)-Kerboga, called by M. Paris Corboran, was prince of Mosul 011 Ihe Tigril, and commander-ill-chief to the Penian monarch. Pa,?:e 144, line 15.)-The word s, u stand s,?onsora in baptism to tbe same chiId, . are introdnced instead of Foxe's u chnsten one child." Tbe folIo. ing jl the dccree of Urban II., on Ihe aUlhority of which this change has beEon made; it is the lasl but one of those cit..d in Mte (4) :-Causa xxx. qUl'sL 4. cap. 6. "Qllod aut..m nxor cum marito in baplismate simul non debeat Bu.cipae pIlerum, D1lllii anctoritate reperilur prohibitum. S..d ut puritas spiritnalia paternitalis ab omni labe el infamia conaervetnr immllnis, digllum esse decernimns ut ulrique insimul ad hoc aapirare minime prresumanl." Pagc 144, line 28. u Thi. Anselm was an Italian, bo,n in the city oJ .d0Ua."]The place of Anselm's nalivity is called by Foxe" Augusta," which means Aouat or AOIta, in Piedmont. (See Ihe note on page 127, nole (4).) FOlle'a subsequent account of Anselm is derived from Malmeabury and Eadmer: tbe latter was the .ecretary of Anselm, and companion of his exile. The litle of Eadmer'a work is :-" Eadmeri Monachi Cantllarien.is Historire Novorum sive sui sreculi Libri \i. Res geslas (quibus ipse non modo spectalor diligens led comes etiam et actor plernmque interfnit) sub Gulielmis l. et II. et Henrico I. Anglim RegibuI, ab anno nempe salulis 1066 ad 1122 polissimum complexi. Edidit Joannes Seldenus, Lond. 1623." Page 144, note (5).)-Milner, in his Church History, lhus defends Anselm'. sayill~ in the lext: " Eadmer sa}'., that he used to say, If he saw heli open, and Sili before him, he would Jeap inlo Ihe former to avoid the latter.' I am sorry to see this sentiment, wbieh, stripped of figurl', means no morio' than wbat all good ml'n aIlow, Ihat he feared sin more than punishmenl, aspersed by 10 goood a divine as Foxe Ihe marlyrologist. But Anselm W88 a papisl, and tbe best prot..stants have not be en without their prejudices." Page 144, note (6).)-Malmesbury's words are :-" Peculiaritatis vitium cnm in se voluntate, tum in aliis prredieatione, extirpabat i id esse solum dictitans, quod Di8bolum ~ crelo hominem e paradipo eliminaverat, quod ipsi, Dei trausfugre prrecepti, volnntati indulsipsent proprire. ltaque proprio mentis arbitrio indulgenllam auferens," &c. Page 145, line 26. u It li'as to he referred," &c.)_U Differendum id ad frequentiorem conventum respondit."-Malme.b. The councillo which it WIlS referred W8S tbat of Rockillgham, held Bunda\',5 Id. Mar i. e. 11th of March. A.D. 1095. L'Art de V6r.) Page 147, lin e l.)-The kinlt returned horne June 10th, Dunelm., llor. Wigom., and Ma/melb.
A.D.

1095.-Simeoo

Page 147, line 22 from the bottom.)-" Quod dicis me non debere ire Romam, quod graTi peccato caream et scientia affiuam," &c.-Malme.bury. AlBO at the end of tbe same document-" Deus fonilan procurabit ut non sic res eec1esiasticre, ut miuaris, luis famulentur compendiis,' -Maimubury. Page 148, line l. "There WIU not! ")_U Papli! .. ia Malmesbury's word. Page 148, line IO.)-Anselm lefl London" feria quinta, Id. Oe" i.t. Thursdsy, October 15tl1, A.D. 1097. and arrived at Clug"y three daJl before ChristmaB -Eadme" pp. 41, 42. Page 143, line 24. "William Wa,luIU/.")-" F,lectus Exoniensis,"Malmt,bu,y. Page 148, line 28. "F,om thenre came," &c.)-Eadmer S8\'8 that Anselm ]cft Lyons Ol feria tertia ante Dominieam diem Palmarum," i. ,,:Tuesday before I'ulm Sunday (March 16th, A.D. 1098, by Nieolas's Tables). Page 14(1, line 32.)-For the proceedings of lhe eouncil of Bari, see Labbe, Co""il. Gen. tom. x. col. 611.

APPENDIX TO VOl..

n.

831

Page 150, line 8 from lhe bollom. "Alkging for fhem tllC jifth canon."]The 51h nf lhe Aposlolic Canon. i.perhap. alluded lo; il .lands lhu. in Labbe, Cone. Gen. tom. i. col. 25 :-'E7I"l.,.ICrnror ~ 71"p.,.{3vTrpor 'I /l.rt.:opos n71' <auroi} rUpalICa P~ hfj"n'ro> 71"poep.i.,.u T~r ru'Xa{3.lar. 'Eal' /li ~ICfMnTJ' tiepop"'.,.6",, '71"&1"1''''1' /l., ICa6a&p.l.,.6",. Episcopus, vel presbyler, vel diaconus, uxorem "uam ne ejicial religionis prrelextu: sin autem ejecerit, segreg'lur; et si perseveret, deponatur. Page 151, nole (2).1-Foxe here and in the nexl page ealls Waltram "bishop of Nurenburg." Dodechinu. calls him "Epi.copus Numbergensis;" Baroniu. " Hurrenburgen.i.... to which he puts a marginal conjeclure " Nurenburgen.is," which conje!'ture Dodechinus him.eH adopls elsewhere. (See the IlOle on pnge ).~5, lin e 8.) . Page 153,Iines 5,10 and 19. "Reve&fed."]-" Revestio" is Malmesbury's word. The following inlerview between the pope and lhe king's messenger took place al Chri.tma., A.D. 1098.-Eadm", p. 52, Jlalme&bury. Page 153, line. 22 and 32. "Tlie ne:zt council," &c.]-1'his was held April 251h, A. D. 1099 (L'Arl de Ver. de. Date.) ...hich wna Monday in lhe third week afler Eaater that year. (See Nicolas's 1'ahles.) Urban died July 29tb following. Psge 155, line 8. "Waltram, bishop of t/,e churr.k of NIIIJmburg:']-From the Chronicon Cilizense of Pauluo Langius it appears, lhnt Waltram wa. bishol' of this aee for twenly-one yeara, having been appointed A.D. 1089. Naumburg ia a cily of Thuringia, in Upper Saxony, whilher lhe episcopal see was removed from Zeitz, A.D. 1026 (Fabricii Lux. Ev. Exoriens); hence the bishop js intituled Cilizensis, ar Naumburgensis. Waltram has been variou.ly intituled by different authors, Megburgensis, Nurenburgensis, Magdeburgensi., Hurrenburgensi&. Foxe here (following Uodeehinus's Appendix lo Marianus Scotu.) ealls him bisbop of Megburgb; but at pp. 151,152, bisbop of Nurenburgh. See lhe "b.ervation. of Struviu. on his lrue litle in the first volume of his Collection of German Hislorians. 1'here is a trealioe extant .. De Unitate Eccl~sire eonservanda" (printed in vol. ii. of "Freheri Seript. Germ." with a prefllce), whicb is generally a~cribed lo thi. Waltram j it waa certainly written by same eon tern porary, and with the same objeet as this letler to Louis, viz. lo reeal the Germans to a sen.e of lheir duty to the emperor; and it throws much light on the emperor's hislory. Foxe's tramlation of WlIltram's LeLter to Louis bas been eollated with the Latin in Uodechinu. and Freheru., and correeted. Pag-e 155, line 7 from the bottom. .. Radolph, l/ildebrand, Egbert."]-Sec pp. 133, 134. Egbert was BOn of a Saxon marquis, who was patrlYli8 lo Henr)", the reigning emperor; the father contrived, with other nobles, lo get young Henry when only six lears old, Chri.tma. A.D. 1056, under hi. tlltor.hip. The SOli wal very uncerlain in IJis allegianee. (" Ue Unitate consen:'lib. ii. cap. 33.) He was defealed al a battle in 1'huringia, Sunday, Chrislmas eve, A.O. 1088, and died soon after by being erushed in a mili, A.D. 1090. (Ibid. cap. 33-36.) -Freheri .. Rerum G"rIlallicarum Scriptore'," tom. ii. pp. 304-309. Page 156. "The rai/ing anRwer ol Earl Lo,,;,," &c.]-Lonis, surnamed Debonnaire. was landgrave ol' 1'huringia from A.D. 1168 to A.D. 1190 ar l19i. (L'Art de Ver. des Ustes.) Dodechinn. states. that the flll10wing repy lo Waltram 's letter was written at the prince's desire by Stephen Harrand, bi.hop uf Halberstlldt, in Saxony. Foxe's lrnn.lalion has been revi.ed from the Lalin in D"dechinus and Freheru. Page 156, note (I).]-1'he passa~e in the text ciled from SI. Augtlstine is in his" Sermo 62, in 1\l11lt. viii." (Opera, Ed. Bened. tom. v. col. 362.) It i. quoled more at leDgtb by lhe arch bishop of Sens at page 620 of this Volume. Page 157, line 13 from lhe bOltom.]-Foxc read. " Babember~e" from the criginal. "Babenberga" is a comIlIan \'arilltion of .. Bamberga. ' Page 159, line ll.]-Grafton cali. lhis Welsh king" Rees." Page 159. line 15.]-" Began hi. reign" August 5th. on which day hp was crowned by MlIurice, bisbop of London, 89sisted by Roger, archbi.hop of York. Becket, however, says, "by the bishop of Hereford, as An.elm's deputy:" "Pust

~32

APPENDIX TO VOl..

n.

ClljUI [Rufi] obitum, cum Saneu! AnseJmus Canluriensis Arcbi-Epi.copnl exularet ex eAdem eausA qui et nOll, unuI luffraganeorum CaDturienlil E,,e1esim S. Girardlll Hereforden.il, viee Archi-Episcopi lui tunc absentis, Regem Henrieum non' contradiccnte Archi-Epilcopo Eboraccnli consecra..iL Re\'erlenle autem ab exilio Beato AI:.elmo, accelsit ad eum Rex Henrictu, tradenl ei Diadema, et roganl ut eum coronaret, nec imputaret ilIi ql10d ipmm necesailate Regni prmpedienle non enpectllverat. Fatebatllr enim coram omnibuI hanc elle Canluriensia Keclelire digllitatem, ut Anglorum Regel inungat ..t con.eeret. Et hic quidem sati.faclione placatue 118nctus Archi-Epi~. opprobavit, quod a lufra~aneo lUD factum fuerat, et Regi Coronam imp05UlL" -Eputolte D. TllOrllfZ, lib. v. 45. (See the nole on p. BO, line 13.) Page 169, line 12 from the bottom. "By t!Je CORM!'IIt oj Aruelm."]-Gi'' ..n at the council of Lambeth, where Maud proved that Ihe had not properly entered a religioul life. The marriage and coronation were both peormed by Anselm on Sunda)', SI. Martin'l day (Nov. Bth), A.D. 1100. Page 159, line 2 from the hottom.J-Robert landed aboutthe end of July ....D. 1101, at Portsmoulh, and len agam about Michaelmas. Henry aftenrards defeated him at Tenerchebray, September 28tb, &.D. 1106, and taking him prisoner confined bim twenty-eight yellJ'l in Cardiff Castle, till bil death iD the year .... D. 1134. Page 160, line 19. "D;,,"irkt law,," &c.]-Some of theae were Anaelm'$ s)"nodical cODstitution.. In fact, Ihis Jeem. oni)" a IDmmary of the chief acta of the counci and con''ocation mentioned in the lIelt paragraph, and whieh were held .imultanee.mly lit Westminster, A.D. 1102. Page 160, line 33. c. In tbe dory oj WilUam 1IifuI," &c.)-Thil paragraph and the next two are an anticipation of the IUbsequent biatory, aDd tend rather to perplex the reader. Anselm lallded at Dover, September 23<1, .... D. 1100 (Ead mer, p. 55) j but the eouncil and con \"Oentioll pre.ently spoken of were lIot held till Michaelmas, ..... D. 1102. It wal at the Raid eOUDci that Ihe amblllladon reported their contradiclory answero from Rome, as related lit p. 164; and it WlI at Ihe said eonvocatioll that the canODI givell at pp_ 16i, 168 were passed. Page 160, line 16 from the bottom. "Ald 10 rrt/ll'ftrd agam," &e.1Anselm landed at Dover 9 Cal. Oct. (Sep. 23d,) A. D. 1100. (Eadmer, 1'.55., The counci and con9ocalion, however, next mentiuned, did not meet tiU September 28th, .... D. 1102. Page 161, lilie 11. "About ibe end ofbe ucond genr ojbu kin.q, w!Jiel& WIU b!l computation A.D. 1102, a '/lriance bappened betU>e1'n lring HetW!J""dAuelm, tAr occa,io" lllherrof WIU tbu. "]-Foxe'. accol1nt of the "vaance" between Anaelm alld Henry I. is not very e1early arrBnged. It would have commeneed bettt'r at the lIext paragraph-" tbe king required of Anselm to do unio him homage," &c.; whicb took place immediatelyon Anielm'. return from hi. firat. exile, September 23d, A.D. 1100. The ambasiadoro sellt to Rome for the pope'. opinion on tbe subject (BR relaled at tbe conelusion of Ihe para~raph, p. 162) wt'nt abolIt the end of A.D. 1100, and returned Au~.....D. 1101. (Eadmer.) A seeond embany to Rome then ensued (pp. 162, 163), which made itB rl'port about Micbat'lmas "',D. 1102 at tbe council of We.millster(alltated at p. 160, line 37). The eonlradictory nature of the answera onI)' pt'rplexed the matler more (as told at p. 164). The kiDg, standing UpOD the answer brougbt by " the three bishopa," then proceeded fortbwith lo in9est, and archbishop Gerard to con.ecnle, the bishop. of Salilbury and Hereford (BR mentioned pp. 160, 161) i upon whicll Anselm beld his convocation, at which be deprived .evt'ral dignitaries who had takeD tbeir investiture from the king (p. 160), and also pUlsed the conltitulionl afterward given at pp. 167, 168. Tbe i.sue WM, that Anselm le\ EDgland again for his lecond exile April 29tb, .... D. 1103 (p. 164), and reacbed Rome tbe following September. (Eadmer, pp. 70, 72, Malmesbury.) The aho\'e statement tend to elear up Foxe's &ccount, and to pre\'eDt tbe reader from beillg misled by it, as he otllerwiae migbt be. Foxe opens thil paragraph by .aying-" About the end of the third year of thi.king, which wal by computation A.D. 1104:" but the tbird year of Henry I. raDged from August 5th, A,D. 1102, lo AUgufit <lth, A.D. 1103; and the foreguing remarks ralll~r show Ibat tlle

will

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

rupture took place at the council of Westminster, September, 1102, i. e. "holIt the end of the seclmd year, ar tbe btginnillg of the tbird. Pa~e 161, line 4 from Ihe boltom. "In hu couneiJ ol Rome a liule ~/ore."] -Thls refen to Ihe council bed at Rome. by Pasea)'a predeeeasor Urban, April 25th, A. D. 1099, and mentioned at page 153 (Eadmer'a "Hiatoria Novorum," p.53). Eadmer Rivea the worda of Ihe decree patllled at that council (whieh are presemly cited by Anselm) at p. 59 of bis" Historia Novarum." Page 162, lilie 15.]-These messengers were despalched toward the close of A. D. 1100, and relurned about August tbe following year.-Eadmer. Page 162, line 7 from the bollom. "Twa mlmks, Baldwin ol Bee, and Alezandw ol Cantn'bury."]-Foxe merely 88YS .. twa mon k., Baldwin and Alexander j" the rest is added on the authority of Eadmer, p. 62; Baldwin i. afterwards miscalled by Faxe" Abbot of Ramsey." (See Ihe notea on p. 164, line 18, and p. 166, line 30.) Page 162, line 5 from the bollom... Sent twa bilhopa."J-Eadmer (p. 62) and Malmeabury both say .. tres," includinR Gerard, archbishop of York. Foxe himself afterwarda saya .. three." .(See the note on p. 16, line 11.) It waliId seem, however, from the tenor of Ihe king'aletter in p. 163,Ibat Foxe is strictly correct in not reclr.oning Gerard aa one of the original ambassaclors, tbough be 11'88 eompetent to be afterwards a tAird wilneu of what had really taken place at the Papai court. (See p. 164.) Page 162, last line. .. This yaur promotion."J-Pascal II. waa elected August 13th, A. D. 1099.-L'Art. de "'(r. Page 164, line 1.]-The messenllers returned with contradictory answe'" alittle before Michaelmas, A. D. 1102 j and what follows happened at the council in Westminster, mentiolled before at p.160.-Eadmer, p.65. Page 164, line 6... Whieh, mint authorsaith, the king did not shew."J-Thia authar is Malmesbury j Eadmer does not mention the point, though it may be inferred from his lIal ralive. Page 164, line 11. "TM teatimony ol t!le thrte bishops."l-Foxe here saya "the two biahopa," of coune referring to the bishops of Licblield and NorwiclI, melllioned at p. 162; but 12 linea lower he says "tbe tbree bishopa," and in a marginal note explains that he meant to include Gerard, archbishop of York j but he ought a1ao to have been included in thia place j "twa," therefore, has been cbanged into .. three." Page 164, line 18. "Baldu'in, the Monie ol Bec.'1-See the note on p. 162, line 7 from the bottom. Foxe miscalls him "Abbot of Ramsey j" but the ahbot ol' Ramsey waa one Ealdwin, Dat Baldwin; wbo, sa far from being a friend of Anselm's, was one of tbose deprived by him at tbe convocation of Westminster, A. D. 1]02, though restored at the conncH of Westminster, A. D. 1107. -Ead"'er, pp. 67, 92. Page 164, line 25. l i Thm Auelm 'eeing," &c.J-Tbe circumstance which cOllvinced him of tbe king's determination to penist was, bis investinl!' the lWo hi~bop8, I1S mentioned at pp. 160, 161 (see Eadmer, .. Hist. Nov." pp. 65,66). Page 164, liDe 20 from the hallom. II Then was it agreed," &c.]-This was about Midlent A. D. 1103, according to Eadmer (p. 69). Page 164, line 15 from the bottom.J-ADselm left England April 29th, A. D. 1103, quitted lhe Abbey of Bec in August, and reached Rome about September.-Eadmer, pp. 70-72, and Henry', Hillory ol England. Page 165, line 29. .. OtJertaketh .Anse/m . . . . at P/acen/w. "J-It appenrs from Eadmer (p. 74) tbat this happened toward the end oC November, A. D. 1103. Page 165, line 15 from the bottom.J-Anselm remained a year and four months at Lyons, and left it;n May, A. D. 1105, to "isit Adela.-Eadmer, p. 79, . and Henry. Page 165, last paragraph.]-Tbis letter of Anselm to Henry is given by Eadmer, p. 75. Pa~e 166, line 21.J-This "reconcilement" took place at L'Aigle in NornlRndy, JlI\Y 22d, A. 1>. 1105.-Eadmer, p. 80, and Henry.
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Page 166, line 29. I TAm lMf"e aIll1HulaJor.... &c.]-Henry did not send theae ambuaadorl to Rome till the Cbriatmu following, being in no huny, tin he had gained more ground againat hia brother in Nonnandy.-Eatlmn-. p.82. Page 166, line 30. "BaltlrD;n, abOle _med, the Mon" oj Bec."]-Foxe here again miacalla him "A bbot of RamIIeY;" lIee the nole on p. 16. line 18. Eadmer, p. 83, calla him "B..ldwinus MonachUl." It i, observable that the king. in a lettcr given by Eadmer, p. 82, calla him " Baldwinua de Tornaio." Page 166, line 17 from lhe batom. "Th~ late council ho/dm at London."Ji. e. the eouneil at London mentioned at p. 160, and of which tbe acta are given at pp. 167, 168. Page 166, lut paragraph. "Not long after. the melU1lger. be;ng retumea fro". Rome."]-The pope (u the relult of tbi, laat embUlly) wrote to Anaelm at Bec, pennitting bim to communieate with thOle wbom the king bad invested. The pope'. letterl, dictating the terma of compromise, are dated "L Cal. Apr:' ar March 23d, A. D. 1106. (Eadmer, p. 87.) IIIneu prevenled Anselm fTom going at ance to England, and aner that he thought proper to wait for Henry'. coming over to Normandy. Henry defeated Robert at TeDerchebray, a castle of William, count of Mortaign, 8ept. 28tb, A. D. 11{,6. Paga 166, laat line. l.At the abbty oj Bu, he con_ted and agned."]Thia reconciliation took place on tha Feut of the A:aaumplion. i. e. A~uat 15th, A.D. ll06.-Eadmer, p.89. Page 167, line 14.]-Anselm landed at Dover, Auguat, A.D.II06.-Eadmer. p. 89, and Hmry. Page 167, line 22. "In the .etleflth year oj hu reign," &c.]-Foxe say.. u aOOut tbe aixlb year;" bul, owing to lbe king'a absence in Nom.andy compIeling his conqueat, and a relum of Anselm'a iIInen. tbe council referred to hy Foxe did not meet till Auguat ht, A. D. 1107, tha very end of tbe .-tA year of tbe reigD.-Eadmer, p. 91. Page 167, line 30. u In another cOlUlcil.'l-Foxe say. u In thia council." which is a mialake. Tbe canons affecling tha clergy were adopted at the cOllncil beld at WestmiDster tbe fol1owillg Pentecoat, May 24tb, A. D. 1108. (Eadmer. p. 95.) Fon repeats tbe error at p. 169, liDe 13, where it i. again corrected. The decreea of tbis latter couDcil are given at p. 169. Page 167, note (I).J-Malmesbury I8Y'. u Se nihil de hia [eeclesiia] accepturom, quamdiu pastore carerent, promiait;" for whicb Foxe gives. "Tbat he .hould require nothing of the ,aid chuTches, Dr promce&, in the time of the .eat being vaeant." Page 167, Dole (2.)]-Tbe following canons are tbMe of the council ar Weslminlter, A. D. II 02. and are given in Eadmer. pp. 67, 68; see tbe DOte on p.I61. Paga 168, line 21. "TIwJ ahbou morJd make no nighU."]_U 1t W81 the ancien t custom of abOOts in tbose daya to make knights, u you may find from the example of AbOOt Brand's knighting hia nepbew Hereward. in the reign of King William J., the form of which I have there, alao, IIet dOWD j and yet this ia certain, that, notwithalanding thia canon, King Henry J., some yeara after. grllnted, and King John confirmed. to tbe abbot of Reading, tbe power of making kDights, with aome caulion' for tbeir bebanour therein."-Tyrrlllil'. Hut. of England, vol. ii. p. 126. Page 168, lilie 33. lO T/lat iuch per60u lU did lOear long hair," ,,"c.lThia the Church then thougbt it bad cognizance of, u being conlrary to lbe dictateB of SI. Paul. (l Car. xi. 14.) Tbia fuhion, having very mucb prevailt'd in tha lut king'a reign. was come to tbat beight, tbat tha l8tDe authar (Eadmer) tella Ul the young gentlemen of tbe court Uled to wear tbeir hair very long, and daily combed out like women; whicb arcbbisbop Anaelm not enduring, when several of thoae gallants came on Aah-Wedneaday to bear bis maaa, he refuaed to sprinkle uhe' on tbem, ar to give tbem absolulion, unleu tbey would col off tbeir hair j whereupon 8 good many of them did. But it seem. thi. fubiou
u

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83,'i

could not suddenly be rooted out, and tbererore this decree was naw made a~ainst i1, and yet all to litt1e purpose (u you will see anon), lill tbe kin~ bImself reformed it by bis own example."-7yrreU'. Hut. oj Eflglafld, vol. h. p.127. Lord Lyttelton gives another view ar tbe mbject :-" 11Ie elltraordinary fervour Dr zeal expressed by Anselm, and otber ehurehmen oC tbat age, against this Cuhion, seems ridiculous; but we find, from the words o( Ordecus Vitslis (\ib. viii. p. 862, Fub. ano 1089), thst they eombined it witb the idea oC an affeeted effemmacy, and 811pposed it to indieate a dilpolition to an unnatnral vice which wal very prevalent In those times. The good prelate, whose piety wu sa much leandalized by i1, would have dane well to eonsider baw much more the celibacy lO which he (oreed tbe clergy, and tbe DlImber of monasteriel in this kingdom, might eontbute to inerease tbat abominable wiekednelll tban any mode oC dre88."-Lord LytteltOfl" Henry II. vol. ii. p. 336. Page 168, note (I).J-Our author bal, in hia trans1ation, given the spit, tbougb not be letter, oC the oginal canon, wbicb ordains that "Presbyten do not go to dnking bouta, nor drink to pina." Foxe informs us at p. 59, that king Edgar, in order to cheek the drunkenness introdueed among tbe ElIglish by the Danes, directed that none sbould dnk belowa certain pin, ar peg, to be fixed inside tbe eups. 11Iis regulation 800n gave rise to a new thUl., whicb will be best explained in the words ar a distinguilhed antiqllarian : " The peg-ttJnkartU, to wbieb the old canons aUude, wben they say, Ut Presbrte non eant ad potationes, nec ad piflflal bibant,' had in tbe inBide a row of elght pins, one above another, from top to boltom. 11Ie tank&rds bold twa quarts, sa tbat there is a gilI of ale, i. e. half a pint of Wincbester measure, between each pin. 11Ie fint penon that drank was to emply be tankard to the fint peg, ar pin; the second, to tbe nellt pin, &c.; by wbich means the pins were lO many measures to the compotators, making themall drink alike, or the same quanlity; and as tbe distance oC the pinl was such as to contain a large draught of )jquor, lhe eompany would be very Iiable by this metbod to ge drunk; especially wben, ir they drank short ar the pin, ar beyond i1, tbey were obliged to drink lIjtain." (Anonymiana, 125, Gent. Mag. xxxviii. 426.) " A very fine lpecimen of tbese peg-Iankards, ar undoubted Anglo-Saxon wark, formerly belonging to tbe abbey ofGlastonbury, is naw in the poasession of Lord Arundel of Wardour. It holds twa quarts, and formerly bad eigbt pegs inside, dividing the Iiquor inlo half-pinta. On tbe Iid is the Crucifixion, with tbe Virj{in and Jobn, one on eacb side lbe erou. Round tbe cup are carved tbe twelve Ap08tles." - FOlbrokt!', EflcycWptPditJ oj 4f1tiquitiu, vol. i. p.258, London, 1835. See also Hafie', " Year Boo"." Ducange in his GIOlllary, II. Potus, mentions a canon being paased at a couneil in France, which forbad "sequales pOtlIS," a eanon of the same imporl witb this of Anselm'&, Page 169, line 13. "At tJflother cowflcil . May 24th, .l. n, 1108."]FOlle saya, "bere, alsa, at tbis preBent council at Westminster, in tbe year ar thia king aforesaid." For tbe reason oC the alteration, Bee the note on pal1e 167, line 30. 11Ie following translation of tbe eanoDS il reviBed from the Latin in Eadmer, p. 95. Page 171, line 11 from the botom. "Henry afld Chrutiafl.'']-Henry, llUrnamed Felix, was appointed archbisbop of Mentz, A. D. 1142, and depoBed at Pentecost, A.D. 1153. (L'Art de V~r. des Datea.) Having beeome obnolliouB to the c1ergy by his attempl.l to reform them, be waa complained of to tbe pope and deposed. Sucb is the account given of him by Conrad, in bil "Chronicon Mogunliacum;" but Otho Frisingenlis considera bim to bave been a troubleBorne man, and justly deposed.-Foll:e gives no aecount of Cbristian, whose history is alBO recorded by Conrad, "Chran. Moguut.," thus :_CI Non stetit diu in episcopatu [be wal elected A. D. 1249]; accusatur enim ad papam quOd omuino lnutilis elSet ecclesim, et qllM evocatus ad expeditiones regil invilus veniret. Hoc aulem verum erat, eo quod fierent incendia, seetioneB vinearum, devastationes Begetum; dicebat etenim, nequaquam deeere talia sacerdotem, sed quiequid deberet per gladium Spitua, quod est Verbum Dei, omnimode se promptum B88erebat et voluntaum servitorem. Quumque ejUB predece880rum veltigia sequi moneretllr, respondi1, Seriptum elt, Mitte gladium in vaginam.
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Ob hoc in odium regis et multorllln incidit laicornm, qui omnes accUBlJDtn eum apud papam obtinuerunt eum ab episcopatu omni submoveri. Cenit ergo A. D. 1251." Page 172, note (I}.)-The foregoing account or Arnold is also taken from C"nnui'. t. Chron. Mo!(untiacum," whence aOl1le triBing improvementa are made in the text. He waa ~laiu on Juhn Bapti.t's day, A. D. 1160. The IWO cardinal~ ahove referred to were Bernard, a preabyter, and Gregory, a deacon. Conrad'> apostrophe to the cardinalB runs thus in Ihe Latin :-" O cardinales, hujus rei vos eSlis initium. Venite ergo, venite, haurite nunc, et ferte architriclillo 'vestro diabolo, eique offerte cum ea quam deglutistis pecUllia etiam VOllOlt>lipsos." Arnold i. tbe same individual as Arnulpb, Olentioned at p. 192 as u bishop of Menu." Page 173, line 1.]-Foxe omits "at Florence j" but Sabellicus, Ennead iL lib. 4, aaya, the council was held at FIurencI.'; and he altribute. the bubop'. conduct to the influence of some prodigie. in nature--a very large comet, and an inund!ltion of tbe sea through a ver)' high t1de-wbicb occurred about tbat tlme. Page 173, line 12. "A general fU,emhly.")-l'he diet of Menu Wll5 beld on Christmas-day, A.D. 1105.-L'Art de rer. de, Date'. Page 173, line 16.]-" Ingelheim." a town ten miles W.S.W. of :\fenl:l; Ihe diet was held there soon after Chriatmas. Foxe reada, corruptly, I Hilgeshem."-L'Art de rer. dei Date'. Page 174, lin e 11.)-" l'here for sorrow died," August 7th, A. D. 1106.L'drt de rb. de, Dale'. Page 174, line 13.)-11 Five yeau in ao aays Godfridua Viterbiensis ; but the Hildesbeim Chronicie .ays ollly .. two." Page 174, line 24. II Where !II.' j..denteth with !Iim," &1.'. l-i. e. at Ibe council of Laterll.n, Feh. 12th, A. D. 1111. Henry wa. crowned April 13th.L'Art de de, Dale', Page 174, line 32. II Calling a Synod,")-i. e. at Lateran, March 18th23d, A. D. 1112.-L',drt de nr. de, Daw. Page 176, line 17. .. Pra"mo....tratenstl.")-Thi. order wa. fouuded by St. Norbert, who was of a noble family in Cologne. He ga\'e up his benefices, Rud commenced preacher A. D. 1118. He wal noticed by Barthelemi, bishop ol' Laon, at thl' council of Rheima (A. D. 1119), whither he had gone to ohlain the confinnalion from Calixtus II. of tho.e privileges which he had received from form er popes. St. Bernard seconded Barthelemi'a wishes to have him in bis dioce.e, by giving him the valley of Premontre, in the forest of Couci, Picardy, A. D. 1120. Tbe oroerof Premolltres was confirmed by Honorius II. A. D. 1126. (Moreri'. Dict.) Their place ift aaid to hU"e hpen by the Virgin Mary; whence they derived their namI.', Ol Premonlres." They firat settled in England ,A. D. 1146, at Newhouse in Lincolnahire. They folIowed St. Augustille's rule. Page 176, line 25.)-The cOUllcil at Rheima met Oetober 19th to the 30th, A. D.1119.-L'Art de nr. Page 177, line 16 from the botlom. "TII/!"Iame year, A. D. 1114.")-Foxe erroneously nys, II The next year folIowing." See the TaIJle of Archbps. of Canterbury at page 723 of lhia 'olllme. Page 178, lin e 8. II A 'niemn o.sembly . .. at SalUbllry.")-This was held March 20th, A. D. 1116.-L'Art de rb. de, Dates. Page 180, lille 31.)-Gisburn, in Cleveland (ao caIled to oi~tinguiah it from another Gisburn in the West Riding), a priory of Auatin Canona, was founded by Robert de Brus, A. D. 1129 (l'anner). "Reading" Abbey was founded for Austin monks by Ilenry I. A. D. Il:n. The charter is given by Dugdalp, dated A. D. 1125 j al.o the instrument preselltillg the hand of St. Jame~. (Dllf/dale.) Dugdale sllys that \\ illiam Filz..~igelle founded a priory for Austin monks at Runcorn A. D. 1133 or 1138, wluch was removed by his SOli William, con.table ol' Cheshirl', to Norton, in Stephen'. reign. Page 181, line 23. .t Tlte ucond yearaf hi, illlZ"ction.''J-Honorius II. WRS enthroned Decembpr 2ht, A. D. 1124 (L'Art de "er. dea Dates) : Simeon ol'

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Durham, thcrefore, more correctly dates the en.uing a1fair" Honorii II. primo
anno."

Page 181, line 18 from the botom. "Auembled tIu! w!lo1e clergy lagttAer."] -This council was held at Westminster Sept. 8th ar !lth, A. D. 1125. See Pagi "Crit. in Baranii Annales," ano 1125. See an account ofthis council in Sirneon ol' Durham, and Wilkin.'. COllcilia, tom. i. p. 408. Page 181. line 7 from the batom. "l'he ACzt night ajter." &c.]-Earonius is very angry at the charge herc made against Crerna, and observes, that tbe historians 011 fulluw one leader, //enry oj //untingdon, who was peculiarly I1verse to tbc celibacy of the c1crgy; whence Baronius concludes tbat Huntingdon is not a credible witnesB. Hoveden copies Huntingdon, except in placing thc a!fllir in the following year. Lastly, M. Weatminster adds an excuae of Crema'., viz. tbat he was only in deacon 's orders, which must be fictitious j lelr he was priest-cardinal of St. Chrysogon. Baronius further remarks, tbat Malmesbury (who, however, makes particular mention of the council) and Wigorniensis (who even speaks na if he bad been present) do not mention tbe alf.lir. He fnrther rernarks, that Peter Leoni's (the rival popc) party did all tbey ('ould by their writings to blacken those cardinaIs who cbose Innocent II. A. D. 11:10, the chiefof whom was Crema, and yet do not mention this facto St. Bernard al.o and others bOllSted, that the cardinais who chose Innocent were the boliest uf al1 the cardinaIs. Rapin, however, observes tbat this is al1negative proof, andof 110 force against the positive testimony of the contemporary bistorian. Henry, also, quite believes it, and attributes to it the failure ot' tbe canon. Page 182, line 1. .1 Certain hi&toriam," &c.]-Foxe opens tbis paragraph thus--" Certain histories make mention of one Arnulphus, in the time of tbia Pope Honorius II. Some say he was archbishop of Lyons, as Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus, Trithimius," &c. The sentence or Illyricus, from which this is taken, runs thus :-" Narraut Hugo, Platina, et Sabellicus, Arnulphum quendam archiepiscopum Lugdunensem, qui ma~na nominis celebritate magnoque morlalium concunll divinam Legem per Gallias, Italiam, et tandem Romre 'rredicabi.t, ilDpi~ o. .piritualibua ob reprehellsa eorum scelera, libidineo, et errores, necatum e90ej tulisscque id Honorium Papam iniquo animo, sed tamen qure.tione abstinuisse: quod ipsum subindicat, eum non nimium iniquo animo tnlie. Accidit id duodecima post Christum seculo. Hugo quidem dicit eal'lum et suspensum, quod sine publica authoritate fieri non potuit. Sirnilia Icrme per omnia historia narratur et de quodam Illyrico rnonacho, qure circiter allle 72 annos Hornre acciderit. Verum adjiciamus salle narrationem Tritbemii de hoc Arnulpho, ex ejlls Chronico Hirsaugiensi, quandoquidem id nondum opinor editulll csse." (Cat. Test. edit. 1608, col. 1432.) lllyricua herc rather UI.um~. that .-\rnulph waa Ol archbiahop of Lyons," thall makes Hugo, Platina, bnd Sabellicm. posith'ely assert it; and, in point or ract, tbey virtually asaert Ihe ('ontr"r)'. Hugo (as he is cited in the Mll$d. Cent. col, 1710) only cali. him a presb)'ter: Plulina calls him merely Ol Chrlstianre religionis concionator illsignis," and sa)'s, " Fueritne sanctus vir presbyter, an monachu" an eremita, haud satis constat :" Sabellicua (Ennead. lib. iv. fol. 94) mentiuns bim in the aame way, and calls him II Anulphlls." But tbe fnet ia, that he could not poasiby ha\"e been archbishop of Lyons, as tbere never was an archbisbop or Lyons of that norne, according to the account or that see given in Gallia Christiana. There was one Arnold of Breschia, of whom Aventine speaka thua :-Arnoldus tum Brixia oppido Italire ortua, sacras literas professus, discipulus }'etri Abelardi, in avaritiam fastumque aacerdotum pro conciolle crebru peroravit, tandem caplus in crucemque aacrificulis actua, palnna temerarij clEpti luit." But Illyricus in the next col. (1433) very properly distinguisbes him from this Arnulph. Martinus Polonu., however, may be speal.illg of Arnulpb when he says,_'l HUjl18 (Conradi II) tempore quidam magister, ArnoldlU nomine, prtrdicQ"i/ in urbe Roma, reprekenderu lu.nu et 8Upe,fiuitate POI/ta captIU, in odium ciN';colum ed .urpe1fm.... (Col. 196 of bis Supputation~., subjoined to Marinnus SCOtlls, Bas. 1559.) Hugo Attis.wt1orensi. is probobly the uuthor above referred to. (See Ussher II De Christ. Ecc1. Statu et Suc." x. H. 41,47,48.) .. Arnulphua Lugdunensis arcbiepi.copus, qui a Jacobo Bergomensi et aliis memoratur, lIullus fuit: vide Jo1l3nuem l'icardllll1, ad AlIselmi Epist. iii. I l i."

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APPENDIX TO VOL.

n.

Fabriciul "de Script. Med. et Infim. Latinitatill." See Gerberon', Edition oC Anselm's Worka, Paris, 1675, p. 577, col. l, for Picard's remBrkl. Thuanus, Hist. lib. vi. 16, mentionB one Arnold, an _iate of Peter Waldo of Lyons, who became emioent as a Waldeosian pastor and preacher in the diocese of Albi: he may have been known 81 " Pastor ar PlEses Lugduneosia," by same, ignorantly ar playfully, turned into "Archiepiscopus Lugdunensis;'~ and Illyricus may have identified bim under that title with tbill Arnulph. The Magdeburg Centuriators relate the 88me particulan respecting Amulph, quoting also Trithemius's account; but they give no binr oC bi. being archbishop of Lyons.-Ce'lt. xiii. colll. 46, 1401,1710. Gerhohus Reichenpergensis, quored witb other authorities in D'Argentre'8 Colkctio JudiciorlJm de m>tV erroribw, tom. i. p.27 (Lutet. 1724), writing ar an Arnold about this period, says: "Pro qua etiam doctrina non solum sb ecdesia Dei anathematis mucrone 88,llaratus, insuper etiam l1UpendW Deci traditus. Quin et post mortem incendlO crematus, arque in Tiberim fuvium projectus est: ne "idelicet Romanus populus. quem sua doctrina iIluxeml, eibi eum martyrem dedicaret." Pa~e 182, line 17.]-"At Rome" is added from Trithemius; "cum ad prredlcandum Romam mitteretur;" al.o, in tbe next line, "shortly" is put in from the brevi" of Trithemius. Page 182, line 28. "Hal1ing ezpreued," &c.]-" Cum Iuec alta voce c1amaaset, subjunxit" (Trithemius): and, at line 31, .. impuritatibus" is the Lalin: and at line 33, "Sed Deus est vindex." Page 182, line 36. .. SabelliclU and P/alina .ag they hrmged him.'l-Illyricus says :-" Scribit hic [Trithemius] submenum ease: .ed SabellicUB et Platina suspensum elle affirmant; quibu, tanquam rerum Romanarum magia gnaris potius credendum esse arbitror." (Illyr. col. 1433.) Sabellicu", however, only 88YS "impie necarunt;" and Platioa "insidiis necabant." lll)"ricus bad just before said, "Hugo quidem dicit captum et suspensum." Page 182, line 11 from the bottom. " .t6ar1e laur handred geM' ago. "]Illyricus says it was written "drca duodec;",ufII _culum;" it would aeem, however, from tbe alusion to the king of Portugal in tbe next page, as if tbe wark was written in the tlUrtemtla century. Illyricus does not conuect it witb Arnulph, but mentions it at alater page. Foxe's text hBl been a !ittle improved from l1lyricus. Page 182, line 6 from the bottom. "Wko 'ag," &c.]-" QUIE dicunt, quOd plus Iucrantur," &c.-Illyrietll. Page 182, laat line.]-Illyricus refen here, and for what follows, to lib. iii. of the " Opuaculum," capp. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7; 12. Page 183, line 12 from the bottom.]-Pbllip I. took to wife Bertrade, wife of tbe earl of Anjou, bis fint wife Bertba being ret alive; for wbicb be was excommunicated by Urban II. A. D. 1094, and agaID in 1095, and again by the council of Poitiers in llOO.-L'.drt. de Pb. de, Dale,. The king of Portuga, presently alluded to, must bave been Sancha I. sumamed Capel, who came to the throne A.D.1223, Bnd for some time reigned witb applause; but, afterwards giving bimself up to debauchery, his"8ubjecta complaiued of bim, ... D. 1245, to pape Innocent IV. who excommunicated him, put bis realm under interdict, and made bis brother Alfonso regent. Sancbo died A.D. 1248.-L'.trt. de Pb. du Date,. Page 184, line 25. "Upan St. S~hen'. dag,"]-i.e. Tbursday, Dec. 26th, A.D. l 35. Sir H. Nicolas reaaon' in favour ol' tbis dare. Page 184, line 36. "Tlae CUl/tle uf P~I,"]-an old form of" Devi8es." See Malmesbury, p. 181, and Hoveden, p. 484, in the .. ScripL post Bedam," Francof. 1601. Grafton reads " Vises." Page 187, line 27.]-Gratian was monk of St. FelilI, at Bologn&. (Cave'. Hi.t. Litt.) Cave states that many writen have aaserted Gmtian, Peter Lombard, and Peter Comestor, to have been all brotben, and barn at the liame time: but he adds that this 88sertion does not reat on any good authority. Page 187, line 3 from the bottom.]-Trivet cals this individual II scutifer" to Cbarlemagne, and places his death A. D. 1139.

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

839

Page 188, line 2.J-For "Furneea " and " Founwns" Foxe (misled by Fabian) reada corruptly .. Finerneis" and " Fomitance." Page 188.]-Tbe following infonnation from Tanner's "Nolilia Mon." wiIl eonfirm the account in tbe text:-"Fetler8ham Abbey was fouDded A.D. 1147 by king Stephen and his wife Maud for monks of Clugny, who being afterward released from their lubjectioD to the foreigu monastery, it became Benedictine. lO FIl~U, a Cistercian abbey, founded A. D. 1124, by Stepben, then earl of Morton and Boulogne: removed to Furness, in Lancashire, A. D. 1127 .. Fon.tantlfl8e camobiulll, or FOIlntai1l8 Abb~, near Ripon, Yorkshire. Most of the historians mention tbis abbey underSlephen's reign, not boweverexactly 8>1 built hy bim. It was founded by the Bid of Tburatin, arcbbilbop of York, A. D. 11:12. Henry I. made it tithe-free, and Stephen confirmed all prerioul charters to it. It was burnt A.D. 1140, and was not fairly rebuilt for nearly ol1e hundred years." Page 188, line 5. "Tile JtIJJ, crucified achild ill the citg oj Nonoich."]Rrompton il the fint person who melltionl this circumltance,adding tbat tbe J ews crucified anotber child at G1oucealer, A. 0.1160. About tbirteen ar fourleen yean afrcr, Gervase saya that they crucified another at Bury St. Edmund's at Easter, and tbat his bones wrollght miraclei for lome ye81l. See" Anglia Judaica," p. 11, a work by D'Blosaiers Tovey, LL.D. principal of New Inn Hall, Oxford, 1738. He throws a doubt on all these accounu, observing tbat the crime is never laid to haye bapl'ened but when the king was nOloriously in want of money, and wanted a prelext against the Jews. However that he, the Romish church has canonized aeveral luch alleged victims oC Jewish malice. Alban Butler, in hia h Lives of the SBints," gives an account of tbia very child, who W88 eanonized as SI. William of Norwich. Butler further states lhat he was apprentice to a tanner at Norwich, and only twelve years of age when he was seized by the Jewa, on Good Friday, and treated in imitatian of Christ. On Easter-day they took hia body in a sack to Thorp Wood, nowa heath, near the gates, to bury him; bllt, being discovered, they left bim banging on a tree. He was honoured with miracIes, and in 1144 hi. body was remoyed to tbe cathedral of the Holy Trinity, and in 1150 into the choir. Achapel W8S built on tbe sile ",here he was found, called St. William in lhe Wood. His day in the English Calendar was March 241b. BUlIer adds, that pope Benedict XI V. decided that infanta, though baptized, dying before tbe age of reason, could not be canonized, except those alain out of batred to the name of Christ. Such were tbe InnDcents, St. Simon of Trent (canonized by the archbilhop of Trent. with the approbation of Sixtus V., confirmed by Gregory XlII.), St. Richard o, l'ontoile, . A. D. 1182, St. Hugh of Lincoln, A. D. 12~5. See Bloomfield's Hutorg oj Norfallt, and Cbaucer's Canterbllrg Tak8, line 13,425. Page 189, line 17. .. Tli'firn gear," &c.J-Fahian aays, "He inereased his heritage so mightily that he won !reland by strength, and took William, king of Seota, and joined tbat kingdom to his own. From tbe lOuth ocean to the north islanda of Orcyes he closed all tbe lands, as it were, under one principate, and spread 10 largely his empire tbat men read of none of bis progenitors tbat bad 80 mauy prorincel and countriel under their dominion and rule. For, beside the realm of England, he had in hia rule Normandy, Gascoyne, and Guion, Anjou and Chinon, and he made subject unto bim Auvergne and otber landl; and by his wife be obwned, as her right, tbe mounll and billi of Spain, called Montetl Pireni." Grafton, apparenty copying Fabian, aayl :-" He increased his heritage 10 migbtily tbat be won !reland anon after his coronation, by ~trengtb, and took tbe king of Scots prisoner, and joiaed tbat kingdom of Scotland to his own. From the lIDulh ocean unto' lhe nortb islands of Orcades, he dosed all the lands as it were uader one dominion, and spread lO lllrl!ely his empire lhat we read not that any of his progeniton had lO many provinces and countries under theirJovernment and rule. For, beside the real m of En~land and Scotland, he h in hil rule Normandy, Gascoyne, and Guieune, AnJou and Poictou; and he made subject unto him Auyergne and other landa. A.nd by Lleanor, his wife, he obtaiaea, as in her right, the earldom of Touloule." Grafion afterwardl adda, " In his third year he 10lt Auvergne, warring- against the king of France." Hoveden seem. to contradiet what is laid about lhe city ofTouloule, Scripl. post Bedam, p.491. The Pyrenees and

840

APPE:\DlX TO VOL. II.

the north ocean are mentiont:d aa Lhe limita of Lhe king'a domiuiolll at page 231, in an cpiatle of the Englidh bishops to Becket. I'age 189, line 18. "H. 6ubdrad Irelantl."]-Rymer givea Adrian'l ~rant of Ireland, "ad subdendum illulll populum legibua et viciorum plantaria inde extirpanda," and on condition of paying "de singulia domibua annuam uniUl denarii beato PeLro pell8ionem, et jura eeclcsiarum illius terrre iIIibata et integra
conscrvare. "

I'agc 189, line 7 from the bottom. "Agai".e whom il wa6 a/kged t:1Ue.J!J," &e.]-Foxe says, "Wbo in their time, aeeordinl(' lO their gift, did eamestJy," &c.; whieh seeml a mis-translatioJl of lIlyricuI. " lia prreeipue "itio dat". elit, qllod docuerint," &c. He ealls them "Gerhardus SsgareIli, Pamlenld, et Dulcinus Navarrensis," and says that they laboured for at least forty yean in Gallia Cisalpina, and Piedmont; and Lhat they were esteemed hereuareh. by the Homanisu.-" Cata/ogu, Te,tium," Gene\'/I! 1608, col. 1762. I'age 190, line 12. "And naw, nccording to my prom;,e," &c.]-The ensuing llecount of Ihe emperor Frederic I. is apparclItI)' taken from lIIyricu.. col. 1365, &c. For the anecdote which pr88elllly follows he ciles "Helmoldua in Chronicis Sc1avorulll," cnp. 81. Page 190, line 27. "After thi8, Ul th,y were come in," &c.]-Illyricua eites for his authority here Bames" iu Vita Hadrinni." See also Krantzii Su. vi. 17. I'age 190, line 34.1-Apulia was naw" a Norlmannis occupata."-IUync-. PlIJl'e 190, line 10 from the bottom. "The ne",t dny nfter,"J-i.e. 4 C4I. Julii, anno regni sui quarto. "-lIrlmoldus iu ClIron. SclaooruIII, c. 80. Palte 190, line 5 from the boltom. l .Vt'TliJeth to Emman",l.'l-Illyricua (col. 13(7), referring to Nauc1erus gen. 39, pay. that Emmanuel offered to tbe pope 5,0001. and to expl'1 William out of Apulia, if thr!:e maritime citieB of Apulia were granled hlm. Page 191, line 2.]-" Ex tota Sicilia exercitu contraeto."-Nauclerru. Page 191, line 14. "Rimini."]-Platina says "Allagni." Page 191, line 16. "/low t!l~ pape !lad ,qivm Apuuo, whic!l of rigllt b~long~d 'o th~ ~mpire, to du.Jctl Willia7ll."]-" Apuliam l'UriB imperii, Be inscio atque invito, Wilbelmo coneeSBam." (llIyricus.) ThiB c ause i. pa8sed over by Foxe. Page 192, line 18 from the boltom.]- This "Amulpb, bi_hop of Ml'otz," ia the Bame individual as Arnold mentiolled at page 172 : see IlOte on that pasaage. Pagoe 192, line 24, and p.371 (middle). "Not pr~acher', but prow!er,."]The first edition (p. 37) spelIs thi. word, in OOth cases, " proyll'rs." Line 26, "moiler6 for mOll'y," so reada the cdition of 1563, which seems trom another iostdnce in Nares to be correct: the later editiolls read Illoylers of money." Page 193,line 14. "Andfiru taking 'lU occasion," &c.]-Foxe ia translaling lllyricus--" Naclua oceaBionem eaptivitatis Ll'O(liensia epiaeopi." Leodien_ill or Leodicen_is (i.~, of Liege) gave birth to Foxe's "Bi_hop of Laodicea." There was indeed a " Gerardu. bishop of L/lodicea" lh'ing about this period, who wrote a work, "De Conversatione Servorum Dei," alluded to by Foxe infr&, voJ. iii. p. 105, t1lOugh he there post-dates him by a eelltury. The person, however, bere intended, was not biohop either of Licge or of Laodieea, but Eakyl, archbi8h.op of Lunden, in Sw~dt'll. Olhers bave made other corruplion. of his title, as will appear from the following extracL from Pagi's .0 Crit. in Baron. Annales," ad annum 1157 :Ol Verum loco E. London~II.i8 Arcllil'pi6copru le~elldum, E. Lude"n. Archil'pi,cOpu, et intelligendus EakylluB, quem ex illis verbis eruimus anno superiori peregrinationem institui..e ad Hadrianum Papam, qui mum Legatum suum in Dania cOllstituerat, ul quieunque maximi Sueonum Pontifiees creandi eSBent, Pallio a Curia dato per Lunclensem insignirentur Antiatitem; eamque sedem pro patrio vcnerarentur obsequio, sicut ait Saxo Grammatieus, Iib. XIV. Hinc Sirmondus, in Notis ad Epidt. 23. lib. i. Petri Cellensis, de Eskyllo recie .cribit: 'Qui cum ex Urbe in Daniam rediret, eapLupoliatusque fuit in Germania. Qure rel-dum injuriam minii ad Fredericum Imp. Legati. aClill. persequitur lladrianus IV. Pontifex, cui Eskyllus J'rivato etiam Ilomine charns erat--exacerb/ltia hinc inde animis ansam prrebult Bchismati, quod inter ilIo. Clupit, lit ill'l'lil Hadevicus, lib. i., de Geat. Fridcrici, cap. 8, et scqq. Sod aplll1

APPRNDIX TU VOL. II.

841

Radevkum Londo1ln1iu vitiose scriptum est; fredius etinm IIpud lnnocentium I II. Epist. 321 Lugdunemi3, pro Lundenai.' 1111 Sirmulldus. QUIe conjectura eo certior, quO<! nullu8 hoc seculo E. Episcopus Londiuensi Ecclesilll pTlllfuit. Prlllterquam quO<! Londania Sedes est Episcopalis, non vero Archiepiscopali.: Page 193, line 16. " Di~era and aharp Zellera," &c.]-The reader will fiod Pope Adrian's letters to Frederic in Baronius, on. 1157, 2, 3. The legates appear to have been Roland, cardinal-priest of St. Mark, and Bernard, cardinal. priest of St. CIernent; and Pa~, in his notes on thi. part of Baranius, sbowa tbat tbey were sent witb tbe sald letten A. D. 1156, and that in the same year, also, tbe seizure of tbe arcbbisbop of Lunden took place. Page 193, note (2).]-The volume referred to is "Ottonis Epiac. FriBingensis Chrouicon, et Radevicus Frising. Canonicus," &c., folio, Basilele, 1569. lf any infonnatioo is needed upon these writer., " Vossius de Hist. Llltinis" will ,upply i, pp. 427-431, edit. 1651. Page 195, last line. "The proud pope, letting hu foot," &c.]-" Fuerunt quidem II on nulli, inter quos etiam Card. Baronius, qui in dubium vocarunt narrationem de lmp. }'rederico I. et Alexandro III. colum ejus premeIlte pedibus, bis etiom verbis usurpatis, '''per aapidem et BaBilieum ambulabu, &c. ; quod factum indecorum, arroganl, et penituI ;nluetllm agnoscit Baroniua (tom. xii. ad ano 1177, 86), et negat unquam accidisse, tanquam aMorrenI a tanli Chruti !licarii manmetudine, turgenI putu facinul. Quam tamen historiam referunt viginti historici, omIles pontificii, quorum testimouia citautur ab Hieronymo Bardo in libro cui tituIum lecit' Victoria Navalis,' Venetiis edito, 1584. Sed , Ja. iIIe StevanUB,' qui' de osculo pedum PaplIl' scripsit Romie ad Gregorium XIII.. non solum factum non negot, led ex eo deducit quantum Papa poslit in Reges et PriiJcipes."-Riveti Je8uita Yapulanl, cap. 28, 4. A picture of this transaction was fonnerly to be seen io the vestibule of St. Mark's, at Venice, and alBO in the ducal palace (vide Ero. S. Cypriani DiuerJat;onl'l, Coburgi. 1755, p. 70) j thougb the circumstance has, from different reMona, been ralber warmly discussed, and partially questioDed (aee Sagittarii Introduet. in Hist. EccIes. tom. i. p. 630; tom. ii. p. 600). But such assumptionl are not alwap considerel1 misplaced even by Baronius himself; as in the ense of Henry VI., emperor of Gennany, whose crown Celest.ine III. thought proper to strike offhis head A. n. 1191 ; under which )'ear see Baron. AnnaJ. 10; Roger Hoveden, p. 689, edi. 1601 j and the present volume of Foxe, p. 304. Page 196, line 23. c. Two-and-twen/y yea",."l-Foxe sayl, "one-andtwenty." But Alexander III. was elected Sept. 7th, A. D. 1159, crowned Sept. 20th, and died Aug. 30tb, A. D. 1181.-L'Art de Per. deI Datel. Page 196, line 24.]-The Councj} of Toun sat May 19th, A. n. 1163 j the General (eleventh) Council of Lateran, March 5tb-19th, A. n. 1179.-L'Art.
de Per. del Datel.

Page 197, line 6 from the battom. "fn Quadrilugo:']-The fuli titIe of this wark is " Vita et Processus Thomlll CaDtuar. martyris super libertate ecclesilll; sive Quadripartila Historia continens passianem Martyris ArchipTllls. Cantuarieosis." It i. a history of Becket, compiled by order of Pope Gregory Xl. from the biographies of four contemporaries of Becket, wbo are mentioned by Foxe in the note. OC tbese, l. Herbert de Brncham in Suasex WIl8 olle of Becket's cbaplaina, a companion of bis fight, and witneas of his death. 2. John, a native of Sali.bury, whence he is commonly called John of SaJi6bury, afterwards bisbop of Cbartres (Garno/enlil), W81 one of the most distingui.bed men of bis day. He was all old and intimate friend of Becket; 80 much SO, tbat in the autumn of A. D. 1163 Henry tbought it necessary to interrupt their intercourse by banishing him to France, where he relided chiefy at Rheims till hiB return to England on the final arrangement between tbe king and Becket. He was in Lhe catlledral of Canterbury at tbe time his Criend was murdered. He il lupposed to be tbe person who arranged tbe Illrge oollection of 435 letters relating to the contest between Cburch and Stale, written between 1165 and 1171, preserved in the Vatican, and printed tbence by Christ.iallU8 Lupus at Bru.sela, 1682, under the title of " Ep. D. Thomll'." 3. Alan W8I a monk of SI. Trinity, Canterbury, and afterwords abbot of Tewke,bury. 4. William was al.o a monk oC St. Trinit)', Canterbrlry. (See Tanller'. BibIiotheca, and Cave'a

842

APPENDLX "TO VOL. II.

HiBt. Litt.) Tbe I Quadrilogua " iB patched togetber from tbe hulories of tIlf~se four, eacb portion being headed by tbe name of the autltor from whom it i. taken. I was printed in 4to., lirat in black letter at Parls, A. D. 1495 ; and again at Bruasell, A. D. 1682, wben it was prefixed by Ch. LUpUB to the I Ep. D. Thomre" above mentioned. The former edilion containB BeTeral erron which are correeted in the lalter, and which now for the firat time hue been correeted in Foxe'B text: they wiU be notieed in thiB Ap~endix. Faxe'. aecount of Becket il derived mainly from tbe I Quadrilogua;' mOlt of it will allo be found flerbaJim in Grafton'B Chronicle, tbe principal addition. beiDg the doeumentB, which are all printed in lhe I QuadriloguB i" from wbich it would appear, that, though Foxe availed himBelf of Grafton 'B laboura in traoalatiog, )'et he consulted tbe original for himBelf. Page 198, line 15 from the bottom, "And jirst, to omit ere tiu prog~," &c,]-A life of Becket, compiled by William StephanideB ar Fits-StepheD, a monk of Canterbury, and an intimate friend of Becket, say., I BeatuB Thomas natus est in legitilllo matrimonio et honestis parentibus, patre Gileberto, qui et vice-comeB aliquando fuit, matre MathildA i civibus Lundania! mediastinis, neque frenerantibUB, neque offieiosll negotiantibUB, sed de redditibus suit honorilicll viventibu8."-Stepanides, Edit. Sparlre, Land. 1723, p. la. Page 198, line 10 from the bottom.l-Dr. Clutterbuck Btates, in hi. History of Hertfordahire, vol. ii. p 48, tbat tlie rectory of Brantfield, in that county, "'aB given by Hardvin de Scalera, a powerful Norman baron, to the Abbey ar St. Alban'B, which retained it tiU the Dipolution; also that Tbomas Becket was once rector ; in confirmation of which be addB, that near the rectorial hOll8e there iB a pond called I TbomaB Becket'B Pond."- Brantfield iB in tbe liberty of St. Alban'B, about tbree mile. from Hertford. (CarliBIe.)

Page 198, line 3 from the bottom. "Lejt playing the arcdeaccm, fJfd be,to play te canceUor."]-The following iB tbe teatimony cm thiB point of Gme, tbe monk wbo interposed hiB own arm in order to Bhield Becket from the uaaasin'B Bword at Canterbury, and who wrote a life of Becket, preaerved iD Sion College and the Arundel MS. in the Brit. Mus. lo Jamque pedem po~ rexit in Bemitu Beculi, Jam ad honore. aspirare, effundere animum in exteo"" et vanaa mundi amphtudineB ambire crepit."-Grime, fol. 4, MS. 4rwfttl. " NOVUB itaque erigitur Buper Egypto Josepb, prreficitur univeraiB regni negotii., pOBt regem Becundus; augentur bonoreB, prredia, poaaeuioneB, et divitiamm Bplendor, ae mundi gloria mulliplicatur, Beqlluntur ex more innumeri mancipiorum gre~es, Btipantur electorum catervre militum, nec cancellario minor quam regi comltatus adbresit, ita ut nonnunquam corriperetur a rege quM regia b08pitium vacull8let:'-Grime, fol. 7. Page 199, line 12. CI Ricard Lucy, one oj t~ chiefut."l-CI Ricbardum de Luci alioaque magnateB Anlire." (QuadriI.) Richard de Lucy was the chiee jllltice. "If I were dead, 'Baid Henry to Lucy, "wouJdst tbou not devote thy life and thy energiea in favour of my san f Then ceaae not in thy endeavoura, until my chancellor iB raiBed to the Bee of Canterbury." (John of Salisbury, in Quadrilogo.) The reaaon of Henry'B partiality may be given in few WOrdB from the CI Life and Ecc1eBiastical History of St. Thomaa of CRnterbury,' a wark publiBhed in Engliah under papai sanction at Calogoe, 1639, p. 6. II The king having had manifold trial of him, deem.d hiB magnanimity and fidelity to be fit for sa high a dignity i and aha th81 he would han a care of his profit, and govern al1 thinga in the church and com mon weal to his good liking." The following pll8lages may be quoted here with advantage, from an article on tbe Life and Times of Thomas Becket, in tbe Church of England Quarterly Review for April, 1841, written in confutation of tbe view taken of Becket', charaeler in vol. iv. of Ol Froude'B Remains." .. The expectation tbat Becket would unheBitatingly obey the will and pleasure of the kmg in mattera ecclesiaBtical iB diatinctly &l8erted by Grime (' Rex autem arbitratuB cancellarium suu per omnia velle Bequi voluntateB ut ante et imperiiB obtemperare, ipsi archiepiscapatum dedit,'-Grime, MS. ArunrJ.jol. 7 a.), and reiterated by Fitz-Stephen (' Statuit Rex Anglire cancellariu:n .uum in archiepiacopatum promovere, intentu meritorwn peraonre, et confidens quod se ad placitum et nutum, ut

APPENDIX TO VOL. IL

843

eancellarius Cecerat, archiepilcopu' obsequeretur,'-Fitz-SttpAen.), and the Lambeth biography (' !terom Archiepilcopo TbeobaIdo rebus bumllnis exempto, deferendi locum honoris suo di1ecto Rex se nactum eSRe gavisuI eat; in multil enim ufertu, magnanimitatem ejUl et fidem, tanto 'Juidem falltigio bene sufficiente credlt, scilicet ad SU811 utilitatea facile semper mc1inandum.'-MS. Lamb fol. 2 b.). It iI uaelea, then, to deny bat sucb, at leallt, was be view taken by those who wrote during the continuance oC, or immediately aCter the conclusion of, tbese troublea; bat bey were jUltificd in their a_rtion, their agreement rendera more ban probabie ; that Henry was jUltified in bolding aucb an opinion, be aIrelldy cited casetI would leem to warrant Ul in uaerting. One of tbe primate's biographera has recorded a waming hom Becket to the king, ol bis inabilily to serve him nd the Cburch at be same time The solitariness of the authorit) is not our only reallon for rejecting thls uaertion; we ha\"e been far more influenced by the improbability oC olle so shrewd and politic AS Henry, wilfully and wilh bil eyes open running his bead into a nDOBe like this, in a matter oC such importance, and, when his mind was set on tbu reformation of tbe Church, deliberately forcillg the primacy on one wbo forewamed him of his anti-reforming notions and intentions," 'fhe same writer gives the folIowing facts as justif)'ing the king's opinion what kind oC an archbisbop Becket was likely to prove ;-" Towards hil own order, Becket acted rather BS a statelman tban aII au eccleaiuaic:. "'irat, he beaitated not to impose on them a scutage for the maintenance of the war of Tc,ulouse-an imposition which Gilbert Foliot characlerized u 'tbat Iword plunged into the OOwels of mother Church' (' Divi Thomm,' epist. i. 126; Colton MS.); and his patron, TheobaId, on his death-bed, vowed to Gad to prohibit, under pain oC ellcommunication, the exaction of the second aid hil brother tbe archdeacon had imposed on the Church (Joan Salil. Ep. 49, cited by Lord Lyttelton). Jobn of Salisbury admita (epiat. 159) lhat Becket had allowed the meaaure to pus, and was, therefore, jUltly punished in being now persecuted by tbe very person whom he had preferred to hil original henefactor. Secondly, wben, in bis preseuce, the lupremacy of lhe pope WBS lIpbeld b,. the bisbop of Cbicbester, and Henry rebuked that prelate, and declared ID the bearing of all, 'bat the supremacy of the/ope Wall upheld by man alone, but tbat ol the king by Gad,' then we are tol he new chancellor joined the king agsinst the pope, reminded tbe bishop of his oath of allegiance, and seconded, iC he had not previously prompted, the rebuke of the king. (Wilkins' Concilia, i. }? 431-a paasage aadly mutilated, bUl stm sufficiently preaerved to show the mteutions of Becket. See the fulI account of the matter ID lhe Appendix to Sir F. PaIgrave's 'Constitution of England.' The old chronicler there ~uoted fu11y bears out the auertion just made.) And, Lastly, if we are to believe Matbew Pllri_nd we see no reasou to the contrary. more especially as his auertions are confirmed by Radulphus de Diceto-the views of Becket respecting the relative power of the pope and the kinf continued tbe same for some little time after his ele\'ation to the primacy. n the great cauae between the bilhop of Lincalu and the abbot of St. Alban's, a bulI had been oblained by the bisbop, reCerring the caulle to the decision of tlte papaI legates. Henry, bowever, determined to hear it in his own court, and accordingly summoned the contending parties before him. The abbot, fearrul of being brought berore the legates for a second hearing, demanded of tlte king that proof made before him should be subject to no appeal. The king admired hil prudence, and commended him for it to Becke1, who sat by bis lide. The caae was heard; the privileges having been proved, judgment Wall given in favour of the abOO1, and si~ed among others by Thomas, Arcltbilhop of Canterbury. (' Unum peto L said the abbot], quod, li in audientia vestra libertatem ecclesill! mell! declaravero et evicero, ne me coarctent judices delegali iterato litigare de evicta libertate: Tunc Rex pnldentiam ejus cum optimatibUl suil admirans, ad Archiepiscopum Thomam Cantuarienlem conversui ait, 'Quod dicit Abbu rationi consentaneum est: neque enim nostne majestati honorificum foret, si lis in Palatio nostra deciaa in Domini papw consistorio iterandam prrestolaretur sententillm,' (See Malt. Paris, Vitle Abb. Sancti Albani, pp. 77 and 79; Radulphus de Diceto, sub. ann. 1162.)" Page 199, line 14. " Tka monkllaid it wal not meel," &c.]-Becket bimaelf states, that he was kept out of tlle see for a year through tlte Opposilion of the

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APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

ChlIpter (Epi.t. D. Thomre, lib. i. 126). I1is predecessor, Theobald, died April 18th, A. D. 1161.-Godwin. Great oppoaition was made to Beckt"l'. election by Foliot, bishop of London, not without incurring much odium; rnr be says in reference to this, in a letter of his own, qnoted by Lord Lyttelton, ., Quod loquimur experto novilllns, ... verbum proscriprionis ilIico 8udivilllUS, et exilio erudeliler addicti wmus." Colt. MS. CZul/d. b. ii. let. Iih. i. 126. Gme tell_ us that the malter was deft'rred "donee a com'entu extorqueret [rex] consen_um, qui Iiberam ab antiquo solet habere vocem in electione ponlificis" (<irinu, foliu 6, b.); and thnt in the meeting at London (May 26th) to confirm tue appointment Gilbert Foliol, though alolle, .till objected. The author ofa MS. biogl'3p!'y III' Becket at Lambeth, profes.ing to be wrltlen byan e}'e-witn'ss, speaks of the clection ha\'ill~ been secured rather by the .. imtarllia regi8" than the votes of the c1ergy and people. "Unde totis enilens viriblls, non prius deslitit [rex] 'lUiUll lIpud Anglire clerum optimum eum in archiepiscopatum subrogavit. Nonnullis tamen id drca promotionem ejus visu m est minus canonicum, quod lId eam magis operata est regis inslantia quam cleri vel popIIIi vola." (MS. Laf/lb. fol. 2. b.) And, lastly, WilIi..1lI of Newborough speaks of the primuy liS "M inus sincere et canollice, id est per operam manumque regiam, 5u.ceptum j" and of Becket's tendering his in.ignia of office inlo the pope's handa, on accll\mt of the informality of his election; .. Secundo promotionis anno concilio Tllronensi interfult, ubi (ut dicilur) pontificatum, .. pungentis conocienlire stimulos uon fereus, secreto in mallua domini papre resignavit." (Gul. Nt.b. l. 16, p. 169. Ed. Paris, 1610.) It is lo this callse that we Illust refer Becket'. own word. and ('onduet, relllted at page 218 of this vo!ume. The fONII of the election, howe\'er, seems lo bave been quite ('orrect, for Becket himself llll'lerts this Ilgainst his adversarics at page 235. Pilge 199, line 19. "IIl the four-and-fortieth year of hi, age," &c.]-1e ..... born A. D. 1118, where Mercer's chapel was Iltawards erected, Bl'cording lo 'uller's "Worlhies of England," p. 20:1. In A. D. 1162, Easter feli on April 8th, and Trinity SlInduy on June 3d. (Nicola.'s Tables.) l'age 190, line 20 fronl the botlom... .J-.fir.I, W/Uli, accordmg tu the cll.tom:' &l'.]-The 01<1 la", called "danegelr," ut 1\\'0 shillings oli every hide of laDd, was abolished (Fo"e, p. 181); bnt perhllps Ihe sheriif of each ('ounty received s"me coml'limenl fur his services from the wealthier landowners, ...hich the king aimed ..t gelling converted into a regnlar tax for the I'ublic service. The uriginal rum tbus;.. Publicre potestatis mini!tri per regionem .~nglicanam de consuetudine sibi Ul! singulis Ilidis vel Aidi! (ut verbis comprovincialium utar) pecunillm colli. gunI, tanqnllm laboris mercedem, 'lnem tuilioni patre impendunt. Quam I'ecllnilllll tam en Hex tanquam reditum nitebalur in fiscum redigere. Ob.titit Prima!, dicens non oportere pro reditu computari qnod BUO et aliorum arbitrio daretur."-Quadriio9U8, edit. 1495, cap. 22. Page 109, line 7 from the botlom. "Were dit'er8 ckr~8."]-The "Qulldrilogus" says .. clerici:" Grufton Bnd Foxe say .. divers others." Page 199, line 4 from the botlom. "One Br";" canon oj Bedford.")- The .. (~uadrilogns" (citing Alan) says, "Philil'~us quidam de Broia canonicus ;" Grafion and }'ox.e, .. a canon of Bruis." l' itz-Stel'hen calls him "Philip de Broi., canon ol' Bedford," and Bromplon, "Philip Brock, canoll of Bedford." Page 200, line 7. "T/leg paslcd 10 lillle of (i. e. cared so little for) tiu .piri/uaZ correction.")-" Adjiciens [rex) ad nocendum fore promptiorea ni.i post pamam spiriluBlem corporali pcenre subdantur; et pumam parom curare de Ordinis amisaione, qui Ordinis contemplatiolle n tam enol'lnibus manus cOlllinere non verentur."-Quadrilogu8, edit. 1495, cap. 23. Page 200, last lin e but one. "Wcu greatly rcbuked of the arr.lIbi8hop," &c.J .. In recesau vero episcopus, quem supradixilllus, ab Archi PrreBule acriter est objurgatus, quod .et se.. et co-epiacopis inconsultis commune omnium verb~lir--ol lIlutare prresumpslsset. Page 200, note (1.)1-Hollinshed seellls to have pOlldered the~e words "lllculentcr et probabilitr;" and thus cndcavollrs lo eXl're;. thcir forcc :

APPENDIX TO VOL. II

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, The archbishop, and his sutfragans, with the rest of the hi.hops, answered very pithil)', Jabourillg lo pro\'o that it was more ag-ainst the Iiberties of tlte ChIIrch lhan that they might witlt reasoll weIl allo\\"," Page 200, note (2).]-To show bow tbe onginal narrative was interrupted by tbo introduction of the constitulions, the context is here given from lhe " Quadrilogus ;"-" Archiepiscoplls una cum comprovillcialiblls et cum prrefalis eruditia Buis librato cOllsiIio, cum plurimum et ipse pro cIeri libertate Secundum Anliquorum Patrum Canonicam Institutionem lucnlentersatis et pl'obabiliter respondisset, in fine Sermonis cum omni devotione Regiam obsecrabat Clementiam ne Hub novo Rege Christo et sub nova Christi lel!:e in nova et peculiari Domini sorte contra Sanctorum Palrum Irlstituta Novam per Regnum suum induceret conditionem." "Verum Rex nihil motus ad hoc, sed eo amplius commotus quod cerneret Arcbi-Prresulem et Episcopos adversus ipsum (ut repUlabat) unanimes sic et constantes, sciscilabatur mox, an consuetudines suas Regias forent observaturi: Replicans illas tempore Avi aui ab Archi-episcopis et Episcopis Privatis et Privilegiatis observalas, non oporlere suo tempore tristi judicio damnari. Ad quod Arcbi-Prresul, prrehabito cum Fralribus suis consilio, respondit ilIas so et }"ratres suos observaturos, 'atrlo Drdinl! mo. Et id ipsum etiam ex oruine responderullt Pontilices singuli, singulatim et Rege interrogati. Unus aulem, H ilarius sciJicet Cicestrensis Episcopus, andiens ob blinc omllium vocem Regem Illagis exacerbatum, Archi-Prresule et Ca-Episcopis incon_ultis mulavit Verbum, llicens se Regias Constitutiolles observaturum bo"d jide."-QuadrilogU8, edit. 1495, cap. 24, edit. )682, cap. l!l. It is worthy (Jf observation, that Foxe Wll8 led on from a smalI beginllinJ: to interrupt the lex t here in tlte manner intimated. For in Grafton the inlerruption is only thi. ;-" And tbose constitutions are in number xxviii. or xxix. w herpof cerleine followe. " Concerning the nomination and presentation into benefices, if any contraveray arise bet'reen the laity and c1ergy, or between one spiritual man with another, the matter to be brought into the king's temporaI comt, and there to be decised. "Cburches, sllch as be de feudo regu, to be given at no time witbout the as_ent ond permission of the king. " AlI .piritual and ecclesiastical persons, being accused of any crime, whatsoever it bp, ciled by the king's juslIce, to come and appear in the king's courl, there to answer, whether the malter appertain to the spiritual court or to the tel1lpD1'al; so that, if the Raid person Ol' persons be foun<! guilty and convicted of any crime, tbe church not to defend bim nor succour him. " No archbishop, nor bishop, nor person being of any ecc1esiastical dignity, to attempI to go over tbe sea out of the realm without the king'R knowledgc and permission; and in so doing, yet notwithstanding to be bound, tarryillg in ~y place, to procure no damage either to the king Dr to the realm. I Such goods or caleBs as be forfeited to the king, neither any sanctuDI')' of chureh or churchyard to detain them, contrary to the king's juslice, for that tbey belong lo lhe king, whether tbpy be found in the cburch or churchyal'd. "No orders to be given to husbandmen's children, without the assellt an,1 testimonial of them, wbich be the lords of the country where lbey were born and brougbt up. I Beside these constitutions, there were many other, which I passe onr, for that the afore rehersed articles are the chiefe. Alld now let us returne to -the matter betwixt the king and Thomas Becket aforesayd. The king, as is aforesayd, conventing his 1I0bles and clerk. together, required to have the punishment of the afuresayd misdoers of the c1ergie; but Thomas Becket would not COlIRent theret... " In the edilion of Foxe, 1563, p. 48, the interrllption was somewhat enlarged : _I The copy of those lawes and constitutions are conteilled in the number of eight or ix and tWl'lItie, wherof I thought here to resite certayne, not unworthie to be knowne.

II

T/le capie alld eifect of ceraine Lawe8 a..d Con.alulion. 8el Jorlh andproclaitned in lI,e tloyel oj King Hl'flrg the Third (sic). [Then folio w the abore ArlicIcs from GrafIon, al most tolidem t'erbu.]

846

APPENmx TO VOL. n.

u Beaides these eonlltitutionl were diverl olher allO, at the l8DIe time set fortbe, to the number of xxix. in all. But these were the chief, namIy and expresaely condemned by the bilbop of Rome, amongst aU tbe real. "
C~I!

otJz" Comtitutiom, bl!,idtJ, thl! xxix, wJzicA thl! fo,.,aid King Hnwy tM tJzird (lic), a liUk aftt!r, IIlIfIt from Normanrl1J to England. after B!c1c~1 waljkd

O,,".

" I. If any person ghali be found to bring from the pope, or from the uchbishop of Canterbury, any writing conwning any indict or cune againat the realm or England, the 88me man to be apprebended without dElay for a traitor. and exeeution to be done upon the aame. u II. That no monk, nor any clerk,.lhall be permitted to pali over ioto England witbout a pBllport from the king, or hil justices j wholo doth cODlrary, that man to be tached and impriloned. "III. No man to be lO bod once to appeal to the pope, or to the arehbisbop of Canlerbury, out of England. " IV. That no decree or commandment, proceeding from the aUlhority Dr the pope or the bishop of Canterbury, to be recei.-ed in England, uuder psin Dr taking and imprilOning. "V. In general, to rorbid any man to carry over any commandmeDt Ol precept, either of clerk or layman, to tbe pope or to the arebbishop of CaDterbury. "VI. If any bisbop, clerk, abbot, or layman, shall do eontrary to this inhibition, the lame incontinent to be thrult out of the land, with all their ltindred, and to leave all their goods behind them. "VII. Ali the possesaions, goods, and cattell, of such as ravour the pope or the archbishor of Canterbury, to be seized and confiseate for the lting. " VII I. Alluch or the clergy as be out of the realm, having their rmts and profils out of the land, to be summoned and warned through every &bire within three months to repair home, either eIse their rents and goodl to reLum to the king. u IX. That St. Peter's-pence Ihould be no more paid to the apoatolical see, but to be reserved diligently in the king's coft'ers, and there to be at his commandment. (Atque hrec ex Quadrilogo.) u By these and such other laws and decreementl it may appear, that the abolishing of the pope il no new thing in the realm or England. Tbis only difference tltere is, that the pope being driven out then, could not be kept out so long as nowo The cause il, that the time was not yet come tbat Anb.christ Ihould 10 rully be revealed j neilher was bis wickednesa tben 80 fully ripe in tbose daYI, as it hatb been now in our time. Now, these premised, let ua return ",here we left, to tbe matter betww the king and Tbomas Becket. " TJzI! Communicalioll and ContrOf'er'Y between tM King and Thoma, BI!c/tl!t, witJz hil Ckrgy. " The king, as il aforeaaid, conventing his nobles and c1erkl together, requireci to bave the punishment or cerwn misdoers of tbe clergy j but Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto, the king came to this point, to know wbether he wonld consent, with his clergy, hat the custom. lben let forth in tbe realm (meaning by tbe firat part of those decreel above lpeci6ed) Ihould be observed." For he lIrtic1es from Graf"ton, others were substituted in the lubllequent editions, lee p. 217, note. It will be perceived, that the fint Englilh eeIitioo of Foxe does not contain tbe absurd title which crept into the lueceeding edition_u Other lawes and con.titltionl made at Clarendoun in Normandy, and sent to England," &c. Page 201, line 2. "And in thl! dl!ad oj thl! night, unknown UJ thl! bilO]Jl, London."]-Foxe omi18 this altogetber. The" Quadrilogus" of 1495 (cap. 24) says :_u El nec salutans nec salutatus a pontificibus, immo nescientibus ipsis, c1am et anIe lucanum Londonia recelsit. Et quidem hoc gran dis irre et indignationis argumentum extitit. Videres tunc murmur in populo 'lt moliones in clero. Epiacopi turbati et tremuli regem abeuntem sunt persecuti, meluenles se Ilon prius inventuroa, quam audirent le omnia bona sua perdiluros." It proceeds (cap. 25) :-" Accidit post modicum tempWl," &c.
rl!f1OfJedjrom

APPENDIX TO VOL. U.

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Page 201, line 17. I Buhop ol Chichuter:']-Graf\on and Foxe IBY, bisbop of Cbester:" the .. Quadrilogus" reads "Cicestrenlis."

Page 201, line 9 from tbe bottom.l-These .. two noblepeers to were, according to Hoveden, ReginaId, Earl of oml1'alI, and Robert, Earl of Leicester. Page 201, note ~1).]-The original, whence the 10xt is derived, runs tbus in the" Quadrilogus' of 1682 :-IAccidit post modicum Episcopum Lexoviensem reeonciliandi gratill. Regem ex transmarinis adiisse, nam ab amicitil ejus exciderat; qui (forsan ut recuperaret gratiam quam perdiderat) consilium dedit (utinam non in IlIlllione nominis sui) ut ad se partem cleri converteret, ne prrevalerent adversus eum, dum simul quasi conserta acie starent et commUDlcato BuftTagio sibi subvenirent." Tbe I Quadrilogus " of 1495 (cap. 25) readl in tbis pBBBage "Londoniensem." Grafion mangely misundel'1ltands the wbole (in connexion witb tbe previo\ls context, as cited in tbe last note but two) to mean, that I tbe king, removing from London unknown to lbe bishops, sailed over to Normandy, wbitber the bishop of London, called Gilbert, not long aft.er reaorted to crave tbe king's favour, and gave him coun.el withal to join some of tbe bisbops on bis side, lest, if all were &gainst bim, peradventure be might sooner be overtbrown." The errors of this sen10nce are corrected in Foxe's text. The corrections made receive confirmation from Hoveden, who says (Script. post Bedam, p. 492)I Deinde post multum tempus Ernulfus, Lexoviensis Episeopus, venit in Angliam. et solicitlllaboravit die ac nocte. ut pax fierat inter regem et Archiepiscopum. sed ad plenum fieri non potuit. Deinde per consilium Lexoviensil Episcopi rex separavit Rogerum Arcbiepiscopum Eboracensem, &c. &c. et alios qUOldam ecclesilE prmlatos a. consortio et consilio Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi, ut per illoa pnefatum Cantuariensem Arcbiepiscopum in mo. conatus faciliu. alliceret." Page 201. note (2). lO In the king'. promue,"l-" In regis promissione." (" Quadrilogus.") One would rather bave expectei "in regis pomJaUcme," or IIOme sucb word. The king's I reque&t .. is mentioned a few linea above. Page 201. note (:J).]-Foxe (or rather GrafIon) reads in the text, .. Aner tbil came to bim two -rulers of tbe tempIe, called Templars; one, Richard de Hast; the olher. Costan. de Hoverio, witb tbeir company:' Tbe I Quadrilogus" 181s :_I Igitur cum tertio per Ricbardum, magni nominis virum, qui templo Hlerosolymitano tunc prmerat, sibi cavere moneretur et cleri misereri, non tulit eorum supplicationes, non geniculationes. Nam. tanquam in ipsius verticem vibratos gladios viderent, plangere videbantur, et tanquam funUl prlllllens futurum facinus lugebanl:' Tbe second Templar is not named bere; yet it is plsin. from tbe pIurai number being Uled in tbe rest ofthesentence. tbatmorethan one came to Becket. GrafIon seems to bave supplied an .. et .. after " Ricbardum." and so made out two I qui pneera[u] t lemplo, .. I two rulers of tbe tempIe." Hoveden lays tbere Were IWO Templars. and names tbem correctly " Ricbardus de Hastings et TOItes de Sancto Homero." (Scriptores post Bedam. pp. 492. 493.) GervBle calls tbe latter I Hoateus de Bolonia," (Script. Decem. col. 1386.) Mr. Addison, in hiB" Historyof the Knigbts Templars," London, 1842, p. 105, sbows that Henry II. WBI a very great patron of tbe Templars; UD tbat Ricbard de HBltings was a great man in his day, and master of Ibe Tempie at tbe king's accession. (Addilon, pp. 99, 109, 110.) Tbe c1ause .. with tbeir company" bBl been dropped in tbe text, tbere being no autbority for it : for the cause wbicb led to its introduction, see tbe next note. Page 202. line 1... At kngtn came tne,elalt meuenger, agam IrORl the king. "] _" Tandem ultimi nuncii regis venerunt lacrymis et verbis eil expreuis seorshm iteralo significantes quid futurum erat si Ilon acquiesceret." The two Templar, clme again (iterato). and in pritlate (seorshm) expostulated witb Becket. Hoveden. Brompton, and Gervase give tllBm the credit of overcoming tbe arcbbi.hop'l reluclBDce. Grafton, allo. seems 80 to have underatood tbe sentence; but he renders "ultimi nuntii .. by "the lut message." instead of " these IBlt messengers:' The word .. leorshm" no doubt suggested to bim the idea, tbat tbey came the jirlt time "w;th their company" (see the last note) : it ratber mesns that thpy now conferred witb Becket apart from .. hu compan)... viz. th.

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lord. Rn,l bi.hllp~. (See Lord Lytteltou.) Il i ingular, hllwever, thal th",," words" Taudem ultimi . . . aequiesceret" Rre r,milled in the seeond ..dition of ,I'e .. Qnl\drilogu"," whieh, after the word. ciled in the last nnte, goetl on, .. Unde potiu. super cIenIm quam super le motu" miseratione annuit de consilin iJIorumRegire voluntati parere." This omislion proves that the editoTS of that edilion thought, eitber that the Temp/ar. did uot eome a second time, ar thal at lealt lhey were lhe .1 ultirni nuncii." Pal!'e 203, line 6 from lhe boltom. .. Tli' hilllop ol Evreuz."]-The " Quadrilogus" of 1495 says, .. Interea elabor:llntn esl ab episcopo Eboracensi," &c.; bul lhe laler edition IRyS, u F.broicensi." This i. confirtned by Grime'. MS. history, Rnd Gervase (Seript. Decem. col. 13~g). u Ebroicen.is" il easily eorropted into "Eborieensil,' and this inlo'" Eboracensis." P~e 204, line 18.]_U Legacy," an old word for Ulegation" or Ulegateahip," used by Foxe, p. 651, line 6, and vol. v. p. 91. It is eurious, lbal whiJe . Iej!'lllio" is here translated as if il were Ulegatum," Foxe ha. al p. 598, lO, translaled "legatum " 88 if it were "legalio " by the lerm u emba86ade " which (88 a rnis-translatiou) hal heen altered iuto Ulegacy" in Ihis edition. Page 204, line 23. u That tM /cin. ,hould be lega/e ',imleif."]-Hoveden addl, .. on condilion of not molesting Becket." This explainl the king'. indignalion. Page 204, DOle (3).]-The translation in the lexl has heen reviled from tbe Latin. Pal!'e 205, line 30.J-" ADacletuI and Euaristus." See Labbe's Conc. tom. i. eoll. li18, 537, 538, for the pBlSages of their wrilings referred to. Pag'e 205, line 9 from tbe bollom, .. Citpd up to ap'pear by Q certai" dog at Northa71lptoll."1-William Fitz-Stephen la)'l particular c1aim to aceuracy iD his account of the counciJ of Northamplon. He tbus Ipeaks of himself in the Preface lo his Life of Becket :_U Ejusdem domini mei conch'is, clerieus, et eOD\'ictor: et ad partem lolicitudinis ejus oris ipsius invilatus alloquio, fui in cancel\aria ejus dictator; in capella., eo celebrante, subdiaconus; sedente eo ad cognitionem eausarum, epi.tolarum et inltrumenlorum qure o/l'erebantur lector, et aliquBl'um (eo quandoque juhente) patronus j concilio Northamptonite habito, ubi maximum fuit rerum momentum, cum ip.o inter/u;; passianem ejus Cantuarire inspexi j crelera plurima qure hic scribunlur oculis vidi, auribu8 audi"i, quredam consciis didici relatoribus." Filz-St~phen's account of lhe council of Norlhampton dif'ers in sorne relpects from that in lhe "Quadrilogus." Dr. Brady gives the principal featurea of bath in his History of England, vol. i. Foxe'l account has been compared with botb, and se\'eral inaccuracies corrected. The" eertain day" for which Becket was eited to Northampton was, according to Fitz-Stephen, "Octan S", Michaelis, feria terlia," i.p. Tue.day, Oclober 6th, A.D. 1164. He adds, !hat the king spent 80 much time on hil way thither in hawking, lhat he did not arrive till ioo lale to transact any bUlineIS that day: the" prima aclio " of lhe council, therefore, did not take place till Ibl' Wednesda)', or "feria quarla" 81 tbe Quadrilogus call. it. Page 205, line 7 from the bolIom. u ROl1Prkn wue/h," &c.]-As a change has been made here in Foxe's text, Hoveden's words are gh'eu :-" Ubi [apud Northampton] tmdium magnum fecit [Rex] Thomre Cantuariensi archiepiscopo. lmpmil enim fecil Rex equos suos hospilari in hospitiis illiu8: led archiepi. ICOpUS mandavit re~i quiid ipse ad curiam non veniret, donee hospitia sua vlillUarenlur ab eqUla et hominibus suis. In crastino colloqllii venit Thomas archiepiscopuI ad euriam regis," &c. The "QUI.d rilogus" opellS the aecounl ofthe council thus :_U FagtA igitur eoncione trahilur Ild causam archiepiscol'us, quod ad quandam regis citationem se in propria persona non exhibueL Qui lice! le .ufficieulem responsalem pro se mi.isse proboverit, tam en omnium procerum et etiam pontificum judicio max omnia ejus bona mobilia sunl confiscata, nisi forle regia Clertlentia vellct temperore judicium." Out uf these hvo stal..melit. of HO\'edcn aud the "Quadriloglls" Grafton makea up the folowing:Sa whcn the day was come, oli the peers and nobles with lhe prelnle! of the rcalm upon the king's proclamation being in the caslle of Norlhampton, Weot fault Was found Wilh the arehbish0l', for Ihat he, being personally cited t,)

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appear, came not himself, but sent another for him. The cause why Ile came not Hoveden assigneth to be this: for that the king had placed his horse Rnd horsemen in the archbishop's lodging (which was a boule there of canons), ,wherewith he being offended seot word again tbat be woud not appeal', unless his lodging were vllided of Ihe killg's horsemen. Whereupon," &c. It will be at ollce perceived, that Grafion in thia slatement quite misrepresenta the meanill~ both ol' Hoveden alld the .. Quadrilogus," and that the amended text places tbe malter in its true ligbL-The occupation ol' Becket's lodgillgs by the king's borses was a circumslance not at all unlikely to occur, in cOlIsequence ol' the killg's arrival late on the Tuesday from his field sporta, as melltioned from Filz-Slephen in the last note. Grafion renders Hovedell's " mandavit" " sent word," though it ia folIowed by tbe word" colloquii." Fitz-Stl'pben, bowl'ver, confirms tbis rendering of" mandavit." for he says lhat Beckl't did 1I0t see the king on Tue,day .. but next mOrlling (Wedne'Qay) waited on him and complained ol' William de Curci's ha\'ing occupied one ol' his lodgings, and requested he might be ejl'cted, which the king cOlllplied with: he then offl'red to enter into Ihe alfair ol' John the l'tIarsbal, but the king put il olf til! John'. return from London. Tbis probably was tbe "colloquium" to which Hoveden refera. Fitz-Stepben adda, thal the next day (Thur,day) Becket was condemned for bis non-appearance at the king's court on Holy CroSl day (Sept. 14), conceming John the Marabal's business :-" Quia Icilicet a Rl'ge cilatua pro causa cujusdam Joannis (mareschalli) neque venissl'l, neque idoDte al' excusAsset." (Fitz-Sleph.) Thia John, the king's marshal, claimed a manor wbich was in Becket's possessiotl. Wben called on in tbe spiritual court to swellr to his case, he swore, not on thc Gospels, but on a troparium. Becket refused to accept such an oath, and the man accused bim to the king ol' refusing him justice. Being summoned to Ihe king's court to explain the alfair on Holy CrO!ls day, Beckat sent four Imighta to answer for him. This, then, constituted tbe first cbarge against Becket: Ol Quod ad quandam Re!!is cilationem se in propria perlO1la non exhibuerit." The merits ol' Ihe case itaelf were lo be aftenrards tried. The accusalion here against Becket was simply that hl' dirl not appeal' in perlOn in the king's court (agreeably to the Slatutes ol' Clarendon), to explain his conduct in the affair. A fine ol' five bUDdred marks was aceepted iD Iieu ol' his forfeited moveables. The" Quadrilogus" differs here from Fitz-Stephen in placing Ihis tran_action to tbe Wedne,da!l, and then hringing up the alfair ol' John the Marabal on ThaTltioy as an entirely distinct charge.-Mr. Carte and Lord Lyttelton stale, that the troparium above mentioned was not a song-book (as BOrne bave rendered il), but a book of church musie, with a portion ol' a Gospel inserted at the beginning, and that it was thc conslant practice to be lwom 011 such books. Page 205, line 4 {rom the bottom. ".d hOUle of Can01l,."]-The Cluniac convent ol' SI. Andrew. I See the note on page 214, line 3. Page 206, lin e 16. ".dnd th;' IDOl the jir.e dag', action."l-The " Quadrilogus" says :_CI Et hll!c lententia sic lata in archiprresulem ferio. quarl& prima fuit concilii aclio." Page 206, line 17. "The ftezt day the king," &c.]-Tbe "Quadrilogus" calls Ihis Lhe second day ol' the council, and CI feria quinta " Ol' Thuraday. Page 206, note (l).J-The .. Quadrilogus" ol' 1495 (cap. 32) _ays :-" In palatio vero et qui ad concilium venerant universi jam audientes hoc obalUpuernnt. Et jam pa_sim sllbmurmurabant solam captionem archiprresulis superesse. Alii vero etiam graviora Buspicabantur. Et hoc quidem jam paBBim. I Super his' (inquit vero archiepiacopus) prudentiores volumua cllnsulere, eL de consulto reapondere.' Dum igitur pontificea qui aderant quid ~uper his respondendum agendumve elset requirerent, HenriclIs Lunc," &c. }'itz-Stephen says (.p. 38) :_" Jubetur super his omnibus regi rationem exponerl'. Respondit arcbiepiscopu8 se non ad hoc veniese paratum vel dtatum. Super hoc si cllnvenire deberet, loco et lempore domino suo regi quod juria ellllet {aceret. Exegit rex ab eo super hoc cautiollem fidejuSIOriam. Dixit iIle, Be oportere super boc habere consi1ium sulfra~aneorum et c!ericorum suorum. Rex sustinuit. Ille discesait; et ex illa dle amplius ad hospitium ejus non venerunt eum videre barones, aut alii milites, intcllecto rl'gis animo. QllarlA die, ad hoapitium domini archiepiscopi venerunl omnes ecc!esiastica:
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personre illre. Cum episcopis semotim. cum abbatiblls semolim. super bnjW modi tractatum habIlit, consilium capta1'it," &c. 011 the aulholy of the foregoing pllllllllg..... the folloll'ing words ha1'e ~en added lo Foxe's text (I. 40-42) :-" Becket. astonished at tbis demand. begged Ipa\"e to c.-onsult with !,is brolher bishops apar, ~fore he made his answer, which was granted." The pn'uinR' words-" And 10 ended Ihal day', action. 011 the morro'" "-are added to Foxe', text on Ihe authorilY of Fitz-Slephen, wbo makel t1,is lasl claim to be " propounded " on the Friday, and Ihe c.-ol1sequent deliberation lo occupy the Saturday. This last addition is al80 necC8sary to explain Fox,,'s own nll.rralive; for hi, expre88ion " the morro. after," at the opening of Ihe previous paragraph, must meao Fridoy: and yet tbe Ded day named, and wllich Foxe describes as immediately folloll'ing the deliberation. is Sundf1!/ (p. 209). IL was Decessary, tberefore. to introduce a more dislinct norice of the intermediale Saturday. in order lo make oul the week. It is singular Ihat tbe " Quadrilogus" of 1495 make. the claim onIy "triginta marcarum:" but the "Quadrilogua" of 1682 saya uducenta triginta marcarum millia."
Pa~e 206. Dote (2).]-The words in the text-U Tbe archbishop was aitting apar! in a certain concla1'e with his fellow-bishops about him, consulting together. the doors fast locked to them. as the king had willed and commanded " -would stand, according to Foxe, near Ihe begiJ,ning of the prerioUl paragnap!J, after the words- u The morrow arter which was the third day of the counci1 :" they are broughl down here conformably to Filz-Stephen's statemen!, which (aa already intimated) makes this lad claim on Becket to ha\"e been "propounded" in Optm cOllncil on the Friday. and discu88ed in crmclofH! on the Saturooy; and in fact, Foxe's subsequent narrative shows tbe same thing; for at page 208. I. 17. 18. 45. he distinctly 88)S that Becket and hil suffi-agans were shut imo the conclK"e by the king for the express purpose of this deliberation, which (as already proved) took place on the Saturday. Tbe expresaion u litting apar!" is a 1'ariation from Foxe, who says, .. litting belo.;" the "Quadrilogus" of 1495 (which be folIowed) says " deorshm." but the editiun of 1682 sa... ~, u seoMlhm," opart; and Filz-Slephen IRys the deliberation took place ad h06pitium domini archj,piAcopi.

Page 208. line 24. "Who hath 'hlU." &c.]-This pas8age will be fonnd in Fitz-Stephen (p. 30), whence t.he lext is amended. The Lalin of Ihe part 80 R.nended is as fulIowa :-" El quis vos fasciuavit. O inlenNlti ponti6ces! Quid prudeuti vocabulo d;'pen'ationu manife'tam iniquilatem veslram conlegilis r Quid 1'ocalis tiilpffllalionem lolius eccle.ire Chrisli dupendillfn' Rebus vocahula serviant; non cum rebus pervertaulur vocabula. Quod autem dicilia, malilire temporis multa fore indulgenda. aueutior cerle: sed non ob id peccata Hcclllllulanda esse peccalis." Becket seems in the foregoing remarks to have had an eye to Decretal. Greg. lX.lib. 1'. tito 40, De Verborum Signi6catione, cap. 6. "age 209, lin e 24. "Sundoy, "olking wal dOTIt'. "]_U In craatillo vero, dominica viz. diet propter diem quievit concilium." (" Quadrilogu8.") FitzStephen. however, makea a very different re!,resentation : _" Quiuta die~. qm!! et domiuica erat, tota consiliis dedita est. Vix reficiendi hora re~l'irare Iicebllt. Archiepiscopus ab hospilio non discessit .. (p. 39). Page 210, Iiue 18 from Ihe bottom.]-U Arnoto ab humpris pallio cmll iufnl!, creleris indutus vestibus Bacris, cappa c1ericali Buperjecti." (" Qulldrilogu,... J Cappa was a cloak. Page 211, line 24.]-These chaplains of the archbiahop are nampd in the Quadrilogu8:" u Erant enim ibi Magister Robertus MagnuB [Grandis, ediL 1682] cognomine et OsbertUl de Arundel [Arundelli. edit. 16112]. Cum autem qui ostiarii dicebanlur cum virgis et baculis de creuaculo regis in qUI) rex erat cum magno impetu descendis.enl et vullU minaci et digitis eXlensi. versus RrchiprreBulem, quotquot in damo eraut crucis signaculo le siguantibus," &c.QuadriloglU. Page 211. line 33. "William Filz-Slephen."]-This is Beckel's biographer Fitz-Stephen, misculled here u John" by GrafIOn. who was probably misled by Ihe ,"elHion of one" ,Tohn Plancia "in the cOlltl'~I.-QIT"d,j'o9'u, pdit. 119.i. Iib. i. cap. 26.
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Page 2IJ, line 9 (rom the bottom.}-The II Quadrilogus" 88YS: ;, Dictum est etiam quod JoselinU!l Sarisburiensis et Wilhelmus Norvicensis episcopi, qui adhuc restiterant, tn.herentur statim ad supplicium in membris mutilandi: qui et ipsi pro salute .ua Cantuariensem rogabant. Intuens igitur Archiepiscopus in Exoniensem, ait," &c. Page 212, line 23. II In aU !llJlJte to tl,e pope in France.'l-" Ad Romanam aedem." (U Quadrilogus.") Foxe, from Grafton, &ays II up to Rome." But tbe papaI court was tben at Sens. In like manner, at line 8 of the next page, "before tbe pope" is substituted for II up to Rome." Page 213, line 10 from tbe bottom.J-" Et sic catholicm ecclesim et apOltolicm sedis auctoritllte binc recedo. "-QuadrilO!J1U. Page 214, line 3.J-" Ad ecclesiam Beati Andrem, religi080rum monacborum conventuae 1Il0nasterium."-Quadrilogm. Page 214, line 9.J-Fitz-Stephen saya, tbat Becket was lurking in tbe kingdom from the Quinzaine of 51. Michael (October 13th) to the commemoratio defunclorum lidelium (November 2d); on wbich day Gervase says, "4 Non. Nov. [November 2dJ apud Graveninges in Boloniensi territorio ap'plicuit." Gervase allO says tbat be auumed tbe name of " Frater Chri.tianus. ' Page 214, line 15.J-Wingham was one of the manora belonging to the see of CalIterbury ; but botb editions of the II Quadrilogu." read here " Mungeaham," whicb was another manor of the see ofCanterbury. (See Hasted's Kent, v. Great .. Mungeaham.) Page 216, note {l).J-Becket himlelC .tates generally what tbe ordinance. were to I1'hich he mainly objected, at page 230. Page 216, note (1), line 4. II A ret1eflbranu and recognition:" "recordatio et rognitio."J-These are some.hat technical terma, II recordatio" implying an examination oC witnelle' as to wbat the uBage and precedent have been in any case, and II recognitio" the allowance, ratilication. and recording thereof. The follo"ing pal88ge in tbe Appeal oC the bishops againlt the excommunication. of Vezelai reCera to tbis tran.action at Clarendon, and ~m. to ellpreBB tbe force oC tbe two words in qUeltion :-" It was now neceBBary, with a view to reltoring a good understanding, tbat an inquiry should be instituted into tbe ancient usages of tbe kingdom, and the que.tion tbus finally brouj!ht to an iBBue. And, accordingly, evidence was sougbt among the oldest oC aur bi.hops and nobility. and their combined testimony "as publicly recorded."Bp. D. TA. i. 128. Froude, voLiv. p. 177. See Ducange, and Thorpe'. G108sary to bil Anglo-Saxon Laws, v. Recordatio. Another iIlustration oC tbi. peculiar meaning oC " recordatio et recognitio" will be found at page 114, Canon I. oC the Council oC London. (See tbe note in tbis Appendix on that Canon.) Page 217, note, artiele IX.J-Frank-.41moigM 11'88 a tenure peculiar to eccle.iastica, and exempted from all secular servicel.-Lord Lyttelton', Hmry li. "01. ii. p. 249. Page 218, line 13. "l m,,,.ed irlto the folIJ oj Chrin, " &c.J-For explanation of this pusage, see tbe note on p. 199, line 14. Page 219, line l2.J-For "Sens" . lO four yeara" . . . II six yeara."Foxe (copying Grafion) reads " Senon" (from the latin" Senones"), .. lO five years," .. lO seven year8." But FOlie bimself. at p. 244, rightly considers his banishment to have lasted ".ix years:" and as Becket left Pontigny about Martinmas (Nov. 13th) A. D. 1166, it is plain that his 8OJourn there lasted, as Foxe 88yS, two yean; which leaves but four yean for hiS re.idence at Sens: Gervase eltprelsly 88Y' he was there four yean. Page 220, line 19.J-For II four yeara" Foxe reads II live." See the IlllIt note. Becket relided in the abbey oC St. Columban while at Sens. Page 220, line 21. "In the mean time," &c.J-The matter from hence to p. 241, consisting chiefy oC translation. of lettera, is Foxe's addition to Grafton, who only briefy alludes to them. They were a11 written before Becht'. removal to Sens.

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Page 221, Dote (1).]-Thia epialle is found in u Epiat D. Tbomle," lib. i &f. In the Cave manuscript in tbe Bodleian, thia Ietter occun witb tbe .ocds prefiJ:ed "siu ~e." For aD allusion to tilia abpence oC a saluta.tion, see p. 231. line 29. For a translation of thia letler, see FrouJe's lU. . . . vol. IV. p. 141. Page 227, lilie 13. "The prior oj Mcmtdinl, and Btmard/U de COf'ilo.'1Hoveden reada (Script. poet Badam, p. 507), "Prior de Monte Dei et Bernllrdu8 de Corilo.' Foxe from some obscure or corrupt copy read., "Pel.nJs de ponte Dei, and Bemardus de Corilio." The prior of Montdieu was naroec Simon; he was aftenrarda again sent by tbe pope a8 aD envoy to Henry ahaut 1168, with Engelbert, prior of Val de Slo Pierre, and Bernard, a monk oC Grammont, to wam lhe king again8t Becket'8 theD threatened excommuoication. (Epiat. D. Tbomle, iv. l, 29. Froude'8 Remaios, vol. iv. pp. 360, 370. 388.) Thi8 Bernard de Corilo i. lhe same individual as that Beroard of Grammont (see Epialo D. Thomle, iv. 8, 10; Froude, pp. 376, 387). Page 228, lioe 36.]-The excommunication of whicb the king was warned by the pope (p. 228) under dale of May 27th, was pronouoced by Becket at Vezelai on the Sunday aCler Aacenuon, June 5th, A.D. 1166: for this date. 8ee a lelter by John of Salisbury to the biphop of Exeter, "Epislo D. Thoma.-,' i. 140, traDalated by Froude, p. 149.
Pa~e 228, line 5 from the hallom. "Earl Hugh."]-Hugh, earl of Chester, mentloned at p. 276.

Page 229, line 7. "LelarrJ, ckr/c oj Northjket."]-Foxe reads "Noolk;" hut Ihe "Quadrilogu." has "Norlhleit," and HovE'den (Script. post Bedam, p. 513) lO Norficls," bnd Hasted'a Kent (i. 446) say. that Letan d.ffl mcumbent of Northleet, A. D. 1199. (Reg. Rolf. p. 506.) For" Monkton," Foxe reads "Monchole," wherein he follow. the "Quadrilogu.;" but Hoveden (ut aupra) reads "Novo Cotons," an evident corruplion (as well as the .. Moncboto" of the lO QlIadrilogus") of "Monocotona," or Monkton (caUed ia Doom8day "Monocslune'). Monkton was one of tbe churcbes in the arch bishop'a gift. PRge 229, )jne 19. "Richard oj IklJe8tr."]-F01ereada "Riee oC Wilcester." The letter readl "VVlceater," whicb ia meant for Yvelcester, or .. Iveceatre" (as Hoveden reada it, Seript. polt Bed. p. 506), or lIchester. Foxe in the next page mi..calla bim" Hichard of Worcester." Richard of Ilehelter was at thia time arcbdeacon of Poictiers, and a greal pamsan of lhe king'.; he was afterwarda made bishop of Wincheater. He ia mentioned in Letten ift Froude, pp. 135, 153, 154, 159, 161.-See Gucluin de Prtpsu1Jb,,8, CafHI, and Tanner. Page 230, line 34.]-" Juh'll oj Oz/ord," aon of Henry, a burgess of Oxford, was chaplain to Henry II., and much emplo)'ed by bim in his polilical a1fain. At hia command he pre8ided al the council of Clarendon: he was seot wilh others to appear at Sens before the pope againat Becket (p. 214): be ... chief envoy to the diet of Wurtzburg in 1165: he was aent witb olhE'r envoya to Rome in 1166 to threaten pope AlexandE'r, tbat, unless he would abandon BE'cket, Henry would do a11 in hia power lo overthrow his authority. See Henry's letter to ReginaId, archbishop of Cologne, atatiog this (El" D. Thomre, i. 69, tranalaled by Froude, 1" 127). The other envo)'" were, lhe archbiahop of York, the bishop of London, the archdeacon of Poictiers, and Ricbard de Lucy.-The allusion to the "oalh" may be explained by a pasaage in one of John of Salisbury'8 letters (El" D. Th. i. i3. JO&II. Sansb. 182): lO It appears that Jobn of Oxford has, in the oame of our king, entered into compact with thia German t)'rant, and awom that he shalJ he 8upported witb Engliah arma and counsel againat all mortals, saving only the king of France." (Froude, p. 126.) It was no doubt in allusion to tbia oath, that Becket in aleIter (Ep. D. Thomre, i 155, traDslated by Froud~, p. 236) calll bim" Jurator," "the Juror." Respecting the other two charges alleged here agaioat him, see tbe last note, and the nole on page 236, note (1). He was made biahop of Norwich A. D. 1175, and itioerating juatiee A. D. 11 i9, and died ". D. 1200. (See FlJller's Wurthie., and Tan'ller'. Bwioteea.)

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Page 230, line 22 from the bottom. CI TIuU infamom .chinnatic oj Cologne."] -Reginald, archbishop of Cologne, is meant. u It Wllll at his suggeslion, prin. cipally, that the emperor bad set up Pascal (Guido de Cremn) 8.1 anlipope, to succeed Victor (Apri! 22d, A. D. 1164). Al a meeting lately held at Wittemberg or Wurtzburg (May 23d, A.D.1165), to support tbe emperor in lhisattempt, Reginald opened lhe proceediogs, and gave out, on tbe aUlbolily of the English envoys, that Henry Wili about to Join tbem, and would bring flfty bishops with bim j on the strenglh of whicb remforcement 1Ie proposed adopting strong mea&ures, and banishing all penona of any station in the Church who declined acknowledging Pucal. l'he archbishop of Magdeburgh objected, and called upon the archbishop Of Cologne to commit bimself fint, by receivinll' consecration from PlIIlCal. 'The latter hesitated; but on the emperor becommg furious, aod chargiog him wilb treacbery and faIse dealing, be consented, and received orden from the antipope, promi.ing to receive coosecration afterwards. (Ep. D. Th. i. 72.) The archbishop of Rouen denied, afterwards, that tbe king had made any sucb promise 1IIl tbat asserted of him, 'quia quioquaginta quos exhiberet Rex non haberet' (Ep. D. Th. i. 102). Reginald was then only archbishop elecI, nominated to lhe see A. D. 1159 by the emperor, whose nomination at that time the pope of course would not recognise. Before this he was only chancellor {Ep. D. Th. i. 33)." (Froude, vol. iv. p. 153, and L' Art de Ver. des Dates.) Reginald came into Eugland A. D. 1165, to conduct Malilda, the king's daughter, to the duke of Suony, to whom she Wllll hetrothed. After his departure, the churches where he and his altendant prietl!a had said "lVI were re-eonsecrated. The king was forced to submit to this, to prevent the breach between him and Alexander from becoming wider than it was. (Rapin, vol. ii. p. 314.) Probably, it was then that John of Oxford communicated wilh ReginaId, in the way which ia here laid to his charge. Page 230, line 12 from the bottom. " The /cing hjrruelf we have not ye ezcom",,,nicated pe,.,onaliy," &c.]-The king was not excommunicated at Vezelai, in consequence of a letter arriving from lhe king of France on tbe Friday previous, signifying, under tbe oatb of Richard, archdeacon of Poictiers, and Richard de Humet, tbe king's severe indisposition. Page 231.J-For a translation of this letter of the c1ergy of England to Becket, see Froude, p. 171. The letter is in" Epist. D. Thomre," i. 126. Page 231, lin e 29. u A threateni"g kur, wherein there ;, no ,alutation prllmiud."]-For u salulation" Foxe reads u salvation." The ariginal is "sine aalute premissa j" and the alluaion is to the letter at p. 221, note (l). See tbe note in this Appendix on tbat letler. Page 232, line 3.]-This sentence is hetter rendered by Mr. Froude, p. 172: co Laatly, to secure your lordship against worldly reverses, he wished to eslablisb your power in the thinga of Gad; and, against tbe advice of his mother, the remonslrance& of his kingdom, and the sigb. and longings which the Church ventured to express, exerted a1l his in8uence to place you in your present exalted siluation, hoping tbereby to secure the happineSl and prosperity of his reign." Page 233, line 16.l-Tbis appeal Wllll relOlved on after a debate, June 24tl1 : it is in" Epist. D. Tfiomre," i. 128, and Froude, p. 176. Page 233, lilie 22.]-For a translation of most part of this letter of Becket to his suffragans, see Froude, p.185. The letter iuelf is in " Epist. D. ThollllF," i. 127. Page 235, line 35. u AruJ where !lou errite in your keter' concerning my prorII0ti00," &c.] -The reference is to the top of p. 232. See tbe note on that page. Mr. Froude, p. 187, thus renders this passage :_U Next you insinuate in your letter, nay you expreSlly assert, that the wbole kingdom exclaimed againsI my promotion, and the church sighed and groaned over it. Know ye what tbe word of truth says-' The moutb that belieth slayeth the soulf' (Wisdom, i. 11.) Would not even one ofthe commonalty be ashamed to say such tbings! And priesls, above a1l othen, are bound to speak the truth. Consult your own consciences; revert to tbe manner in which the election was conducted; to the A1nanimity which prevailed in a11 who had a voice in it; to the 05sent of the

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king, given lhrough his 8011, and cOllfirllled b)" lbe cbief Dobles of lbe realm. I f any of lhese opposed or prolesled at 1111 al lhe lime, lel bim declare it; but it is DOt for one man to say that the whole of lhe kin~dom WBB dissatisfied. heeause he himself had his own privale reasoDs for dilsatisfactioD." Where Beckel meaD. to insinuate that Foliot, bishop of London, had beeD ambilious uf being archbishop himself. Page 236, note (I ).1-" The denner)" of Salisbury had lately become "'Acant on the promotioll of lenr)", the lale dean, to the bishopric of Baieux. (Ep. Joan. Sarisb. 148, 201,) At this time some of lhe CanoDs of lhal church wen in banishment with Ihe archbishop, and the pope forhade lhe election or a ne.. uean lo proceed wilhoul their consent and privil). (El" D. Th. i. 100.) But as lhe bishop was under lhe kin~'8 displeasure, he found it necessary to make his peace, in defiance of lhe pope's command, by conferring the deanery on the king's nominee. (Ep. D. 1'h. i. 104. ii. 7.) Accordin~ to Ihe slatement made hy John of Oxford to the pope, he accepted the deanery on compu1sioD."Proude, p. 154. Page 241. "The talk belu'u"," &c.]-Here Foxe resumes his qUOtatiOD of G rafton , 8uspended at p. 220. 'age 243, line 5. J-The subject of prince Henry's coronation, by Roger, archbishop of York, i8 involved in some obacurity, owing doubtleu to the pope'l duplicity. Rymer gives a letler of pope Alexander III., directed to Roger, archbishop ol' York, forbidding bim to crown the king's IOD, as being lhe exclusive prerogalive of the arcbbishop of Canterbury, dated Cisvinarium, 4 Cal. Martii, an. 16 Hen. II. (ex Labbei CODC. tom. x. 1219). Another to the same, stating Ihat il was uDJawful for any, and forbidding any, to crown or anoinl tbe kinga of England, except tbe arcbbishop of Canterbury (ex Bib!.. Cotton. Vesp. c. xiv. 128). Allo anotber to tbe same, and to Hugh, bishop of Durham, suspending them for bavillg crowDed thl: king, dated "ereDtini, rio Cal. Oct. (ex Hovedeno). AIso a leller to Becket, daled Anagni, 4 November, ordaining for ever that none shall crown or anoint tbe kings of EnglRnd, pxcept the archbishop of Canterbury. AIso a suspemion (wilhout dale) or the hishops of London, Salisbury, Exeler, Chester, Rocbester, Sto Asaph, and Landaff, for their share in i. (Ex Bib!. Colton. Vesp. c. xiv. fol. 1286.) Il is cerlain, however, that a bull, giving Roger penniuion to peorm the ceremony, is found in three MSS., tbough omitled from the colleetion of leucrs made by Lupus under the pope's eye. It is as follows (the ItalicI are not in the original) :-" Alezantkr Papa Rogero Ebaracefl8i ArchiJilcopo.-Quanto per caril8imum filium nostrum, Henricum illUSlrem Anglorum ReglOm, ampliora commoda et incrementa in hujus neeessilatil articulo eeclesile Dei pervenisse noscuntur, et quanlo nOI eum pro BUle devotionis CODBtantia majori affectione diligimus et cariorem in nostris visceribus retinemuB, taoto ad ea qUlE ad honorem inerementum et exaltationem ipsius et 1U0rum cognoscimul pertillere libentiu8 et promptius aspiramus. Inde esl utique, quod, ad ejus petiJion-, dileclum Iilium nosuum Henricum, prim~enitum filium suum, commnnicato fratrom nostrorum consilio, ez alActontate Beati Pet"; oc n06trt1 COftced'" "' Anglia caronandum. Quoniam igitur boc ad officium tuum pertinet, fratemilati ycstrre per A~tolica Scripta mandamru, quatenua, cum ab eodem filio nostro rege propter hoc fueris requisitus, coronam memarata filio no ell: alU:toriJate leJU ApOltolicte impOflQ8, et no.o quod a te ezintle factum fuerit ratum oc fi""tkcernimlU permanere. Tu vero debitam ei subjeelionem et. reverentiam, wvo in omnibus patris Bui mandato, exhibeas et alios similiter commoDeas ex.hibere." -Lambeth MS. fol. 246 band247 a; CottonMS. Claudiru, b.ll.lih. 2,/oL 288; 8l1d Bodleian MS. The authority given in this letler lallies with that wbieh was previOUBly granled by Alexander to Roger of York in an early letler, in which, after he has confirmed the ancient grant of bearing tbe cross, he adds tbe power of crowning the king, II sieut ex literis antecessorum n08trorum predccC880ribUl tui. coneessum est, et sicut eOldem predeeC880res tU08 constat ex 8l1tiquo reci....." (Epist. D. Thomle, lib. i. 10.) This power may only refer to 888isting at lhe coronation; the faet, bowever, is worlhy of remark, especially as Becket procured afterwards a buli revoking that grant to the arehbishop of York (Ep. D. fhomre, lib. iv. 41). As a further argument in favour of tbe aulhorily of this

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lelter, it should be remembered that it talIies wilh thl' assertion made at the time of the coronation, by tbe Arcbbisbop of York and the Bishop of London, tbal they had obtained the pope's consent to th~ coronation being performed by thl' hands of the latter, Dr any other bishop. Can we believe that men of 9ueb characters, therefore, would have either wilfully stated an untruth, Dr forged tbe le~ter by wbich the Butbority was conveyed? Na}', it actually appears that the pope himfelfwrot~ to Henry, entreatin/\, him to keep it secret from Becket, that 811ch a permission had beeu given. (Epist. D. Thomm, Y. 45.) Indeed, when it is remembered what tbe conduet of the pope had been regarding the legatlne commission, the suspension of Becket, and the absolution of Foliot, it may be <'Rsily eredited, that within a very short time after this letter be .ent other lelters lo Becket, expressly forbidding tbe bishops, and especially tbe Archbishop of York, from doing anytbing- to the detriment of Becket's rigbta in tbe coronation of the prince j ar that he afterwards suspended the Archbishop of York for Ihe "ery act for which he had SD latell' given his written permissioo, and guaraoteed him scotheless from all its consequeoces. These letters of prohibition ne,'er arrived in England, in consequence of tbe careful watcb placed over tbe seaports, by which all .uspicious messeogen and despatcbe. were prevented from "ntering tbe kingdom. lu the absence of tbeae, and in obedience to tbe farmer letter, tbe Archbisbop of York performed tbe ceremany, and Henry for the time was triumpbanl. (See Ch. of E. Quart. Re.... Aprill84I.) Page 244, line 31.]-It appears tbat these very expressions which were the immediate occasion ofBecket's death, were used by tbe king faul' yean before at a conference with his courtiers at Cbinon, just before tbe excommunications at Vezeloi. Jobn of Salisbury in a letter to tbe bisbop of Exeter (Ep. D. Th. i. 140, and Ep. J oan. Saresb. 159) states, that at tbat meeting, "According to th08e who were preaent at tbe time, be [tbe king] asserted, with tean in his eyes, tbat tbe said archbishop would take from bim botb body and soul; and, in conclusion, be called tbem all a set of traiton, wbo bad not zeal nor courage enougb to rid bim from tbe molestationa of one man."-p',.outk, p.150. P~e 246, line 18.]-" Soldierll," "milites" (" Quadrilogus"), i.e... Knighta." Filz-Stepben calIs tbem "domeatici regis harones;" Hoveden and Brompton, .. quatuor milites j" Hoveden adds, .. viri quidem generis prreeminentia conspicui." Page 246, line 36.]-The words" on pilgrimage" are addcd from Grafton. Page 253, line I.]-Tbe manor of Knaresborougb (Foxe writes it "Gnanborough," Dr .. Gnasborougb") belonged to Morvile.-Ho"eden. Page 253, line 2. "To go in lirueg-lDo18ey," &c.]-Foxe (copying Grafion) says erroneously .. in tLeir lineo clotht's," owing probably to .. laneis" being mistaken for" !ineis " (see tbe notes in this Appendix on pp. 124, 254) j but no p88sage has been met witb in any of tbe old chronicles, 111 which tbis part of the penance is described. (See Gervase, Hoveden in Script. post Bedam, p. 522, Neubrigensis, lib. ii. c. 25.) Page 253, line 3. "DieJ a/I!W gea,., a/ter," &c.]-1\Ir. Carte obsenes tbat tbe biograpbers of Becket are quite mi.taken in tbis, for tbat William de Traci, whom tbey particularly mention to have died most miaerably, lived above lifty yean longer, and baving expiated his crime witb the monks of Cbriat Cburch, by tbe gin of his manor of Doccombe, W88 senescbal of Normandy in 1175 and 1176. joined witb tbe barons against King Jobn, and served in tbe expedilion into Wallll\ in 1222, and bad BCutage from a11 bil military tenanta for that service. It is likewise certain from records, that Hugh de Morvile was living in King John's lime, and bad several privileges granted him. Page 253, line 17 from tbe bottom.]-Gervase (Decem Script. col. 1422) dates tbis penance, " Avrancbes, 5 Cal. Oct." Page 254, line 16.]-8ee the nole on p. 276, note (1). Page 254, line 20.]-Foxe omita one part of tbe king's penance. Hovedell's worda are (Script. post Bedam, p. 539), ol extractis calceamenti., nudus, pedes, et in panni, lane;', per tria milliaria profectus usque ad sepulcrum marlyris," &c. Gervase also says (Decem Script. col. 1427), .. In "ede lanl'a, nudis pedibus ah eccle.ia S. Dunstani qure longe extra urbem posita est usque ad tumbam sancti Thomre Mart}'ris perveniens," &c. (See .be notes on I'p. 12'1, 253.) Tbc

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"Quadrilogu~".S'.yS:, "Toto nudato corpore, pneterqllam viii quadam tuoica super nudo amlctus. Pagl? 254, line 12 from the bottom.]-1 Coventry." Foxe ~RY', "Chichester ;" Brompton, "Cestrire;" wbich meant" Lichfield and Coventry." See page 343, note (4). Page 257, line 16. I Thu y~aT the conte"lion rerved agai"."]-Rather. the year p'receding. See Hoveden. p. 550, edit. Francof. 1601; and Rad. d .. Diceto in J'wysden's Hut. Ang. s"riptor~, X. col. 589, alto col. 1109. L' Art tle Ver. dea Dates alao places thia cOllnci to A. D. 1176. Page 257, line 23. "A counciJ a/. We,tminller,"]-Hpld (according lo Hoveden, Wikins, and L'Art de Ver. des Date.) March 14th, A. D. 1176. Page 257, line 36.]-See before, p. 111, and vol. i. p.335. Page 257, nole (2).]-Mr. Palmer, in his II Origines Lilllrgica?," gives lite following account of the camle, chimer, and rochet :_1 The ca,.,/~, or chasiLle, or vestment, was an outer garmeot, elttending from the neck nearly to the feet, closed all the way round, with only one aperture, through which the head passed . . . Originally the casula was wom, not on1y by bishops and pre! bltertl, but by all the Inferior clergy; but in the course of agPS it became peculiar to presbyters and bishops . . . . It is appointed by the English ritual to be wom by bishops in celebrating the eucharis!, and in all other public ministratioos, in which, however, they may use a cope inslPad of it.-The Dau:e c"imer was probabi)' derived from the Itnlian zimarra, which is described as 'velta lalere de' sacerdoti e de' chierici.' It was a long garment cloaed all round, with aperturel for the arms to pasa through j formprly scarlet, but afterwnrdl changed for the black satin chimer now usrd by bilhopl.-The rochd differed from the surplice chieHy in having narrower sleeves; for tbe ancient English bishop. do not appear to have uled tbe very wide and fuli lawn sleeves, naw wom by the bisbopl." Page 258, line 31. II Protector ofFrance."]-See Diceto aub anno liSI. Page 258, line 33.]-Grafton sayl that Heraclius, the patriarch of Jerusalem. brIJught letlertl to the king from Pope Lucius III. making bim this offer. Page 259, lina 1. "Thew;,r/om," &c.]-Documents abou mOllt of the affailS alluded to in thia paragraph will be found in Hoveden. l'age 260, IllIt line. "Jacobm, the Arc1lbirhop oj M/!"tz . a /iU/! bejlde in ehe Counr.i/ oj Ba,it, where the price Wt18 wont :' &c.]-Folte alludes to this story four times in the "Acts and MOlluments," here aud at p. 109, and ,'ol. iv. pp. 12, 164. In the edition of 1570, p, 294, this passage appeartl for the first time, aud without the word "in :"-"Jaeobns, the Archbishop of Mentz . II little before the couDcil of BasiI, where the price was wout" &c. Wbether thi. statemeut is to be accurate or not, will depend on whether the middle clause. "a little before tlte cOUllCi! of Basii, "be connecled with what followll, ar with what precedes. Tbe latter suppolition makes Jacobus to pay the exorbitanI sum named alittle bejore the council of Basi! : this supposition Foxe adopted j for in the same edition, in the place. corresponding to p. 109 of this volume, aod to vol. iv. p. 164, he reads-" which sum Jacobus, archbilhop of Mentz, was pressed to pay alittle before the council of Basil." The fonner supposition-i. e. as though the text meant, "wlu!reaa the price was wont a little before the council of Basil to be" &c.-makes the price for 80me reason rise rapidly tJj~er the council from 10,000 to 27,000 fiorin8. This In.t ill the trulh, as appellTB from L' Art de Ver. des Dates, which maleS JacqUl'8 de Liebenstein hecome archbishop of Mentz A. D, 1504, sixty yean afler the council of Basi: the same appears from the stalement of g-rievllnees called " Liber Gravaminum Nationis Germanicre" referred to here in Foxe'. IlOte as his authority, and of which, 88 also of the proposed" Reme!y," he gives a tranllation in(ra, vol. iv. pp. 11-15; and at p. 12 this veT}' ease ofthe lrchbishopricof Mentz is fully stated: from that pllssage two erron have been corrected in this, viz. "ten thouS8nd" is here rend for Foxe's "a tholl8and," and " twenty-'f'''ffl thou!lllud" for" twenty-riz tboll8and:' Whelher the word" in" was afterwards introduced in lo our author'. h'Xl by accident or design, does not appear; but it ia not unlikcly lhat Foxe had behJrc hilll oome wriler, as Henry Tokell

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(cit"d by hilll at p. 354, and vol. iii. p. 772), who aaid that statelllents were maUe on tbia subject "iII concilio Basiliensi :" that such was the fact there ia no doubt, as the fol1owing extract from L'Art de Ver. des Dates, ,drchetJqul'8 tle Jllayence, v. Conrad, will show :-" L'an 1429, aur la convocation qui fut faite du concik dl! BaJe, Conrad dressa un etat dea grieCa de I'eglise Gerrnanique co~tre la cour de Rome, avcc lea rnoyens de les redre88er. Mais annt de rendre public ce memoire, i! assembla le 12 Novembre 1431 ses comprovinciaux dana la ville d'Aschaffenbourg, pour en conferer avec eux. Le memoire fut approuve par 1'B88emblee et envoye au concile de Bale, oh Conrad, rnaIgr6 le desIr qu'il en anit, ne put sssister." Tbis memorial no doubt stated that the mual price was then 10,000 forina j and probably not only produced the uecree of the council of Basi! against AnnateB, but also fumiahed uaeful data to the futur. memorialist who presented the I Liber Gravaminum" to Maximilian, A.D. 1510, wben the price Wal nearly trebled.-The foregoing remarks will explain why the words "a liltle before be council of Basil" at ) 109, and "01. iv. p. 164, have been dropped in tbis edition ; tbey might indeed lave been changed into .. alittle after the council oC Basil," but that expression seemed rather too slight to describe an interval of 60 years. Page 261, note (1). "Ez libro Gral7lJlninum naliOftu GermanictZ'."J-The list of grievances here alluded to was presented to the emperor Mallimilian ill 1510 j and again in 151!!, no attention ha\'ing been raid to the complainers, 1I0r any remedies suggested by the Lateran Counci : see note on vol. i\.. 1" 11. Page 262, line 24. .. Baldwin, of a Cillereian monk made a bi6hop."]-See !,p. 718,723. Foxe, vol. '1'. p. 376, represents Baldwin Ba not becoming monk tiU he was elected archhishop. But this account is the correct one: Neubrigensis aays (Iib. iii. cap. 8), "Ex abbate Fordensi Episcopus Wigomiensis tactua." M. ,westminster says the same Ilt the )'ear 1181, adding, that he was uf the Cistercian order. Page 263, line 6. ",dboul A. D. 1160."J-The edition of 1563, p. 41, reads .. About tbe yeare of our Lorde KCLX." The printer oC the neKt edition seeml to have mislaken L for I, and gives 1109 for tbe year, whieh error was perpetuated in a11 the suLsequent editions. Page 263, line 8. "Gratian, maller of the decree6."]-See some account of hiB Ol Decretum" supra, vol. i. p. 301, lIote (3). Page 263, line 9. Ol Peter the Lombard, mader of lhe 6entenee6."1-Peter Lumbard. Professor oC Divinity at Paris, afterward Bi!hop of Paris 1159, died 1164. His great work is tbe celebrated Ol Book of Sentcnce!," in which be treats of all the principal questions wbich were then debated in tbe schools, and illustrates them by a copiolls and metbodical colleclioll of appolite pas~es trom tbe Fatbers, cbieHy from Hilary, Jerome, Amhrose, and Augustine. Thc work 800D became cIassical, and was made the subject of volumilloUl ClllDmentaries by most of tbe great scholll8tic divilles in Ihat and tbe following centuries. 'age 26-1, line 8 from the botlOID.]_U In \"\llgarem sermonem vertere, docendo dcclllrare." IllyricU6, Ol Catalogus Testillm," edit. 1608, col. 1499, B. Page 266, line 15. Ol ,druJ thia they 6aid," &c.]-" Et haee illstillltio dill steli t, sicut chronica gestorum oslendunt; et vetustissirnus Grrecus Origencs, qui sLatim pOlt Christi tempora fuit, sieut primarius magister scribit super tertiulII librum Mosis: Quieunque," &c.-},.atrom Waldemiulll R~6pomio E.reu6Qtoria apud FUllciculum Orth. Grotu, fol. 88, A. (vol. i. p. 175, ed. 1690.) Page 266, Iwte (3).]-The stalement of tbc Apologist is tbis: "Duplex est purgatorium, unum est hie, alterum in futuro sreculo. Primum babct /idem in Bcripturis saeris, et est cerlum, &c.... Seeundum purgatorium est in alio lDundo, et boc est incertum, quia Bcriplura sacra non dat de hoc testilllonium, de quo primitiva eeclesia nibil scivit, nel)ue IlCquaces per longum tempus j et vcterea doctores Don conlirmant, prtZ'cipue Je weo. Sad proxime novj quidam, non a longo tempore, ut Thomas Aquinas: is locum i7\1e"it tertium in infemu. Sed vetus doclor Augustinus aliter lensit, dicens, Locus purgatorii Don eat osleDaua, nisi quOd multis exemplis se animre ostendrunt in his locia, et cruciatibus osteDN(! sunt ... Sicque vetua doctor Augustillus cum alus vctcriblls duc-

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toribul cUltradicit Tholllre, quoliHlII priorcl tellUerunt, qubd pOlt relurrectionem SlIlvatoril nullm animre ingrediuntur infemum nili damnatarom. Sed Thom.. invenit in inferno duo loca, unum non baptizatorum. a!terum animarum purgandarum," &c.-(" Relpanlio ExculRtoria Fratrum Waldenlium," .I>ud Orth. Gratium, fol. 89, c. D.) From the foregoing extract it 1I'ould seem, that Foxe exhibita the meaning of the ApoloKilt more correcLlr in the margin than in tbe text_U Thom.. Aquinal firat finder of Purgatory: Page 268, line 8.]_U Sacerdotem quocunque loco lacrum Christi COrpWl conficere poSBe, petentibuBque miniitrare." -lllgriclU, col. 1525. Page 268, line 30. u Sa lorrg tU (J man may .ay," &c.]_U lta diu. quod poSlUllt dicere triginta vel quadraginta Pater NOller et Amen aliquoties.'JUyriCIU, col. 1523, o. Page 268, note (4).]-Tbe folIowing ja tbe Latin of the tl1'O fore~o:ng Hntencel: '0 Ilem nullam aliam orationem dicunt nec docent ncc habent, nisi orationem Dominicam, Pater NOIter, &c. Nec orationem reputant wutatiooem Angelicam, Ave Maria; nec 'rmbolum Apostolorum, Credo in Deum; et dicunl illa per Romanam Eeclenam non per Chriltum fuille ordinata len composita. Veruntamen articulOl fidei 7 de divinitate, et 7 de humanitate, et 10 precepla, et 7 opera miaericordire, lub quod"m compendio quodammodo Bb eia urdinato et compolito, dicunt~ocent, et in iIlo plurimum gloriantur et atatim offerunl le promptol ad relpon~dum de fide luA."-IUyriclU, col. 1524. B. For lhe wordl .. Nec orationem reputanI " in Ihe above pBIIBgC tbe ~nt edilion of tbe u Catalogul Teltium" bad" nec aliud reputant," while Illyciem wrote in hia margin, .. Id est, negant Iymbolum elle oralionern." Thia marginal nole WIll aflerwards wrought into the lexl, and u aliud" changed inlo " oralionem." Dr. MaiLIand proposes to read .. liliquid" for .. aliud;" i. e .. Ihey reject lhe Ave Maria and the Apostlel' Creed, clasipg them as human compo.itions made up by the Romilh Chureb." See Pil.ichdorf COJItra Waldenae., cap. xx. The seven arIicle. of faith .. pertinenlel ad m}'lterium Trinitatis, quorum quatuor pertinent ad Divinitatu intrinaeca tres "ero ad effectul," are enumerated in tbe Constitutionl ar Archbilhop Peckham, Wilkius'a Conc. tom. ii. p. 54: allo the seven articlel u qui pertinent ad Chriati h""'mlitatem." (lbid.) Then folioWI a brie f commentary on the Ten Commandmenta: tben tbe Seven Worka of Mercy, .. qure ex Mauhmi Evangelio patefiunt," viI:. II famelicum pucere, "otare litibundum, hOIpitio recipere peregriDum, veltire nudum, visitare infirIllum, consola carcere manciplltum;" Septilllum elt Tobia colligitur, Kil. II Sepelire corpora mortuorum." (Ibid. p. 55.) Page 269, line 13.]-Reineriul Saccho, a native of Piacenza, wal fint a zealoUl Waldenlian, afterward a preaching rriar, general inquilitor of heretics, and B bitter pertlecutor. He wal at length banilhed Milan A. D. 1259, and died iD exile. (Cave'l Hilt. Lit) The greater partion of hil .. Summa de Catbaria et Leonistis" il publiabed in Illyricua'a u Catalogul Testium," edi 1608, ..ol. 1507. Page 269, note (3).]-This citation il not quite exact. ReineriUl lRyl, tbat " there were forty-one Ichools in the diocele of Pusau alone;" and Ihe neltt place he calII" Clemmate."-Maitlarld', Albig,n,e. and Walde".,,\ p. 403. Page 270, line 1.]_" Habeo consultationea jurisperitorum Avenionenlium, ilem archiepiscoporum Narbonensis, Arelaten.is, et A,\uensis, item ordinationem episcopi Albanenlil de extirpandia Valdensibus, Jam ante annos 340 ~criptal."-IUyriClU,col. 1501. Page 270, line H. .. I, apparmt from," &c.]-" Facile ex pnEdictA trium nrchiepiacoporum Gallicorum conlultatioue anIe annos 340 IcriplA apparet. lllyricu., col. 1501. Page 27, line 7 from tbe boltom... Tranalated out of Sleidan mlo EnglUh. U] - Thil was done by John DaUl, and Wal priDted by J obD Daye, in London, 1560. See Dibdin's II Amel," vol. iv. p. 77. Page 271, line 17.J-See the note on page 188, line 5: allO p. 272. Page 271, line 34.]-Urban III. died October lIth, A. D. 1187, and Gregory VIII. died December 17th following.-L' Arl de rer. des Dat,.
U_

APPEND1X TO VOL. II.

859

Page 272, note (7).]-Wharton, in his" HiBtory of EngliBh Poetry," menlionM thiB bubop Stepbon, and BUppoeeB him to have beeo a cumic poeto Trivet'B wordB are aB foliowI ;_U StephanuI Redooeolil EpiBCOpUB obiit, cui ante mortem (ut ipBe faBBuI elt) apparenl qumdam penona, pano levique sibilo dixit ei hOI venus; Deaine ludere temere j nitere lurgere propere de pulvere.' Ipse eoim multa, rythmico carmine et prosa, jocunde et ad plauluB hominum Bcripsera Et quia MiBerator hominum eum io proximo moriturum sciebat, moouit Bnm, ut a. talibul ",bltioenl pamiteret."-NicoJai Tritleti 4nna/u, . Oxooii, 1719, p. 73. Page 273. line 5.]-" Johannes Burgundio, PisanuI civiB," iB mentiooed by Cave in bu Hut. Litt. He flouriBhed .... D. 1148, 11'88 at tbe Roman council A.D. 1180, and died A.D. 1194. Page 273, line 13. "Richard Pech."]-Wharton, ex fide Anna!. Eccl. S. WerburJlIll CestrenBiB, sayB he died October 6th, A. D. 1182; Hoveden BayB A.D. 1183. He 11'88 consecrated bisbop of Licbfield and CO\'entry "'.D. 1161.GorJwin tle Pr~lU1iblll. Page 273, line 16. UHugn."]-"Crenobii Carthumani Witthamll! in Somersetia, ab Hen. II. nuper poBiti. prior," bom at Grenoble, in Burgundy; conlecrated A. D. 1186; died about November, A. D. 1200. M. Paril (Bub anno 1200) relates his miracleB.-Gotlwin. Page 273, line 21. "Baldwin."]-Baldwio began to build the college for canonl at Hackington, oear Canterbury, with a view to tranBfer tbe eleclion of arcbbiBbop from tbe monka of Canterbury lO penonB who would be more obaequious to the king. Tbe monkB prevailed with pope Urban III. to Btop the building and forbid tbe plan. On his death, October 11th, .... D. lJ87, Baldwin proceeded to found the archiepiscopal establilhment at Lambeth, but was inlerrupted by death, A. D. lJ90. element III. wal elected December 19th, A. D. I I 87.-Godwin. Page 276, nole (I).]-Foxe hu autbority for the Btatement in the lext (Bee Ilaatal'B ChronicIe, &0.), but it iB not quite accnrate. Hugh, earl or Cbester, 11'&11 taken priaoner at Dol in Bretagne, on Sunday, AuguBt 26th, A. D. lJ73 (Carte, Henry) ; and the king sent for tbe earlor Leicester early next year into Normandy, and confintd bim with tbe ear of CheBter in tbe cutle of Falaise j and brought them over with bim u prisonen to England, Monday, July 8th, A. D. 1174 (Hoveden, Carte, Henry). Henry peormed his penance at Canterbury lhe following Friday, and Ihe king of Scota was taken at Alnwick the oellt day, Saturday tertio idus Julii, i. e. July 131h, A. D. 1174. (See Fordun's "Scoti-cbronicon," Gul. NeubrigenmB, Hoveden, Henry, and Nicol88'B Tables.) Tbe Btatement in tbe text, therefore, il ooly correct 88 lo the king of Scota. Page 276, note (4).]-Foxe is alittle incorrect in the text. It wu UrballllI. who died of BOrrow for tbe 1011 of the Holy Cross, u rel.led at p. 271. (See the note on tbat page.) Page 277, note (3), .. 01~ thOUland alld fi"e hundred 'l-Hoveden saya, "Quin~enti viri, exceptil mulieribus et parvulis;" on ",hicn expreBlion Foxe probably grounded hil number, for wbicb no olher authority has been disconred. Page 277, nole (5).1- Foxe'B description of Richard's prep.ration for bis departure to the Holy Land is very emharraBBed, and it hu been necessary to malte several cbanges and transposilions of his lex!, to reduce il to accnrate hutory. In tbe text, anlicipating a subsequent B~e of the negotialiona, be saya, tbat !hey agreed to go" about EIl.Bter next enlwng;" for which the wordl u at a certain interview" bave heen subslituted in the tex Page 278, line 8. "Hugh PUZIU, bilhop oj Durham. '1-Thia Hugh de PudBey, bilhop of Durbam, ordered a BibIe to be written for him some lime between the years 1153 and 1194, which is now extant in the library of the Chapter, and is divided into cbapten.-Faber'l HiI,. oj the WaltinUel, p. 375. Page 278, line 32. " Philip tlili Frtlflch king," &c.]-Foxe, by miBtake, makea Richard send to remind Pbilip. Tbe text b88 been altered in conformity with Hoveden, Script post Bodam, p. 660; Acta Pub!. tom i. p. 63 j Brompton; Diceto; M. Paris.

860

APPENDlX TO VOL. U.

Page 278, line 5 from the baliom. "After whicla t"e king," &c.]-Thi. par_ graph ia made up of two pasaagea of Foxp, whicb would stand at pp. 280, 298. Ricbard embarked at Dover, December 11th, and kppt bis Chrialmas at Lion1lla-foret, aeven leagues from Rouen, whence he proceeded lo Gue St. R..mf", and held the interview with Philip deacrib.,d in the text on S Hilary (J annary 13th). See for authoritiea, Benedictua Abba. Petroburgenia, pp. 579, 583. Vinesauf's "her Hieroaolymitanum Regis Ricbardi," Hoveden, Brompton. Page 278, note (2).]-Foxe aaya in the text that the Jewa were tu be callf"d on for "Ix thousanrl"runda (Ed.1570)j "6r,000," (Ed. 1571); but, enoneously, "6,000," (Ed .1583, 1596).-See Slowe'. ChronicIe, ad ano 1188. Page 279, line 16 from Ihe battom. "Gartleviance'1-is a word us..d at least Ihree times in Foxe, viz. here, and at vol. v. p.102, and vol. vi. p. 413,alld in each case in reference to a religious procea8ion; it seema to mean" the pomp and circlImatalIce," the cuslOmaty parapbernalia and oiIIerfHJnce, of auch procesaions. Page 281, line 5.]-Reapecting the duration of Anaelm'. episcopate, cansult the account of bim at pp. 144-171, and the Table at p. 723. Page 284, line 17.1-Foxe Ot his MS. aeems to have mia-read 38 Hen. II. iualead of 30 Hen. I for he lRya " eight and thirtieth." Page 291, !ine 24.]-" The court," bath herc and line 35, and next page, lioe 27, meana" the court ofRome." (See Gervaae, apud Script. Decem, col. 1497.) Page 293, line 19 from the bottom.]-Foxe aaY8 Urban died tbe" nineteenth" day after. He ahould have said the "eighth," or "niuth " inclllding tbe fin -L'Art de Jllr. deI Date'. l'age 294, line 19 from the bottom.]-Read "aeventpenth."-See L'Art de yer. de. Date. Page 294, liue 18 from the bolIom. "Clement llI."]-See the note in Ibis Appendix Oli p. 142, line l. Page 295, line 3.]-Hoveden saya tbat the king came to Canterbnry No\". 27th, and proposed the compromise twa days after.-GertI4Ie, Bromptcm, and nalpk de Dil:eto, opud Der.em Seriptorel, col.. 1558, 649. Page 296, Jiue 12.]-" Tbeobald " ia here aubstituted for Foxe'. "Richard :" aee pp. 187, 281. Page 296, line 21.]-" Roger" is bere BubBtituled for Foxe'a" Richard :" rnr the occa8ion referred to, see p. }10 i the archbishop of CaJlterbury was named .. ltichard," but tbere is not a" ltichard of York" in all Godwin'a list. Page 298, Hne 7.]-Tbia .. agreement" waa made Nov. 29tb. See!be nole 011 p. 295, lilie 3. Page 298,line 10. "He committed," &c.]-What is here related took ploce at a council held by Richard in France on Engliah affaira after tbe Fealt af tbe PlIrificalion, wbich 11'88 February 2d.-Benedict. Abbal, p. 584; H()f)t!den, p. 66. Page 298, !ine 24. "Thele thing, and other."]-Tbia and the next aenll'lIce stand in Foxe's lext at p. 280; the worda "and came to Cbinon " Bre added on Hoveden's authority, to conneet the narrative. Page 298, line 7 from the bollom. "To Tour., and after tlaat."J-These "'nrd. are brought from a jrevioua sen lence or Foxe; Richard received at TOllrs the pilgrim'a scrip an ataff, 81 Philip had already at St. Denia. I'age 298, line 6 from tbe battom.]-They met at Vezelai July lat, and lllarched forward two daya after.-Benedictw Abba', p. 590. l'age 299, line 2.] - Vineaauf aaya that Richard atayed three weeu at M8JIoo ,,,iII.,., and embarked the day after the Aasumption, or AlIguat 16th. I'nge 299, line 4. "The 'etJentla dag of Augwt," &c.]-Tbi. aentence, lIS far us " sea-coast of Italy," had alipped lower down in Foxe'a text. l'age 299, lilie 10.]-" Octavian" ia by Faxe, here and at p. 315, mis-caled I OUolllall " (aee Moreri 17. Cardinal) : .. Octavianus," Hoveden, p. 668. Page 299, line 18. .. Palmg on har.eback to Sakrno. "]-" In equia conductia." (lIoveden, p. 668.) Foxe aaya, "partly by honea and waggons. parlly by lhe sea, passing," &c. Page 299, lilie 38. .. A 'lronghold ral/eJ De la Bagnara, or Le Bamre. "]-

r.,

APPKNDIX TO VOL.

n.

861

Foxe ia quoting lIuveden, p. 1i73 :-" quod eat in medio ful1linis deI Far int<'r l\fessanam et Calabriam." M. Paris says, " transivit tiul'ium qui Far dicitur." Page 299, line 10 fTom the bottom.]- Vinesallf and Diceto (col. 6S7) call this place lO Mategriffum." Pll#:e 301, line 9 from the bot10m. I Richard, hearin.,! ol Joachim," &e.]See a reference to this story infra, voJ. iii. p. lOS. Joachim was bom in Calllbria, abont A.D. 1130. Having travelled in Paleatine, he assumed, on his return, the habit of a Cistercian monk, and became abbot of Curazzo in Calabria, and afterwards founder and first abbot of Flora in Calabria. He was celebrated for his prophecies: what Merliu waa among the Engliah, Malachy among the Irish, and Nostrodl1mus among the French, sucb was Joachim among the Italisns. He wrote many works. Two years before his death he published a confession of his faith, in which he begs .that his wurks might be submitted to the censorship of the Church after hi5 death, in case he died without putting his last hand to them. Page 302, line 10. "Should have ,!!fourned."]-" Ambularet" (Hoveden) j Foxe, " tr'l\ailed." Page 302, line 11 from the botom. ]-Clement II I. died March 27th, A. D. 1191, and Easter feli that year on April 14th. (See Nicola.'s Tables.) Page 302, note (2).]-The archbishop of Apamea might probably have been in Europe to stir Ul' lhe Christian princes, as the archbishop of T)'re was a few years before. Pag~ 302, note (3).]-Hoveden says, lO de Appamia, Anxiensis, et Woracensis." The names and tilles in the text are put in from the passage in Hoveden, compared with numerolIs contiguous pl18sages, in which the same bishops evidently recur allaill and again. Gallia Christiana has also been consulted, and coutinna the titles which are put in. Page 304, line 19. lO On Saturdag, the thirtieth dag oj March."]-Foxe laya, erroneously, lO the eight and twentieth day of March." Vinesauf aays, "Sllbbato poat Annunciationem B. Virginis," and Hoveden, lO Sabbato tertio Cal. Aprilis," which meaus the same thing, March 301h. (Nieolas's Tables.) Foxe's f1ezt date alao requires thia; Cor as Easter in the year 1191 feli on April 14th, and Hoveden deacribes that date I Sabbato in Hebdomade Paschre." i e. Saturday, April 20th, it would be the twenty-second day arter March 30tll, including (as uaual) that day itself. Page 304, line 23. lO nIter the departure," &c.]_I< Eodem die" (Hoveden). Vinesauf implies the same. Page 304, line 6 from the bOllom.J-Thia behaviour of Pope Celestine III. to Henry VI. ia referred to again, vol. iv. pp. 114, 143. See IIoveden (Script. post Bedam, p. 689), Knighton (Script. Decem. col. 2403), and Baronius, ad ano 1191, 10. Page 305, line S. " TIIe IefIth dag oj April.']-Hoveden says, "feria quarta ante Cmnam Domini." lO Cmna Domini" means Maunday Thursday (or tha day before Good Friday), which in A. D. 1191 feli on Aprilllth (Nicolas'aTables). The "feria quarta," or Wednesday before, would therefore be April 10th. Vineaauf says, "die Mercurii post Dominicam Pahnarum," wbich is the same date with Hoveden's. Page 30S, line 11.]-" AppUcuit in insula de Creta, deinde in inaula de Rbodea."-Hovedrn. Pag p 306, line 18 from the bottom.]-Vinesauf saya it was on Sunday, SI. Pancru' day, or May 12th, which fita the year .1191. (Nicolaa'a Table8.) Page 307, line 13.]-Foxe inadvertently aays lO aixth" instead of l< aeventh," Rnd ut line 23 "seventh" for "eighth." Richard certainly reached Acre lO proximo Sabbato ante festUIl1 beati Barnabre Apoatoli, in Hebdomade Pen tecoltes." In tbe )'ear 1191 Pentecost Celi on June 2d, and St. Barnabas' day was June 11th. The Saturday between would, therefore, be June 8th. (See Nieolas's TubIes.) PB.e'e 307, line 17.]-Vinesauf gives a terrible deacription oC the "Grrecus ignis;" or wildfire, here used. See Lord LgttelLo,,', Henrg II. voJ. ii. p. 164.

862

APPENDIX TO VOL.

n.

Page 307, line lB.1-" Ducenlol aerpentel pemiciOlillimo....-Yu.uaif. Page 307, line 27.]-Vineaauf l8yl Ihe lurrender of Acte look place lidie Veneril proxilllB post Iranllalionem beati Benedicti i" Ihal feut .u July 11lh. and in tbe year 1191 rell on a Thursday. (Nieolu'l Tablei.) The IUrrender ol" Acre W8I, therefore, on July 12th, 81 Foxe Ilalea. PlIge 30B, line 12 from tb. boltom.]-Tbe day or "St. Peter ad Vinc'11la," i. e. August 111.- yme.auf. Page 309, line IB.}--Tbe battle of Azolul was fought Seplember 7th, or the "twenly-Iecond day arler Richard'. leaving Acre," whieh waa August 22d. (Vineaaur.) At thia baul. 20 emin and 7,000 of the flower of Ibe Tarkiah cavalry were alain; and Richard b08lted that in forty campaigna tbe Tar had 1I0t received auch a blow. . PaKe 312, liDe 9.]-Gerard de Camville bad bought the government of Lincoln C8Itle from Richard, and yet Longchamp demanded it ol bim. and Iried to displace bim by foree.-Brnmpton. Page 312, lut line but one. "Mali/lew L, Ckre."J-Foxe calls him .. their constable j" he is by Dieeto (Decem Script. col. 671) called "muDiceptl principalis eutelli de Dovera." Page 315. liDe 5.]-Tbe earl of Salisbury wu Wi1liam LoDgspey: eee pe 374. Foxe's Dames of the En~lilh Dobles have bcen correcled here. and iD many otber pauagea, from DUgdale'1 Baronage, and otber autheDtie IOlUCelI of informalion. Page 315, line 24.]-Foxe sayl, "IChe woald reatore to him IIJr!'n Sclavonia, iD 81 good stale as it was when h. took it." II il "Scalona' iD Hovedeu, whieh led to the mistake of "Sclavonia." Foxe hu misunderstood tbe eondilion, which W8l-" si A!IClllon dirimerelur, ul in posterum non re-redificaretur a Christiania nec a Turcis ;" see Bromplon. who arlerward I8Ys it wu agreed lhal Ascalon sbould be dismantled for lhree yean: il was dreaded by the Sultan, as a stronI!' forlreo on lhe fronlier toward Egypt. For be stale iD .bieh Richard found it, lee Foxe, p. 309 j aner whieh he had been at immense pains and expenle in reslorin~ Ihe walls and fortificatioDI. It W81 there Ib. he afFrouted tbe duka of Austria. who anerwards took him prisoDer. Page 316, line 9.]-Foxe aBY' erroneoue1y, that Ricbard embarked .. Ibe next Ipring." Page 317. note (1). .. E....... ]-This ChronicIe extends from the Conquest to the year 1367. Among the .. Nolre Anonymi" written iD tha margiD of Cave's Hist. Lit!. in tbe Lambelb library, in the handwriting of Henry Wharton, and priDted in tbe Oxford ediuon of Cave, 1743, this Chronicle is ucribed to John Wicli1I: The plll8age referred to by Foxe occun at folio 163 of the Cotton MS. of the E ..logium. .. Anglici multum condolentes de regis incarceratioDe miaeruDl pro eo 100,000 Hbr81 argenli. Unde fere omnes calices et omnia v8la argeDtea cODverli fuemnt in monetarn, ut regem suum liberarent, qui honorilicl! hODoratu. esl. Impetralum fuit a Domino Papa ul eelebrare pOllent sacerdote. in calicibus de stanno, et sic longo tempore feceruD, quod et Dobi. vi8um esl. Dominus vero Auslrire, qui regem incarceravit, lile inter papam et ipsum iDgruente monlUr excommunicalus anno 1196." There il much contradicuon 81 to tbe real amount pajd for Richard's ransom ; for al p. 43B we read (OD tbe authority of M. Pana, lub. ano 1246) tlu.t lhe Engli8h c1ergy usured tbe pope, bat Richard's ranIOm coot 60,000 marb, which were raieed wilb tbe help of the ehurch plale. M. Patis, bowever, in thil place say. that 140,000 marka were demandp.d: al p. 794 Foxe mentioDl only 30,000 lDarks u paid for Richard's rele8le. There 18 a letler in Hoveden, from Richard lo his mother and the juslices of England, dated Haguenau, 3 Cal. Maii, A.D. 1193,staling that he would be releued on IbepaymeDt of70,OOO mark.. Tbe fiDa! settlement of the matter, given by Hoveden, aDd from him by Rymer, ltaleS that 150,000 marks (100,0001.) were to be paid, 100,000 at once, and the remainder in seven montbs after his return to England ; 30,000 of this remainder were to go to the emperor, and 20,000 to tbe duka i lixty hOllages for the payment being given to the emperor, and leveD to lhe duka. .Foxe's aceount in thil place very nearly coincides wilh HovedeD.

APPENDIX TO VOL.

n.

863

.Puge 318, line 23. " Te,e worth ol Fuleo," &c.]-The king only dillllembled for the moment. The original passage is here given, which is more terse than our alllhor's veraion. " Dico libi, O Rex, ex parte omnipotentis Dei, ut tres fi1iaR 'luu hllbea pessimas citius marites, ne aliquid deterius tibi contingat. Cui fertur, 'O digilo compesce labella : Accusator erit qui verum dixerit j' 'Nemo sine vitiis nasciturj beatus qui minimis uf/retur;' et alibi; 'Nemo sine crimine vivit.' Cui Certur regem respondisse: Hypoct'ita mentitus es in caput tuum, quia filiam non hllbeo uUam. Ad quod Fulco respondens ait: Certe non mentior, quia (ut dixi) tres habes tilias pessimas, quarum una est Superbia, altem Cupiditas, tertia Luxuria. Convocatis igitur ad se Comitibus et Baronibus multis qui aderant, ait Rex: Audite universi commonitionem hujus bypocritre, qui dicit habere me tres filias pessimas, videlicet, .. &c. - See HO1eden, Brompton, Camden', &maim, &c. ' Pnge 318,line 13 from tbe bottom. "Ademar."]-Foxe caUs bim" Widumarns." Hoveden (Script. post Bedam, p. 790) calls him "Widomarus, vice-comes de Limoges." L'Art de Ver. des Dates, in the Article Yiscomte, ciP Limoge" calls him "Ademar III. le Barbu," Page 318, note (1).]-This Fulco is the "Eximius Prredicator" oC France, mentioned by Grosthead at p. 530 of this volume. Hoveden introduces this story by tbe following account oC Fulco (Script. post Bedam, p. 789) :-" Eodem anno erat in Gallia qui dam sacerdos nomine Fulco, quem magnificavit Dominua in conspectu regum j deditque ei potestatem creC08 illuminare, daudos, mutoo, et alios diverais Illnguoriblls oppres80s curare, dremones effugsre: hic autem meretrices relicto impudicitire frreno ad Dominum cOllvertit: usurarios etiam ad cmlestem thesaurum invitans, quem nec rerugo nec tinea demolitur nec fures furantur, fecit omnem substaotiam qllam usura et famus devoraverat in IIOUS pauperum distribuere. Ipse quidem prredixit regibus Francire et Anglire, quod unus illorum in mala morte in proximo interiret, nisi celerius ab hostilitate cesllll88ent. Et quia in illo temJ.lOre messis quidem erat mul ta et pauci operarii, conjunxit ei Dominus viroo saplenleI verba salutis reternre prredicantcs. magiltrum Petrum, et dominum Robertum, et dominum Emtrp;ium abbatem de Flai, et ca'leros quosdam, qui missi per orbem terrarum prredicaverunt lIbique, Domino cooperante et sermonem confirmante sequentibuI signis." And Brompton (col. 1274) says, lo Illis quoque diebus quidam propbeta efficacissimus in Francia surrexit, scilicet Magister Fulco, pro quo Dominus manifeste dignatua est mirabilia operari. Hic summo opere UBuram conallatur extirpare. Hic etiam Fulco quendam religiosum ac facundum prredicatorem, abbatern se. de Flay ordinis Cisterciensis, in Angliam mi~it ad commereia qUII! Domiolcis diebus solebant tunc fieri deponenda." But Brompton (col. 1278) tells the story in the text of Walter, archbishop of Rouen.-These extract8 respecting Fulco are given at fuli, aR iIlustrating a passage of Foxe in page 630. Page 318, note (2).]-The king had a regiment of Fleminga in his servic!', the captain (lO dux ") of which was named "Marchadeus "(Hoveden). Foxe amusingly calls him "the duke of Brabant" here and next page, line 13. Brompton calls him "Marchadeus " (col. 1277), Knighton "dux Brabancire" (col. 2413). "PrincepB nefandre gentis Braibancanorum" (Hoveden, 768) j "Marcadeus nephariis Brabantinorum vanatus cntervis" (Diceto, col. 697). He seems to have been a "soldier of fortune," who was ready to elllut wberever sufficieot inducements offered, and was now in Ricbard's pay. Page 321, line G.]-Foxe in this place makes Geoffrey the third, and Richard, the fourth, BOli ol' Henry II.: this error is corrected in the texL Diceto (col. 657) says that Richard" Arturum hreredem suum instituit, si aine prole discesserit j" c1early implying that Richard was older tban Arthur"s father. Also Gervase (col. 1590)says tbnt Arthur, when a boy, "Camilinrium Sllorum et imperitorum seductus consilio cmpit rebellar.," &c. See Sandford's Genealogical History of tbe Kings of England. Page 323, line 26. "Simon Lan,q/on. . ' becarne archbishop of York, a, oppearel in te cour,e (lI tllU ,/ory."]-He waB elected by he chapter A. D. 1215, but rejected by the pope, as Btated at page 338 j neverthelels, Foxe in the !nargin of p. 393 calls him "8rchbishop of York."

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Page 324, Jine 24.]-Thr: sentence bein~ corrected, the origina1 il given from M. Paril: "Et quod magii in prrejudielUtn et lubversionem libertatum u coronam luam apectantium redundat, ipsius consenlu a monacbia (qui iIIwn postulasae debuerant) nec rite requisito, eundem Stephanum temerll promevere prresumit." Page 326, line 25. "Thr~e bilhop....]-Foxe says "four," and adds, I I Gile., biahop of Hereford." But M. Paril (p. 157, Ed. Parli, 1644) meDtiona only three-" Willielmua Londinenlis, EustachiuI Eliensil, et MalgerUI Wigornienlil ; " and aooll after he mentionl these three as fying from England, togetber with Joceline of Balh, in order to avoid the Idng's rage. Hence Foxe may have thought that all four were engaged in pronouncing the interdiet. Foxe alBO saya .1 Walter, bilhop of Winchester," inltead or "Mauger, bishop of Worcester." (See Godwin de Prrelulibus.) The date of tbe interdict. as ginll by M. Parii, is "Quadragelima aequenti;prima die Lume in paasione Domini, qUle tune eontigit Decimo Calendaa Apnlis i" i. e. Monday, April 24th, .... D. 1208. (Nieolu's Tables.) Page 328.]-This Heene between the king and Pandulph ia given in tbe .1 Annales Waverleienses." Page 3:O, !ine 12.]-" Peter Wakefield, of Poiz," rather "of Pomfret." Page 330, line 22. "8cant "'lIrll tere thru, 6IJith thll ehr"";ek." &c.}Grafton saya, II three in the realIn, said he, that lived chriatianly." Page 330, line 25.]-King John reckoned his regnal yean from AaceDsionday, 011 whieh day (May 27th, A. D. 1199) he was crowned. Aocenaion-day in 1213 happened on May 23d; John'sfourilltltlth regnal year would, therefon, elld May 22d, A. D. 1213.-Nicola'. Chr01lOlogy of Butory. Page 330, !ine 36. "And IUlId to tatllt tmd talk. "]-In the firat edition (p. 64) the reading is "lo trattle," aa in Bradford'a Examinationa, 1'01. vii. pp. 168,762, II OCCUfS alao in a Skeltonienl poem, quoted in Brydgea' CensQIa Literaria, vol. i. p. 67, eclit. 1815:.. And wyli do nothynge elles But tratlynge talel telles." Page 332.)-This obligatory document ia given in M. Parii, p. 164, dntf'CI Wedlleaday, May 15th, A. D. 1213. A new translation of tlle Latin is substituted for Foxe's, which is from Grafion, and very defective. The lubrniaion 'poken of in the previous paragraph wal made two da}'s before, Monday 13th, at Dover. -M. Parn, p. 163. Page 333. "Upon thu obligatitlfl thll king wa. duc1largtd," &e.]-The king wns abBOlved from the sentence of excommunication by Archbishop Langton, nt St. Swithin'a chllrch, Winchester, on the feast ar St. Margaret the Virgin [July 13. A.D.1213], according to the" Anna!. Waver!.": !he arcbbiahop bad been apecially lent lor from France for the purpoae, as the barolUl refUlled to aecom~any John in his expedition into France while he continued excommunicate. The kingdom was not relieved from the interdict till Wednesday, 6 Non. Julii [July 2d], the )'ear following.-Th06 WJm, Ann. Wal1erl. After th.. words ol six yeara and three months," the edition of 1563, p. [66], adds, "and 16 days from the firat proclaiming thereof." Page 333, helow the middle. "And Ireland.")-Edit. 1563, p. 66, add~ " Sa wal it dilcharged in the ICcond day of J uly, after six }'eal'8, iii. moneths, and xvi. dayea from the lirat declaring therof." Page 334, line 18 from the bottom.]-The words, "and a grea!' 10rt more .. Toulouse," are inlerted from Grafton, whom Foxe is copying: they seem to have been left out by accident. " Sataloni " aeema a corrupt word, Iormed from BOrne tranlposilion of the 'Yllab1u of "Talasani;" or it lIlay be a corruption of " Carcassone." Catalonia doel not seem to have come under !he papaI thunderl, or it mi~ht ban been aupposed to be meant here. Page 335, last line but one,]-" Homely hand!ing of hil majelty" is introdlll'cd from Grafton. 1"oxe says "humble handling of his majesty's wi!." Page 335, note (l). "Hieron. Mariu.:']-His real name was either Ctr/illR Stcundu~ Curio, ar MD.lMariru: see Clement's Bibliotb. Curieuse, vii. 367. H e was an Italian pb)'sician, but fted to Switzerland upon embracing tbe teoets

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865

oC the Refonned Church, as stated by himself in the dedication to his book entitled E,"~bilU eapUfJus, sjfJ~ modus proeetkndi in C14ria Romana contra Lulert1flO6, &c., Basilere, 1553: and Foxe has apparently rather oventepped this authority in the present instance, the word. of Marius being "l~ge IlJncifJit (Innocentius II J.) ut maledieentiblU Pap~ pama in.fliger~tur:" p. 29. Page 336, line 4. .. Rebellion."]-Thi. word, intended to describe the struggle for tbe Magna Cbarta, Foxe borrow. Crom Grafion. See the note on p. 340, line 19. Page 338, line 12. "In the 'am/l ge(Jf', A. D. 1215."]-Foxe says, "the next year, A.D. 1216 j" but see Richardson'a Godwin "De prreaulibua," &c. Seven linea lower Fo.te erroneouBly calls Walter Gray" biBhop oC WincheBter." PlIg'e 338, line 23.]-Ge"aia Hobrugge waa prrecentnr oC Sto Paul's.M. Paru. Page 340, line l. "De",oil/ld."]-U Deprredatua esL"-M. Pam. Page 340, line 19.]-Foxe say. here u Lincoln," inBtead oC u Boston." Mr. Pl'gge, in an artiele in vol. iv. oC tbe Archreologia on the atory oC King John'. being poisoned by a monk, expresaea his surprise that Foxe, as a native oC Boston, should have spoken oC Swineabead Abbey aa no' Car Crom u Lincoln." whereas it lay six mies eut oC Boston, and Boston thirty-seven miles 8OutheRBt oC Lincoln. But the Cact is, Foxe is copying Grafion, Crom whom he borrows en f1I018e the greater part oC his account oC King Johu's reign. Page 340, line 36.]-M. Parii, in the same pUlage iu which he mentions this anecdote oC King John (p. 245), speak. of him as oC a sceplica1 tum, and 88 doubting oC a future state and oC other artieles oC the christian Caith. J ohn'8 remark on the Cat stag certainly savours oC proCanenen more than anything else; but, judging Crom observation, infidelity and profaneness are the natural fruiu oC Popery in a mind which has once seen its deluaions, unless true religioD be at the same time presented and embraced. Page342, line 5. u Yet Mattht!tIJ Paru," &c.]-Mr. Pegge, in the article in the Archreologia referred to in the last note but one, mentions with dishonour Foxe's name among othera, as perpetuating the story about King John 's heing poi8Oned by a monk. But the Cact is, that (as has been beCore observed) Foxe's account oC this reign is little else but a transcript Crom GraCton's ChronicIe, which he gives nearly as he Cound i1. In this rarticular instance, however, he has gone heyond his author, and gives, out o pure candour and desire Cor truth, the other (more charitable, though then less popular) statement oC M. Paris (pp 287, 288) as to the cauae oC Joho's death.
Page 342, line 17.]_U In nocte qure diem Sd. Lucre Evange\islre proxim~ secuta est." (M. Paris.) S1. Luke's day is Octoher 18th. Foxe says erroneously, .. Upon SI. Lucy's even." John's death is commonly dated October 19th. Page 342, note (3).]-The work here referred to is intituled .. The Pastime of People, or the Chroniclea oC Divers Realms, and most especia1ly oC the !ealm of England, briefy compiled, and imprinted in Cheapside, by John Rastell [A. D. 1529]:" reprinted and systematically arranged, London, 1811. Rastell here says, .. Alan about this tyme, the citezyns of London made such sute to tbe kynge, that they optayned that the kynge graunted them, to chose oC tbem selfe yerely a mayre and ii. sheryffes, and the name. of haylyffes c1erely to be voyded: wh08e names of the meyre and sherl.!!'es were, the first mayre Henry Fitz Alwyn j the fint sheryffes, Peter Duke, fhomas Nele." King J obo granted a charter to the citizens oi" London Cor choosing their own ,herijf&, dated J uly 51h, in the fint year of his reigo [A. D. 1199J, and another for choosillg a mayor, dated May 191h, in the sixteentb year oC bis reign [ D. 1214]. (Maitland's Hiatory of London, vol. i. pp. 74, 76.) Between the Conquest and this latter year, the sheriffs were called baiiijf,. DUriDg tbe Anglo-Saxon period, the chieC magistrate oC London was called the portgrafJe or portreTH! i after the Conquest, he was called lhe protwt. Mayor was taken from the French f1Ieyr~, which was the title of the chief magistrate of Rouen. (MitIand, vol. ii. p. 1192.) Arnold's Chronicie says, that Henry l"ilz Alwyn, or Hery,on Alwyn as he calls him, first look the litle oC mayor A. D. 1207 for lhat oC elUtOl (sce p. 802 of tbis volume) or hailiff, uuder which tille
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he had held the office for twenty yeara. Fitz Alw)'n appt'ars at the head of the list of mayon in Maitland (vol. ii. p. 1195) for twentJ-four eonsecutiv,", yean, A. D. 118!l-A.D. 1212; and in the list of sherifFs (ibid. p. 1202) Thomas Fit. Neel and PeresIe Duc appear at A.D. 1208. Page 343, line 28.}-Foxe. misled by Walter IJemingford. reads .. Gloucester in but M. Paris, "Cbester." Dugdale's Baronage states (vol. ii. pp. 42, 43, 211) that the earl of Chester was materialy useful to the king at this tiUl,,; while the earl of Gloucester joined Louis, and was taken prisoner at the baul" of Lincoln. Page 343, bot tom of the page.]-This list is corrected from itI. ParU and Dagtiale', BaroTUlge. Page 343, note (I).]-The former account of John's children is copi..d from Grafton, and is substalllia\ly correct: tbe latter ia not. The three 8On~, William, Guy, and Ethelmar, bishop of Winchester, were his step-sons ...itb Isabella of Angouleme, his third wife, by wholO he had the other two sons, and thrt'e daughten. "Guy de Lusignan" is by GrafIon and Foxe called here "Guido Disenaie." "Liziniac" might easily be mistaken for IJisenaie in a MS. Ethelmar is menlioned at pp. 423, 441. Joan's marriage is mentioned at p.374. Page 344, line 19. "The neID pope."l-Honorius III. W88 crowned pope July 24th previous.-L'Art de de, IJale,. Page 345, top of the page.]-This list is corrected from M. Pan. (p. 295) and nagdale', BarOTUlge. Page 345, line 5.]-Louis W88 not Itimself at the battle of Lincoln, being engaged at the time in the siege of Dover Castle: !he earl of Perche acted as his commanrler in chief. Foxe representa the nobles presently mentioned as ,lain witb the earl of Perche i wherelll' they were only taken prisoners.-See Matthew Paru, pp. 295, 296, and Dugda/e', Barollage. Page 345, line 16. "ElU/tace, a French monk."]-Foxe calis bim "& French lord." But be is called "Eustacbius Monachus" in the Forma PacU, where one stipulation is, that Louis shall com pel the brothers of Eustaebill8 MOlJachus to .urrender tbe islands belonging to England. He is also calIed "Archir.iratam Francorum" (Melro.e Chron.); "Eu8lachius, cognomento M&nachus ' (Annales Waverl.); M. P.uis (p. 298) says "Eustacbio monacho, "iro fagitiosissimo;" and, 800n after, "Eustachius monachus, proditor regia Anglire, et pirata nequissimus." Hemingford calls him "quidam tyralmu! u Hilpania, cognomine Monach;' qui cum mulw exigisset prre<1as, multaque loca suo subjug88set imperio, taOllem anhelavit ad regnum Anglire conqurerendum." II Eustachius ut fertur monach UB, qui ut decebat apostatam ostendens Buam inconstantiam srepe de uno rege transivit ad alium, et tanquam de Monacho fnctus DQ'flloniaCIUI dolo et perfidia plenus fui t. " (Walsingbam, Hypodigma NeUltrire.) Mr. Carte (History ol' England, tom. ii. p. 9) cali. him .. Eustace le Moine, who had formerly deserted from John to enter tbe king ol' France's service." M. Pari. stlltes that the French had eighty ships besides otber cra!\, and tbe English forty of all sorta. Page 345, line 30.J-The "Forma Paru" between Henry and Louis is iD Rymer, dated Lambeth, Sept. 11th, A. D. 1217.

rb.

Page 345, line 30. II The arc!lbuhop ol Canterbury."]-M. Parls Bays, " William, earl of Pembroke j " and the Merrose Chronicie says tbat tbe arehbishop did not return to England from the genera council (of Latemn, A. D. 1215) till May, A.D. 1218; whereas this treat)' was concluded .. 3 Id. Sep." i. e. Sept. 11th, A. D. 1217.-See M. Paru, Rnd the last note. Page 345, line 33.1-Foxe sa)'s II fifteen thousand marks," but M. Pan. (p. 299) II quinque miflia libranim sterlingorum." Foxe at p. 383 SII)'S .. one thousand marks," wbere the corresponding p88sage of M. Paris (p. 336) snY. II quinque mil1ia marcas." Page 345, line 40. II The bj,hop ol Canterbltry."}-M. Paris still says II William, the earl of Pembroke," Rnd represents Louis's deparlure as anytlling but honourable.

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Page 346, line l. II Wher~ol smnlion Wal made bifure. "}-See pp. 338.339. Page 346, line 18 from the bottom. II About thil 'eUon," &c.]-This is an inaccuracy of M. Paris (p. 297). Foxe has already mentioned the death of Innocent III. and the accession of Ronoriua III. at the right places (pp. 340, 344). Innocent III. died July 16th. A. D. 1216.-L'Art de rr. de' Date Page 346, line 17 from the bottom. "Frederic, the nephew ol Frederic Barbaroua."]-Here II nephew" is used, as in other places of Foxe. for (nepos) .. grandson."-See Gltmarial lndez. Page 346, line 15 from the bottom.]-Foxe tak es up the history of Frederic II. at pp. 455-509. Page 346, line 13 from the bottom.}-M. Paris gives this letter, p. 301. Page 347, line 22.]-Ronorius III. died March 18th. A.D. 1227.-L'Art de M' Date. Page 347, line 18 from the bottom. II The 'econd cif thil king', reign."}}'oxe 8IIyS, II the third" year j but the parliament met just after Michaelmas (Ann. Waverl.). and Henry'slec01Id regnal year did not close tiU October 27th, A. D. 1218.-See NicolaR" Tables. Page 347. line 9 from the bottom. II ThrolJgholJt England."]-After these words, should be read the sentence in the next page from the edition of 1563. Page 347, line 6 from the bottom.]-" Forty-ninth" is 8ubstituted for Foxc's "fiftieth." Becket was slain Dec. 29th, A. D. 1170, and the third year of Henry III. ended October 27th, A. D. 1219. M. Paris (p. 310) places the shrining of Becket under the year 1220. Page 347, laRt line but on....]-Isahella was married to the earl of Marche, A. D. 1217.-L'Art de rb. des Dale'. Page 348, line 1.]-William. earl of Pembroke, died in March A.D. 1219 j which oceasiolled the promolion of Hubert de Burgh to be chief justice, as just before melltioned. and of Peter. hishop of Winchester, to be "regis et regni rector."-M. Paril, p. 304. Page 348, line 18.]-Engelard de Ciconia ia, in M. Paris. called Engelara de Athie. This list has been corrected by Dugdale's Baronagl.'.

re,..

Page 348, line 22. "Fouke', who jortijkd the caslle of Bedlord, " &c.]This is out of place. Foukes de Breant, for certain olIIrages in the neighbourhood, was condemned by the king's justices, sitting at Dunstable A. D. 1224, in a great sum of money. This occasioned his seizure of one of them, which led to the siege of Bedford Castle by the king's forces during seven weeks, at the end of which time it was taken by storm, on the Assumption, August 15th. A. D. 1224. He did not leave England till the year A. D. 1228, soon arter Bartholomew-tide (August 24th). as Dugdale shows in his Baronage, vol. i. p. 745. (See M. Paris, p. 320.) Page 348, line 3 from the bottom.]-This second coronation took place on Wbitaunday. May 17th, A. D. 12:l0.-./. Pa";', p. 309. Page 348, note (l).]-The pasaage in the text is a translation of Hoveden. Page 349, line 8.]-M. Paris (p. 299, ano 1209) calls this bishop of Lincoln "Hugo, arcbidiaeonus Wellensis:" Godwin, " Hugo Wallis, archidiaconus Wellensis." This stury about his fine is in M. Paris, p. 299, ano 1217. Page 349, line 13.]-Robert CUTSon was the famous preacher against usury, mentioned in the note in this Appendix on p. 318, 1I0te (l), aud by bishop Grosthead at p. 530. He was an Englishman, chaneellor of Pam, created by Innocent II L cardinal of St. Stephen in ClElio Monte A. D. 1212, and died at Damietta A. D. 1218.-Moreri. f Page 349, line 15. "The life and acu ol Pope lnnocent lIl." &e.]-From hence to p. 363 is a digression. the greater part of which falls chronologically Tather under the preceding reign j and at p. 350, 1ine 28, Foxe 8IIys, "this King John," as though he had originaUy written this matler for lhe preceding reigIl.

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Page 349, line 22.]-Folle saya, by mistake, "five" instead of "aix" yean. See p. 333. Page 350, line 15.]-Aa FOlte'a text has been aliUle amplified in thi. paragraph, the oginal pauage from Murius is given. By the way it may be remarked, that Fon erroneously calls thia author Hermanruu Mutiul.u Anno Domini 1212, fuit hlllresis in Alsaria, qua seducti erant nobiles et vulgus. Affirmabant quolibet die Iicere carnes comedere, in piscium ellU immodico tam in eSie luxum, quarn in reliquis camis goeneribul. Item male facere, qui contrahere matrimonia prohiberent, cum Deus omnia crearil, et sancta omnia sint cum gratiarum actlOne accepla a fillelibus. Hi pertinaciter opinionem mam suam defendebant, et credebant mulli illis, nec dubitabant blasphemias dicere in sanclissimum dominum Papam, qui prohiberet PecIesiaaticil eontrahere, el quibusdam diebus a cibis corporum humanorum conslitulioni idoneis (lic). Quapropter Pontifex Komanus prrecepit ejusmodi hominea e medio tollere. Suntque uno die circit'r cen tum ab episcopo Argenlinensi combusti. Mu1ti carcebul mancipati, donec revocaverunl'lalam prafe811i ae errare. "-Huldericu8 Mutiru, German. Chrllnic. Liber xix. apu Pislorii" Germ. Script." tom. ii. edh. Halisb. p. 809, Edit. Hanov. p. 176. Page 350, line 24. u Nauclerru, anothcr hutonan," &c.)-An inaccuraey of Foxe's having been dilcovered and corrected in this parBg'Taph, the original is here cited, wbere l1lyricus for u Mediolanum" reMs "Mediolanensibus;" but Foxe seems to bRve taken" Mediolanum" for u Mediolanensetl," and made it tbe nominative to .. miserun!." I "In psrtibus etiam AIsatill! tum hlErelu et error tam nobilium quam plebeiorum multum increvit, valenlium et alll!erentium licitum et nequaquam eue peccatum, in Quadragesimlll diebus et reliquis Sextis feriis anni comedere cames: quicquid etiam peccarent homines cum his membris qlllll sub umbilico forent licile fieri posse, dicenlea blllc fieri aecundum naturam. Unde quotannis hujua errum et hreresis authonbus Mediolanum certum censllm mIS'runt: tandem V'ro ab Episcopo Argentinensi ac civibus capli utriusque sems et conditionis bomines fere octoginta unii die omnea igni traditi sunt et combu.ti."-Nllurleri ChrOflOgraphia, Yolllmm Tertium. Gewu. 41. mb anno 1212.-8ee U.sher, Dc Chri8t. Rect. Sur.. et Statu, lib. x. H. 33, 34. Page 353. .. TlIc prophccy of /liltbgard.")-She was bom at Spanbeim about A. o. 1098, and became abbeu of St. Rupert near Bingen. She auracted lhe nolice of pope Eugene III., St. Bernard, and all the chief men of her day, by her prophecies, which were public1y approved and confirmed at tbe council of Trevea. She died Sept. 27th, A. D. 1180. Her visions were printed at Pana 1513, Colon. 1628. (Cave'l Hist. Litt.) M. Pari.saJs lhllt Hildegard flourished in the days ofpope Alexander III., who was pope A. D. 1159-1181. He BaJR that she slept for four daya, during wbich sleep tbe spirit of prophecy waa infus..d into her, and a supematural acquaintance wilh leaming. (M. Paris, po 548, anno 1241.) See more of Hildegard infra, val. iii. pp. 87, 193. Page 354, lin e 7. "Johannc8 de RUpB-8CU8a.''J-(Cuteli1fe) ia mentioued several times again in tbis volume. See Index. Page 354, line 19. CI Henry Token.")-Thil writer is mentioned by Foxe infra, vol. iii. p. 772. l'age 354, line 10 from tbe bottom.]-This prophecy ot Hildegard'a is repealed entire at vol. m. p. 87. P~e 3.16, line 23. "Simon Rccksiadicw," olherwise lo Simon, carl of MOfl lort."]-He was the /treat-grandson of Almaric, a natural 80n of Robert, king uf France, who gave bim the town and tille of Manlfort. This Simon waa tbe first of his famiy wbo settled in this realm, baving by his marriage with Amicia (sister and co-heir to Robert Fitz-Paroel, late earl of Leicesler) obtained a title to a moi ety of tbat earldom, with other properties, in the 8th of King John. Having sided with the barons againlt King Jobn, he was disinherited and banished. In tbe year 1209 he was made by tbe pope general of the papaI forces against tbe Albi~enses, and tbe lands of Reymund, earl of Toulouae, were bestowed on him ID recompense of his services. (11 Job.) He was killed at tbe siege of Toulouse by a stone from a sling, according to M. Westmillster and M. Paris A.D. 1219; but the Waverley Annais say ".D. 1218, which ia correct, as is evident rrom Claus. 2 Hen. III. m. S. Hr left by

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

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Amicia twa san", Almaric and Simon, tbe latter of wbom became sa distinguished in English history. The father was called Simon Eccleliiuticlu on account of his zeal in the aervice of tbe papai cburcb. and to distinguish him from Simon tbe san. (Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 751.) He ia mentioned &gain at pp. 372, 376, and vol. iii. p. 173. Page 359, 18. "In principio."]-The opening worda of St. John'a Gospel, the firat ten verses of wbich tmnscribed were used by way of charm, and are so at the preaent day, a Roman Catholic gentleman who was drowned in hia passage from Cork to England ha\'ing been found witb one about his person. For another alIusion to it, see vol. iv. p. 87, line 10. A very early instance of i as used by our Suon ancestors is quoted from an unpubliabed MS. in the Harleian Collection, by Mr. Boucher in his "Glosaary of Archaic and Pro vincial W ords," edil. London, 1833, under the word" Awvishly." " About theae Catholikes necka and hands are alwaya hanging Charmes, Tbat serve against aIl Miseriea and all unhappie barmes: Amongst tbe threatening writ of Micbael maketh one, And also tbe heginning of the Gospell of Saint John." (Bamaby Googe's Tranalation of Naogeorgus's Popish Kingdom, fol. 570, cited in Brand's Popular Antiquilies, vol. ii. p. 566.) Page 360, 31. ]-See Erasmus's account ar hia introduction to Ihe monaslic life, in tbe Appelldix to Jortin's Life of Erasmus. Armachanlls also illustrat"" this section at p. 760 of this volume, second and third paragraphs. Page 363, liue 32. "By hi, adllice Simon Montfort, earl oj L,ice~ler."J Foxe erroneously says, "and tbe earl of Leicester." Tbis Simon 1\Iontfort was the IlOn of Simon Ecclesiaslicus. (See the note on p. 356.) His contest A.D. 1226 witb Reimund, carlof TouIouse, for t1le lands of tbat earl, wbich bad been given by the pope to Simon Eccleaiaaticus, is related at p. 377. His brother Almaric ceded to him his right to tbe earldom of Leiceater, and petitioned Henry III. A. n. 1229 to restore to this Simon the forfeited rights and honoun of their father: be waa accordingly made earl of Leicester, about A. D. 1232, 16 Hen. III. (Dugdale'a Baronage, vol. i. p. 752.) His name is brought in here rather prematurely; and, in fact, the remainder of this paragraph is a translation of a passage of the Continuator or 1\1. Paris ad ano 1260, and refen to Foxe'. narrative at pp. 539-541 of this volume. But the letter ensuing is in M. Paris ad ano 1231, and hel011gs to Foxc's narrative at pp. 393, 394. Page 365, line 1.]-1\1. Paria (p. 330) relates that Romanus went into France this.same year, and there made tbe same request wilh the same arguments, and with equally bad succe88. (See pp. 377-380 of this volume.) Page 365, line 15.] _" MagiBtri Johannis B,dejordnuis archdiacOfIi." M. Paris (p. 328); who afterwards (p. 355) calIs him .. Johannes de Houtona." (See pp 386, 421, of thia volume.) Page 365, line 23. " And '0 tM auembly for that tim, brak, up."l-Foxe does not give the real termination of this affair. He proceeds, indeed, in the next paragraph--" Npt 10ng afler," 8lI if he were going to tell the sequel of the previous matter ; but Otbo did not return till eleven yean later. (See M. Paris, pp. 447-455, aub anno 1237, for the matter of the next paragraph.) The fact is, that Otho was suddenly recalled to Rome, but left instructionB for the archbisbop of Canterbury to procure a meetiDg of the estatea oC the realm, and preSB the pope's request. They met, but flatly refused to comply tin they knew wbat other re81ma thought of the proposal. Tbis council at WeBtminster waa held soon arter Raster, A. D. 1226.-M. ParU, p. 330. Page 365, line 25. The" TulliBDum II was a priBon oC ancient Rome, on tlle site or which was built the cburch of St. Peler ad Vincula, which gave a title to one of tbe cardinals.-Hoffman in tJOCem. It would seem from this cardinal'B title, that the churcb oC St. Nicholaa also waa built on the same sile; but see Burton's Topography of Rome, p. 29. Page :65, lilie 30. "Iti crastino octallarum Sti, Martini,"]-i. e. November 19th.-M. Paru, p. 417.

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Page 3G5, Hne 8 (rom the bottom.]-" Cmtllm .ummo. electi triUci,el ocio dalia "ini meraciuimi." (M. Parii, p. 446.) These wordl are again trandated by Foxe at p. 425, where "summa ,. il correcl\y rendered .. seme." A coomb ia four bUlheli : but a leme (ar somme, p. 537) i. a quarter. (See the nole on p.537.) Page 368, Hne 9 from the bottom. "Fafle yean after thil. "l-FoJ:e say. "Not long after this." He represents the enluing articles as .. exhibited in the conncj) of Lyons," where81 the firat article refers lo "the late general council" The council of Lyona sat June 28th-July 171h, A. D. 1245 j and thia connci1 of London met Midlent (M. Paris, p. 699), which in the year 1246 feli on March 16th. (Nicolas's Tablei.) Page 369, Hne 20 from the bottom. "Lad ol a/J, tlle kilg hi_elf. "]M. Paria (p. 702) givea Ihe king's !elter, daled Wellm. March 28th, 30 lIen. III." [A. D. 1246.] Page 369, nole (3).1-The papai order W81 fint iuued by Walter, biahop of Norwich, "9 Cal. Aprilis," ar March 241h of Ihe previous year : the king'a letter enauing complains that the dem and was prened in spite of the decreI.' oC Ibl.' lale council oC London: Ihe king's leller il given by M. Parls. p. 708. Page 370, line 16.]-Foxe says tbat Ihe amb8l8adors returned" about tbe end of December, bringing word that the papl.', hcaring what was dane by Ibl.' council oC Winchester," &c. Bul M. Pans says (p. 109) Ihat Iher reported Iheir answer al Ihe council of Winchester, held on the tramlatiorl oj n. Becket, i. e. July 7t1i; Becket's day W81 December 29th. Foxe did 1I0t advert to this dislinclion, wbich occ8lioned his mak ing the blunder in his texl. The nexl date which he mpnlions is Ihe Assumplion, i. e. Augusl 151h. See theee evenls repealed at pp. 436, 437. Page 370, line 15 Crom the botlom. "Stephen, the pape'. c/UJplai."}(See p. 387.)-" Marinus" was anolher chaplain of Ibl.' papl', and came into England, A. D. 1247, about the same time with "JDhann"" Anglicua. ""Johannes Anglicus, bishop oCSt. Sabine," is menlioned by M. Paris (p. 731, ad an. 1247) as the pope's legate to Norway, wbo, under prelence oC merely p8l81ng overland from Dover to Lynn, spent three monlhs here, and is said to ha\'e raised 4,000 marks, with which he embarked at Lynn for Norway. He is mentioned by Foxe at pp. 436, 437, 440. Page 370, Hne 8 from the holtom.]-This atrair at Oxford happened .L D. 1238.-M. Pari., p. 469. Page 371, line 12.}-M. Pam (p. 4(9) states Ibat this cook was Otho'. own brother, whom he placed in that office for fear of being poiaoned. The scholara, according to M. Parls, nicknamed him .. NebuzaraJan, i.e. Magistrom coquorum." Page 371, Hne 26.}-" De spoliis nostris ditat alienos." (M. Paris.) Page 372, line 10.l-Foxe, however, in ever}' edition after 1563, gives the history of Frederic at large; see pp. 455-509. Page 372, line H.~ee pp. 356, 376, and ,'ol, iii. p. 173.-M. ParU.

re.

p.809.

Page 372, lilie 19.]-Foxe here calis Louis" the young French k.ing:" but spe p. 377. Foxe improperly dates this war A. D. 1220, instead oC A. D. 1218. (See the note in this Appendix on p. 356.) Page 312, last paragraph.}-See M. Parn, p. 301, an. 1217. Page 373, line 12 from the bottom.l-St. Francis died at bis native pla~e. Assissi, twenty yeara afler the fOllDding of his order, Sunday, 4 Non. Oct. [Oct. 4th] A. D. 1226. -M. Paru, p.335.
Pa~e 313, line 8 from the bottom.)-Jobll Gilps was the Dominican who attended bishop Grosthead. (See p. 528.)-Alexander oC Hales, in Gloncestershire. studied tbeology aud canon law at Parls: he was called doe/or irrifra.qabilu: he hecamI.' a Franciscan A.D. 1222, and dying August 27th A.D. 1245 at Paris, was buried there in the Frallciscan convent. Cave cnumerates his works.

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Page 374, line 6.]_U Hethorp" Fose calls .. Heitrope." Aitherop or Hcthorp was in Gloucestenhire. Ela bad a park at Henton, in Somenetshire ; Lacock WWl in Wilts, alld Tanner say. tbat Ela laid the foundation of the one house in 8nayles Mead, near Lacock, in the momillg, and of the otber at Henton in the afternoon.-Tanner', NotiJia M01IQItica. Page 374, line 27.]-The ensuing anecdote ia in M. Paris, p. 315, sub anno 1222. Page 374, nota (2).]-The worda of Trivet, ad ano 1222, are: "Diaconus quidam apostata convictus degradatus eat, et manui sreculari traditus flammis ultricibus est absumptua. Ruaticus etiam quidam seipeum crucifil(ens, et atigmata vulnerum Christi supentitione quadam circumferens, perpetuo imnuratur."

P8jre 375, liDe 19. "Fifteell thoruand mark."]-Foxe says "fineen hundred;" but M. Paris (p. 315) "quindecim millia marcarum." Page 375, liDe II from the bottom. .. Peter, bishop of Winchester."]M. Paris (p. 313) says " P. WintoDieDsem." Gopwin shows thia to be " Peter:" Fose calla him u Philip." 8aon after, M. Paris bas "Tbomam de Mertona et Richardum de Dunstaple priores." Page 376, liDe 13 from tbe bottom.]-8ee at pp. 356, 372. Page 377, line 17. "But becau.e there CDlU a di8cord learetl," &c.]-As 'oxe's text needed correction here, the original worda of M. Paris (ad ano 1226) are given :_u Sed quoniam Lugdunensis Archiepiscopus vindicabat sibi primatiam super Archiepiscopum 8ellollensem, et RothomageDsis super Bitburieensem, Auxianensem, Narbonensem, et eorum Suffraganeos, timebatur de discordia; et ideo non fuit sessum quasi in coucilio, sed ut in consilio." Page 377, line 18 from the bottom.]-This general council was tbat of Lataran, A. D. 1215. (See p. 372.) P~e 378,line 8.]-Fon says, "twelve peen oC Francej" whicb has been corrected into ., tke twelvepeera of France," of whom the earl ofToulouse was one. " Pain de France, officiera de la couronlle de France, sont les premiera conseillera du parlement de FrancI', qui pour cela s'appelle la cOllr du Pai,.,. I y en a d'ancienDe~ six eccJesiastiques et sili: laics. Les prernien sont I'aroheveque de Reims et les ev@ques de Langres et de Laon qui sont ducs et pairs ; ceux de Beauvais, de Noyon, et de Chalons-sur-Marne, sont comtes et pairs. Les laics SOllt les duce de BourgoyDe, de Normandie, et de Guienne, les comtes de Flandre, de Toulowe, et de Champagne." (Moreri's DictioDary, Il. Pain.) The twelve peers of France are also mentioDed at p. 446. Fage 378, line 25.]-" Unam a capitulo, alteram ab episcopo." See a similar demand on the English at p. 364, in a parliament held at Westminster JaDuary 13th of this yt'ar. Page 382, line 32. "AU to-be-cllr.ed.'']-u AlI," quite : as in J udges ix. 53, II All to-brake his scull." Mr. Boucber in his Glollary ol Archaic Word& &ays, that in this phrase the u to" as well as the lO be" belonga to tbe succeeding word, and sbould not be connected with lO all." M. Paris here says, lO Legatus excomll1uuica'l"it publicil cOll1item Tolosanum et omnes ejua fautores, et terram ilIius totam supposuit interdicto." Page382, line 3,~.]-Louis VIII. died November 8tb, A.D. 1226 (L'Art de Ver. des Dates), and M. Paris says (p. 334) that he was kept for a month. Page 383, line 14 from the bottom. lO Five t/IC)luand mark.,"l-M. Paris (p. 336) says .. quinque millia marcas:" Foxe, u one thousand:' (See tbe note on p. 3-15.) Page 384, line 15.]-" Ex Burgensibus autem et Northamptuenaibus cepit de auxilio miIle libras et ducentas."-M. Paris, p. 336. Page 385, linl' 18.]-:\Hlo, earl oC HerefOTd, founded in A. D. 1136 a monMtery OD the south side of the city oC Gloucester for the black canons of Lanrbony in Monmouthshire, driven from their habitation by the ill usage of the Welsh. This priory was at firat ollly a celI to the old monastery, from whence it gained ita nam e ; but afterwards it became the bead house, and much exceeded Ibe olher iD reVCDues. - '/'IIII1lCr'S Noti/ia MoNtUJ/iw.

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Page 385, note (4).]-An explanation of the word Poltii will be found in the note on p. 781, note (l). Page 386, line 4.]-" Stelerat in cauais."-M. Pa';', p. 3.50. Page 386, line 21.]-" Johannea de Houtona." (M. Pam, p.355.) See the note on p. 365. Page 386, line 25. "FInt da!! ol March."]-Foxe aaya the "aecond." M. Paria only saya "craatino Cinerum," wbich (by Nicolaa'a Tables) fell on March lat in thl' year 1229. Pago 389, line 7. "Caur,ini."]-The Italian money.lendl'n. See tbe Dote on p. 530. Page 389, line 18.1-Foxe says "Richard, his predecesaor, a biahop of Coventry;" but Godwin abows that tberewere five bisbops ofLichfield and Covl'Dtry between Richard Peche and Alexander de Savinsby: tbe irnmediate predeceuor of the latter was William de Cornhull. Page 389, line 22. "Sorepe."] Near Toulouse. (Hoffman, o. Suricinium.) Foxe 88ya " Saracene:" the Latin is "Suricinium."-M. Paru, p. 349. Page 390, line 4.]-Foxe aara "the countries of Nonnandy and Gaunt." But Henry had notbing to do wllh Gaunt. Normandyalone is menlioned at p. 397. M. Paris m~ntiona that t~e nobles of GaJJco.ny, A.quitaine, Poic~on, and Nonnandy, sent to hlm about Chrlalmaa 1228, offenng 111m the 80verelgnty or tbeir temloriea. Page 390, line 17.J-Foxe says erroneoualy, " Henry earl of Normandy." (See M. ParU, and L'Art de rb'. de, Dale'.) Page 391, line 16 from tbe bottom.]-" Vacantes custodire Comitum et Baronum et eorundem hreredum."-M. Pan', p. 437. Page 393, note (1).]-See the nole on p. 323, line 26. Page 394, line 34.]-" In craalino Dominicre qua cantatur !mtare Hierusalem" (M. Paris, p. 371). i.,. lhe Mondayafter Midlent Sunday; wbicb, by Nicolu's Tables, felI on March 3d in tbe year 1231. Page 394, line 12 from the bottom.]-" His ita ~estia, pnedicta universitaa misit per milites et ministroa literaa has, nova quodam sigiIlo sigoatu, in quo aculpti erant duo gladii, et inter gladios acriptum erat, Ecce gladii duo hic,' in modum citationum ad eccIesiaa regni cntbedrales: ut ai quos invenirent contradictorea, juxta quod provisum fuerat punirent eos."-M. PW, p. 372. A transIation of lbe letter will be found at p. 363Page 395, linp 9 from the botom. "SurtItIf1t!d TU'ing."]-Rather-" but whose real name waa Sir Robert de Thweng," M. Paria saya (p. 374), Ol Magiatrum habentes Wi/ielmum quendam cognomento Witham (sive Robertum de Thinge militem et virum generosum, sed aic palliatum) :" and in the next page be saya, Ol RobertU8 de Thinge, juvenis elegans et miles strennu&, ex partibus Anglire Aquilonaribus originem pnec1aram ducens; qui Willielmllm Witku Ile nominari fecerat."-See Dugdale', Baronage, vol. ii. p. 37, v. Thweng. Page 395, note (l).l-The term "univenitaa" is used, aa applied to this combinBtion of tbe English against the aliens, in the p8888ge cited from M. Paris in tbe note before the laat, aIso in the opening of tbe letter iasued about this time by tbe Englisb lorda, of wbicb a uanslalion is given at p. 363, and whicb opena: "Tali episcopo universitaa omnium qui magia volunt mori quam a Romania confundi, salutem," Page 396, line 18. "A valia'lt knight.''J-'' Miles strenuus."-M. Pam, p.375. Page 397, line 2.]-" De quibus erat in poaBeasione a die obitiia Willielmj," &c.-M. ParU, p. 376. Page 397, line 6. "Ol fine, likeaoile.'1-" Prelia " (M. Patia). Foxe renders it .. prices," which ia unintelligible. See vol. i. p. 17, for a aimilar use of
" pretia."

Page 397, line 21.]-The worda of M. Paris (p. 377) are :-" Proposuit contra Hubertum idem rex, quod, cum nuncios solemnes misisset ad ducem

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A ustrire filiam ejus petens in uxorem, scripsit eidem duci Hubertus per literas, in prrejudicium ipsius Regis et regni, di88uadens ne illi filiam suam matrimonio copularet." Page 397, line 33. "William de Brao.e."]-Foxe's text has " William de Briwere." But M. Paris reads " Willielmus de BrauBia." Foxe'B MS. may have read "Brauria." This William de BraoBe had been tak en priBoner in a foraging excuraion by Llewellyn A.D. 1228, when acting in the service of Hubert de Bnrgh. (M. Paris.) It ia curiouB, however, that he was nel'hew to William de Briwere.--See Dugclak', BarOflag~, vol. i. p. 419. Page 397, line 12 from tbe bottom.]-Merton, nine miles and a half southwest of Sto Paul's, in Brixton Hundred. Same canons regular of the Auguatine Order began to settle here abont A. D. 1117, by the ncouragement of Gilbert N arman, Bheri/f of Surrey; at wbose request Henry L bealowed the whole town upon them. Theyerected a fine church and priory to the bonaur of the Virgin Mary.-Tanner'. Notitia MOfIQItica. Page 399, line 1. "Radulph, bishop oj Chichester."J-M. Paria attributes this auggeBtion to Ranu/ph, earl oj Che,'er (comiti Cestrensi) ; but he ascribes lhe good msnagement, by which a second messenger was sent, and Hubert's life aaved, to Radulph, buhop oj Chich~ster. (See Carte's Hiatory of England, vol. ii. p. 45, and Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 696.) Tbe Lann hexameter in tbe margin atanda eorruptly in M. Paris and Foxe: .. AliB ales alis alium ne 10ngiuB ales," Page 399, line 8 from the botlom. CI TJIJ the thirtunth."] "Ad octavas El'iphanire," which Foxe ineorrectly renders " the twe1fth." Page 399, last line but ooe.]-This towo was "Brentwood, io Essex :" see tbe next note but one. Page 400, line 1.]--Sir Godfrey Craucombe, ar Geoffrey CraIleumb, was eon slabie of the Tower. (See Pat. 19 Hen. III. m. 14, apud Bayley, Hiat. of the Tower, vol. ii. p. 6.57.) Page 400, line 6. "Ran unto the chap"l. ")-" Seilieet ad Capellam de Boisars." (Chran. DunBtap. ad ano 1232.) "BoisarI' iB Bou ar,e (Normanice), i. e. Bascua araua, Bumtwood ar Brmtwood. Achapel '11I'88 built there A. D. 1221 by the convent of St. Osyth, in honour of Sto Thomas the Martyr.-Newcourt's Repl'rtorium, vol. H. under Southweld. Page 400, line 24. "Sendeth him ... out oj the Tower."]-" Quinto Cal. Oct." (M. Paris, p. 379), i. e. September 27th. PaNe.400, line 3 from the botto~.]-Ranul~h, earl of CheBter, died "5 Cal. Nov. I. e. October 28th, A.D. 1232.-M. Parli, p. 380, M. Westm. and Dugdale, vol. i. p. 44. Page 40], line 7 from the bollom. "/I'I(J who in my time," &c.]-The remainder of thia sentence ia by M. Paris put into the moulh-not of the king, but-of the blackamith who Willi required to futen his fettera at Brentwood chapel (see p. 400), wbo refuBed to do it, allegiug De Burgb'a merits with his king and country. Page 402, line 26. "COfIveyed him . , . into the pamh church."]-Thia waB "in vigilill. Sti. Miebaelis," ar September 28th. (M. Paris, p. 38M.) He was brought back again ioto the church "15 Cal. Nov." ar Oetober 18th (ibid.), and carried away tbence into Walcs" 3 Cal. Nov." ar October 30th. (Ibid.) Page 403, line 9. "Caur.ini."]-See the note on p. 530. Foxe is here tranBIating M. Pans, p. 4] 7, sub anno 1235. Page 404, line 15.] M. PariB (p. 376) saya, that Peter de Rivaulx was "san" to the bishop of Wincheater. Page 405, line 18. "A parliament."}-" Ad featum Sti. Johannis," June 24th, A. D. 1233.-iIf. Pam. Page 407, line 17. "A counciJ at Weltminster.'}-Fehruary 1234.-M. Pam. Page 409, line 30.~-See M. Paris, pp. 897, 398. There is no mention, however, of the "Catini' there or in the context, and the word is probably corrupt. Page 413, line 18. "l'/Ie C/j()rasmian."]-See the note on p. 448.

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APPENDlX TO VOL. H.

Page 413, line 18 from the bottom. .. There WIU a certaira archhidop," &c.] ....gee M. Paril, p. 465. Page 413, line 7 from the bottom.l-The archbishop of Con.tantinople here meant was the Latin patriarch, Nico[u de P!ailllllce, formerly biahop oC Spaleto, fifth in the list of Latin patriarchI, appointed by Gregory IX. A. D. 1234. and died A. D. 1251; the councj) oC Lyon. ut June 28th-Jwy 17th, A. D. 1245.See L'Art de rb. de, Datu, and At. Paril, p. 663. Page 414, line 15 from the bottom.]-See M. Paris, pp. 457-460, Cor ... bat follows. Thia letter must belong to A. D. 1232, for it is given in Labbe'i1 ConeiJ. Gen. tom. xi. and tbe pope's answer to it (p. 318) dated " Reate, 7 Cal August. pOlltiticatlis nostri anno suto," i.'. J uly 26th, A. D. 1232; and another letter iI thell given in Labbe, De Unitate EcdeM, from the pope to Germanus, dated .. Laterani, 15 Cal. Junii, pontif. nostri anno septimo," i. e. May 18tb, A. D. 1233. L'Art de Ver. des Dates says, that meantime be had sent letters by his nuncios, dated January" pontif. anno .exto," i. e. A. D. 1233, to the eouncH wbich lat 1I1 Nympba in Bithynia April 24tb-May 10th, A. D. 1233, on the pointl in di.. pute with Rome. Page 416,line 18 from tbe bottom. "Another letter."J-See M. Pam, p. 460. Page 418, line 16 from tbe bottom. "Shortlg after the unding," &c.]-See Paril, p. 465. Page 419, line 24.]-This council of Lateran lat from the 11th to-the 30th of October, A. D. 1215.-L'Art rU rb. de' Dales. P~e 420, line 3 from the bottom. "Sa in the hOUle of SI. Alba,.',," &c.]See M. Paris, p.410, sub ano 1235. Ile mentions as the messengers of tha monks "dominus Nicolau. de Len, dominm Reginaldus Phisicus, et magister Galfridus de Langelia, c1ericus." Page 421, line 5. "Anolher mch conlention."]-See M. Paris, pp. 473, 519, 556,573,605-607,617,634, 636. Page 421, line 18. "A/ter the rUath of 8tephen Langton," &c.]-See M. ParU, pp. 350, 355. u Magister Alexander de Stavensby episcopus Cestrensis, et Magister Henricus de Sanford Roffensis episcopus, et p\"ll'cipue Magister Johannes de Houtona." This lut was the arcbdeacon of Bedford, mentioned at pp. 365, 386, of thia volume. Page 421, note (1).]-" Dorse18," quasi u door-sills." Page 422, line 2. u Molier William."]-i. e. W. Scot, archdeacon of Worcester, a clerk oC the chapter of Durbam.-M. Pa";'. Page 422, line 25. .. Th, pope's ezactor,."]-See M. Parls, p. 526. The archbisbop's eight hundred marks are mentioned again at p. 427 of thia volume. Page 424, line 5. u Simon Monifort. "]-See M. Pu";', pp. 465, 467, 470.
],J.

Page 424, line 24. u Tli, CO" oj thi, H,nry llI."]-See M. Parls, p.643, sub ano 1244: and for tbe next paragraph, see p. 866; and for tbe succeeding, see p. 883, lub ano 1252. Page 425, line 30. ol Seme,."J-This affair bas been mentioned at p. 365, where it is .. coombs;" M. Paris calls them ol summre," for the measure of wbich see the note on p. 537 of tbis volume. Page 427, line 20. ol TIt, ezample giflen by Edmund. "]-This has been mentioned at p. 422. Page 427, line 30.]-See p. 367 of this volume, nole (3). Page 427, line 10 from the botom... Tltreeand twenty."]-M. Pans (p. 540, ano 1240) says "viginti quatuor." Fage 428, line 17 from the bottom. ol In IlIe time oj t!til cou"cil."]-This paragraph (which is from M. Paris, p. 681) must be considered parentheLic, for the next (from M. Paris, pp. 566,573) takes up the narrative again an. 1241.
P.ge 429, line 21.]-" Prrehenda opima, spectans ad pr:t!centorem."M. Pa,.is, p. GIL

APPENDIX

'ro

VOL. H.

875

Pnge 430, line l.J-This letter is given at p. 623 of M. Parls, ano ]244, and cannot be of alater date than Oct.27th of that year. Page 430, line ]5 from the bottom.J-These blank charts are given in M. Pllris, p. 641, dated 25 Hen III. i. e. A.D.1241. Page 430, line 10 {rom tbe bottom. .. WiU riO' iUhamed to take of David," &c.J-Rymer gives a convention between Henry III. and David, to refer tbeir ditrerences to arbiters, at the head oC whom is named Otto, the pope's legate. See M. Paris, p. 624, for a buU of lnnocent's mak ing this vile proposal to David, dated II 7 Cal. Aug. pontif. an. 2," i. e. July 26th, A. D. 1244. Page 430, line 6 {rom the hottom. II SealA and obligali0118."]-Rymer gives the final" Promissiones et Pacta" of David, daled DecaII. of John Bap. (Aug. 29th) 25 Hen. III., and a confirmation of them August 31st, A. D. 1241. Page 431, line 15. II A general council."J-viz. that of Lyons next year, JUlle 28th-July 17th, A. D. 1245.-M. Paru, p. 644. Page 432. line 19. II Twa bilLa the other, witA the artick8 of grievanu8."] - This statement is incorrect. The bill of grievances (given supra p. 369) was exbibited at the council of London, the year after that oC Lyons. (See the note in tbis Appendix on p. 368.) Page 432, line 32.]-This II Supplication" is given by M. Paris, p. 666. P~e434,line 9.J-The list givl'n in M. Parls (p. 659) is- u Comes Rogenls Bigod, Johannes filius GalCridi, Willielmus de Cantelupo, Philippus Basset, Radulphus filius Nicolai, et Magister Willielmus de Poweric, c1ericus." Roger Bigod was earl oC Norfolk (Dugdale's Baronagl', vol. i. pp. 133, 134). II Magister Willielmus Powie, jurisperitus, et Henricus de la Mare" were despatched the next year (1246), after the parliament at London mentioned suprO. p. 368, with another remonstrance to the pope, April 9th, being Easter-Monday.-M. Paria, pp. 707, 709. Page 435, line 10... About thefealit of St. Andrew [Nov. 30th.J"J-This is M. Pans's date (p. 683); thl' tidingo of the pope's intrigul'o at the Clugny COllference agaiDst England reacbed H ellTy at London the beginning oC the next year (p. 691). Foxe erroneously saya, that the inten'iew at Clugny happened II in the beginning oC the next year (A. D. 1246)." Page 435, line 22.]-The oecond reason stated by M. Paris (p. 691) is. II Quia jus non habet Rex Francorum in regnum Anglim manifestum." PllKe 435, line 29.}-M. Paris (p. 691) dates this peace ooon after Hilary, ar Jan. 13th, A. D. 1246. . Page 435, line 31.J-The pope's order to archbishop Boniface is dated by M. Pllris (p. 692)-LJons, 6 Cal. Sep. [i. e. Aug. 27th], A. D. 1245. Page 435, line 15 from the bottom... Over and be8ides," &c.]-ln this place might have been introduced the parliament wbieh met at London, Midlent (March 18th), A. D. 1246 mentioned at p. 368, and from which W. de Powie and lI. de la Mare were despatched to Rome. Page435, line 7 from the bottom.]-The words" for balf a year" are added from M. Paris (p. 706), "usque ad dimidium annum." Page 436, line 21.]-Foxe says, by mislake, "William, bishop of Norwich ;" it was" Walter de Suffield."-M. Paria, p. 707. Page 436, line 26. "Directeth contrary letter, to ali tlle prelute8."]-A translation whereof is given by Foxe at p. 369. Page 436, line 18 from tbe bottom.]-The Assumption was August 15th. See M. Paria, p. 709, and p. 370 of Ihis volume. Page 436, line 5 from the bottom.]-" Qui culmen oumus ecclesire." M. Paria, p. 715. Page 436, last line. "Spain is jierce," &c.]-A council was held at Lerida, OcLI9th, A. D. 1246, at wbich James, king of Aragon, wbo had cut out the tongne of Ihe bishop of Gironne, was reconciled to the Cburch.-L' Art de Ver. de8 DIl/e8. l'ngc '!37, line 13 from the botlolll. "lIy tlistrict censures oj !/'e Chul'clt,"

876

A PPENVIX TO VOL. II. -

&c.]-The Latin is, II quod per censuram ecclesi&!lticam compescant contradictores." The word "district" is bolTowed from the preamble to tbe articlea"literu districtum prreceptum papae cum diversis articulia continente.... l'age 438, note (2).]-Foxe does not quite correctly represent M. Paris, according to the printed copy (Lond. 1640, p. 716) ; wbere it appears that tba c1ergy, in order to calculate t1le sum sterling which it would be necesaary to produee so as to satisfy the pope's demands, take for tbe basis of their calculations the faet, that a recent demand of a twentieth realized 6000 marks (supra, p. 436). Hence they inferred that the pope's present demands would be equivalent to a sum of 80,000 (quater viginti millia) marks. Fose should, therefore, have said " eighty thousand marks." On tbe sum paid for Richard's ransom, see the note on p. 317; perhaps the 60,000 marks here mentioned Ul a eonfusion with the sum paid by the emperor to the duke, 1" 316; or lhe c1ergy put tbe ransom 10'11" to aggravate the difficulty of now raislllg 80,000 marks; ar the text may be eorrupt. Page 440, line 1. "London."]-Foxe sa)'s "Winchester j" but see ~L p. 722. The jarliament was beld at London: bence the let1ers to tbe r,0pe just mentione are sealed with lhe common seal of the city of London. The king had held his court at Winchester dung Chstmas, whicb, perhaps, led Foxe into the mistake. Page 440, line 3O.]-From the anguage of M. Pas (p. 728), "in Principia Quadra~esimre venit quidlim de Ordine Minorum Johannes nomine, de quo fach est menlio in folii s prrel'.edentibus, &e." it would seem Ihat it was the same John as is mentioned at pp. 370, 436, 437. The firat mention of John and Alexander is at p.722 of M. Pas. St. Giles'-day was Sept. lBt. Tbe legate's charges were another hundred marks. Page 441, line 3.]-See M. Pam, p. 754, ad ano 1248. Page 441, line 13 hom the bottom.]-u Dicto Romano ad arbitrium pap:e sntisfccit, annuna quinquaginta marcas de camera. .aua in magnam sure ecc1esire lresionem .conferendo."-M. Pam. Page 441, line 10 from the bOltom.]-This is given at p. 799 of M. Pana, sub anno 1250. The pope's bef to Herardo is by M. Paria dated " Lugd. 3 Cal. Maii, pont. nostn anno 7," i. e. Apl 29th, ". D. 1250. lt slales He getto lo be "natus nobilis viri Perni de Malachana de Volta, civis Januensis." Page 443, line 1.]-This bappened about Advent, Nov. 27th, A. D. 1244.Mo Parn, p. 651. Page 443, line 7. "W1zicA piece," &c.]-M. Pas merely say. of thetoe reics u suo tempore acquisita.;" but at p. 540, ad ano 1240, he says tbat thc emperor Baldwin, in great want of mODey for his wara against the Grech, soJd the crown of thoms to Louis for a large sum; and at p.551, ad ano 1241, he mentions the purchase of the holy cross by Blanche for l:25,OOO hom tbe Venetians, who had purchased it of two sons of the king of Jerusalem, who wanted money to fight against the Greeks. Louis bought it of his mother, and made a grand procession at Paris, to display this and tbe purchase of the year before, on the Friday after Easter-day, i. e. Apllith, A. D. 1241. M. Paris adda, tbat Louis also possesscd the robe, spear, sponge, and other reliques. which he put in a splendid chapel at Pam; and that the pope allowed forty days' indulgence to all who thcre visited them. The deposal of BaJdwin here alluded to is not his final one, but early in tbe )'ear 1244; see M. Paris, p. 618, where it is related that, all his lreasure being exhausted, he was forced to f1y to the emperor Frederic. Pagc 443, line 16 from the bottom.l-This list of French nobles has been verified and corrected by L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Pas,

Page 443, line 3 from the bottom.~This parliament was beld II cires medium Quadragesimre," A. D. 1247, according to M. Paris, p. 725. Page 444, line 7 from the bottom.]-II In os."-M. Pam, p. 743. Page 446, note (2).]-" In insulil vero Cy~ri, dum ibidem Rex Francia! hycmaret, migravcruut ad Dominwn viri mulu prreclari : et multi in itincre,

APPENDIX TO VOL.

n.

877

Obiit tamen vir pJ'alc1arus, Episcopus Noviomensis, comes Palatinus et unus de XII paribus }o'roneire, in navi non procul & Cypro." (M. Paris, p. 771.) Who the twelve peers or France were, is stated in the nole on p. 378; they are enumerated by l\f. Paris, p. 941, nd ano 1557. Page 448, line 20.]-" Chorasmi, populi Asim ad utrllmCJue Oxi fluvii ripam incolentes, in Sogdianre et Baclrianre conlinio, quorum reglO hodie Corauara in tabulis recentioribus nominatur."-Hoffmall. Page 452, line 29. "In the mean time," &c.]-M. Paris (p. 792) represents this as occurrinl\' after Louis had heard of his brother's defeat and death. The letter to the earl of Comwall (M. Paris, p. 796) is not contradictory to this. Page 452, line 12 from the botom. II Now upon the land," &c.]-There is a slight deviation here from M. Paris, who representa the affair of ManIlOr as occurring hefore tbe altercation just before described, and therefore showing Earl Robert's rasbness in a sLilI stronger Iight. (See M. Paris, p. 789.) But in the letter to the earl of Com wall (p. 796) tbe representation is the llIlme as that given by Foxe. Page 4.~3, lin e 30.]-The letter to the earl of Conlwall (M. Pas, p. 796) datea this pasll8ge of the Nile II Octavis Paschre j" i. e. April 3d, A. D. 1250 (by Nicolas's Tablea). Page 454, line 29. II A hundred thowand mark. "]-Foxe says "sixty thousand." The original demand was "100,000 librarum auri" (M. Paria, p. 794), or II centum millia marcarum argenti" (p. 795). Page 454, line 31. "Eighty thoruand per.om."]-This does not appear in M. Paria: be says tbat 8200 were lost in the army of Robert, earl of Artois, and that ia said to have been one-third of the whole army, ..hich, at that rate, would not exceed 30,000. M. Paris also states that 17,200 were slain or taken in the laat conHict, at which Louis was made pri.oner. So that it is most likely the story of 80,000 has arisen from miataking ao,ooo for SO,OOO.-M. Paru, p.793. Pal\'e 455, note (3).]-The passage between asterisks from tbe edition or 1570 ia retained, parlly for the purpose of showing that the following transtation was not made by Foxe himself, and partly for the sake of the expression "collected and tranalated," whicb mucb more accurately describes the performance than II faithfully transIated." The work to which Foxe refera is intituled ,l Nicolai Ci8ntri tk Fretkrico II. Imperatore Oratio, habita in celebri H eitklbergemi..m Acatkmi4 in promotione aiiquot doctorom Jurn, anno .alutU human~ MDLXll, meme Augruto." It was printed at Basil, 4to, ).~65, and again (more correctly) at Strasburg, 12mo, 1608. Both tbese editions are in the British Museum. Fose's translation has been collated with the original ; many passages of which have. been so erroneously or obscure]y rendered by Foxe's translator, that it has been found necessary to re-translate or correct them, in doing which, the present editor has availed himaelf of Dr. Maitlalld's criticisms and translations. R.especting Cisner himself, Struvius in his Bibliotheca Scriptorum Rerum Germanicarum, 33, calls him Ol Assel80rem Judicii Camerahs, rerum Germanicarum peritissimum j" and at 71, Struvius informs us that his works were collected and published by Quirinus Reuter, Francfort, 1658. With respect to the particular production of his pen, wbich Foxe here makes use of, Struvius beara the following testimony :-" Elegans ea est oratio de Frederico II. quam Nicolaus Cisnerus composuit, et qure cum iis de Othone III. et Conradino edita Argentorati 1608, et inter Opuscula Cisneri historica junctim edita, prreclaras de eorum temporum statu sententias habet." (Biblioth. Script. Rer. Germ. 78.) He adds at 71, that in his Oration de Othone III. II contra Onuphrium Panvinium, Romano Pontifici ltalisque jus in Electione Imp. Romani tribuentem in libro l de Comitiis Imperatoriis,' disputat, et varia de statu eorum temporum sapienter monet." Page 456, line 31. "One [example] "."]_U Sibyllre vidure Tancredi suasit, ut ad recuperanda Sicilire regua, qure maritus ante habuerat, opem a Philippo rege Francorum peteret; et cum, regis consilio operA et subsidio, Wallerus, vetustA comilum Brennorum familia ortus, qui antiqunm sedem in Barensi pro-

fam per terram quam per mare, quos longum numerare.

878

APPJ::NDlX TO VOL. II.

vincla haLebani, nllctA in mntrimonillm AlteriA Tnncrcdi rl'gis nalu maxima filii\, spe rl'gnorum ilIorum inrlllctus Cam\,aniam et Apulinm invasisset, idem Pontifex (ut tutoris scilicl't et patroni officlO fungl'retor) dati. Hte. missisqul! legatis ad proceres utriusque regni, ut Walterum pro regl' .uo acciperent mb gravis.ima proscriptionis ex communitate Christianorum pama manilavit."Cimer. Page 456, note (\).J-The slatement in the lexl respet'ting the age of C.on.tantia when Frederic WaB bom, is a common bllt incorrect statem..nt, bein~, probahly, at least ten yeara beyond the truth. For Godfrey of Vilerbo, a contemporary writer, 8ays that .he was a posthumou. child of Roger I. (who died Feb. 26th, A. D. 1154), and was married at thirty yeara of age, in ... D. 1184. Henry VI. died Sept. 28th, A. D. 1197, or (as .ome say) early in A.D. 1198: 50 that there were not above forty-four yean between her fathl'r'. and hcr hU5band's death, and the probability is, thnt when Frederic was bom, Dec. 26th, A. D. 1194, she was abaut forty yeara old. (See u L'Art de Ver. des Dates," and u Encyclop. Metrop." Hist. III. p. 637.)
P~e 457, line I.J_u Eumquc de more Aquisgrani coronaret."-Cu.er. See infra, p. 663. Page 4.~7, line 15.J-Philip was 88saBBinnled in his own house at Bamberg, 10 Cal. Julii, A.n. 1208, nol, as Foxe .ays, ubelween Otho and him [i.e. the popeJ," but by Olho de WilleIspach, on a privale piqlle (see Cisner, and Aventine's Annalea Boiorum, lib. viL): Cisner then adda, u Philippo per aummam injuriam occiso, Otho ad fastigium Imperii Germanire proceribus evectus, fautore et amico auo Innocentio III. Romre eat inauguratus."

Page 457, line 14 from the bottom.J-u Non enim aolum Latinarum et Grrecarum literarum, qure barbarie obrulre tum primum emergebana.. sed et Germanicam.... addidicit. "- Cimer. Page 457, line 6 from the boltom. u Being naw calkd," &c.J-" Missis igitur a GermaniiL ad Fredericum legatis, qui ilIum ad imperium auacipiendum accel'llerent, nihil moratua in Germaniam proficiscilur. In itinere Ponlilicem adit, et eum eo consilia de instituenda profectione communicat. Narrat Fazellus magno honore ab Innocentio Fredericum Romre esse acceptum; certam tamen de inauguratione .pem ei non es.e factam, qllia Pontifex nomen eju. ex recordalione ui Frederict su.pectam haberet."-Cimer. Page 457, note (3).}-Cisner says that Frederic "vigesimum agebat annum," which, however, cannot be correct, and in the text " eighleenth " is .ubstiluted. Frederic was born at Jessi, in Anconia, Dec. 26th. A.D. 1194: elected King ofthe Romans, A. n. 1196: ag-ain, soon afler his father's death : and again by the Diet of Bamberg, A. D. 1211 : crowned at tha Diet of Mentz, Dec. 6th, A.D. 1212, and again at Aix-Ia-Chapelle, July 25th, ... D. 1215.-L',Art de Pb. de. Dau Page 458, last line but one.]-" Ad res imperii in Italia constituendas, civitates qure illi subjeclre erant obit, et in verba SUB jurare cogit. Deinde, in regna sua se confert."-Cimer. Page 458, note (1 ).}-The following is the original from which tbis paragraph is taken :_U Roma Tridentum cum venissct, quod iter rectius et exr<'ditius ab Othoniani. loci. superioribu. ob.ideri cognoviBSet, magna cum difficullate inviis et Wlperis Rhretorum Alpibu8 superatis, secundum Rheni tractum omnibus in ora Rbenana civitatibu8 ad Imperii dilionem pertinentibus in fidem snam acceptis; Othone (qui quam maximi. poterat itineribus ex Italia. in Germaniam contenderat, ut Frederico ad Rhenum occurreret et transitu prohiheret) spe sua dejecto, Aqui.grani de more coronatur. In hyberna Francofurtum profectu.: et po.t, conventibus aliquot in Norico habili., Othone mortuo, rebus Imperii ordinati., omnique fere Germania pacata ... ad Romam reversus." (Ci.ner.) The fir8l coronalion at Mentz h88 been thrown into the texl, lo make the narrative more compIele. The diets mcntioned as subsequently held were tho.e of Ratisbon, toward the clo.e of ... D. 1215, and Nuremberg, 11 Cal. Feb. A.D. 1216.-Al1entine, Ann. Boior. lib. ,ii. Page 459, line 3.]-" Tum prre.ertim Thomnm et Richardum, Innocenlii III. fratres, comilell Anngnin08, quibus cnstella quredam in regno Neapolilano

APPEND1X TO VOL. II.

879

erant, reglli cllpiditate illdnctos, cum Otholle IV. (quando is id hostili manu invascrat) eon.pirasse repet icbet."-Oi.mer. Page 459, line 20.J-" Causam hujus detestalionis."-0i8ner. Page 46, line 1.)-" Insignin Imperu regnique coronam me priu! depositunlm."-Cianer. PRge 460, lilie 12. "And jirst, by the Holg Scripturea," &c.J-" Ac prim() quidem, quod in prima Cbristiauorum ecclesiadisttibuendorum mUnerom ecclelJiaaticorom prmcipua cura et potestas penes populum Christiauum, illtercedente etiam administrorum divinarum curationum consilio, fuerit, facil~ ex s8crosancli. Hcripturis et ex conciliorum deeretis et ex primre ecclesire consuetudine perspici poteat: quo etiam pertinent, cum alii in Decrcto a Gratiano consarcinato loci, tum prmsertim," &c.-Cianer. Page 460, line 11 from the botlom. "For that i,I deter11lining," &c.)_U Quod et contra autboritatem sacrorom canonum de electione summi pontificis decreverit, et civili magistratui nullll de rebus nedum ordinibus ecclesiasticis dispensandi facultas attribula legatur."-C'i.lner. Page 461, line 7.J-" In quibus multa capila Honorio et Theod09io accepta referuntur." (CisIler.) The books of Justinian are those contained in the Corpu. Juns Civilis, viz. Instituliollum libri iv.; Pllndectorum sive Digestorum libri 1.; Codicis libri xii.; et Novellre; published A. D. 528-535.-Cave. Page 461, line 24.]-" In gravissimam prenam proscriptionis publicationisque omnium bonorom incurreret."-Cisner. Page 462, liDe 9.]-" John XII." See pp. 71, 464. Page 462, line 20.1-Tbis John XVIII. is mentioned as John XVII. at pp. 72,73, and in L'Art de Vl!r. des Dates. Page 462, line 22.1-" Johanne XVIII. .. nasa oculisque privato et de Capitolio prrecipitato." (Cisner.) Tbislast expression must be taken rnetaphorically: he was in reality thrust into prison by Otbo, and survived about a year.L'Art de dea Dalea. Page 462, line 29.J-" Qui eundem quoque Ponlificem, se omnibus aliis episcopis in celebri synodo ab Renrico Moguntire habitl1. anteponentem, Moguntino cedere compulit."-Cimer. Page 462, line 36. CI Tamen rel\'i Renrico I I I. impuberi, cui imperium (}elatum erat, jus ill b~c re suum voluit esse salvum."-Cimer.

nr.

Page 463, line 6 from tbe bottom. "For lhe canons," &c.J-" Nam quibus capitibus Gratianus ante illa tempora Romanre civitati potestatem illam eligendi Pontificem absque consensu Imperatorum datam esse vult demonstrare (ut cnn. 29, 30, adjunctaque palea posteriori, et can. 31 eadem distinctione 63) fraudulenter a Gratiano assentatore Pontificio pro veris supposita esse, et ante in plerisque Carolus Molinreus notRl'it, et ex observatione lemporum a quovis vel mediocnler in historiis Francicis et Germanicis versa to animadverti potest." Page 464, line 4. CI For, Pirat, jive biahop.," &c.1-" Prim(} enim, Gregorium IV, cui 29 can. inscribitur, quinque ex ordine Ponlifices subsecuti sunt ante Adrianum illum II. qui arrepla a populo per vim potestate Ponlificis eligendi Pontifex faclus est: cum prreserlim is GregorillR ante pontificlltum accipere noluisset, quam imperator in ejus eleclionem consensisBet," Page 464, line 6. "Adrian [[."J-See the note in this Appendix on page 12, line 24. The foilowing is the accnunt of the election of Adrian II. in Anastasius Bibliothecarius "de Vilis Ponlificum" (p. 223):-" Collectis igitur omnibus tam episcopis cum universo clero, quam primoribus urbis cum obsecundantibus sibi l'0pulis, ab ecelesia sanctre Dei genetricis semperque virginiB Marire, qure appellalur ad Prresepe, rllpimr, trabilur, et ad LlIterauense Palriarchium certalim, ac a. procerum et plebis multitudine, deportatur. Quod audientes tunc missi Prillcipis molestc mlere, indignati scilicet, non quod lantulll virum noilent Ponlificem, quem nimirum anxie cupiebant, sed quod se dum prresenles essent Quiriles non invitaverint, nec optalre i\. Re fuluri Prresulis eleclioui interes8e con8en8erint. Qui accepta ratione, qllod non Augusli causa

880

APPENDIX TO VOL.

I.

contemptua, acd futuri temporia boc omioum fuerit omnino prospectu, De videIicet Legatoa principum in electioDe Romanorom Prresulum moa expectaDdi JM"r hujuamodi fomitem inolesceret, omDem mentia aum indignationem medu1litu. aedavere, ac aalutandum eleclum etiam ipai humiliter acceuere." Page 464, line 10. "Secondly, MoJintl'IU, " &C.]_H Deinde canoni 30 Molinmua authotatem HapbaeUa Volaterani opponit; qui inde etiam auapectua M. quM Eugenio pontifice, hujus Pascalia, quocum pactum Ludovicus lDi_ dicitur, auccessore, idem Ludovicua Pius ejusque filiua Lotharius, principia Romani potestate, Homm, cum omnibus imperii aubjectis tllm ipsis etiam RomaDia, 1eges conatitueront: ut de iIIa tacenm renovatione deereti a Lothario factA.. Tum quomodo paleam iIIam, cujua initium 'Constitutio,' Leo 1111. ad Lotharium et Ludovieum Augustoa acribere potuit ?"-Cimer. Pdge 464, line 4 from the botom. "LouU "J Bavaria."]-The Latin ia .. Ludovicua Boiua," which the translator mistook for Ludovicua PilU, and rendered accordingly " Louia the Pioua." The Latin a1ao BIlys " Fredericua I. et I I." Page 465, line 1. " WYdom and ~gy."J-" Prudentia et virtute."-Ci.mer. Pnge 466, Iiue 14 from the bottom. "FazeUm ,aith."]-Fazellus was a Dominican, bom A.D. 1498, died at Palermo in 1570: _ De reb", SieJ;" edit. Catanm, 1749, page 5, vol. i. The paunge alluded to appears in vol iii. ol that edition, p. 7: "H1tiua [HonoriiJ auccel80r Oregorius IX. initio statim sui Pontifieatus Fridecum urget, ae aub diris eliam monuit, ut primo quoque tempore in Asiam cum expeditione trajiceret. Sed cum diu Fridericua moram suam per sacramenti, quo milo inter Saracenos et Christianos pax finnata erat, rcligionem purgasaet, eommodum aftUit lole Friderici sponsa. qUII! jam in portum Piaanorum applieuerat, eaque de eauaa Joannes demum Brenna Rex Romam profectua eum pontifice reconciliationem Frideriei ac filim nuptiu his legibus concluait, ut Fridericus electionis jus nonnull.aque oppidn qure in Caropania detinebat, restitueret, ac primo quoquI' tempore cum copiia in ABiam properaret." Page 467, line 9. "Ile gafJe in comma"dmmt to Henry, hi. ,,,,.."]-AtAixla-Chapelle, however, not at the placea just mentioned: "Henrico deinde filio Cmsari mandat, ut apud Aquiagranum indicLia eomitiia de bello Hiel'OllOlymitano referat. "-Faul/m rk rebm SicuJu, tom. iii. p. 7. Page 467, line 13. "HOfJJbeit, lame of},er. ajJirm tkat theu tkmga were dorse i" the time of HonoriuB,"]- Tbe editors of Fazellua remark (p. 17), "Cum lole nuptiaa anno 1225 Fridericua celebravit, Honorio adbuc luperstite qui non nisi post biennium Oregono bujua nominia nono locum ceaait; prremature igitur Honorii mora reponitur." Page 467, lilie 29.]-" Ludovico Thuringo et Sigeberto Auguatano episcopo ducibuB."-Cimer. Page 467, !ine 15 from the bottom.]-Aventine and Fazellus state, that both the generaa dicd. Page 467, note (1).]-Cisner's words are as follow :-" Et ejuadem inatinctu ab Araacida aicarios in Europam Christian08 reges trucidatum miBBOa, et regem Francorum ut ab ejusmodi insidiis Bibi caveret admonitum, aecepialet." By draacidal is here meant the aovereign of a eurious fanatieal tribe, who inhabited the lIIountains in the neighbourhood or Damascus, called dB8tJ1nni, from an Arabie word signirying " to slay;" rrom them eame lhe modern word tJllfUrin. Tlley deved their origin from a .ect of Mahometan" founded by Hassan, aon of Sabah, who fixed bis seat near Casween, in Persia, A.D. 1090. He trained his folIowera to the most implicit submission; he taught them that immortaI bliss after dealh would be the sure reward of "uch as exeeuted hi~ commands; he was in the habit of despatching them on secret erranda, particularly to lU'98ssinate those, wbether Christians or Mahometans, against whom he had coneeived any aversion. His dynasty expired with the eighth king, A. D. 1257. The Assassini of Syria were a br&nch of these; who adopted their principles and praetices, and maintdined correspondeuce with thpm. Their soverei~n was called " Tlie Old Man nJ the Mountain." They were de~tr()yed by a sullan of

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Eg.ypt, A: D. 1272. See Hofrman's Le~icon, and Du Cange v. ,AllaJlni, wbo gives thelr v~nous names as corr.upted by dl~erent h~storians. See alS? Moreri'sDict. v. ISlJ.l~ehens, and the authonties there clted. Rl~ord. a French hlstorian, sa}'s tbat Pblhp Augustus, the French king, when at Pontoise A. D. 1192, received Ictten from Palestinc, waming bim that the king of England had hired the Old Man oj the MOWlta;n to procure his assassination. The marquis oC Montferrat 1S said to hllve been assll88inated by one or them in Palestine. William de Nangis, anno 1236, says that two were despatched into France to 1l88assinate SL Louis. Walsingham says (also the Continuator oC M. Paris) that Edward, san of Henry III., was assaulted by one oC them at Acre A. D. 1271. See p.571 or this volume. "The Hutory oj the .A"fUm," by Cbevalier Von Joseph IIammer, translated from the German by Charles Oswald Wood, M.D., l:ivo., London, 1835, will furnisu the reader with fuli inCormation on this subject. ~age '!/i7, I.ine 29.]-" Ludovico Thuringo et Sigeberto Augustano episcopo dUCJbus. -Cuner. Page 468, line 1. "Sailedjor .A,;a."] "In Asiam n&vigavit." (Cisner.) Foxe says II into haly:' Page 468,line 13. II The ,eUkd bel;ef."]-" Constans opiio."-Cimer. Page 468, line 15 from the bottom.J-" Eamque ob cauaam ut regnum ilIud ah injuriis hostium defendatur et conservetur magnopere sua privatim quoque interesse."-CuRer. Page 468, lilie 8 from tbe bottom.J-" Sine cujusquam injuria:'-Cimer. Page 469, line 1.]-Peter de Vineis was an Italian, secretary to Frederic II., wbom he served with faithfulness and zeal. Being, bowever, falsely accused oC treaaon, be was by tbe emperor thrown into prison at Capua, wbere he laid violent banda on himself .... D.1249. (See FOlte, p. 503.) Foxe alludes here to a collection of letters which paases under his name, thougb (as Cave observes) some of them were c1early written even after Frederic's death. The collection is intituled Eputolarom Hutoricarom libri'vi. tk geltil Prederici II. imperat. et aliiI. It was printed at Basi,. 1566, and Ambergh, 1609. Page 469, note (1).]-This epistle from the emperor to Henry III. is in M. Paris, ed. Lond. 1640, p. 348, and the translation has been collated witb the Latiu and revised. Page 470, line 20.]-" Postea~uam magnas runus coegisset copias classemque reparasset, Brundusio profectUl,' &c.-Cimer. Page 470, line 23.]-Justingen was a town of Suabia, the head of a barony. Page 470, line 25.]-Aventine dates tbeir arrival at Joppa "17 KII. Dec." i. e. November 15th, A.D. 1228. Page 470, note (3).]-Aventine dates the peace .. die solis, 12 Kal. Martii," i. e. Sunday, February 18th, which tiu the year 1229 by Nicolas's Tables. Page471,lastline.]-"Ordinesque militumTempU et HospitalisIoci. "-Cimer. Page 471, note (3).]-The pll88age in the text reads thus in Cisner : "Solenni Dominicre Resurrectionis festo, anno Salutis 1229, coronatus est; prresentibus omnium illius regni urbium legatis ac proceribua, patriarcha. salum, c1ero, Cypri re/rislegato, ac Oliverio Templi Magistro cum suis militibus, exceptis, ob Christi Templum Saracenis relictum conquerentibus, qU08 et pontificis minre etiam exterruerant:' Page 472, line 21.]-" Militumque ordinis Teutonici."-Cilner. Page 472, line 29.]-" Non potuit, simulatque tantum facinus commisisset, hoc uno scelere esse cOlItentus, quin aliud contra eundem moliretur." (Cisner.) 'fhe translator, not perceiving that rimulatque was a misprint for ,imul atque but taking it for the verb ,imulat-que, says, II he could not diuemble this his mischievous fact." Both the editions of Cisner read "mulatque." Another cllrious mis-translation, occasioned by a misprint in the tint edition of the Latin, is pointed out in the nole on p. 504, line 5 from the bottom. Page 472, line 5 Crom the bottom.J-M. ParU, ed. 1640, p. 353. Page 474, lilie 9.]-" Unde Blondus pertidiam imperatoris legatis ejus pontilicem coram exprobrasse tradit:'-Cimer.
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Page 474, line 18. "BMenl!u."]-" Turpitudinem."-CiIJu,. Page 474, line 7 mm the bottom.]-" Curla et senatu amovit."-Cimf!r. \,:e ~74, line 4 from the bottom.]-" Ille aocipiti cooteotione opprimeretur. -Camer. Page 474, lut line.l-" Cum jam regnum Hieroaol}'mitanum in me\iorem atatum redegiuet."-Cimer, Page475, !ioe 1.]-"Pontifici08 conatua omni cooaUio evertendos et auos in officio permanentea confinnaodOl exiatimana, relicto in Asia ReDaIdo cum prB!aidita, reliquia copiia Be aubaequi juaaia, quam celerrim~ cum duabua triremibua io Calabriam conteodit."-CUner. Page 475, line 7 from the bottom.]-" Hermanni Teutooici Ordinia magistri et Measaoieusia Aotiatitia operA."-Cilner. Page 476, \ine 15.]-" Jura in regoo SiciliB!."-Cimer. Page 476, lioe 25.]-" Pontificem Reabe acceaait-aibi ecc1esiam RomaDam curB! fore eamque Be defenaurum, obiato etiam filio auo obaide, IpODdel." Cimer. Page 476, !ioe 10 from the bottom.l-" Majorem igitur laudem ConSecutUl fuisaet Bloodua, si baoc pootificia perffdiam notasaet, qu&m cum (sui oblitna, ut meDdacibua _pll accidit), cODtra aUB! Darrationia aeriem contra rerum a Frederico geatarum veritatem, ab eo Roman08 ad rerum novarum atudia invitatoa refert."-C'_. PBe 477, line 3.]-Foll:e ..ya, "Henry Ca!aar and Frederic of Austria, his IlOna.' But Frederic dulr.e of Austria wu not Frederic'a 1100. He bad a bulard 100, Frederic prioce of Antiocb, meotiooed at p. 505. Foxe repeata tbe same mutalr.e (wblcb ia DOt Ciaoer'a) Dext page, and at pp. 481, 484. See the note OD p.478, \ioe 7. ~ Page 477, \ine lI.}-" telhemii cum deambularet, letali vulnere percuasus." (Cianer.) "A Stichlo morione. quem per ludum inceaeerat, cultello letali 1'ulnere percusaua, decesait, 16 Cal. Oct.I23I."-AllelIime. Page 477, note (1).]-" Reginoburgi" (Cuoer) i i.l!. at RatiaboD. Page 478, lioe 7.]-"Fredericum Auatriacum mandatia auia non pareDtem proscribit et pro hoate ReiPUb\iCal habel." (Cuoer.) Foxe here, u elaewbere, coofounding thu Frederic with the emperor'a butard lOn Frederic (aee note on page 477, \ine 3), aap: Ol By public commandmeDt he reoounced Frederic oC Austria for bis 800." Page 478, !ioe 18 mm the bottom.]-" Pacia specie, quam ad aubaidium belli aacri ioter ChriltiaoOl tueDdam jampridem promulgarat,"-Cimer. Pave 478, !ine 11 from the bottom.]-" Eo ipao die:'-Cim4rr. Page 478, \iDe 7 from the bottom.]-" Iniqu~ facere CJ.ui per pacia ca1D8l11 se in eo quod optimo albi jure \iceat impedire velit, quo mlnua ita ae comparet, ut qui se a regnu hereditariia ioterc1udere cooati aunt, vi pellere poaaet i et qui a se imperioque defeciaaent, eosque, qUOB vel ad conventus communium rerum gratil vel ob aaerom bellum evocluet, itinere probibuiueot, et io auam pemiciem multa improbil et Defaril machinati eaaent, in ordinem cogeret et ub com meruiaaeDt plecteret:'-Cimer. P&ge 479, line 6.]-" Sine ulla temporia notatione, conditionia adjectione, diguitatia jurilve imperii non minuendi exceptione,"-Cimer. Page 479, line 29. "Gregory."]-Cianer invariably writea .. Georgiua" for .. Gregorius," P&ge 479, nOe (l).]-The followiog extract from the Life of Frederic by Coleouccio, frefixed to "Petri de Vineis EpiBt. Fred. II.," will explain the word CarocClo:"Carocium Mediolaneosium cum Pero Teupolo, patricio Veneto ac ducia Venetiarum filio, Mediolaoensium prrefecto ac duce quem i1li PotulaterIB vocant, cepit, eumque capti1'Um in AJ'uliam tran8lDiail. Parta vero tam inaigni victoria, in modum ducia triumphantia Cremonam ingresaus Carocium aecum duxit, in quo dUJ: MediolanenBium brachio et collo funibus ad liguum alligatua erat,

APPENDlX TO VOL.

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vexillis Lombardorom oonvolum atque sequeotibus innumeris captivis. Trahebat!.lr vero Carocium ab elephaoti eastellum gestante, in quo afFabr~ et artificios~ facto tibicines residebaot una cum Imperialibus vexillis explicatis et loco maxime conspicuo suffixis. Et his eum ad modum prrecedentibus in signum victorim Fredericus cum copiis sequebatur. Sciendum est, Carocium, quo eo tempore in Italia utebantur, fuisse ~enus car valde quidem amplum et 8 multis paribus boum trahi consuetum, clrcumdatum undique gradibua ad modum tribunalis et suggestua, afFabr~ elaboratum multisque oroamentis excultum et coopertum : eo gestabantur et vexilla populi cujua Carocium erat, aliarumque civitatu!!1 confederatarom. Et erat Carocium in exercitu quasi prretorium aut tbunal quoddam commune, ad quod se recipiebant milites, taoquam ad curiam et locum pneipalem .tatius exercitus, et ubi magistratus et omne robur meliorque para exercitus veluti in subsidio consistebant. Atque tum quidem exercitus proraus credebatur fusus quaodo Caromum amissum erat. Prm omnibus autem aliis Mediolanenses Bononienses Parmenses et Cremonenses Carocio usos fuisse invenio, quo minus euent prompti ad fugam, conspicientes robur totiua exercitus et vexilla facile loco moveri non l,'osse ant aliqua fuga subduci ob ipsius mdificii molem. 'fale itaque erat Caroclum a Frederico in triumpho Cremonm invectum." Page 480, line 13.]-" Exempla."-Cimer. Page 480, line 19.]-"Itaque, quild Jacobum Teupolum, ducem Veoetum, ob iram capti filii facil~ se in suam sententiam perducturum confideret (quod inter tantos terrores solatio ei fuisse BlondWl scribit), epistola qull.dllm captandm benevolentim causa ilIum Croatim atque Dalmatim quartm partis et dimidi8Ue tolius Romaoi imperii dominum ouocupat, contra Fredencum solicitaos."-

Cimer.
Paga 480, lioe 34.}-" Idem, cum G~Y7llanorum optimam voluntatem," &c. (Cisner.) Foxe says, "the duke of Venice." Page 480, Iioe 7 from the bottom.]-"Prmterquam enim quOd imperatori BUO hominis appellaliooem detrahit, perfidire ... incusal."-Ci.mer. Psge 481, line 4.)-" Albertum Behamum (ipse Boiemum nominat) equestri familia natum, Balcaoiensis collegii Decurionem Battaviensis, insignem cum primis veteratorem," is Cisner's description of this mao. Aventine calls him ., Albertua Beham, Bathaviensis Templi DecanWl." Page 481, line 26.)-"Propinquos et necessariOl SUOl."-C"uner. Page 481, liue 29.]-Foxe says, "Frederic of AWltria, his soo, who because he was proscribed or outlawed by the emperor, his father."-See the notes on pp. 477,478. Page 484, lilie 12. "BlIt Wmc~,la18 and Dtho," &c.]-" Sed Boiemo et Palatino lEgram venire recuaaotibus et per legatos, quibus Austriaci se associsraol, intercedentibus, distractis animis re infectB discesserunt.' -Cimer. Page 484, line 16.]-Foxe says, "Then Frederic of Austria, the emperor's second son," &c.: see the note on p. 481, line 29. Page 484, lioe 21.)-" Etsi verO pontificii emisaarii."-Cimer. Page 484, Iioe 32. ",dU whic thiny'," &c.}-" Ipse quoque Pontifex, ab Alberto de illorum in Imperatorem constaotia camor factus, ut spe ampliorum dignitatum aliquos adversus illos concitaret, sacerdotibus et mooachis qui illis suberant potestatem facit, ut . "-Cim~r. Page 484, line 5 from the bottom.}-" Eique de causA ad Imperatorem provocant."-Cimer. Paga 485, line 11.}-" Et quidem summi BoiorUl~ prresulis Juvavensis consilio opera et suasu,"-Cimer. Page 485, lioe 16. "But ,dlhert," &c.]-" Albertua contra. horom collegia et creoobia, veluti publicorum hostium et proscriptorum, pontificiis apert~ distribuit>j multos ex procerum ordioe nobilium et equitum largitione bonorum ecclesiasticorum devincit. Ac nomioatim quidem Johannes AventioWl com. memorat, quibus, ut Pontificias partes defenderent, decimm ecclesiastiClll precario COOCe5Sll!; qum a. quibus collef,a et crenobia direpta, reditusque eorum ablati, et prmdia vi occupata fuerint. '-Cianer.

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Page 485, line 33.J-" C1:lm Germania! unh'eram tum Boiorire."-CiftIn'. Page 485, line 5 from the bottom.J-" Quo, cum inductu Hugonia Rambarti (qui aine periculo id eum facere pane dixerat) ad legatum colloquii causa venillet, contra fas et requum intercepto."-Cimer. Page 486, line 13,J-" Pisil Viterbium le confert."-Cirtur. Page 486, line 15. "For tkat," &c.1-" Quod aditis a. luil omnibus Italia! oppidil et civitatibua, ut exploratum haberet qui libi qui pontifici faverent, illos GibelIinos hOI Guelphos appelIaverit."-Cimer, Page 486, line 20.J-" Naucleri, Hermanni Contracti,Antonini Fl.orentini, Castellionrei: aliorumque, qui brec nomina Conrado I1L, Magni Frederici patru." imperante in Italia cmpilse i Pontificique deditos GUelph08 a Guelpho. ultimo Henrici Superbi fratre, Imperatori autem addictos vel ab ipso Conrada vel filio ejua in pago Vaiblingen enutrito Ghibellinos appellatos, prodiderun" Cimer. Fage 486, line 31.]-" Decret8. aupplicatine, circumlatis capitibua," &c.Cimer. Page 486, line 11 from the bottom.]-" Quoscunque caperet, eos, vel inusta vel incisa crucis nota, excruciari juslit."-Cimer. Page 487, line 4.]-" Graviter mulctatis."-Cirtur. Page 487, line 7.]-" ConditA urbe Aquila."-Cimer . ~~e 4,87, line 10.]-" Asculinum adversm factionis munitum oppidum obsedll. -ClI1ler. Page 487, line 12.]-" Emissarii."-Cimer. Page 487, line 17.] "Such heart oJgrace.'1-"Tantos spiritus."-Cinl!r. Page 487, line 20.]-" Impudenter affirmant .... , neque uIla fidei religione teneri."-Cilner. I Page 487, line 24.]-" Imperios~" (Cisner) ; and ned line, II exitii prena." Page 487, line 11 from tbe bottom.]-" Ipsos quoque servituti PonlificilB obnoxios fore."-Cimer. Page 487, line 9 from tbe battom. "A'ttain. Nactus fuerit."-C'amer'.
b ]-"

'Page 487, lut line.l-"Qui millos cum bis literis legatos l'jusdem argu menti orationem habUllSe n&Uat." (Cisner.) Aventine dates tbis Epistle, II Datum in obsidione hculi, Julii duodevicesimo die, indictione tertiidecima." Page 488, line 18. ".rul,o much," &c.]-" Opera Bohualai Zelauconis filii et Budislai Tarozelai filii, qui principes erant Regii senalfts (palJicitationibna et muneribus jam ante sibi devinctorum) perncit, ut dil's comitiis LibusS8! statueretur, ubi de novo Imperatore creando ID Frederici Augusti ejuaque filii Conradi contumeliam ageretur. "-Cimer. Page 488, line 4 from the bottOBl.]-" Prresul Colonire Agrippinre."-Cimer. Page 489, line 9.]-" Milites magno fortique animo et incredibili labare in operibus castrorum conficiendis, tabernaculis ad arcendam tempestatis injuriam excitandis et contegendis, iisque parandis qure oppugnationi usui essent, cuniculisque agendis, omnia superaverunt."-Cimer. Page 489, line 9 from tbe bottom.]-" Neque vi atque armis se ei, quamvil nihil intentatum reliquisset, cum sWs conjuratil relistere paSIe videret."-Cirfur. Page 490, line 3.]-" Itaque HenricU8 Sardinia! regem (quem Itali Entium vocant) Pisas ire juasit."-Cirtur. Page 491, line 24.]-11 ltaque Tartari Roxolanos, Bodolios, MudavOB, Walachos, Polonos, Borunos, nemine fere repugnante lubigunt, agros depopulantur, urbes, oppida, pagos, viIlas, mdificia omnis generis diripiunt, incendunt," &c.-Cimer. Page 491, line 30.;J-" Ut manna nulla, non prresidium, non urbs esset, qum se armia defenderet.' -CisI/er. Page 492, !ine 10.]-" Itaque, cum videret," &c.-Cilner. Rage 492, !ine 17.]-" Cum .,ero."-Cimer.

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Page 492, line 28. CI Sen' ordu.'1-" Imperat."-C"lIIIer. Page 492, line 30.]-" Magnua exercitua in Germania eomm qui notA se creleat iaignarant, contra Tartaros operam suam deferebant, quos Pontificia in Germania procurator, Albertus iIle, domi expectare jua8it."-Cwer. Page 492, line 9 from tbe bottom.]_CI Hac vaBtatione .. factum est, quo minm (ut conatitutum erat) Libussre conjurati principes convenirent, aliumque Imperatorem crearent." (Claner,) Foxe's translator strangely blunders here. Page 493, line 14 from tbe bottom.}-"Quod si ad prredicta veatrre mentis oculoa -nolitia reflectere, Penestrinum episcopum et alios legatos ecclesire in prrejudicium veatmm volentes subaidium implorare manifestillime repulimua; nec in regno.noatro contra majestatem vestram potuemnt aliquid obtinere:" where Penedrinum ia a corruption oC Prtenu'rnum, which bas led to tbe appearance in Foxe'a text of " the biahop oC Pene&trum:" read "Prreneste," or tbe modem" Palestrine." We find, bowever, Penutriemi. and Penedrinus in Rymer, Sept. 20th, 1343, and Feb. 20th, 1345. Page 494, line 20 from tbe bottom.}.-" Concilioque prrepedito perturbatus." -Cisner. Page 495, line 2.l-Cisner says, "Quod cujusmodi sit, certe Carolua MoHnrens in annotationibus'snisad Platinam de vita Gregorii docet; cujus sententire elJ.uidem non possum non accedere," Tbe texl, bowever, ia more exact. Thia la the Carmua Molinreua mentioned supra, vol. i. p. 11, note (1). Tbe paBsage to wbicb Foxe reCers ia tbe ColIowing :-" Qui,'~ [that ia, Raymond PennaCort, whom the pope employed tomake tbe colIection] "tamen non aolum 8uperflua posuit, ut .. sed Blepe male truncavit Decretalea . quandoque atudiose tmncavit, ut lateret invidiosum argumentum, ut in cap. ex frequentibus' de Inatit. [i. e. Lib. iii. Tit. vii. cap. 3], quod latum erat contra regalia Regia Anglire. Sic in plerisque latia in favorem inimicorum Regia Francire, ut in cap. 'Novit' de Judic. [Lib. ii. Tit. i. cap. 13.]" r Page 495:,line 7.l-"Nibil aliud cogitAmnt, quam ut cum aliis regnis debilitatia tUm Imperio Vlolato auum amplificarent dominatum. Cujua rei exempla Molinreua de regibus Gallorum et Anglomm refert."-C;"ner. Page 495, line 16.}-"Patria Mediolanensia, Castellonere gentia,"-Ci.rner. Page 496, line 3 frorn tbe.bottom.}-" Et reipublicre auamque dignitatem .''''_ commendat," &c.-Cimer. Page 497, line 20.}-" Reli~toViterbio, et oppido Faliacomm omnibus rebus necessariia inatmcto et munito, Aquam Pendentem adit,"-Cimer. Page 498, line 5. "And aUAougA," &c.]-" Et indictum a Pontifice concilium, in quo iIle et actoria et judicia partea ageret, et ad quod beneficio obatrictos coegerat, ad aoam pemiciem pertinere intelIigebat.' .,. Page 498, line 19.]-11 Tentonici Ordinis."-Cimer. 'Pal\'e 499, line 4.]-Foxe inadvertently saya "in tbe history of King John." See tbe narrative referred to at pp. 532, 533. Page 500, line 13. "Ajter 'A;", Frederick A/Jd retired," &c.}-Thia par&&raph is not in Fon, but ia ~iven from Cisner, aud is necessary to fiU up an eVldent hiatus in Foxe'a narrative. Henry, landgrave of Thuringia, WaB elected at the Diet of Hocheim, May 22d, A. D. 1246 j William, earl of Holland, at tbe Diet of Weringben, Sept.29th, A..D. 1247.-L'Art de rer. de. D/Jte. Page 501, line 16.]-Thia council WaB called at Meldorf early in the year 1249, on purpose to endeavour to force tbe duke of Bavaria to take .up arma againat Frederic II. and hia aon Conrad: they gave bim till the followmg May to decide (L'Art de Verifier des Dates). It was probably then tbat tbe Popa pronounced hia anathema agRinat him, as stated in tbe text. Otho peraever;d 10 hia fidelity to the cauae of Frederic and of his son and successor Conrad tlll his deatb, wbicb took place Nov. 29th, A.D. 1253. (Ibid.) Page 501, line 10 from the bottom.]-" Albertua vero Reginobur~ensis." (Cisner.) Struviua (Germanire Historia, Jenre, 1730, tom. i. p. 481), citmg the principal German historians, rlacea this event on the night of lnnocents' dny, Dec. 28tb, A. D. 1250, immedlalely arter Frederic'a death.

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Page 502,line 1.J-St. Emeran Wili a native, IOme lay bilhop, of Poictien. who proeeeded as a milsionary to Bavaria, A. D. 640. Being slain by the idolaten at Helfendor1f, near Munich, hiB body was conveyed to RatiBbon, and bwied there, II'hence he eame to be regarded aa the patron uiJlt of Ratiabon. A Benedictine monastery lI'aa afterwarda built outaide the city, dedieated to St. Peter and St. Emeran, ..hich became the most famoul monIlItery in tbe whole empire.-Marlimere,Geography,lJ. Rtuil601l, ot But/ff',LilJu oJtAe SaiAI,. Page 502, line 13}-" Albertus Antiatee in monachorum ordinem pama! CaU!a redactua est," (Cisner.) This Albert lI'as tbe immediate predeceaor in the see of Ratisbon of Albert tbe Great, according to Chr01licOII A"!JWlnut! (apud Freheri Germ. Script. tom. i. p. 533), ..bich states his deposition ad ano 1259, thus :_u Albertua Ratisponensis Episcopua pro quibusdam criminibw apud sedem apoatolieam accusatus, cum se defendere non p088et, ceait, eique frater Albertua de ordine Praodieatorum subrogatur," Page 503, line 20 from tbe bottom.]-"Ao primum impetUlD Marchio Malupina sustinet,"-C~. Page 504, line 21 from tbe bottom.)~" Prredictumque sibi reeordatus es!. Florentiue ae moriturum, facto leatamento, eoque tum infinitA peeunim aumma ad piu cauaas (ut voeaot) legatA, tum Conrado aliiaque filiia Imperii regnorum~ue morum hll!redibus inatitutis succ:essoribusque (veluti cujuaque retu et condltio ferebat) designatis, ex h8c vitA ... migravit."-Ci.mn'. Paga 504, line 13 from the bottom. "Pando/pIw tDritetA," &0.]-" Ut qui ei in extremia adfuerunt aibi persuaserint animam ejus ad concilium ccelestium delatum felicitate perfrui sempiterna, Pandulpbus Colenucius tradit. Ejuadem rei testea cum Gulielmum Puteanum, Andream Dandulum Venetum, tum Manardum Epiaeopum Imolense:m, halos scriftores, profert."-CiIMr. u Pnndulphua Collenucius, Pisaurensis, uriaconsuItua et orator; a(>Ud Johannem Sfortiam Pisaurensium tynmnum, qui deprehensis literia offensus ignovisse ae ei lidem fecerat, strangulatus in earcere A. D. 1500. ColIenueitlS libris vi. hiatoriam Neapolitanam prosecutus pst ltalic~; Latin~ tranatulit Johannes Nicolaua Stupanua Rhcelllll, Bas. 1572. Vita Frederici II. Impera. toris ex Italica historia Neapolitana Collenucii prodiit cum Petri de Vinei. Sex libria Epistolarum Huilem 1566, Latinil versa a Simone Schardio," (Fabricii Bibliotheca Med. et Jnfim. Latinitatis.) Page 504, line 5 from the bottom.]-U Alii enim ei venenum Pontificis instinctu propinatum eoque exanimatum tradun!. P1erique a Manfredo filio pulvinan eompreasis faucibus suffocatum referunt." The edition of Cisner II'hieh Foxe used (Basii, 1565) reada u PlItP,;que, " which is correeted in the edition of Strasburg, 1608, into "PlwiqU!." Thia misprint, however, led the translator into the following odd statement ;-" Others, tbat he was strangled with a pilloll' by Manfred, the IOD of Pherus." See tbe nole on p. 472, line 29. Page 505, !ine 1.]-" Sed febri eonfectum scribit" (Cisner) : it iB alBO " febrim " at line 30 of page 504. Page 505, !ine 4.]-Cisner givea most erroneously A. D. 1268. See tbe 1I01e in this Appendix on page 456, note (l). Page 505, line 11, "Whence the king"" &c.]-" Unde jus et titulus relpli Hierosolymitani jure hrereditario ad reges Sicilire et Neapolis pervenit.'Cimer. Page 505, !ine 21. "But QI in thil corruptiora o! natire," &c.]-" Sed quia in hlc vitiositate naturre perfeetio in hominem non carli!, neque ullus unquam ita animo al.' viti constitutus est ut mtio postulat i nec Fredericus perfectus et ab omni vitio !iber fuit. "-Cimer. Page 505, line 21 from the bottom.J-" Atque hrec fere omnia ex eil deseriptione Frederici qure est apud ColenuclUm,"-Cimer. Page 506, !ine 1.]-" Haud scio an non idcireo a pontificibus ecclesire hostia judicatua sit, quOd vel in dicendil veritate," &c.-Cim,'r. Page 506, \ine 21.]-" Cum his prreeeplis."-Cimer. Page 506, line 5 from the bellom. "Fraught and Jull 60th o! piliJal complainl al,o JulJ oj hu adm01litiom," &c.]-" Epistolas plenu tum querelarnm . lum admonitionum,"-Ci,I/er.

APPENDIX TO VOL.

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887

Page "506, line 22 from the bottom. "Laltiy, wAm I bel.oliJ," &c.]-" Cum denique Imperatorem fortunatum, felicem, victoriosum, Pontificios autem infortunatoa, calamitoeos, viCt08, fuaos eue considero" (Cisner) ; whence the text might be improved. Page 506, line 17 from the bottom. "Injury. "}-" Detrimentum:'-Cimer. Page 507, line 10. "E.rhorteth:'J-" Hortatur:'-Cinlw. Page 507, line 27.J-"Qui prrecipuas in ecc!esiA dignitatea consecuti aunt."

-CinJer.
Page 507, laat line.J-" At asaentatorea pontificii, qui et iIlia et inaequentihua tcmporibua ad nostram usque retatem ad acribendum animum applicarunl, non ut veritatis testes euent, aOO ut pontificiam gratiam sibi demererentur, et opima ab eo aaeerdotia aucuparentur, hinc occasionem calumniandi Imperatorem acceperunt."-CiIraer. Page 510, line H.J-Arnold de Villa Nova is mentioned again at page 598, 5, and infra, vol. iii. page 106. Page 510, line 25. "BegoniJ rMrcy."J-" Extra charitatem" (Illyricua); CI void of charity" (Foxe). Page 510, note (3).]-William de St. Amour was born at St. Amour, in Franchc Compte. He became a doctor of the Sorbonne, and was a very diatin. guiahed lecturer in divinity at Paril. Foxu here calla him "chieC ruler then of that univeraity," but, 88 he certalnly was not tbe rector of the university, "canon of the church of Deauvaia " ia put in from Cave. He was not the only aulbor of!he "De Periculia Eccleaire;" for Foxe himaelC 88aigna him twa diatinct seta of coadjutora.8t pp. 521, 752, the farmer of which ia correct. The "De Periculia Eccleaim" was written to counteract the eft'ecta or amiachievoua publicauon called " EV8llgelium Eternum," or " Evangelium Spiritua Sancu," put forth by the frian A. D. 1256, oC ",hich some accouut will be given in the note on page 520. The book was condemned by pope Alex8IIder IV. at the inatance oC the maTe, bl a bull dated Anagni, 3 Non. Octob. pontificatfu anno 2 [October 5th, A. D. 1256.J. (Du Boulay, Hiat. de l'Univ. de Pana, tom. iii. p. 310.) St. AmouT was, moreO\'er, ailenced, and ordered to qult France. He seema, bowever, to have remained there, and to have died at hia native place, A. D. 1272.

-Biographill UnifluIllllll, Moreri, Dupin.

Page 511, line 15.J-" Omnia parati aimua negligere propter Chriatum."IUgricUl. Page 520, note (l). "Evangelium Eternum."J-Moaheim has inveatigated the history oC thil book with ~reat diligence (Soamea's Edition, vol. ii. p. 568, note). He saya lbat OOth anclent and modem writen are miataken about il. The "Evangelium Eternum " leema to have been written by lome weak pnthusiast about the year A. D. 1200 i Cor William de St. Amollr in the "De Periculis Noviasimorum Temporum " sayl, that fifty-five yeara had elapsed lince the first publication oC theae viewa, and !hey were in five yearl more to be triumphant, A. D. 1260, at least according to the prediction oC !he boolt. To ~ain the more credit to thia production, it was announced under the name oC Joacbim, tbe abbot oC Flora. Ita utle was taken from Revelauona xiv. 6; and ill chieC doctrine was, that, al there were three peraona in tbe Godhead, SD tltero were to be three Dispensationa: that of the Father, which ended at the coming oC Chr~t; that oC the Son, wbich was to continue till 1260 j and that oC the Spirit, which was to continue to the end of time. This doctrine was advo cated by Amau oC Chartres, who was condemned Cor it, fint by !he doctors oC Paria A. D. 1204, and a~ain by the Lateran Council A. D. 1215. "Almaricus Doctor Parisionsia doeult legem Dei Patria duraaae usque ad adventum Chriati : legem Christi uaque ad Almaricum: legem Spiritfts S. usque ad finem mundi. Docuit muta aHa pernicioaiuima. Vide Joan. de Turrecremata, Summlll I. iv., part. ii. c. 35, et Vincentium in Specula Historiali, 1. xcix. c. 197." (Chronologia Bellarmini.) Tho book would probably have fallen into contempt, had not the Frllnciscans eagerly appropriated ita doctrines to themselves, and republiahed the .. Evangelium Eternum " with an Introduction, in which they asaerted that St. Francia was the Angsl spoken or in the verse of Revelationa, and that the Mendicnnt friars were destined oC God to be the instruments of establishing the

888

APPENDIX TO VOL.

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new and purer state of tbe r.burch. It is tbu "LiN1lIIt, I,,~ .. whieb u named in tbe damnatory buli of Alexander IV. u tbe great object of oft'enc:eSee tbe note on page 521. This Introdwetiort was long attributed to John ot Parma, genera! of tbe Francu.ean order, but i. naw believed to bave been the production of hu fnend Gerard. Page 521, line 5.]-See tbe names and titletl of tbese ecclesiastiCll at rull lengtb in M. Paris, p. 939. Nicolas was dean of Bar-sur-Aube, accordillg to severa! documents in Du Boulay, HisL Univ. Pariaien. Page 521, line 10. "The erron oft1le book eonde_a," &c.]-Tbe follo.ing statement will partly confirm, partly correct, the text. Du Boulay (Hist. Univenitatis Pasien., Paris, 1666, tom. ili. p. 292) gives a buli of Alexander, in wbich "LibeUUI quidam, qui in Evan~elium IEtemum seu qU08dam libros Abbatis Joachim IntroduetonUl dicebatur, ' is condemned, together with" Excerpta quredam seu schedulre in quibus multa qure Libello non contineutur nequiter illi adscripta fuill8e dicuntur j" dated Anagni, 10 Ka!. Novemb. PontificaLUI an.l [October 23d, A. D. 1255]. Du Boular (page 293) gives another buli, dated Anagni, 2 Non. Novemb. pontif. an. l October 3lstl, a1luding to the preceding, and directing tbe bisbop of Pas to act discreetly in publishiog the aforeaaid c enure, for tbe sake of tbe credit of tbe frian: .. QuOd dicu fratres nullum ex boc opprobrium nullamque infamiam incurrere valeant .in notam; ut oblocutores et lEmuli non poaint exinde sumere contra ipeos maleriam detrabendi:' In tbe next page (294) Du Boulay states tbat, througb tbe intrigues of the Dominicans, the pope was induced to ilBUe tbree bulls agsimt tbe other party; and tbat William de St. Amour, Odo of Douay, Nieolu. dean of Bar, and Christian, a canon of Beauvais, were denollnced u tbe lea~ opponents of tbe friara. A temporary reace was then conc1uded between the t_o partiea at Paria, dated "die l Martil, A. D. 1256." Thia peace, bowever, w_ loon interrupted j for tbe pope was indnced by tbe friara to condemn the University men, and to cbarge tbem to receive tbe frian, underdateof Anagni, 15 Cal. Julii, pontif. ano 2 (Du Boulay, p. 303). This led to tQe publicatiOll of the .. De PerieulU Nrm;"imorum Temporum," which Louia immediately seut to the pope for his opinion of it. The University, on tbeir part, sent up nuneie-, WiLh the "EfJangelium Elernum." The pope promptly condemned tbe Connrr, before the Univeraity nuncios bad arrived, under date "f Anagni, 3 Non. Octob. pontif. ano 2 (Du Haulay, p. 310); and tbanked Louis for Bendiog i, in a leUcr dllted 16 Cal. Nov. (ib. p. 312); enjoining the Frencb bishops to conform, in a buli dated 12 Cal. Nov. (ib. p. 313). Odo of Douay aod Cbristian of Beauvais, arriving fint of tbe UniversIty Duncios, were brought to recant, October 18th (ib. pp. 313, 315): Slo Amour, however, resolutely defended his book, and @o succeufully that some errora in the "Evllngelium Etemum" were condemned, and tbe pope wrote a complimentary letter to the University, dated Nov. 15lb (ib. pp. 316-332). (See Usaher, "De Chrul. Ecclu. Sue. et Statu," cap. iL 20-29.) Page 521, note (3).J -The fint ar these sermons is printed at page 43 of BrowDt's Appendix to tbe " Fasciculus," and begins-" Luke xix. In hodiemo evangelio proponit vobis Dominus in parabolA duas penonas," &c. Thi. must bave been preached on the eleventb Sunday arter Trinity. Tbe Becond sermon Is printed at p. 48 of Browne's Appendix. Foxe sllys that it was "upon the Epistle read 10 the churcb on Ma'y day," but tbat is not tbe facto Doubtlrss, it was preached on May day, for mterna! evidence proves that it was tbe feast of St. Philip and SI. James, i. e. May 1st; but the only portion of the services of that day wbich at all refen to the subject of the sermon is tbe Second Lesson for the Evening Senice, wbich is the Epistle of St. J ude. The texl, or motto, however, of the sermon was really compounded of twa passages (Ecclesiaaticua Hi. 26, and J eremiah xx. 9), and stancis thus in Browne :-" Qui amat periculum peribit in ilIo. FactUl est sermo Domini in corde mea quasi ignis IEstuan!." It then proceeda: "Verbum secundo propositum scribitur in Jeremia . Ac ut p08!lim ardentiiU ac di1igentiUs facere, in principio oremus." He tben rcsumes:"Qui amat periculum, peribit in ilIo." "Verbum istnd scribitur in Ecdes. . Unde omissa commemoratione et laude SS. Apost. Plailippi et Jacobi, quorum h0di8 eRt restum "

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

889

P8ge 622, line 4.]-" In capite quinto" (Illycus)j "in the first chapter" (Foxe). Page 522, line 7 from the bottom.]-" Vana Gloa, et Religionis Di88ipatio." -IllyriclU. Page 523, line 4 from the bottom.]-Nic;holaus Gallus HouriBhed about A. D. 1270: he wrote a treatise calIed Sagilta I!J11ea, on the corrupt atate of the Monastic Orders.-Illyrictu, col. 1655. Page 524, line 3.]-" In nocte Sti. Dionysii" (M. Paris, p. 876). Sto Denis'a Day ja October 9th. Page 524, line 23.]-The Burton Ann'als give this letler (page 405), heading it "Litera papalis Deo odibilis et hominibus." By tbe list in Hasted'a Kent, the archdeacon of Canterbury, mentioned in the beginning of it, muat have been Othoboni, a Genoese. See alao Knighton, Script. Decem, col. 2436. Page 524, laat line.J-Guilleaume de Fieaque, of a famous Genoese family and nepbew to pope Innocent III., was made cardinal-deacon of St. Euatace December A.D. 1244, and died A.D. 1256.-Moreri', Diet. v. Cardinal. Page 525, line 7.]-For the first beginning of theaelproviaiona, aee Wilkins's Conc. tom. i. p. 558, sub anno 1225. ' Page 526. "Tiu _ , r of bilhop GrOltheaa to the pope. "]-Foxe, folIowing M. Paa, repreaent& thia letter as addressed to the pope: tbe Burton Annals (page 326) more correctly represent it as addressed to tbe two lpersons to whom tbe pope's letter was addresaed, and as beginnin~ thus :-" Robertus, Dei permissione Lincolnire episcopus, Cantuariensi archldiacono et Magistro Innocentio Domini Papre scptori salutem et benedictionem. IntelIeximus vos lite~ Domini Papre recepisse in bc verba :-Innocentim epilcopu" &c DiUctil filiil ArchidiaeOTlo Cantuaritmli et Magiltro Innocemio .criptori IIOItrO in Anglia commoranli .alutem, 4-e. ut in/ra. [The pope'a letter on behalf of hia nephew is not given in the Burton Annala till aeventy-nine pagea later, having been omitted at its pro~er place.] Novet autem diacretio vealra," &c. M. Paa take9 up Groathead s letter at. the word "Salutem," and"makea it the opening of a letter from Grosthead' direct to Innocent ;-" Rescripsit ei ad hrec Terba: Salutem. Noverit diacretio vestra," &c. It ia not eaay, bowever, to understand how Grosthead ahould say to Innocent--" Propterea, reverendi Domini." This letter ia called by Kllyghton, (col. 2436,) "Epiatola satis tonana:" it ia found in M. Paria, page 870, ed. 1640j the Burlon Annala, r,age 326 j Browne', A]?pendix to tbe ol Faaciculus," page 400; and in MS. in Trinity College, Cambndge, and the Cotton MSS.j also in the Eltcbequer, a' appears from tbe folIo wing :_H Tbe memorable Epiat1e of Robert Grosthead, biahop of Lincoln, to pOpI.' Innocent IV. agaillst his Provisions, wberein he compares him to Lucifer and Antichrilt, ja enrolIed in perpetuam rei memoriam ' ID tbe Red Book in the king's Exchequer at Westminster, folios 16 and 179, to a tranacript whereof I find this marginal note-' PAPA ANTICHBISTUS.' No won der. tben, pOpI.' Clement V. refused to canonize him for'ta aaint, though earneatly requested by king Edward I." (Prynne's History' of King John, Hen. III. and Ed. I. page 132.) Prynne (page 1134) gives the king'sletter to pope Clement for the canonization of Groathead, dated Carliale, 6 die Maii, 34 Ed. I. [A. D. 1306.] Tbe biahops and c1ergy and people Dr England are stated to join in the application: but there is no record of itB being granted j and KnY!lhlon says (col. 2436) that in conaequence of thia leLter he never was canonized. Page 528, line 5.J-Foxe adds "Hebrew," but that ,ia not in the origina! j aee, however, p. 523. Page 528, line 8.]-Gillea de Torrea, a Spaniard, waa canon of Burgos, afterwards archbishop of"foledo, created cardinal-deacon ofSt. Cosmus and St. Damian A.D. 1216, died A. D.1254. (Moreri, v. Cardinal.) He seems to have been a very thoughtful and respectable person. M. Pas mention' his deatb sub an. 1255, and gives him this high character : "Qui !Etate ferm e centenariua, singularia, pare carens, exatitit columna in curiil Romantl veritatia et justitire, et munerom aapernator, qure rigorem requitatia f1ectere consueverunt." Page 52R, line 18. "John oj St. Gilt!l."]-Mr. Pegge (Life of Grosthead, page 220) saya that he probab!y derived his namI.' erom the paah or St. Giles in St. Alban's, now demolished.-Fuller', Wartkie., Tanner, and Waoa.

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Page 528, line 25.]_U In paupertate voluntaria, q112 est paupertu Ipiritu.... -M. ParU. Page 528, line ] 6 from the bottom. "A'PJI"OWd.'1-" Authenticam" (M. Parii, page 874); "Solemn" (Fou). Page 528, line l4 from 'tbe bottom.]-Groatbead Remi to bave bad some reference to St. Jerome'l definition of bereey (Comment. ad Galatu, cap. T.), cited in the Corpus Juril Canonici, Causa xxiv. QUllelt. iii..cap. 27: II H ~ Grrec~ ab electione dicitur," &c. John Hull, in bis reply to the aLtack of John Stokes on Wiciitr, cites this definition of herely la that of Sl Augustine, " Propri~ uiereticus est, qui tenet dogma falIUm, IIICT'II! acriptune contrar1lIm, pertinaciter defenlando. Nam Causa 24, Queat. 3, cap. Qui in ecclesia; dicitur, quM uiereticlU est, non qui errat, f i qui errorem contnmaciteT defendit. Sic enim definit uieresim beatUI All$Ultinus in libro De Utilitate Credcndi,' qud uiereail est dogma faIaum. ICTIptune aacne contraum, pertinaciter def'enutum. Ex 'luB. definitione babetur, quild ad uiereaim proprie dictam tria concurrunt, lCilicet, error in intellectu, f.ertinacia in a1fectu, et contTarietu scripturlE." (Hill et Mon. Job. HUII, Nonbergm, ]558, tom. i. foL 109.) Husl refera alao to Jobannel [Semeca] TeutonicUl' gDII on beresy. The II De Utilitata Credendi" bas been searcbed in vain for tbe paaaage, but u 'luoted in tbe Canon Law referred to by HUII. HUII (ut lupra, fol. ]04) reren to the ume definition 81 found in Augustine'l treatise "De Libris HCreti corum Legendis," wbere lometbing oC the same import occura. Page 628, line 5 from the bottom' A' boy."}-u Parvulo" (Grosthead); I puero parvulo" (Burt. Ann.); "nepotula suo puero" (Knighton). Page 529, line 9.]-" Non caret"scrupulo locietatis oecultre, qui manifesto facinori desinit obviare,"-M: ParU, p. 874. Page 529, margin.] See tbe opinion of JEneas Sylvius, (afterward pope Pius II.) on the u non obstante" elause, infra, vol. iii. p. 619. Page 530, 8. "Tll(! Caurlini."]-" Tbe Caursini were a set of ltaIian mercbanta, infamoul for lUuriolU contracta, larticlllarly in France, whence tbe kings drove them out by repeated laws an statutes. Of those isaued by the king of France the most famous u an edict of St. Louis, 1268, pennitting them to acfu merchanta provided they did not practise usury; and another of Philip de Valois, 1346. M. Paril speaks of them as a public nuisance in England in tbe middle of the thirteenth century. Henry III. expelled them, but, by the interference of the pope, re-admitted bem, and soon arter in 1251 drove them away again. They were one division of tbe Lombardl, by which genera name the Italian Mercbanta who lent money were distinguisbed all over Europe, but divided into societies or companies called, from tba head of tbe finn or honse, A'manali, A'ccaioiuli, Bardi, Cor,ini, Caorcini, Caur.ini, or Cawarsini. Du Cange, voc. Caorcini. Rymer bas preserved a recommendation from Edward II 1. 133], to David king of Scotland, to repay on bis account to certain merchanta of the society of Bardi at Florenca 1000 out of 1300 marka due to him from David's fatber, Robert."-Mr. Pegge, A'rchteologia, vol. x. p. 242. Page 530, note (2).}-Moat of tbe individuals mentioned in this section ban been spoken of in the note on p. 318. Jacobus de Viteri il alao called de Vitriaco (Cave); he became cardmal-bishop of Frascati, and, with Robert de Curson and otbers, engaged actively in preacbing up the cruaade againsl Ihe Albigenses A. D. ]215 (See Ussher, "De Christ. Eccles. Suc. et Statu," lib. x. 41). Respecting Roger, bisbop of London, see IUpra, p.403. Page 530, note (4).J-M. Paris stales (edit. 1640, p. 734) that Richard, earl of Cornwall, by autbority from the pope gathered large sums of money from those who were signed with the cross (Dugdale's Bar. vol. i. p. 763); and he atates at p. 732, that William Longspee, earl of Salisbnry, made tbis precedent a ground of application to the pope for a similar licence, which was granted bim, and yielded bim above 1000 mark~.-Dugda/e, vol. i. p. 178. Pa!!'e 531, 15. "A' legate ,hoold Rt'Ver come inlo England Uflhu the king lIimulf d!8ire it."]-See supra, pp. 179, 255. Page 531, line 10 from the bottom.l- u Luxuria" is here lud; bence lecI,"!,. -Prgge', Life oj Groslhead, p. 2]0, note (c), and Nard. Glouary, v. Luzur,.

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Fage 533, line 11 from the bottom.J-" Nec potuit ei Cardinalis Albi physlca suffragari, non enim pepercit Robertus Lincolniensis Sinebaldo Genuensi." (M. Paris.) Albus de Viterbo is menl.ioned by Moreri, II. Cardinal, as created cardinal A. D. 1252, but his title is not stated. He was oC the Cistercian order. Page 534, nole (l).J-8ee llle Burton Annals, p. 344. Rymer gives an order, daled Woodstock, 20th August, 40 Henry III. [A. D. 1256J, "De domibus JudlEorum luspensorum pro puero crucifixo apud" Lincoln. vendendis." (See tbe note on p. ]88.) The expulsion of the Jews from France is mentioned by M. Paris, p. 861, ad ano 1252; M. Westm. ad ano 1253. This pillage of thc Jews by Henry is in M. Paris, p. 887, ad lin. 1254, Baon after Easter. Page 535, line 16 from the bottom.]-This af'air is related by M. We,tmimter, ad ano 1260, 44 Hen. III.: the bishop of London, Fulco, died May 12th, A. D. 1259. (M. Paris.) The text of this paragrapb has been revised in several places from tbe originaL Page 536, line 31.1-M. Paris wrote till 43 Hen. III., which ended 27th October, A. D. 1259. He records the death of Fulco by the plaue in the spring, and says he was buried at 81. Pau!'s on S1. Urban's day, i. II. May 25th. Page 536, note (3).1-This was the fint occasion on wbich tenths were levied by tbe king on tbe clergy i and it was done on tbe autbority of a special bull, granted to the king by Pope Innocent IV., who at tbe same time ordered a new valuation to be taken of all the benelices in England, witb a view to this tax; tbe making of tbis valuation was committed to Walter de Suthfield, bishop oC Norwicb, A. D. 1254; whence this valuation was called the 'Taxatio Norwicensis.' The following nole of Wbarton, in his Anglia Sacra, 1'01. i p. 411, on B. Cotlon's "De Episcopis Norvicensibus," will sbow the matter in itll true light. The grant hself will be found, according to Brady and Tyrrell, 27 Hen. III., M. P. f. 866, n. 20,303. "!ste WalteruB, mandato Innocentii PapIE, qui Regi decimam omnium bonorum Ecclesiasticorum per triennium perci- I piendam concesserat, anno 1254 fecit des'criptionem valoris reddituum ad Eccle- , siasticOll in tata Anglii. spectantium. Missis enim (verba suntAnnaliumBurton.) per totum regnum prlEceptis, in .singulis Capitulis et Decanatibus cujuscunquo Diocesis fech decanum et tres rectores vel vicarios, qui fuerint majom auctoritatis, inquirere veritatem et sub juramento certificare qUIE sit justa II!8timatio omnium provcntuum Ecclesiasticorum tam majorom quam minorum, et pnedictas justas &!stimationes in scriptis lideliter redigere, ad se transmittendas. !sta descriptio Walteri curi. habita in tabulas publicas descripta est, ot dato TaZfZ Norwicemu nomine in cunctis fere Cleri censibus deinceps usurpata fuit." Pago 537, note (4).}-" Summa or Sagma, onus. Summa bladi quanti con stiterit, docet Charta an. 1223. 'Summam bladi, scilicet tres modias bladi : ' vide Sarcina." "Qualis Cuerit Sarcina bladi apud Montepessulanos, defiQitur in Charta ano 1340. Sarcin&! b1adi qui.nque sextaria ad mensuram loci illiu.s continentes.' " (Carpentier's Supplement to Ducange.) Bp. Fleetwood in his Chronicon Pretiosum (page 57) delines it a qlUJrter of lIight bulhllu; and Dr. Kelly (Universal Cambist), and Sir H. Ellis in hi. Introduction to the DoomsdayBook, page xlii. note (11), lead to tho same conclusion. M. Paris, ad ano 1205, says, lO Summa frumenti duodecim solidis vendebatur." Page 537, note (6).]-This affair of 8icily lasted from A. D. 1255; when Edmund was aetually invested by Alexander IV. with the two 8icilies, to A. D. 1266, when Clement IV., finding the Englisb would be squeezed no more, offered tbe ~ingdom of Sicily to Charles, earl oC Anjou. Rapin remarks that this affair oC Sicily was tbe main BOurce of Henry's troubles, of tbe establisbment of the chartera, and the downfal of ~opery. Richard, earl of Corowall, was crowned at Aix-Ia-Chapelle on AseenslOn day, May 17th, 1257. See a letter of his own to a friend in England preserved bv M. Paris, in whieh tbe feast of St. Philip and St. James (May l) is incidentally mentioned as happening on a Tuesday, whieh (by Nicolas's Tablcs) suit.s the year 1257. M. Paris calis Ascension Day .. sexto Cal. Junii," leaving out" decima," for 16 Cal. Jun. ia May 17th, wbich (by NicoJas's Tables) was Ascension Day in 1257. Page 538, line 8.]-M. Paris (pagc 989) says, "trecenta millia librarum pllrvarum Turonensium." Foxe," thirtecn hundred thousand oC Turen paulIds."

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Page 538, note (1).]-Tbe original, lrhence Fan'l text ja a little correeted, il aa followl :-" Quam tamen pecuniam poltea penitentia ductul nunquam recepit nec recipere voluit in vita Ius. lmo in 'literis luil et epiatolis, toto tempore IUO, le Ducem Nonnannim appellarit. 8ed eo mortuo EdwardulI filim ejUI et IUCCelllor in regno iIla.duo verlia (Dux Normannim) in IUia epiltolill non po,uit."-H'-'lIindord, ad an. 1259. Page 539, Hne 17 from the bottom.l-Wikel sayl they were married on the Feast of SS. FAbian and Sebastian. 1235, i. e. January 20U!, A. D. 1236, .hich was a Sunday. (Nicolas'l Tables.) , Page 540, note (1).]-Foxe's text bas beenimproved from tbe origina!...hich il as foliOWI :-"Justitlarii regis Anglim qui dicuntur 'ltineris,' milSi Herefordiam pro mo exequendo officio, r~pelluntur; allegantibua hil qui Regi advenabllDur iplos contra formam provisionum Oxonim nuper factarum venilllle."-Nd. l'rio. ad ano 1260. Page MI, line 1. II One montla ajtir Pentecolt [June 11tb]."-Foxe herc, following Hemingford, sayl, II The fifieenth day after Easter." tiut, in truth, the previous application of the barons to Henry was made in a parliament .bich the king summoned to discuss tbe afFairs of tbe country, and especially tbe pope'l uemand for Sicily, on the Quindene of Eaater, 1258, i. e. April 7th. (Nicow's Tablea.) Henry bimaelf refel'l to the above parliament in a letter given by Rymer, dated Weltminster, May 2d; and in anotber letter of tbe same date (given also by Rymer) be grants tbe barona a parliamt'nt, to meet at Oxford one month afer Pentecost, to reform the government. St. Barnaball' Dar i asaigned by the Burton Annala and Wikea, i. e. June 11th, and it Bat eleno dayl. Pentecoat in that year was on May 12th. Page 541, ]jne 23. "That tAey, departing the realm:']-Rymer (an. 1258) givea a safe-conduct of the king to bis brotbers, dated Wincbeater Ju1y 5th, in which it appears that they were to leave England by July 14th. Page 542, line 1. II Tirteenth:']-Foxesaya "fourteenth." But Hemingford and the Burton Annala say, tbe Quindene of St. Michael, i. e. Ocl. 13th; the latter adds that it was Edward tbe Confessor'. day, i. e. Oct. 13th, 1258. The Provisions of Oxford were proclaimed after thia Parliament. Ocl. 13th feli on a Sunday in 1258, la tbat probably they did not proceed to business till the Monday, Oct. 14th. Page 542, line 14. "To be rekrued ol teir oath."l-Three bulls are given in Rymer, lub anno 1261: one to tbe king, absolving him from hia oatb, dated Lateran, Id. April. anno pontif. 7; a second, to the Magnates, Prrelati, and all concemed, abaolving them, dated Rome, 3 Cal. Maii, anno pontif. 7; a tbird, requiring them to return to their obedience, dated Vilerbo, Non. Maii anna pOlllif.7. Page 542, liue 17. ".i parliament at WlJIChelter:']-Foxe saya C Another parliament at Oxford:' But a parliament was held at Winchester, Wbitmnday, June 12th, A. D. 1261, at wbich the king made known the dispenaation wbich be bad received from the pope, and his determination not to adhere to bis oath, as the barons bad neglected theirs.-TollUU Wilce Page 542, line 13 from tbe bottom.]-This liat of nobles is corrected from Dugdale'. Baronage. Page 543, line 2. "Wru referred to Louil."]-Hemingford i bere rather speaking by anticipation, for the reference to Louis was not made till the cloee ar A. D. 1263, after which the Parliament met at Oxford, and the baronI there contilluing firm, matters were brought to extremity. (See M. Westm.) Tbos. Wikes, indeed, saya, tbat tbe reference to Louis was made Candlemas [Feb. 2d] A. D. 1262, but he was misled by the date of Louis'. award. (See tbe note on

p.547.) Poge 543, )jne 10.]-Thomas Wikes datea this temparary peace St. Nicholas's day, i. e. Dec. 6tb, A. D. 1261. Page 543, line 8 from the bottom. "Commanded the ,ame to be publUhed."]Rymer give. a letter of the king's, commonding all the sberiffs to proclaim bim absolved from hil oath, dated May 2d, A.D. 1262. Page 545, line 16. "The ,ame year," &c.]-Alcxander IV. died May 25th, A. n. J 261; aud the course of Foxe's narrati\'e hos nlready brought ua into the

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l'ear A. D. 1262; we should, therefore, ratber read here "tbe previoua year." Urban IV. waa crowned pope, September 4tb, .... D. 1261.-L'.drt rk Pb. dell Dates. Page 545, note (2).]-Rymer gives Henry's application to Urban for dispensation from his oath, dated January 1st. Paga 545, note (3).]-Fou's text leaves out" Baldwin, earl of Devonsbire," and makes" Richard, earl of Gloucester and Hereford" (nc) the person who died in France. This is at variance with the trutb (see Dugdale's Baronage), and with bis own alloged autbority, from wbich the text bas been corrected. Page 646, note (1).]-" Joh. Mansel, qui domini regis principalis conailiarius extitit, arridente sibi fortuni in tantum ditatua est reditibus, ut leptingentil de novo sibi accumulatia ad quatuor millia marcarum totalil ejua reditus annuus Eatimabatur. Ita ut noatris temporibus non est viiUlI clericus in tantam opulentiam ascendiaae."-M. Pam, ano 1252. Paga 547, line 10. "To hear and Btand to ehe arbitremenl oj Loui&."]-Thia is rather a premature atatement; see tbe uext note. Henry, however, did go to France at this time, for Rymer gives a letter of the king's, dated Westminster, September 15h, A. D. 1263, stating, that ballig invited to attend a parliament of the French king at Boulogne-sur-mer on tbe Quindene of the nativity of tbe Virgin Mary (i. e. September 22d), he meant to return to England by the Octaves of St. Michael, i. e. October 6th. Page 547, line 18.J-Tbe parliament at which the king and tbe barona agreed to make tbis reference to tbe French king was held at London on St. Lucy's day, i. e. Dec. 13tb, .... D. 1263; and the agreement itaelf is given by Rymer, dated Windsor, Sunday &fter St. Lucy's day, i. e. December 16tb, .... D. 1263 (by Nicolas's Tablea). Page 547, line 38.]-Louis'a award ia given by Rymer, dated "Amiena, the morrow after St. Vincent'a day [i. e. January 23dJ, A. D. 1263," i. e. 1264 of aur reckoning: but that was the day of the parliament aBBembling: the award was prollounced February 3d (aee Tyrrell'a Appendix). Pope Urban'a confirmation of this award is also given by Rymer, dated "17 Cal. AprU. anno pontific. 3," i. e. March 16th, A. n. 1264. Page 547, line 7 from the bottom.]-The reader ia not to auppose that the dair between tbe king and Simon Montfort in Southwark was naw repeated. Page 547, line 5 from the bottom.[-The parliament met at Oxford on Midlent Sunday (March 30th); where the king produced the popc'a absolution again, and the French king's award: but neither was allowed. Page 548, line l.]-Thomas Wikea aays that the king set out from Oxford, and diaplayed his banner at Northampton on the Nones (5th) of April, being Saturday before Passion Sunday, which luita the year 1264, according to Nicolas'a Tables. Page 548, line 3.]-Thil liat is corrected from Hemingford and Dugdale. Page 548, line 14 from the bottom.l-Rymer gives tbe king'l order to the scbolara to retire from Oxford to make way for the Parliament, dated Oxford March 15tb .... D. 1264. Paj:e 549, line 13.]-The following list has been collated witb tbe text of Hemmgford: tbe names bave alBO been verified and corrected by Nasb's History of Nortbamptonshire. Page 549, line 26.}-Foxe dates the battle oE Nortbampton "tbe Sabbatb day in Paasion Week, being tbe third of April." But M. Weatiii. aays, .. Hoc aetum fuit Sabbato primo Pasaionis Domimcll!;" Hemingford, l i Sabbato primo in Paasione Domini:" i. e. tbe Saturday before Pasaion Sunday, April 5th (by Nieolas's Tablea). See allo tbe note on p. 548,line l. Page 549, line 14 from the bottom.]-" Warren" is substituted for" War. cester," which is Foxe'a reading. See Dugdale's Baronage. Page 550, line 8. l i Banneretll." ]-" Vexillari09."-Hemindord. Page 550, line 10.J-The editions of 1570, 1576 correctly read "Wincbelsea," wbich afterwards was erroneously altered into .. Wincbester." Page 550, line 11. l i The Saturday."]-Hemingford 88YS l i Sabbato," wbich

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Foxe miatranslales "Sunday." The" twelClh day of May," pretlently meotioned, felI in the year 1264 on a Monday. (Nicola.'. Tablea.) Page 551, line 30.]-The fol1o\Ving name. are corrected from Hemiogford and Dugdale. Page 551, line 13 Crom the bottqm.]-" Warren" il aubatituted for Foxe'. "Warwick," agreeably to Hemingford and Dugdale. Page 551, line 10 from the bottom. "Banlllt"eu."]-" VexillariOll."-Heaingford. Page MI, line 8 Crom tbe bottom.J-u Et erat ibi juveDilil leW qWl8i tolia mililile IUIJJ."-Hemingford. Page 552, liDe 4 frllm tbe bottom.]-" Per partes utraaque tumultuabat." -Hemingford. Page 563, line 15.]-Foxe lays " ur!n the nitleteeDth day of May:' la thUl dalin$' the hattle oC Lewel he ls mIlled hl Hemin~ord, who saya, .. Acta bmc .uot ID mense Maii, die Sancti DUD.tam." But Tho. Wikes sap it wu fought "Prid. Id. Maii, xiv.c. ejusdem mensia, die Mercurii proXlroA ante Cestum S. DUDstani," i. e. Wednesday, May 14th, A. 0.1264. St. Don_tan'. Day il May 19th, and felI tbat )e.r on a Monday. (Nicolas's Tables.) P~e 553, line 10 from the boUom.]-" Decrelcente parte R.egis," says HemIDgford: thil paragraph has been correcled Crom hla texl. Page 554, line 11.]-Foxe here refera to Parker'l "Antiquitates BritanniClB Ecclelile." Thi. pa8llage i. to be foond in the ediion printed at Haoover. 1605, page 188. The first edltion was printed at LondoD by John Daye, 1572Page 554, note (3).]-The Latin copy in R}'mer doel not name bil chaplainl.-" TertUl actum elt, quod magiItroI talel, familiares cleriCOll IU08 lecum adducat; et hOI tantum cericOl alienigenas de consllio .uo et familii relineat." Baldwin doel not appear to ban relumed tiU AacenaioD-Day, May 6tb, A. D. 1266.-T. Wike" ad ano Page 556, line 19.}-Urban IV. died October 2d, A.D.I264. Clement IV. was Clowned Feb. 22d or 26th, A. D. 1265. (L' Art de de, Dale. ) He bad been made cardinal-biabop of SI. Sabina, A. D. 1261.-Moreri, 1'. CGrdimJ. Page 556, line 25.]-The worda "iD England" are put in from TrinI. Page 656, line 26.]-Thomas Aquinas 11'&8 called lbe angelic doctor, Bonaventure lbe IIt"aphic doclor: both died the same year, A. D. 1274. Page 569, line 2.]-Foxe nys CI Conceming non-residents:" tbe document itself proves the propriety of the change made, both bere and in the margin. Page MO, line 28. .. The park oj Dunetiah and Tiley.'1-See HUlcbin Doraetshire, 1'01. m. pp. 267, 260, and Dugdale'l Monaaticon, fi. Ceme. At line 34 "Alfred" is .ubstituted Cor "abbot," which js a manifest laperu. Page 561, line 4 Crom the bottom. I I bitll you adiw.'']-'' Commendo VOI Deo" (Hemingford), wbicb Foxe rendera I betake you to God." Page 561, note (2).]-SimoD MODtfort wanled to monopoliae the r&D80mB oC the principal priaonera. Page 561, note (3). "Philip Bamt."}-So saYI Hemingford, correctly. See supra, p. 548, and Dugdale'l Baronage. Foxe sayl .. Jobn." P~e 561, note (4).]-Foxe's text lay. "Robert," for wbich he bad Hemmgford's authority: but Wikes say. "Thomas de Clare i" and Dugdale ltales, tbat for tbis very action he was inc1uded with tbe earl, bis bro~er, in a pardon, wbicb il preaerved among the Tower Records. Page 561, note (5).]-" Si Corte torneare deberet, sicnt et aliquando 1'oluissent." (Hemingford.) Foxe renders tbe last worda I as they migbt wIJen they liated." Page 562, line 16. "And whm thia," &C.]_'l Nunciatumque est boc Edwardo filio Regil per Nploratorem suum Margoth, qui, cum mulier esset, in veste tamen virili velut homo gradiebatur... ErahJue tunc EdwardUl apud Wircellriam quam post Gloucellriam paUUl ante dencerat, et accepto nuncio conlurgens de nocIe abiit."-HmUngford. Page 562, line 26.}-" Cum proceslissent in itinere, venemnt bostium longre

y".

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quadriglll, ut victnalia qUlllrerent, et continull captre sunt, et equi dis!ributi in lOco w811torom equorum per exercitum." Page 662, line 36. u Prince Edward immediately returned to Worcelter." J-Theae words are added to the text from Hemingford : "Et statim ad Wirceatriam reverai BUnt," Page 562, line 5 from tbe bottom.l- u Dixit [speculatorJ ad comitem .... apparent vexilla tuorom. Et ille, Piliua meus est: ne timellB. Sed vade et clrcumspice, ne forte prlllOCcupemur circumventi; non enim cognoverat adhuc de hiB qUlll filio acciderant. Perrexit ergo speculator ille in altum in cloccario Abbatilll," &c.-Hemingford. Page 663, line 1.1-" Festinavitque ut montis clivo llBCenBO prim08 belli ictua occupare pouet."-Hemingford. Page 563, line 12.J-Hemingford saya: "Prrecepitque ut confiterentur omnea, et essent parati in prrelium, qui pro legibus terrre mori vellent et pro juatitia:" which Foxe renders" should make himself ready to God, and to 1ight out the field; for that it WllB their will to die for their laws and in a just quarrel." Page 563, line 8 from the bottom. " But after te battlB," &c.J-ThiB and tbe next lentence had slipped into tbe middle of tbe next paragraph. Page 564, line 26.J-Otbobon arrived in England with tbe queen about All-Mints' day, i. e. Nov. lat, and the parliament and convocation met at Nortbampkm on S1. Nicholas's day, i. e. Dec. 6th. (Chron. Dunstap.) Anotber parliament met at Northampton, Aprilllth, A. D. 1266.-Eve,h. .dnnal". Page 564 not~ ~.l-The Illit name mentiolled in tbe above lis~.of slain stands in Foxe "the ford Roger RowIey," in Hemingford "dominui Ro~erus de Roule," in Dugdale II Roger de Rowele" (vol. i. p. 758). The indivldual meant was undoubtedly Sir Roger de Rubala, or, llB tbe name WllB afterwarda spelt in the more modem portion of the pedigree, Rowele or Rowell, Rouall ar Roall; and Dugdale, wbo ia an autbonty on theae pointa, calls tbe name Rowele, wbicb spelling iB the beat that can be given The family of Rowell was of consequence in tbe county of Lincoln, and posseued lands in tbe lale of Axbolme, wbither tbe barons retired. He sbould not be called tbe lord Roger Rowele, but nr Roger Rowele, being one of tbe many (same say 150) !migMa who wem slain witb Simon. For tbia information, tbe editor is indebted to tbe kindneu ot William Courthope, Eaq., Somerael Herald. Page 564, note (2).1-Foxe representa tbe barans as baving been disinberited somewbat later, at tlie parliament of Northampton. But the Tower Record referred to in this note and cited by Brady and Tyrrell, prons tbat they were c1isinherited and their estates seized into the king's banda at tbe parliament of Winchester, Sept. 8th. Foxe, however, had authority. (See HemiDgford, and Knygbton ~uoted presendy on note (4).) The error has been corrected in the text by a shgbt transposition. A commiasion is printed in Brady's Appendix (vol. i No. 223), directing an account to be taken ofthe foeited estates, to be lent in with the Micbaelmas Renta on ar before St. Edward's day next ensuing [Oct. 13thJ. On that day the parliament resumed its sittings for eight days, when the estates of tbe barons were abBOlutely given to tbe king. wbo bestowed them on his friends. (Tyrrell, p. 1056.) Page 564, note (3).1-The bishops referred to were thoae of Lincoln, London, Worceller, ana LichjiBld. They were pronounced excommunicate by Otbobon at tbe council of Northampton, and ordered to appear " infra Quadragesima .. to answer for tbeir rebelIion. In the meantime tbe bisbop of Worce,ter died, but Wili absolved on his denth-bed (Godwin de Prresulibus). The other tbree appeared at the time arpointed, and were ordered to come and receive judgment .. on the quindene o Euterj" when they were sent off to the court of Rome, tbem to answer for their conduct.-Chron. Dumtap. and ThOl. Wike" ad ano 1266. Pa~e 664, note (4).}-Foxe bad authority farbi. statemenll in the text, III be followmg extract from Hemingford will show :-" Tenuitque Rex Parliamentum BUum mense Novembris apud Northampton, et exhreredati sunt omues qui comili

896

APPENDIX TO VOL.

n.

Simoni astiterunt, et UEor ejua cum lWem; tenuitque ibidem coneilinm Othobon, legatus Domini Papm, et excommunicavit omnes Episcopos, qui eidem comiti Simoni auilium prrestiterant et favorem. Misitque quosdam eorum ad prresentiam Papre, pro beneficio absolutionis obtinendo; publicavitque quredaJ:n statuta qwe fecerat, et conceuiouem Domini Papm Clementis quam fec:erat Regi et Regime, de decima Anglicanm Ecclesim conceaa eooem per sex annOl subsequentes; liebatque cito post taxatio Norwicensis per Waltennn Norwicensem Episcor,um, qui ad hoc onus eleclus esL Factaque BUnt brec in anno Domini 1266. '-Hut .hgl. 8criptoru, EtfitlU 710fl1<n6 GaJe, OXOD]691, vol. ii. p. 587. The same pauage is copied by Koyghton in the Decem Scriplores, col. 24M; it is al50 quoted by Wilkins in his Concilia, ad annwn.But besides the error of representing tbe barons as disinberited at Northamptoo (pointed out in the lut Dote but one, aud corrected in Foxe's ten), there is probably BOme error as lo the uteJJt of " tbe new grant made to the king and queen oC the tenths for seven" (or even "six," 81 Hemingford statea) yean to come." . Several papal bulls are printed in Rymer, dated Viterho Id. Sep.. and 8 Cal. Oct. 1266, transferring to the use of the king 0fIe year's tentha whicb bad been previoualy levied on the cburch by the barons : and altenrard a grant was made to the king oC tbe tenths for tMt!t! yean, out ol which tbe queen was to bave 60,0001.; see tbe notes in this Appendix on pp. 566, note (3), and 567, note (6).-But Hemingford is certainly mistaken in representing the "Taxatio Norwicensu" as now firat made, and Foxe is still furthermistarn in transIating hu worda" shordy after a tax was allO fined upon the county ol N oolk:' The time and occasion of the said "Taxatio Norwicenais" being made bave been stated in this Appendix, in tbe note on p, 536. Bartholomew Cotton states in bis" Annales Norwicenses" tbat a twentietb wu tbis year voted by Parliament to tbe disinherited barons, "secuDdum taxationem domini Walteri de SutbCend quondam Episcopi NorwiceDsis" (Anglia Sacra, tom. i. p. 398); and Wikes (see the note in Ibis Appendix on p. 566, nole (3) ) can. it Ol taulio pernequiter innovata": from such expressions, probably, Hemingford erroneously inferred, tbat Ihe present was tbe original occaaiou of tbe " Taxatio Norwicensis" being made. Page 564, note (5).1-Foxe omits to mention tbat 8imcm ck MonJfori, j-.. as well as D'Eyvile, ihrew hiinself into Axholm. Henry ordered an army to auemble at Northampton to reduce tbe rebels in Axbolm .. circa Cestom Sta!. Lucim" [Dec. 13th]. They surrendered at discretion, Dec. 27th, aaving life and limbs. (M. Paris, Annal. Waverl.) On presenting bimselC beCore the king at Northampton. Simon, througb the iDtercesaion oC Richard, king oC tbe Romans, was kindly received by the kin(\', and appointed a pension of 500 marks during good bebaviour: be accompaDled Ihe kmg to London Jan. 13tb, but bearing that be was to be imprisoned in the Tower he suddenly abscouded on the nigbt ol St. Scholutica's day, bein~ Asb-Wednesday [wbich ~ves Feb. IOtb, A.D.1266, by Nicolas's Tables]; be joined the pirates oC the Cmque Ports, tiU they were deCeated by Prince Edward at Winchelsea on the fealt oC SS. Perpetua aud Felicitas ~March 7th], after whicb he took reCuge in France. Rymer gives & proclamatlon oC Henry, dated Northampton May 18th, A.D. 1266, stating that Simon and bis Crienda were raiaing forces in France to invade England; and Rymer gives also a buli oC excommunication agaiust him for intriguing at Pas against Henry, dated Viterbo 17 Cal. Octob. A. D. 1266; after wbicb he joined the barons in tbe hle oC Ely, and tbere surrendered.-.dnnal. WaverL, M. ParU,

ekron. DuTIIf,Qp., Rymer.

I

Page 564, note (6).]-Some place tbe deatb of Walter in tbe year 1267, wbile all place it in the mouth oC February. There seems little doubt, bowever, that be dled in 1266, for bis aucceSBOr, Nicbolas oC Ely, appears (by tbe Anna\. Waverl.) as bishop oC Woreester among the twelve commissioners cbosen at Coventry in tbe ensuing summer. Nicholas seems abo to bave been consacrated, with the bishop oC Lllndaff, "octavis Pentecoates," May 23d, A.D.1266, on the return of arcbbisbop Boniface about Ascension-day (Thomas Wikes); or ratber with Roger, bishop oC Norwicb, Sept. 19tb. (Annal. Wigomiensea: see Wharton's note, Anglia Sacra, tom. i. p. 496.) Page 565, line 29.
"TwellIt! perlon. wen chosen."]-Tbese twelve were

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ChOlll'1I and Rllt at Coventry (M. Paria, Chroll. Dunstnp.), which will eXl'iulII t he alJmion at page 567, line 13. Page 566, line 6.]-This mentioo oC Simon Montfort tallil's with tbe aceount giVl'n oC him in be note on p. 564, note (5). Page566,line 10 &om tbe bottom.]-The king was rouaed to attack the I.le of Ely by tbe Bllcesles committed by the baroni, wI.o bad taken refuge Lhere. (Cbronicon de Bamewelle, Leland's Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 439.) 1'beyattacked and plundered Norwieh, 17 Cal. Jan. 1267 (An~lia Sacra, tom. i. p. 398), l i cirea festum Sti. Nicolai, in menie Decembri." (T. Wikea.) Tbe king came to Bury on his way to Ely on the Octaves oC Sl Hilary (Jan. 20th), and held a parlament there l i Crutino Purificationil" (Feb. 3d), where he asked for a aecond tenth belidea what the pope had granted bim, but was reCuled. (T. Wikea, Chron. Dunstap.) He belieged the lale oC ~Iy al! Lent; arter wbich be was ~oined by prioce Edward from the North; and left for London, wbich bad been mvested by the earl oC Gloucester aoout Easter (Aprill7th). Henry advanced aOOut 3 Non. Maii (May 5th), and atopped aeveral weeks at StratCord. The earl evacuated London 8 Id. Julii, and made terma Cor hia party.-Lelantl', Calkc. ii. p. 439, T. Wiku, Annal. Wawrl. P&g'e 566, note (2).]-Walter Gifl'ord, cbosen bishop of Batb and WeBs May 22d, A. D. 1264, leems to bave been translated to York October 15th, .l. D. 1265 (Riebardson's Gadwin): T. Wikea and the Waverley AnnaIs, bowever, confirm Foxe's statement. Page 566, notn (3).]-Foxe saya, u In this year al80 be Chureh of England began to pay the tentbs of all her revennl'B, as well spiritual as temporal, to the king." Probably be is quating bere l i Scala Mundi," and a tittle misapprehends the meaning of tbe original, applying " spiritual and tempora! " to the reVeTIUl'S instead oC the clergy. Tbe following is the aecount oC.tbe matler in the Waverley Annais :_" hem hoc anno (1266) conee88B est Domino Regi decima omnium Eceleliarum et omnium bonorum Religiosorum et Ecclesiasticarum personaum Anglire, Wallim, Hybernire, et Seotim, exceptila Templariis, Holpitalariis, et Ordine Cisterciensi, per tres annos." (Gale, .,01. ii. p. 223.) Thomas Wikes, >ld annum 1267, lays to the same effeet:-u Et ne Clericorum marsupia saeeulia laieorum abundantius intumeseerent, eed easet Cleria sieut et populia, aummua PontiCex (exeedens potius, si fas ait dieere, polestatis plenitudinem qllam exerceni) iuaudito eontributionis genere Anglicanam Eeclcaiam [opprimit] eoncedendo Domino Regi Anglorum decimam partem omnium bonorum et proventuum anuuorum, tam Clericorum, qllam religiosorum, paucil religi09ll duntaxat exeeptis, quicum ne cum aliia contribuerent, et aio sua 18!dereDt privilegia, ineslJmabili data peeunia redimenda duxerunt; et non lolum aub aDtJquam ni pernequiter innovatam taxatioDem decimas auas unius allni reddere aunt ~oacti, sed et trium anDorum sub [nova] decimatioDe verum et plenum rerum suarum valorem singuli persolvebant .... " (Gale, tom. ii. p. 8.) In explanation and ('onfirmation of tbe above ltatemenll it may be remarked, that tbere ia iu Rymer a buli dated "ViterOO Id. Julii, pODtificatua alino tertio" [1267], and directed to Othobon, intimatiug tbat the pope pt'eviowly granted the killg tbe tan th of all eccleaiastieal re"enuea in England, Ireland, and Wales, Cor tbree years, out oC wbicI. 60,000 pounds Tours were to be dedueted and allowed the queen to pay her debta. Tbil buli urgea tbe immediate raising of these 60,000 poundl (Ii fonitan non sit collecta), to be paid over to the queen'a erediton. To tha .ame matter Hemingford probably refen in tbe puaage cited from him in the note on p. 564, nota (3). Page 567, note (2).}-Mention ia made oC Ihe Peebea in tbe Chronicie oC HamwelI Priory (LelaDd'. Collectnu!!a, vol. li. p. 439), as a family of eon 8idelable conlequenee in th0ge parta, and in partlCular tbe bratbers Hugb and Robert Peche are staled to bave saved the Priory from being bumt by the ol Insularel" on the retirement of tbe king from Cambridge for London. The Priory wal fOllnded by an anceator of theirs. (TanDer'a Notitia Monastiea.)Baldwin Wake'a aucellor was active iD maintaining tbe bil' oC Ely againllt Ihe C..nqllcror. Baldwin obtained pardon, and reatitution of hi. landa, on payill Lhree year8' ~nlue to th0ge to whom tbey had been given. Pat. 51 H/!N. III. 3 m. 26, apud Dugdak, vol. i. p. 540.

"ad

VOL. II.

lIII

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APPF.NDlX TO VOL. II.

Page 567, nole (3).r.-Thi~ cnuncil met" in Quindena Paaclul!, qU8! ipt'O &Dno contigit 6 Id. Aprilis.' (T. Wikes.) It was at this council that the ramou! Constitutions of Othobon were pns"ed, printed in Wilkins'a Concilia, tom. ii. p. 1. Same of them tended to abridge the power of the bishoJlS, and auch strong opposition waa lIIade to them, that OlllObon was forced to adjoum the Rssembly to the next day: he improved the interim so well by promises ar threats, that next day he carried his point.-M. W~ltm. ad all., T. Wik~., p. 85. Page 567, note (6).]-Theae new valuationa (lazation~s) were evidently much dislikEd b)' the clergy. We have a1ready seen how Wikea speaks of tbe Norwich flOlualion, in the note on p. 566, note (3). It is not improbable that Othobou attempted (aa Foxe says) lo get a still more perleet valuation than that, but found the proceeding ao odious that he was obliged to desist; for we have no auch valuation on recnrd: but it would appear from the roIlowing passage from Wikes, ad annum 1269, that the king compounded the matter in anotber way:-" Circa idem tempus Rex Anglorum, cui, sicut prrediximua, Dominus Papa decimam clericorum sub verum suum valorem (minus lIllne, si liceret dicere) diu ante concesserat, perpendena quod nec antiqua beneficiorum taxatio, nec Walteri Norwicenaia Episcopi taxatio nequiter innovata, verum valorem posset attingere, pessimia pesaima superaddens, Pontificibua (qui se pro subditomm defenaione mumm inexpugnabilem exponere debuissent) annuentibua nec non in modico contradicentibu8, tandem extorsit, ut pro recompensatione veri valoris non percepti r.er triennium decimam qusrti auni ainguli reddere cogerentur" (Gale, "0. ii. p. 88): that is, the king demanded a fourth year's lenths in compenaation for the defect of the tbree previous Jears' tentha below tbeir tme value. The juxtaposition of " quarti" and "tros" may have mialed Foxe, ar hia autbority, into tbe stalement about "aeven .. yesrs' tentha, noliced in p. 564Page 567, note (7).]-"Theobaldum archidiaconum Leodiensem, quem vulgus consueto vocabulo vocitabat Tytlrduln, quique tunc temporia cum domino Edoardo peregrinationia causa morabatur." (T. Wikea, p. 96, ad an. 1270.) Foxe calls him an" archdeacon cardinal j'but he doea not appear to have been a cardinaI. (See Moreri, tl. Cardinal.) He was elected Sept. ht, .... D. 1271, and consecrated at Rome, March 27th, "'.D. 1272. (L'Art de V~r. des Dalea.) Foxe omits all mention of the six ensuing popea, Innocent V., Adrian V., John XX. ar XXr., Nicholas IIr., Martin IV., and Honoriua IV.: Niebolas 111. is introduced at p. 579 by the presrnt editor. Page 668, note (2).]-Foxe in tbe lext saya, "Robert Burnell, their chancelIar:" but he was at this time (A.D. 1270) only canon of Wells, archdcacon of York, and tbe prince's chaplain: he was made chancellor Sepl. 21at, .... D. 1274, and hiahop of Bath and Wells January 1275, and conaeerated by the arehbiahop at Merton April 7tb following. (Richardson's Godwin "De I'r.!!aulibua.") Anotber unauccessful atlempt was made by tbe prince, whcn Edward L, to obtain for him tbe primacy in A.D. 1278. (See p. 579.) Page 569, note (1).l-John, of Darlington in tbe dioceae of Durham, was a Dominican, of great learning and probity. He was made private confessor to Henry 11 I. He waa made pope'a collector in England .. Gref0rii X. anno 3," i .. A.D. 12il or 1272; and continued auch under John XX ., Nicholns III., and Martin IV. He waa conaecrated archbiahop of Dublin on the Sunday after Bartholomt'w, .... D. 1279, and died suddenly at London, 5 Cal. Ap. A. D. 1284. Hia concordance waa called Magna and Anglicana.-Bale, FulLw'.

Worthies, Tann"'s Bibliolh. Page 571, line 27. "Then the Chnatiam," &c. ]-Hemingford'a worda are (p. 590): "Animati itaque Chri"tiani tertio exierunt c\rca fe.tum Beati Petri ad vincula, u"que ad Sanctum Georgium, et peremptis quibu&dam, cum non invenirent qui resi"lerent, reverai sunt cum gaudio in locum auum."
Page 571, line 10 from the bottom.]-Thia messellger is commonly supposed
to have heen one of the Assasain i, of whom some account has been giveu in the

uole on p. 467. Page 573, lin e 25. "Through Pale.triua and Metmes."J-These appear barbarous worda, Gale'a editioll ol' Hemingford reads Pal~ltinam et ,jlltchine.,

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

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and gi"es in the note a various reading Platiam and Me,.inam; but this is not salisfaetor)' . Page 574, line 9. 'I Bereal prince Edward being 116conred.'1-This is the reading of a11 the old editions. .. Ascorned" is from tbe French e.cnrner, and means j"dignant.-" Holy bread" ar .. balibread," line 24, alludes to tbe fliat;cum given to the dying. Page 575, line 18.J-Thoma. AquinQl "was barn at Aquino, in Italy, 12U. Tbe number ar his works is prodigious, amounting to seventeen volumes folio, t1lOugh he died at the early age of fifty. He is st)'led 'The .J.ngelical Doc/or:' and his authority among the schoo!men was almost decisive in theo!ogy. Like nur own Hooker, he was litt!e leos eminent for his self-denying humility than for his wide erudition and deep reasoning powers. It is said that when pope Clement IV. showed him a vast heap of welllth, observing, Yon see the church cannot naw say, Silver and gold have I none:' 'True,' replied the great schoolman, ' neither can she naw say to the sick, Take up thy bed and walk.' Though, like other fallible men, and especially voluminous writers, he is sometimes found in error, yet Protestant divines and scholara have dane justice to the vast attainments of this wonderfu! man. Dean Philpotts says, ' I do not a1fect to be deep!y versed in bis writings; but I have read enollgb ar them to bear testimany to the uncommon vigour and astonishing acuteness of his min d.' (Letters to Charles Butler, Esq.) And Mr. Southey speaks of him as 'a man whose extrnordinary powers ol' mind few persons are eompetent to appreciate.' (Vindicill! Ecc. Ang.) As calcu!ated in an especial mann er to stamp the character of the man, and as a hint to those who forget that Bme ora..e elt benll Ituduiue, it may not be improper to insert here the prayer of Thomas Aquinas before commencing study:-'Ineffably wise and IJlt!reiful Greator! illustriou9 Source of all things! true Fountain ar light and wisdom ! Vouchsafe to infuse into my lInderstanding same ray of thy brightness; thereby removing tbat twofo!d darkness under whieh I was born, the darkne88 of sin and ignorance. Thou, that makest the tongues of infanl.q e!oquent, instruet, I pray thee, my tongue likewise: and pour upon my lips tbe grace oC thy benediction. Give me quiekness to comprehend, and memory to retain: give me a facility in expounding, an aptitude in learning, and a corious eloquence in speaking. Prepare my entrance into knowledge: direct me in my pUT8uits, and render the issue oC tbem eomplete: through J esus Cbrist aur Lord. Amen.' "-Al/par/'8 DafJenant, vol. i. p. 33, note. Ja~obUl de Yoragine, "rectius de Yiragine urbe maritima Ligurnm." He was arcbbishop oC Genoa: he was thOl firat to translate the BibIe ima Italian, about A. D. 1270. He wrote a book called Legenda Aurea, being a collection oC Lives of the Saints, fuli oC fables, whieh LudovicUB Vives and Melchior Canus, bisbop oC the Canarles, called Legenda ferrea. He wrote also Chronicon Genuen!e. He died ". D. 1294.-11o.ffman, .Moreri, and Cafle. Yincl'1llilU of Beauvais, a Burgundian, of the Preaching Friars, f10urished A. D. 1244. He was authar oC the famous II Speculum Quadmplex" (Historicllm, Nalurale, Morale, Doetrinale).-Cafle. By tbe Card;nal of O,/ia is meant Henry de Segusa ar Susa, wbo was, first of all , made bisllOp oC Sisteron. and then archbishop of Embrun A. O. 1250, and cardinal-bishop of O.tia, A. D. 1262: he wrote on the Decretals. He was denominated " FOWI el Splendor Juril."-Cafle. Alber/w, styled Magnu8, "a German, of tbe Dominican order, and a foli ower nf Peter Lombard j a man,' says Mosheim, 'ol' "ast abilities, and an universal dictator in his time.' His celebrity, however, is sa clouded with the legendary tales related of his acquirements and performances in oceult philosophy, that it is impossible to say what portion ar it is duly merited j and oC tbe twenty-one Culio volumes attributed to him, it bas since been aseertained that many pieces which are tbere inserted were not composed by him. Slill, the distinctlon he obtained Car bis extensive aequaintance with the snbtle philoroph)' and obscure theology of the times was sa great, that in 1218 he was called to Rome by Pope Alexander IV., and appointed Master ar the Sacred Palace.' (See the next paragrapb.) In 1260, he was elected bishop ar Ratisbun j but finding his episcopal duties inconsislent wilh his love ol' retiremcnt and study, he resigned his bishopric, and returncd to Cologne, to enjoy tbe leisure of

3M2

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APPENDJX TO 'V'o(,.

n.

monutic life. Ile lIl'llll, however, drawn from bil retirement by pope Gregory X., who lent him into Gennany and Bohemia to preach thc Crusadc. He .nerwardl attended the council of Lyons, and then retumed to Cologne, wlu're he remained until his deatb in 1280."-JUport. Da_tutt, vol. i. p. 148, nole. DurrJndlU, "one of the most leamed lawyera of his time, who fouah...d in the thirteenth century. He wu a pupil of the celebrated Henry de Susa ar Seguaa, after quitting wbom, and taking his doctors dt'gree, he taught caDOOlaw at Bologna and Modena, and publiahed a famous wark, entitled ' Sprculum J ua,' which gained him tbe surname of' S~r:tdatar: Being introduc:ed by his fonner tutor, naw cardinal-bilhop of O.tia, at the court of Rome, he wu employed by Clement IV. and four luccceding pontiffs in important and honourable charges. Amon#\, other posta of distinction 8IIigned him, he was made ' Master of tbe Sacred Palace.' The person holding this office WBlI a kin,J. of domestic cbaplain ar preacber of the pape.' A part of his jurisdiction in this capacity 'referred to the printing of books, and the power of prohibitill~ them.' or tbis office Mr. Mendham bu given a fuli and interesting account in bis valuable wark on the 'Literary Policy of the Chureh of Rome' (I b. i. pp. 11-13). In the progress of his preferments and honoura, Duralld11>l .... created biahop of Mende, and employed as Gregory's It'gate at tbe coullcil uf Lyons. Being recalled to Rome, he was afterwardl created marquil of Ancona, and tben count of Romagna, which provincetl he govemed during tbl' tumults oC the Guelph and Ghibelline factions. 'The Rationale Divinorom Officiomm' is the best known of his worka, and bu been the mOlt Crequently reprinted. It is a detailed view of the rilel and 'lI'orship of tbe Roman cburch, and contains a competent partion of Cable. He died /lt Rome in 1296."Allport" DarJmtJJJt, vol. i. p. 38, note. J>age 575, Hne 24.]-The Tartar iDvuion is meDtioned supra, at p. 491. Page 5i6, HDe 3.]-See p. 491. Page 571i, line ]3 from the bottom. "Tefourth Jay of MarcA."]-GodwiD IB)'S .. 4 Cal. Martis," i. e. Feb. 26th. Page 576, !ine 10 from the bottom.l-Foxe erroneously makel Henry III. die "A. D. ]273, ..... iD the fiftY-lixth year oC bis reign." (8..e Nieolas's Table.) Page 577, line 6.]-Edward 1. landed at Dover, August 2d, A. D. 12i4, and WlUl erowned at Westminster, on Sunda)', August ]9th.-Nicoltu'. Chrono/.ogJ of Hiltory. Page 5i8, line 16 from the botlom. "Th.e halfpenny rmd farthing, " &c.]See the nole on p. 690, note (4). rage 579, lilie 12.1-Edward 1., when Prince of Walca, bad made a pre'ious atlempt to obtain tbe primaey for this Robert Bumell, then his domcatic chaplaiD. (See tbe Dote on p. 568, DOte (2),) This fresh attempt waa made on the abdication of Kilwardby, early in ]278. "Electi [R. Bumell] caulBm Rex Nicolao papre impenlil commendsvit literis datis lo Juhi 12711 (ltfmer), aliisque ad Robertum di~nitatem oblatam detrectantem ]] Aug. 1278 ICnptis ipsum enixe rogat, ut electloni de se facta! COllsentiat. Parnit Robertus, misailque ad Curiam Romanam nWlciis electionem confinnari petiit. Inculum autem." (Whartoll, Anglia Sacra, tom. i. p. 567, note d.) Fou, in consequeDce of Lis havillg misplaced this portion of his narrative after the account oC Boniface VIII., was milled into the notion that this a1fair happened under .. Pope Boniface VIU."-or t1ice fJer,a: this portion (as already intimated at tlle fool oC p. 678) hlUl been transpOled, and" NichalBlI III." subBtituted for" Boniface VIII." Nicbolas III. was pope Dec. 26th A. D. 1277-August 22d A. D. 1280. Page 580, !ine ] 5.]-The parliament of Bury wu hed "in Craetino Animarom Omnium, 24 Ed. I.;" i. e. Nov. 3, A. D. ]296, Page 580, \ine 21. "In cr~ti"o S/,j. llilarii.''J- (Nicholaa Trivet, aud Knyghton.) Foxe says, "the neltt Hilary tenn." Page 58], linel!J.]-Edward embarked atWinchelaea, August 2211, A, D. 1297. PaKe 682, line ]6.]-This is called, in the Public Acta, "Colloquium et Traeutus." Anotller meetillg was sllmmoned for Oct. 6th, to linish the malter. The" MRgnR Charta " and" Charta de Foresta" referred to lIS binding on the

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

901

king's of England, are lhose passed 9 lIen. II I. A. D. 12:1-1. (See supra, p.376.) Thc king himseJf ralilied these proceedillgs at York on Whilsundlly, May 25th, A.D. 1298. Page 583, Jine 15 from tha bollom.}-For .. William 1." Foxe, by a slip, reads .. David;" and for "lhis J obn Baliol" four lines lower be reads .. Edward." Page 584, line 6 from the bollom. '\ Who i_diaUly In"JetA doum hu precep' 'o the king."] Foxe here fol1ows Walsingbam. fhis communication from the pope purports, according to the course of Fon's narrative, to have been made A.D. 1299, or 27 Ed. L It does not appear, however, from the olher historians, lhat aDy such communicalion passed that year. It is lrue, that the popa (at Baliol's procurement) endeavoured to mediate, and persuaded Edward to surrender Jobn Baliol into tbe bands of his legate wilh a view to same award, but with the expreu profluo on Edward's part (dated Canlerbury, June 14tb, 27th )'ear of his reign), tbat the BOvereigllty of Scolland belonl(ed to him of righl, and tbat John Baliol had acted against his allegiance: thia was read over before tbe legate, J obn Baliol, and the 1r.iDg'S proctor, aud assented to, at Wilsand, July 18tb, wben Baliol was surrendered. Tbi. renden it tbe more extraordinary, that when Edward in tbe following year (28 Ed. I.) again went into Scotland to quell a fresh rebellion, be was met at the abbey of Duaquea, in Galloway, by Archbisbop Winchelsey, bearillg a papal buli from Boniface, c1aimillg the sovereignly of Scotland for lhe pope, and dcsiring him to give over vexing tbem: tbis was delivered to tbe king August 26th, A. D. 1:100, and is wbat Wa\singbam calls lhe pol'e's "secundarire lilerre." It is very remarkable, bowever, that tbis buU is daled tbe previOlu year, "5 Cal. J lilii, quinto pontificatfts," i. e. J une 27th, A. D. 1299, Ihe very time when Edward'. cIaim was being admited by tbe pope, witb a view to obtaining the surrender of Baliol; whicb gives Ul a painful view of papal duplicity, of which, however, tbil volume bas already a1forded instaDcel. We may add, thst lhe date of lhis buU may bavc misled Walsingham into the belief of a papai .. precept" having been sent in tbe year 1299, tbe only foundalion for which seems to be the .. secundarire literre" baving been writlen in 1299, though not ckliflercd till A. D. 1300. Page 588, line 18 from the bollom. .. Rober, Rrt~c, grantl&01I oj Robert Bruce abofIe mentioned."}-Foxe says "Robert Brnce above mentioned," which Henry, in his History of England, provcs to be wrong. Page 588, line 6 from lhe boltom.}--Robert Bruce sIew Cumming in the cIoisters of the Grey Friars at Dumfriea, Feb. 2d, A. D. 1306, and was crowned at Scone Abbey on Lady-day folIowing. Clement V. WIU crowned pope Noy. 14tb, A. D. 1305.-L'Art de yer. ck. Dale. Page 589, line 19.]-See the note in tbis Appendix on p. 567. M_us ralher represents Benedict as elling somebody else to do lhis, than as doing it bimself. "Quorum unus, non re sed nomine Benedictus, apposuit quendam cnbiculo papre, qui facto foramine per fistulam multis noclibus iusonabat velul angelus quispiam."-Ed. ADtV. 1540, p. 242. Page 590, nole (l).]-The large type in the ensllin~ narrative of the displlte belwcen Philip le Bel and Boniface VIII. i. a trenslanon from Trivet and Walsingham, somewhat modified in the present eclilion, in order lo render the narrative more accnrate. Whence Foxe ohtained lhe documents does not appear: the originals are printed in Prynne'l History of John, Hen~ III., and Edward 1.; also in Pierre de Pithou, " Preuves des Libertez de l Eglise Gallicane;" as well as in Dupuy's .. Histoire du Dift'erend," The a1fair ar the bishop of Pamiers, which Foxe properly mentions as the origin of the dispute, began as far baclt as A. D. 1295. Tbe monastery ar St. Anthony at Pamlen wss a peculiar, and had a jusdiction over tbe town and suburbs of Pamien. Clement IV. entrusted this to tbe protection ar Louis, the grandfather oC Philip le Bel, .. for the honour ar the Roman Church." However, Roger, earl of Foix, in A. D. 1295, attempted to bring the abbot and monastery of Pamien under bis jurisdiction, not wilhoul the approbation of Philip ; which produced remonstrances and lhreats from Boniface VIJI. Boni. face proceeded to erect the ahbacy into a bishoJ>ric a:rainst the king's <Ipclnrpd wisbes, and appointed Bemard Sai%etl~ Ihe abbot, lo be the first bi.hop oj

902

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

Pamie"; "ho rewarded his patron by lhe most treasonable measures &gain.t hu lawful loyereign. Thil led to his Leing sllmmoned before a parliament at Senli., where he Wal put lInder arrett, and committed to the cuatody of Gil~ archbi.hop ot Senlis, and a proce.. commenced against him the Wedne-day after Trimty, i. e. May 24th, "" D. 1301 j which proonced an immediate rupture between Boniface and Philip. (Uupuv.) This therefore was the ogin oC the quarrel, vi I BonifaeiuI Apamenm jussit civitatem fieri, abbate S. Antonini primo episcopo conltilllto" (p. 154 of " BonifaciWl VII r. e familia CajetaDorum principum Rom. Pontifex, Joh. Rubei opus, Romie, 1651"). Page 690, DOte (3).J-Stephen Aufrere, mentioned in thia DOle, was aD eminent lawyer, aud presidelJt of tbe parliament of 1'oulouse. 1'he short paragraph in the lext-" Boniface, bishop and servanl," &e., is called in bistory " La Petile Bulle," and is thought by some too eoncise to have been Boniface'., and that it is rather an abstraet of the buli" Aruculla Fili." 1'hat buli, however, is dated "quarto Nonas Decembris, pontificatils nostri anno 8exto [A.. 0.1301):' Page 591, line 6 from the bottom.]-o< The arehdeaeon of Narbonne" was Jacques des Normans, who, in February, A.D. 1302, presented lo Philip a lelteT from Boniface, requiring Ihe release of lhe abbot of Pamiers and declariug that he had i]J6o facto incurred the chureh's eensure j also the petile 6uUe, and Ihe bulI " Auseulta fili," citing the Flaneh biahops to a eOllneil to be held at Rome Cal. Nov. A.D. 1302. Page 591, note (l).J-1'he ~reater part of Ihe foregoing paragraph in !he texl, viz. from " Moreover to provide " to the words "Iea"e the realm," i nJded to Foxe's Mtt on the authority of tbe ensuing letter of lhe bisbops. Tbit uddition is absolulely neeessary to connect the narrath'e, and is too imJX>rlant lo be lost j for it is supposed that this was the first parliament lo which tbe " Tier, Etat" was summoned. 1'he Writ of Summon. is nnl extant, bul that the Commons were summoned i. positively stated by tbe biibop. in the enstUng letter. Page 691, note (2).]-The ensuing letter of the Freneh bishops to pope Boniface would stand, according to Foxe's arrangement, at page 603, and is represented by bim as their apology for joiniug iu the proeeedings of Thursday and 'riday, June 13th and 14th, A. D. 1303. 1'he inlernal evidence, however, of Ibl' letler itself show. that it has no reference to those proceedings whatever. Tbe note of time (pa~e 592, line 12), .. Tuesday, the 10th of Ihis present montlt of April," [" hae die Martis 10 prreselllis mensis Aprilis,"-Dupuy, Prynne,] ja alone snf6cient to prove that it belon~s to A. D. 1a02. (See Nicolas's 1'ables.) It is proper to inform Ihe reader, that F01e's text bas" Wednesday," instead of "Tuesday," whieh fils the year 1303; and perhaps this was the reason why .. Wednesday " was wriUen, " die Marti." being supposed to be a blunder for .. die Mercurii," But Ihe leter concludes also, .. Datum Parisiis, die Mania prredicta." Page 694, line 21. "Thele thingl," &c.]-lt may be proper to inform the reader, that, in reply to the foregoing letter of the Freneh bisbops, Boniface reproached them for sllffering Peter Flotte to utter sllcb .. calumnies." 111e proposed council met at Rome Oct. 3d, and three representatives of the Frencl, ehmch were there in spite of Ihe king's prohibition j the resull was the buU"Unam Sanclam j" also a bulI excommllnicating all who .hould hinder peraons going to or returning from Rome, dated Nov,13Ih. Boniface sent Jean le Moine, cardinalpriest of St. Marcelline, as his legate into France, N ov. 24th. Philip then wrote a conciliatory letter to Boniface, which was not satisfaetory to him, as appears from his answer to the earl of Valoi., Philip's brother, dated .. 6 Cal. I\fartii, pontif. anno 9:" i. e. Feb. 24th, A. D. 1303. Boniface then threalened to proceed against Philip both with the temporal and spiritual sword. At length GilJeaume de Nogaret brought forward his protest and appeal, March 12tb. Page 597, note (I).]-Foxe's copy gives 30 artieles, the reason of which ia, Ihat he divides SOlU e of the artieles dilferenty. Page 598, 5.}-Arnold of Villa Nova is mentioned at page 510. Page 602.]-As the reader may feel clIriolIs to see the original ol' this list of French eeclesiastieal dignilaries, it is here given: the final ,. sis" of cour>le rcquires to be added to cumplete each adjective. The modern lIames of the ~ees are dcrived fl"Om (Jallia Christiana, alld Fabricii Luz Evangelii uorj",.

APPF.NDIX TO VOL. IL

9U~

.. Nos Nicosien. Remen. Senonen. Narhonen. et Turonen. Archiepiscopi; LaudunclI. Bclllaccn. Cathalaunen. Anlissiodoren. Melden. Nivernen. Carnotcn. Aurelianen. Ambianen. Morinen. Sih'"anecten. Andega\en. Abrincell. Constanli"". Ebroicen. Lexovien. Sagien. Claromouten. Lemovicen. Anicien. Matiseonen. Episcopi; Cluniacen. Prremonstraten. Majoris Monastei, Ciatercien. Sancti UionJsii in Francia, Compendien. Sancli Victoria, Sanclre Oenovefre Parisiis, Sancti Martini Laudunen. Figiacen. et Belliloci in Lemoviciuio, Abbates; Frater Hugo Visitator domorum Ordinis Militire Templi, ac Sancti J uannis lerosolymit. in Francia, et Sancti Martini de Campis Parisiensis, Priorl.'s. Gerard, arcbbishop of Nicosia in Cyprus, bappening to be in France, took parl in tbis appeal: be had been previously ordered home to his see by Boniface, but refused to comply, and a buli was pnblished dated August 15th, 1303, slIspending hilll from his bilbopric.-L'..drt de Verifier de' Date', aud Fleury, Eec/. Hill, u ~fajoris Monasterii" means Marmoutier, in Toun. See Recueil dei Archevcques, Eveques, Abb. et Prioreux, &c. en France par UOIII. Beaunier, Paa, 2 vol. quarto, 1726, page 888. In Dupuy there are some lists of abbots about lhis timc, where it is called u Majoris Monaaterii Turonensis." Page 603, line 7. "DanII at Parn," &c.]-The pl188sge in the text stands thus in t.he original (see Dupny, page 109) :-" Actum Parisiis apud Luparam in camera dicti domini Regia, anno, indictione, mensI.', diebua Jovis et Veneris, ac pontificatu pnedictia, prresentibua. nobilibus viris dominia Andl.'gaven. Bolon. Dampni-Martini, et aliia comitibus superius nominatis j Mallbreo dc Trya, Petro domino Cbanbliaci, P. domino de WirIIIes, Hu!!one de Bovllla, mi\itiblls; necnon Magiatris, Stephano Archid. Brllgen., Nic. Archid. in ecclesia Remen., G. Theaaurario Andegaven., Petro de Bella Perlica, Regi. naldo dicto Barbou, et Joanne de Montegneyno, ac nonnullis aliia, tam clericil qull.1n laieis, ad hoc vocatis apecialiter et rogatia te.tibus." Page 603, note (I).]-The {oregoing introduction to the writ oC IUmmonl ia added to the lext {or greater clearneas. Page 603, note (2).]-The whole oC the ensuing paragraph is added to the text on tbe authority of Dupuy, Fleury, &c. in order to connect the narrlltive. Prynne gives the king's circular, inviting the instrumenta oC adbelion, dated "die Jovis post {eatum StL Johallnis Baptistre." Dupuy (Preuves, p. 166) gives a bull ol Boni{ac~, dated Anagni, 18 cal. Sept., grounded on his having heard that .. in fe.to nativitatil B. /okannU Bapli../(r proxim~ prreterito, Pbilippo Regi Francorum Parisiis in prresentia multorum in /rlrdino eju,dem &g;, congregatorum contra nOI diveraa crimina denuntiata fuerunt, quandoque eidem Regi supplicatum extitit, quod ipse hujusmodi denuucialionibus assentiret et conailium super hoc apponeret dando ad convn~andum seu .. convocari Caciendum Concilium Generale opem et operam etlicl1ces . I'age 608, line 36. .. Tke Frenellmt!fl, .... D. 1204, wilk Ulkom tlie er:'1'.ire remained tke 'Pace of 'lIf)enty year,."]-Foxe say. "fifty-eight years j" L Art de Ver. des Uales says "cinquallte-sept." But it is more correct to say "seventy years," i. e. (rom the time that Baldwin, earl of Flanden, was crowned emperor o{ Constantinople at the church of Sl Sophia, May 16th, A. D. 1204, to the death of Baldwin II. at the close of A. D. 1273, when the Greek emperoT, Michael Palreologua, was left sole master of Ule city: this WIU in the time of Gregory X., who was pope A.D.1271-A.D. 12i6. Gregory IX. was l~)pe A. D. 1227-1241: Michael was emperor A.D. 1259-1282.-L'Art de rtir. dea Dale'. I'age 6011, line II from the bOltom.]-Thi. genera council of L)'ons set May 7th-July 17th, A. D. 1274.-L'Art de de, Dalea. I'age 608, line 4 from the botrom.J-Foxe, in this sentence, puta Michael and Andronicus Palreologus in each olhl.'r's place. Page 608, note (l). J-The foregoing paragraph is a tranalation of Illyricus's "Calalogus Testium,' edit. 1608, cols. 1818, 1819, 1698. At page 575, Foxe correctly mentions Urban IV. as lhe fint founder of Corpus Christi; Clement v. co.!ftrrned it at the council of Vielllle .... D. 1311. Sal.' Clementin. Lib. iii. Tit.16.

rer.

904

APPENDlX TO VOL. U.

Page 612, line 17.)-Foxe 118Ys, erroneoualy, "uoder the reign of the afJ~ aaid king Pbilip, above-mentiooed," whereae Philip Le Bel died A. D. 1314. Page 612, line 33.J-For .. John XXII." Foxe reads, erroneonll1y, "Clement V:' Tb. alluslOn i. to psge 609, line 4. OC the conte&t between the emperor Louis IV. and pope Jobn XXII. more iB aaid afterwanla. Page 612, note (2).}-Bertrand'. "LiJHUu" wu llnt printed in black leul!'I', 4to, at Paria, ...D. 1495, uniform wilh the "Quadrilogu," and by tbe same printer, vis. Jo"-u Philf.1:i.ilinAr.mnru, and 'II'U finiahed onIy a rew cap after it i the "Quadrilogua 'having beeD finished March 27th, and the .. Libellu." April 2d, u the Colophon. ahow. In the British Muaeum the twa arB bound together iD the 118me volume. Thi. wu the edition whicb Foxe uaed: it contaiDl twa or three errora, which are correeted in later editionL Con.iderabie paiDa have been tabn to verify and correct the numerona references to Scripture and to the eanon and civillaw, which are very corrupl: it is be1ieved that all have been diaeovered, except ODe or twa reference. to the civil Jaw. Page 613, liDe 7.1-" Ad diem octavarum fe.ti Sancti Andrell!, proxim: VeDturum." At the ena of thia lummons, in the printed capin, ia IlUbjoined-cc die VeDeril15 Decembrilj" whence Foxe inserts io the body of his transIalion of i "the fifteenth day of December," inatead oC the date expreaed in lhe Latin. Why thia second date wu foiated in, will be shown in the note 00 page 635, line 36. Fleury expr_ the date nearer, though not exactly, to the Latiu, "lauUihne jour de Decembre." . See the note in p. 619. Page 613, line 17.]-" Die vero auperiu. iD dictil literii contenti." The following il the Latin lilt of biahopa: "Domini Bituricensia, Auxitanu., TuronenliB, Rotomagenlia, Senonenlis, archiepiscopi: Beluaeensis, Cathalanenlis, Laudunenais, Parisiensil, Noviomeulia, Carnotenlil, CoOltantiensis, Andel!avenlia, Pictavienlia, Meldenlis, Cameracenlis, Sancli Flori, Briocensis, Cabilouensis, et Eduensia, epiaeopi," Page 619, line 5 from the bottom.]-CC On remit l'alfaire au Vendredi suivaot, quinzieme de Decembre,"-Flevry. Page 619, line 3 from the bottom.]-Peter Roger had been elected to tbe see or Arras, but wu appointed to Sens, aDd "camerlIl aposlolicre promisit" Dec. 12th, A. D. 1329. See Gallia ChristiaDa; which 118Y. that be spoke iD tbia debate "die Veoeria, 22 Dec. 1329," and u 8 Jan. 1330:' He .'ss tranuated to RoueD 12 Dec. 1330; made Cardinal A.D. 1338; and became Pope CLement VI. A. D.1342j died A. D. 1352. Francis Petrarcha speaks highly oC his talents. and parlicularly ar his memory, which (he stales) could flOt forget anything. Petrarcba attribUles tbi. faculty to a bLow whicli he had received OD bis head!-Gallia Chriltiana, tom. xi. xii. Page 620, line 6 from the bottom.]-The archbishop of Sens seems to have conjectured the reference to Auguatine Ol on Romana xiii." from a comparison of the heading of the Canon-u !tem Augustinus lermone 6 de verbiB Domini." with tbe opeDing ar tbe Canon itself, "Qui resislit powstali, Dei ordilll.tioni resiltil," &c. Tbe p8l118ge which Ihe Canon recites does not occur in Augu.. tine OD Romans xiii., but Ol in Sermone 62 in Matt. viii." (See Lhe nole in this Appendix on page 156, DoLe (l ).) Page 623, line 17. u Bleued St. Gregory in laia Register."]-Foxe says, " BLessed SI. Jerome, in his register:" for which he bad the authority of the u Libellus" ar 1495, and that prinled in Goldasti ude Monarchiii:" but the capy in the " Bibliotheca Patrum " correctB i. Page 623. line 7 from tbe battom. "(}regary talJcetla in hia pa.,oral."]-Foxe Rays, "Ambrose talketb in hil putoral," for whicb be hu tbe 6ame audlorities WI before ($ee lut nole), and the same allthority 118 before correctB the error. Page 631, line 18. "It ia my duty and olfiee to comWt lM inure" oj tIre emperor in thia maUf',,"]-Foxe says, "to conBlllt wilh the high Emperor ol SAIvation in Lhis malter what ia to be dane," following biB tex1, .. Ueinde me consu\ere oportet imperatorem salutia:" Lhe later editions read correctly, "imperatoril 118luli," Page 632, lina 15 from the bottom.]-" Nota hic de castro dato Sanclo RelIligio pro ccclcsia Laudullellsi per CLoJovcum rcgclU,"

APPENDIX TO VOL. 11.

905

Page 635,1ine 34.]-Fleury calls the foregoing specch of tbe archbi.hop of Sens "longue et ennuyeuse harangue." He gives an abstract of the former part, and says," Je ne rapporterai le reste des preuves de I'archeveque de Sens, parcequ'iJ faudroit en meme temlls en montrer la foible8lle, en faveur de ceux qui nI' sont pas verse. en ces matll!res: ce qui convielit mieuI au dilcours partieulier de la juriadiction eccle.iastique." Page 635, line 36. "OlI tM Friday n~;r:t but one, bring D~cemb~r the twentyflint/,. "]-Foxe cal1l this " the Friday folIowing," wbicb, accordiDg to tbe course of tbe previous uarrative, would bring us to December 22d, the last day mentioned being Friday, Decemberl5tb (p. 619). And accordingly GalliaChristiana in tbe account of Peter Bertrand says, .. Egit primo Rogeriua apud Vicenas. I>einde die 22do D~cembrV mMelJ"eRu Petrus noster dixit in Palatio Regis, Pamiia, et sexaginta articulis a Cygnerio objectis sigillatim reap,ondit." Flenry alllo saJS, "Le Vendredi mitHmt, f1ittgt-dew:ihne de Decembre. ' It is certain, however, Ibat this session was held on December 29th; for wben the bishop of Autun proceeda lo reply to the articlca ';giJlatim, the .. Libellua" say., .. Deinde prrefatus dominus Eduensis Episc. ad finem prlEdictum, videlieet ad informandam conscientiam domini regis et ad prlEstandum coosilium, &c... ad singuloa arti eulos sic respondil, et divisit articuloa traditoll in trel partes; quia quidam amculi tangebant jura eecleaim perpetua, &c.... quOl erant parati defendere, aieut B. T/wma6 Ctmtuar1eruU Epiacopua, c;u lutum erat illa dN, jura ecclesim defenderat." Thomas Beclr.et's day was December 29th. The first Editor of tbe " Libellus" (if not some previous copyiat), aware of this, endeavourecl to pull tbe previous proceedinga onwards b, appendin~ to the parliamentary summon_"die Veneris 15 Decembris;' as ifto intJmate tbat the parliament did not get to business tiU that day, instead of December the 7tb Dr 8tb. But the fact is tbat tbe Latin date of tbe present session bas been misunderstood.. AlterA autem die Venes immcdiat~ subsequenti, videl. <lie 29 Decemb.:" where .. Al tera <lie Veneris immedia~ subsequenli" meana tbe UCQ7Id, not Ibl' nezt, Friday foUowing. "Proximua, alter, tertiua.-Cw." (Ainsworth.) " lmmedialll subsequenti" is added, to prevent " altera " from being taken to mean indefinitely same otber, anotlIer, Fridal; and limits it to mean the nezt blJt one. Wbere tbe Friday nezt following la meanl, as at pp. 61!l, 637. the .. LibeUus" 88YS simply, "<lica Veneris sequens," and "post haec die Veneris sequenti." We may sUllpose the long interval of a fortnight to have been required for the celebration of Christmas; and tbis will also accoun t for the bishop of Autun's repeating at such lenglb tbe arguments of the arcbbishop of Sens, which might easily bave been forgotten. during tbe Christmas celebration. Page 635, line 28 from the bottom.]-Peter Bertrand was created bishop of Autun about A. 0.1319. He was eminent for his knowledge oflaw, botb canon and civil. For the talent which be displayed on the preseot occasion, the king himaelf paid bim the compliment of allowing bim to put a stem of lilies on bis cont of arms. He died July 23d, A.D. 1348 Dr 1349. (Gallia Christiana, tom. iv.) His tide is AU!J1Utodzmnuu, Dr Edumri&, from Augwtodunum, the Latin name of Autun, wbich was the capital of tbe ancien t Edui. Page 637,line 8 from tbe bollom. "On that dag [JG7/t1ary ille 5ih]."]-" Post huec die Veneris sequenti:' (LibelluB). "Le Vendredi suivant, vingt-neuvieme de Decembre:' (Fleuri.) Paulus ..Emilius (apud Odorici Reynaldi continuationem, Aunal. Baron. tom. 1'.) say_U Prim actione nibil constitutum. Cum ampiiatur, die D. Thomm Canluar. festo cum Patrum frequente ~lubo Bertrandua Regem adiit, admonuitque iIIum iIluxisse diem quem pro hbertate ecc1esim Thumas sanguine suo consecraveral. Respondit Itell, omnia sibi curm futura. Anceps Vol!. Bertrandus, ut cerliua llEtiusque eliceret re8ponsum, oravit ut umbi~uo responsu non dimitleret tmtes a se sacerdotes," Where it is plain tbat ..Emilius (as well as Fleury) connects the pallllage at p. 639, line 9, with T. Becket's day, ar Dec. 29th. But see the note on p. 635, line 36. Page 640, line 21 from tbe bottom.]-Gaveston was banished by a decreI' dated Feb. 22d, A.D. 1307.-Rgmer. l'age 611, line 3.]-Edward l. died July 7th, A.D. 1307.-Nicola Clu-olIolo9!1 oj /Julury.

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Page 642, line 6.]-1'hal parliament met the quindene of Easler, Apl 28th: tbe writa for tbe eoronation Ilppoint tbe Sunday after Valentine's-day for the eeremony, i. e. Feb. 18th, A. D. 1308 (Rymer) ; but a memorandum (rom the Close Rolla (Rymer) BayB tbat it actulllly took place Ihe Sunday after St. Peter in Cathedra, being the morrow after SI. MatLhias's Day, or Feb. 25th. (See Nicolas's TabeB.) 'age 642, line 18.]-This letler iB given by Rymer. Page 642, note (I). ]-1'he arcbbiahopric of York WaB not vacant at this Iime : il had been vacant toward the close of the last reign between the death of TbomaB Corbridge, Seplember 22d, A. D. 1303, and Ihe consecration of Wiliiam Greenfield, January 30th, A. D. 1305 (Richardson'B Godwin l i De Prresulibus "); and in that interval Edward I. seema lo have preBented biB chapain, WalUr tU Bedwynd; for Prynne, page 1187, gives (from Claus. 35 Ed. I. m. 10, dorm pro lege et Waltera de Betkwind clerico) a writ to tbe sheriff of York, datel! "Carlisie, l O die Marcii, 35 Ed. 1." forbidding any one to moleat tbe said Walter in his posseuion of tbe treaaurership of York which he held by virtue of hiB royal collation. Tbere WaB no otber vacancy in the aee of York tiIl the deatb of Greenfield, December 6th, A. D. 1315. 11 seems moot natura to Buppose lhat Edward I. left thl! dispute as a legacy to hi. BOn, and that the pope made a freBh atlempt on tbe inexperience of the young king: who aeemB, howe\'er, to have defended and eonfirmed his falher'B appointment witb considerable apirit. Tbe notes on page 702 will prove this last suppoaitioD to be correct Page 643, line 9 from the boltom.]-Edward's letter of recal to Gaveston is in Rymer, dateu DumfrieB, August 6th, A.D. 1307. Page 645, note (1).]-Foxe puta "ArpontacuB Burdegalensis" at tbe end ol the foregoing paragrapb, u thougb he were the Rutbority for tbe wbole paragraph, which is not the cue. Moreover," Arpontacua " is a mial'rint for" Ar. PontaC\lB," the running head-Iine of his Cbronograpbia being l i Ar. Pontacus Burdegalensis."-Bisbop Hall'B l i Honour of tbe Married Clergy" (lib. i. 12, and lib. iii. 3) furnisbed the clue to tbe otber autbor cited, via. Matth. Parker. Parker ci teB for his authority Adam Mirimoutb'B fint Chronicie, anu W. Thorn'B Chronica [printed in the Decem Scripl.], Thi. laal iB identical with BiBbop HaU'B l i HiBL H.adulphi Bourne, AuguBtadenBiB Eccl. Abbati.... Tborll BtateB (Scripl. Decem, colB. 2009, 2010) tbat H.alph &urne WlUl elected abbot of SL Auatlll'8, Canlerbury, March 7th, 1310: be waited on tbe pope tben at Avignon for hiB confirmation, and landeu at Dover on biB return, xi Cal. Dcl. 1310.-ProvinB iB a village (once a very important place) eighteen leagueB south of Pari., in Brie. Tbe nunnery here lUeallt wu very probably thatof Mon Notre Dame des ProvinB, which waB broken up as a female establishment BOon after thiB period, and turned into a priory for monkB. See Beaunier (Recueil deB Archevequea, EvequeB,AbbeB, et Prioreux, &c. en France, 410. Par. 1726), wbo aaaignB a very confuBed reason; tbe real one probably wu the aboDlinable .tate ortbe Society. See alBO Galia CbriBtiana, under tbe clmrcb ofSenl. Page 6U, line 11 from tbe bolIom. "Tlle black dog ol Ardm."]-Tbis ia {rom Walsillgham. Arden waB a district of WarwickBbire, in wbicb the carl had exten.ive eBtateB; and being fond of tbe cbue, he acquired tbiB nickn.me witb Gave.ton, .. niger canis de Arderina [Ardennal, eo quod fUBcus _1."Walsi"gllam. Page 648, lin e 33. "Titilliller8.]-Tbis word meallB worthleas fellows. '" Lord RaileB observe8 from JuniuI, tbat tbingB of no value were anciently called Titivilitia,' aB the term denoted rotten tbreadB which fali from the diBtaff; and in generul the vile.t thingB of tbis deBcription." JamieBon'B Scottish Dict. in 1I0C., which i. rully Bupported by wbal appears under tbe bead or Tilitlilltia, in Facciolati's Lexicon, Scbeller'B, &c. AinBwor\h'B 410. Dict. giveB an examl'le of Titivililia from PlauluB. Pa~e 650, lut line.l-In Ibe treaaury of Durbam Cathedral i. preBen'ed mandate from bi.hop Beaumont to tbe prior and conVl'nt of Durham, in wbich the buli of pope John XXII. ia recited, commandingthe prior and canvent lo collect for theBe cardinalB fourpence per mark from all beneficed penonB in the dioce8e.

APPENDIX TO VOL. U.

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Page 651, line 2.)-This affair happened at Acie, near Darlington, on Thursday, Sep 1st, A. D. 1317. The cardinaIs were on their road tu Durham, to .Uend the conaecration of the new bishar of Durham on the following Sunday. (Rymer, iii. pp. 663,666.) On the lense o "legacy" see the note above on p. 204. Page 651, middle.)-The king'l letter to Rigaud is in Rymerj a1so the leUer glven in the next r.~e, which Foxe mis-calls "a prohibition for payin~ the pope's Peter-pence. Rigaud was uot a cardinal (see Moreri, tl. Cardinal), and he seems to have had nothing to do with the affl1ir just mentioned. Page 6:i4, line 16 from the botlom.)-The truce is in Rymer dated May 30th, A. D. 1223: it was for" thirteen .. yeara. Page 659, line 16 from the bottom.J-Lyranua, ar NicllOlaa de Lgra, "sa called from the place of his nativity, Lyre, a smali town in Normandy. He was of Jewish parents, but, on embrnciug Christiauity, entered RlIlong the 'ranciscans at Vemeuil, in 1291. Having remained there same time he was seut to Paris, where he applied whh the grel1test diligence to his studiu, and was admitted to the degree of Doetor. He was the author of l Postils,' ar a commentsry on the whole BibIe, whicb occupied him sevan yeara iu accomplishing. Luther said of him in reference to his work, ' Ego Lyranum ideo amo et inter optimos pono, quod ubiqlle diligenter retinet et peraequitur historiam, quanquam auctoritate patrum se vinci patitur, et nonnunquam eorum exemrlo defleclit a proprietate sententire ad ineptas allegoril18.' The best edition o L}ra's Commentary is that of Antwerp, 1634, in six vols. folio: it is also found in tbe Biblia Mazima, edited by Father de la Haye in niueteen vols. folio. Lyra WRS also the authar of' J,loralia,' ar '.Maral Commentaries upon the Scriptures.' For further account of this author, his works, and the principles that guided him, vide Conybcare's Bampton Lectures for 1824, pp. 210-215, and , Home's Critical Introduction.' "-Allport'a DafJenant, voJ. i. p. 198. Page 660, line l.J-This bishop of Hereford was Adam de Orlton, who 11'118 bishop of Hereford 1317-1327, of Winchester 132i-1345. These proceedings were in the 16th year of Edward II" as appears from tbe Close Rolla, rel'erred to in Godwin'l Ol De Prreaulibus," Richardson's note. Page 660, line 30.)-Foxe erroneously calls this archbishop "Walter Winchelsey." (See Godwin.) Page 660, note (4).J-John XXII. was crowned Sept. 25tb, A. D. 1316, and died Dec. 4th, A.D. 1334.-L'Art de rb. dea Dalea. Page 663, line 31.J-See supm, p. 457, line 2. Page 666, nota (J. )]-Matthew of Westminster's and Nicbolas Trivet's Chronicles botb come down to the year A. D. 1307. Page 669, line 6 (rom the bottom.J-This peace Wltl ratified March bt, A. o. 1328.-Rymer. Page 670, line 12 from the bottom.J-Mortimer was hung at Elmes, now called Tyburn, Thursday Nov. 26th, A. D. 1330. Page 670, line 9 (rom the bottom.J-Tbe queen dowager was confined twenty-eight years at Castle Rising, but 1I0t lO straitly (118 Mr. James shows) as some bave supposed. Page 670, line 6 from the bottom. )-AIl agree in saying that the prince was barn on Friday, June 151h, which suita the year 1330 (Nicolas's Tables) j but there is same variation among the historians as to the year. Mr. James says he can find no State paper dated from Woudstock in 1329 or 1331, but abulIdance in the summer months of 1330. Page 675, line 13 from the bottom.J-Mr. James, in Appendix II. to his Life of tbe Hlack Prince, gives from the Archives of the City of London a letter of the prince contBining an Bccount of this battIe. Page 676, line 20. "d mighty navy oj ahipa.")-Tbe original adds, "in portu de Swina:" t'Zwyn was then the name of tbe great Sinus leading to tbe port of Sluys.-Jamea. Pdge 6i6, lilie 6 from the bottom.J-The letter is in Rymer, datcd" Teste custode prredicto, Bpud Waltham SanctlI! Crucis, Juue 28th." :'age 6i7.J-The kiug'sletter and I'hiJip's auswer are buth in Rymer.

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Page 680, 1I.]-Tbe original of tbis article is: "Iem ordinalum est, quod omnia lt'valB q'laliacumque sint et qualitercunque sint ante diclBB ueugu tempore guerrm, sive sint de bonis spiritualibus vel aliter, remanebunt levata : sine hoc quod aliquis teneatur ad reatitutionem durantibua dictis treugia.' Foxe renden "levalB" bantU, wbicb makea nonaense. Tbe tranalation of thia article adapted in the .c!xl is Dr. Maitland'B, wbo rigbtly obaerves tbat "levalB " iB to be undentood in lhe nearly obeolete BCn8C of the Engli.h _om liftt!d, i. e. ta.m aRd Ctlf'f'ied oJ'; in which he i. confirmed by Carpentier'B Supplement to Ducange, "Lt!fIare, abducere, Fr. enlever, lever." Page 681, note (1).]-ThiB letter of tbe archbiabop to tbe king is by 1"oxe placed aJt- tbe ensuing letter of tbe king to the dean and cbapter of St. Paul'l" The dates of tbe twa abow tbat thi. order Bbould have been revened, and they have becn lr.nspoeed accordingly. ThiB transpoeition bas rendered alittle modification of tbe text necelllllry. Page 682, note (1 ).}-A veabury BtateB that this letter was written for tbe king by Adam, biabop of WincbeBler, a great enemy of Stratford's. Page 684, line 7.}-1"oxe reada lo a Iwr,e in a IBtchell;" Aveabury "equus in perl," on wbicb Hearne bBB Ibis note :-" Lineolam sub 'equua' duxit manus recenuor in Cod. Sebrigbtiano, et mus ' ~ rt"gione repoeuit. Quid quOd et 'mus' habent lam WalainghamuB quam et AntiqlL Britannicre." Page 686, line 8 from the battom.]-Higden died and bis cbronicle enda AoD.1363. Page 686, note (1).]-This IBBt sentence iB put in from Ibe archbiahop'l own letter, as quoted by Dr. Brady from Hukwia Sacra. The archbiBhop's letter is intituled lO Excusatio Archiepiscopi ad famolum libellum." Dr. Brady (val. ii. p. 215) gives a fulI analYBis of tbe letter, and says tbat it conc1udes tbua: .. Hme ad libellum famolum reaponB8 aufficiant in prrelenti" Page 686, note (2).}-In tbe foregoing paragraph, Foxe bu hecn misled by his auLboritieB to say, tbat tbe truce of Toumay WBB prolonged for Ol three yean" more: but Bec tbe king's proclamatiolls in Rymer, dated June 18th and September 27th, A. D. 1341, announcing tbe extenBion ofthat truce fint to August 29tb, and tben to June 24tb, A. D. 132. Tbis extension of tbe truce of Tournay bas evidently been confounded witb the truce of Malestroit, which is not diatinctly mentioned by Foxe, and bas been of necelliLy introduced into bis texL at p. 690. (See tbe note on page 690, nOl (2).) P~e 688, line 14 from the bottom.}-Benedict XlI. died April 25Lh, A. D. 1342, and Clement VI. \1'U crowned pope May 19th. Page 688, note (1).}-Tbe aecount given in the paragraph oflhe ten above lBllies with tbe Extracta from Ibe ParliamenlBry RollB at pp. 783, 784, rt"lative to tbiB period (17, 18 EeI. III.). Tbe penalty atlBcbed to Lransgreuion-" imprisonment and l08ing his life "-is that slBted by Wabingbam, and IlO doubt by the "Cbronicon Albanense;" but it is not correct: see the Extracts from the Parliamentary Rolls18 Ed. III. at p. 784, line 20. Rapin hBB been beLrayed into the Bame mislBke. Page 689.}-Foxe, at the top oC Lbis page, correctly informB us that lhe ensuing leLter waB addrell8Cd to the pope by II the nobleB and commons," and it waB written originally in Frencb. Hence it tallies witb the allusion at page 787, xii. to some such letter, BB having been once sent by the nobles and commons of England to the pope: it is ratber singular. however, tbat Foxe heads it--" Letter of the King oC England and of the Nobles and CommOUB of tbe same," &c. That this heading is ineorrect Bufficiently appear8 from the opening of the letter itself: and tbe allusion at page 787, xii. would lesd us to look for any Bucb letter from the king in Latin, not in French. And eerlBinly the kiug was not wanting in Ibe bUBineBs: Cor, besides a letter dated Clarendon, July 23d. "ad Vieecomites Anglire contra Provisiones Papales," grounded on the petition of the CommenB at the parliament convoked at WeBtminBter .. in Quindena PBBChm;" be alBO addressea one "ad Papam," dated WeBtminBter, August 30th-" de regno per exercituB Provisorum invRlCl," and alluding to tbe complaints oC tbe recent parliament at Westminster on tbe Bubjeet: alBO anoLher "ad Papam," dated Wcstmimter, Sepl. 10th, rcfcrring agaiu to the pt'LitioD of tbe Commons in' tbe lasl parliament, aud

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begging tbat pro,iaiona might ceaae. Walaingham gina tbe greater part of thia lasl letter, dated Sept. 26th, heading it, Epi8tola miaa Papo! Ck1M1lti pro ~berlate eeck.iQl Angliea_, plena jr.,etu, cui pro t.ne Papa aut Cardinak. rtl-PO"dere rtJlioflGbiUter Re.ciebant. Page 690, line 5 from tbe bottom.]-Edward tbe Black Prince was made Prince of Walea, May 12th, A. D.133. See Carl. 17 Edw. III. m.24, n.27, quoted by Mr. James, vol. i. p. 391. Page 690, note (l).J-The pope's letter to Edward, complaining of tbe oppoaition to bis provisions for these twa cardinala, is given by Walain~ham, dated .. Villa Nova, diocese of Avignon, quinto Calend. Septemb. pontificatfts anno secundo," i. e. August 28th, A. D. 1343: also Edward's reply, dated Westminster, Seplember 26lh-dated September 10th in Rymer. (See the last note but one.) It appears from thele letters, that the twa cardinaIs mentioned in the text were Ademar Robert, a Frenchman, prieat-cardinal of St. An8lltaBia, and Gerard Damar, the pope's own nephew, priest-eardinal of St. Sabine: theae two were created together, A.D. 1342. (Moreri, fi. Cardinal.) The Parliamentary Roll. of tbe same year, 17 Ed. III. (aee the top of page 784), spealr. alBO of two cardinala as having been amply provided for, but one of them WaB eardinal Talleyrand de Perigord j ao that these were a totally fresh pair, Page 690, note (2).J-This paragraph is added to the text, being necesaary to eonnect the narrative, and to explain a subsequent allUBion to .. the truce of Vannes" in the next page, wbieh would be unintelligible without this paragraph. Tbe aggre88ions whieb led to this expeditioll of Edward were eommilted by tbe Freneh king on the expiration of the prolonged truce mentioned at page 686, whieh terminated June 24th, 1342, but whieh Foxe and his authority said was to last for three years, evidently eonfounding it with this truCI.' of Vannes ar Malestroit. Page 690, note (3). J-The words .. to France" (line 26) are put in from Walsingham, wbo sayl .. de jure suo in regnum Franeill!." (See Dugdale's Baronagl.', vol. i. p.784.) The emperor Louis made the mOlt abject submiaaions to Clement VI. A, D. 1343; but the dieta of Frankfort and Rena refused to aanction such aubmissiona, and the quarrel loon broke out afreab between tbe pope and the emperor.-L' .Ar' tU Per. de' Date'. Page 690, note (4). l i In tM gear jollowiRg, whieh WaB A. D. 1344, pence, uJJfpellce, and jarthing', " &c.J-The following pll88age from Rapin'a remarka on the eoiuage at the end of the reign of Ed ward I II. will aerve to explain what is meant by this atatement: li In tbe eighteenth year, every pound weight of Jl'old of tbia (a given) atandard, waa to be eoined into finy f10reneea at aix ahillings a-piece, wbieh made in all fineen pounds, or into a proportionable number of half and quarter florencel . Fabian ealla the floren alenny, tbe half Ooren a half-penny, and tbe quarter a farthing, of gold. An theae worda are onen met with in old bistoriea and aceomptl, applied to aeveral coina, 88 reala, angela, etc.; "here it ia to be undentood by denariua, the whole j by obolua, the half i and by quadrans, the fourth part, ar farthing." See supra, p. 578, line 16 from the bot10m. Page 691, line 4. ".Ad ,ectam IUtIm li", parli8."l-The Allt in whieh thele worda oceur, W88 pa8sed at tbe 'parliament whieli met at Westminater, he Mondayafler tha Octavea of Trimty 18 Ed. III. [June 16th, A. D. 1344 J, atat. 3, ea~. 2. The Freneh worda of be Aet are, "a nOlltre BUyte au a la suite de partie,' II at aur auit, ar at the auit of the party."-Statute, at Larg~, vol. i. p. 242. Page 691, note (1).]-The following pll888ge-down to the end of the king'a letlera of de6anee, and the two linea immediately suceeeding it in nellt pageh... becn brought back from a mueb later position wbieh Foxe had 88signed i, to tbe utter eonfusion of the narrative. Page 692, line 19 from the bottom.J-Edward bad commiBBioned tbe Duke of Lancaater to raise an anny to defend hia right in Aquitaine, March 24th, A, D. 1344. (R}'mer.) The expedition WaB delayed till now: between June 4th and 11th the earl of Northam'pton aailed with an army for BretagnI.', aud tha carl of Laneasler 800n after, wlth anotber for Guienne and Gaacony.-Jame,.

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n.

Page 693, TIOte (2).] - The originnl Latin of thil passage will be found in Ave.bury (e-!it. Heame, p. 12R), and runI thul :-" POllt conflictum ...ero habitum in Cadamo, quidam magnuI c1ecul, de ordine Prredicntorum, dieti Domini Regil confellor, exiBtem ibidem, de dicti Domini Regil An~<>rtlm geltil li Cadamo usque PUlliacum scplit in hlec nrba: Benedicere debemw Deum cmli," &c. The king'l confe.sor here .paken CIf was, no doubt, Thomas Bradwardine, a native of Hartfield, in Suuex, who, aner pasling through Merton College. Oxford, became D.D., and Proctor and Divilllty ProfesBor at Oxford, and aftt"rwardl atlended Edward III. as hil confes80r during his wan in France. Whi15t 10 employed he was elected archbishop of Cnnterbury by the monks, but Edward was too fond of him to part with him: being afterwnrds agaiu electt"d, he wal conBecrated A.D. 1349, but lived only forty day.. See the account o( him in Parker's II Antiquitate. Britallnicre" lUld Godwin'B II Oe Prreaulibull.' Page 694, note (l).]-The Latin of the pallSage in tne text runs thWl;II Post adventum vero dicti Domini Regi8 apud l'uSliacllln, I'rrefatus m~st ..r Michael Northburgh, valellB c1ericuB, de consiliariis dicti Domini Regi. exiltenl et continu~ progredienl cum eodem, progres.um il'lius Domini Regis et Anglorum gelta PUIsiaco ulque villam de CaleYI scripsit in hunc modum: 'Salutz, "oilletz savoir,''' &c. (Avesbury, p. 136.) AveBbury by" pra'fatuI" doe. not refer to the writer of the last tetler (RI FlIxe represents), Lut tn the writer of a previoul letter not mentioned by Foxe, detsiling the march from La Hogue to Caen and the baule at Caen: that letter Avesbur)" thu. introducel (1'.121) :_u Deinde progredienB versuB Cadamum, MagiIter :\Ilcll,el de Northburgh, valens cIericul, de cOlIsiliaiB dicti Domini Regil Anglonrm existenl, et progredien8 cum eodem, ip.iu. Regi. ndventum ibidem et I'r.ogreBsum versus Cadamum Icripsit iu hlec verba: De progre.,u RegU 4"gll4 de Hogge, tU'Jue Cadamum. Fait a remembrez," &c. It is plnin, then, tha! that letter an thil were written in Frellc/, by Michael de Northburgh, ....alena clericul, i\ comiliariU Domini RegiB j" but that the intermediate La/,;'" letter W81 written by a dilferent penon, who WlLl! the king's conJPU01', conjectured in the last 1I0te to ha"e been Thomas Bradwardine. Michael was afterwam bilhop of Loodon, A.D. 1354-1361. Page 695, nute (l).]-Fnxe reeds, "the earl of Northampton and the earl ar Norfolkj" Avesbury readl, Ule Gounte de Northampton et les Countes de Northfolk et Warewik j" but it i. certain there was no earl of NorColk at Ihis lime. (See Du~dalt"s Baronage). Mr. Barnel therefore proposes to "ead witl! Mirimouth Sujfnlk for Norfo!k; and this reading il ado}lted in the text. Page 695, note (2).]-The following iB Foxe'l text abovt', whicb evidently nt'edt'd correction :_u After the siege and winDIng of Poissy, the third day of September, A. D. 1346, the king through lhe midst of France directed his passage unto Calais, 88 by the tenor of this letter you hear, and belieged tbe same; which Biege he continued from the third of September aforesaid," &c. Pages 696, 697.}-The date. of these twa letters are corrected from A'esbury. Page 698, line 8 from tht' battom. "About the tWeI'/y-,eventh day ojJuty."] Foxe reads, u alJOut the seventh duy ar June." Ave.bury lays, "Vicesimo septimo die Junii." But Avesbury presently after says, .. dieti men8i. Julii;" and he giveB a letler of Edward to the archbishop of Canterbury, relating tbis whole affair, in which he says that Philip came the Friday before tbe Gule of August, i. e. July 27th, in lhe year 1317 (by Nicolas's Tables). It is elear, therefore, that Aveslmry intendcd to Bay " Julii" in8tead of" JUlIii." Page 699, line 14 from the bottom.J-" That /he ne,rt year aJter, A.D. 1349," i. brought up from the end ar the paragraph, to render the statement of tlle matter more exact.-See Nico/as', Chronowgy oj His/org, v. Pes/ilellcea. Page 701.]-The fint account of lhe battle ar Poictiers was addressed by t1,e Black Prince to his farmer preceptor lir tutar, Reginald Bryan, bishop of Worce.ter, in a letter wriUen in French, la remarltable for its piety, mode.ty, and Jlolitenes8, that if Foxe had knuwn such a letter was (and is still) extant in the archives of the dean and chapter of Worce8ter, he would hardly ha"e failed to tran8cribe it, and embody it in hiB wark. The follllwing translation CIf it ia given in Dr. Na.h's History of Worcestershire, voI. i. p. 34:-

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" Reverend Father in God, and most dear Criend, we thank you heartily, because we are informed that you are so well and 80 sincerely attached to us, in offering up your prayera to God Cor us and Cor our expedition; and we are very certain, that on aecount oC the devout prayers oC you and others, God has been pleased to assist us iu all our exigencies, Cor which we are daily bound to return Him our thanks, pra)'ing, at lhe same time, lhat you would on your part continue to behave towards ns as yuu have done hitherto, Cor which we llOld ourselves highly obliged to you. And, reverend Cather, as to our condition, oC which we suppose you desirp., of your good will, to hear some account, be pleaserl to know lhat at the writing oC this letter we were well in health, happy, and every way in good condilion, praised be God! May He at all limes cause us to hear and know the same ol' you, and lhat you will he pleased to cerli"y ns by yOUT lelters, and by slIch persona as pass to aud fro, as often as you conveuienlly can. As to the news in these parls, be pleased to know, that on the Eve oC the translation uf St. Thomas oC Canterbury, we began to ride with our forces towards lhe parts of France, and principally beclluse Wtl had received intelligence of the arri"al of our most honoured lord and father, the king, lhere, in Berry, Orleans, and Tours; and having also received illtelligence that lhe king of France, wilh a great number of forces near lhe borden, was coming to give UB battle, we approached so near lhem lhat an engagement ensued bet"een us in Buch sort thllt the enemy were discomfited, praised be God ; and the said king and his son and many other penons were taken and killed; the names oC whom we send you by uur most dear knight, Roger de Cottesford, the bearer oC these lett~rs. " Reverend Falher in God, and Dur very dear friend, may the Holy Spirit have you daily in his keeping! " Given under our private seal at Bourdeaux, the IOlh day oC Oclober. [This letter was delivered to Reginllid de Brienne, hisbop of Worcesler, at Alvechurch, December 1356, with a schedule cOlllaining lIle names of the prisoners and slain in lhe aforesaid engagement.] Superscribed, " To the .ev. Father in God, lhe Bishop oC Worcester." Page 702, note (1).J-This passage confirms the conjecture thrown out in the note on p. 642, viz. that it WSI Edward I. and not Edward II. who presenled bis clerk to the treasurership oC York during the vacancy oC lhe see, and that Edward II. only inherited Crom his Cather the dispute which grew out of tbat appoinlment. I will appear in the next note to this, that Edward I II. inherited tbe very same quarrel. Dr. Brady heara bis teslimony to lhe existence of lettera in the Records of the very nature here descrihed, and addressed to the same individuals 88 those whom Foxe mentions. Page 702, note (2).J-'1'he king's letter. to lhe pope is printed in Rymer, daled Westminster, 14th Dec. 4 Ed. III. It is also given by Dr. Brady, vol. ii. Appendix No. 97, from "Rot. Romre" 4 Ed. III, n. 2. It appears from tbe letter itself, tbat Walter de Bedewynd had been presented by Edward's grandfather .. ratione vacationia archiepiscopatus," and" per privationem domini Johannis de Columna;" thal the pope onginally wanted to annul the king's presentalion of Walter, in favour ol' Cardinal Francis Gayta (Cajetan), who "as his own nepbew; but that lhe said Walter de Bedewynd had, notwithltanding, cOlllinued in possession oC the affice ever since till now, wben " ex causa permutationis" he had resigned it to William de la Mare. But the pope assuming that in consequence of lhe exclusioD of Cardinal Gayta by Edward I. the office bad been ever since vacan!, he wanted now to disturb the new occupant, De la Mare, and to put in by provision one Peter, cardinal oC SI. Stephen in Crelio Monte.-Francis Cajetan was created deacon-cardillal ofSt. Mary in Cosmedin, A.D. 1295, died A.D. 1317.-Moreri, v. Cardinal. Page 705, note (3).]-This article is thus put obtiqud oratiOf1B by IIIyricus" 7. Quibus scriptis aut sacrarum literarum interpretationihus ad salutem necessari credendum." On referring to the "Secunda Dictio seu Pars" of tbe " DeCensor Pacis," cap. 19, the matler is thus stated :-" N uHam scripturam irrevocabiliter veram credere vel fateri tenemur de necessitate salulis relernre, nisi eis qnre canonicre appellantur, vel eis qure ad has ex necessitate sequuntur, aut scripturarum sacrarum sensum dubium habentium eis interpre-

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tationibuI leU determill8tionibaa CJ.UlI! per geneTB1e fidelium leli eatholieorum concilium esaent faclle, in hil pnhertim in quibUl error damoationem II!temun induceret, qualel lunt articuh fidei ChrilliaUle." And he prOCH'd. to sa,.. afterwarda, .. QuOd ven) ipaarum interpretalionibua, lic faclil ut diximus, eadem ait pnealanda credulitaa [qU&! sacril acripturil ipaia] oetendere JM-UDOL n His proof is, the promiae, .. Lo, I 8m lI'itb yOll alway.. even to tbe end of Ibr world;" a promise which he coolidera to be peucliarlr meaot for a general council. Marailiua, therefore, cannot be cooaidered qwte lO clear 00 tbe RWe of Faith as might be inferred from Foxe'. language in the tut. Milner (Cent. 14, chap. i.) speaka rather hesitatingly of his claim to be oumbered amoog &he genuine Reformera, though he, with othera mentiooed by IlIyricue and Foltr, very vigoroUlly relilled the papai eocroachmenta 00 tbe imperial juriediction. Page 710, note (I).}-The text (ed.1583, p. 391) makes Antonimu .Y .. that they were condemned in the Elttravagant of Pope John, with one Jobannel de Poliaco." IlIyricUl say.. II OamnatuI est (M. Cesenaa) cum Joanne quodam propria bulla, in Extravagantibua Joan. 22. AntoninuI FJo. renlinua aic in quarta parte SummIle de hiBCe proximia duobu9 et de Petro de Corbaria acribit: ' In l:xtravagante Joan. 22 qure incipit Dt<dum ah ~ &c. reprobantur ut bllereael errorea Petri de Corbaria, Joannia, et Micbelini ordinia Minorom, qui pertinaciter B81erebant,' &c. . HactenUJ Antoninoa." Jf the II J ohannea" here menlioned meana" J ohannlll de Poliaco," the Itafe. ment of IlIyriCUJ ia more correct than tbat of Antoninua, for be was condemned propria bulla, in a leparate buli by bimIelf, .. Vas electionil" in the Extrangantes Communes. We find prinled in Martene'a Tbeaaurul Anecdotorom (tom. xi. col.. 64D -842) II Procel8ua Varii Johaonil Paplle XXII. adveraUB Ludovicum Bavarwn Imperatorem et ejua B81eda.. ex MS. Illuatrilllimi Epiacopi Monlia Pel8ulanL" Among theae proceuel there ia one (cola. 662--660) excommunicaling the emperor, dated lO Cal. April. pontificatiia anno 8 [March 23, "-D. 1324]; another (COIL 727-736) making void hia coronatiOll, dated 2 Cal. April. pootificatftl a. 12 [March 31, A. D. 1328]; anothrr (colto. 704-716)," Licet juxta doctrinam," atating and condemning the opinioDI of John de Janduno and Marailiua PatevinUB, dated lO Cal. Nov. ponlif: a. 12 [Oct. 23, &.D. 1327], and another (cola. 736-742) excommunicatiog themlelvea, dated 2 Cal. April. pontif. a. 12 [March 3J, A. D. 1328) j another (coJa. 749-752), " Dudum ad veatri apostolatfta auditum," excommnnicating three Minoritea, Michael CeaeoBl, Bonagratia, and William Ockham, dated 8 Id. Juo. ponlir. a. 12 [June 6, A. D. 1328] j another (cola. 763-770) containinJt tbe excommunication of Petnla de Corvario, dated 12 Cal. Maii, ponlifie. a. 13 [Apri! 20, A. D. 1329], and a long procel8 ia added (cola. 806-816), conbuning his recantatioll, dated 8 Id. Sept. pont. a. 15 [Sept. 6, A. D. 1330]. Page 71 J, note (3).}-WaJainghlm aaYR that two were burot at Avignon "feria tertia, in Hebdomade Pentec08te.... i. e. Whit-Tuesday, Ol' June 3d. A.D. 1354. Innocl'nt Vi. was crowoed pope Dec. 30th, A.D. 1352, and wed Sept. 12th, A.D. 1362. Page 7J2, lioe 15.]-Thia dilpute happened in the year A.D. 1281, ..r which tbe dominical letter waa E, auiting (by Nicolaa's Tables) the CODcurrence of SI. Nicholas'a Day (Dec. 6) with a Saturday, and the day of the eonception (Dec. 8) with a Monday, and St. Thomas'a Day (Dec. 21) with a Sunday. Tbe introduction of Friar Gilles, and tbe biahop of Amien.. il also coofirmatory of thia date. Du Boulay alao and Crevier, in their hiatori~ of the Uuiveraity of Pari.. and Fleury, in hia Ecclell. Hiat., place this affail' to the year A.D. 121l1; in whicb year, alsa, it appeara amoDg &he Councils iD L'Art de Ver. des Date.. Page 712, note (2).]-" Copia prophetille fratria Johannia de Rupe-Sciaaa, Ordinia fratrum minorum provincire Aquitanire, cnatodil Ruthenenais (Rotk:c), ac cauaidici Aureliaci (Orlean.), in Romana curia Aveniooe capti in carcere domini Papre Clementi. VI. pOllti6calft9 aui anllo 8, qui Carcer vocatur Carcer Soldan, in mellle Novembris, anno ab incarnatione Oomini MCCCXLIX."-(Browtle', Appendiz, p. 494.) .. Ejusdem Johannil de Rupe-ScillllR !iber ' Vade mecum in tribu!atione,'" ia at p. 496 ar Browne. Page 712, note (3).]-Godfridus de Fontania, or de Fontibns, is mcntionrd

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again by Foxe in connexion with tbe dispnte betlll'een tbe olergy and the rrian at page 752, wbere be i. stated to have been concemed with othen in tbe compilation or the treatise " De Periculis Ecclesim:" tbe anacbronism of connectmg his name lIl'ith that trestise is incidenta1ly shown by tbe introduction oC his namI' in this affair or A. D. 1281. (See the nole on p. 752.) Pag 712, note (4).]-Simon de Beaulieu en Brie 111'88 made cardinal in A.D. 1294, which occasioned his being superseded in the see or Bourges that aame year by Gilles de Colonne. (S 1'1' the note on p. 714.) Page 713, note (1).]-Foxe's lext (ed. 1583, p. 392) says, "Neither do I tbinke to be any of us prelates here now, which have not sometime bene taken out or lhis university or yout'l." Godfridus saya, " Credo enim quod non sit hodie prmialus inter nos, qui de hac Univenitate non sit aasumptus j" which Crevier and Fleury bolh understand to imply, that the whole Frencb episcopal bench of that day bad been educllted at the University of Parls. Page 713, note (2).]-Tbe followjng extract from Gallia Christiana, tom. X., relative to tbis bishop of Amiens, will show bis great zeal in the cause of tbe clergy against tbe mars, and ilIustrate tbe text. "Romam anno 1281 cum Simone Carnotensi episcopo nomine cleri Galliclllli miasns est ad obtinendam a Martino IV. canonizationem Ludovici IX. Francorum Regis, ut palet ex bulla ejusdem pontifici, data x. calend. Jan. pontificatiU ano l. Dum autem Romm consisteret Gulielmus, fratres minores impetrarunt a summo Pontifice ut pOllSent audire confessiones et ablOlvere, prrelatis miniml! requisilis; propler quod orla fuit Ul ago a contenlio inler prll'latos regni Francire et fratres prredictos. Occasione hujus controversUe una cum Gul. archiepiscopo Rotomagensi scripsit GulielmuB die Mercurii post festum App. Petri et Pauli, 1282, ad Archiepp. Remensem, SenonenBem, et Turonensem, ut eos hortaretur ad concilium celebrandum advenus fratrum minorum molitiones . A. D. 1284 interruit Parisiis synodo multarum Gallire pro\'inciarum et acerriml! pugnavit pro decreto Innocentii III - ' Omnes utriusque sexus,' -lIdversus nova mendicantium privilegia. Quod ad confirmandum Baluzius in notis ad ViI. Pap. Aven.,' col. 578, laudat codicem Bibliothecre Colbertinre 3266. aitque ea de cauaa Gulielmum a Mathia Flacio IlIyrico Testibus Veritatis (uisse annumeratum." Page 714. note (1).]-Foxe's text says, "It was not long afler, that tbe reast of Se. Thomas tbe Apostle folIowed, in wbose Vigil all the !Ieads ef the Uni~ versity again were warned tbe tbird day after to congregate togelher iD tbe cburch of St. Bernard, at tbe Bermon time." Godfridus says, "Creterum in vigilia Heati Thomm iterum prrelati prreconizari fecerunt per scllOlas ut omnes dominica, tertia scilK:et die, hora sermonis, ad S. Bernbardum convenirent." Du Boulay reads .. dominica 3 scilicet die," But Fleury aays "le lendemain i" and Crevier speaks of the meeting as happening on the feast of St. Thomas, December 21st, which would fali on a Sunday in tbe year A.D. 1281 (by Nicolas'a Tables): Godfridus's error bas been corrected in tbe text. Page 714, last line but one. "Mruter Friar Giile,,"]-GilIes de Columna, a Roman by birth, and a niar of tbe order of tbe Eremites of St. Augustine, bas been already mentioned by Foxe, sUJ'ra, p. 508. He was called " Doctor jundatu';mUl." .. A vais academiis vinsque principibus expetitus, in Galliam clmcessil, a Philippo Audace ad Pbilippum filium, cognomento Pulchrum, bonis literis ac moribus imbuendum evocatus: unde in Academia. Pasienai phil080phiam et theologiam per plures annos summa cum laude docuit." (Cave, Hiat. Litt.) He was made Genera or his Order in A.D. 1292, and arcbbishop of Bourges, A. D. 1294. (See more in Cave, Moreri, and Gallia Christiana.) The introduction of his name here confirms the date assigned in tbe lext to the dispute at Paris. Page 724.)-See vol. i. p. 292. nole (1). Page 726, line 25.]-Foxe seems to have rather puzzled bimself, calculating somelimes (roDl the nativity, sometimes from the deatb of Christ. Page 736, note (6).]-The reading is ")'bight" in ed. 1570, p. 497, margin" ihight; " also" iheighl" in the margin of ed. 1590, p. 370: .. i" is a mere prefix, .. hight Ol being the proper word: we sometimes have "be-bigbt." l:lee the GlollSarial Index.

VOL. II.

3N

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Page 7:18, line 21 from the bottom. .. Plctf"."]-See p. H3, bu, and WIJ. iii. p. 2i2 .und note in Vl1. iii. P. 202. "COllrt of Plete" OCCII" in t"~ .. Apology for the Lollards," edited by Dr. Todd for the Camden Society, p. 79. See 1>11 Cange, in Pletu,., Plilum; and in the P811ton Letters, i. 149, edit. 1840, we have "Yelverton came down from the Bench, and plete the malter.' Page 746, line 6 from the bottom. "May no man al"l'art."]-" I>el'art" i. here used ill the ob&Olete senle ar "divide." See Todd'l Johnsob, and Wordsworth's EccJ. Biogr. edit. 1839, voJ. i. p. 322, note. Page 747, line 2 from the botom. "In Froy.ard, lU y,t, halJt! I flot folmd it."]-The different copies of Fropard vury very much, which may acCOllllt for Foxe's not having been able to /ind thitory abolIt John de la Roche-Taillade. It is, howe\'er, in the Paris edition of 1574, vol. iii. p. 77, chap. xxiv., and we have it in Lord Berner'. translation, voJ. ii. ~hap. 42, fol. 53; uud in Jobn~'s translation, vol. iii. chap. 47. John de Rupe-Sciss& has been mentioned at pp. 707, 708, 710. Page 718, line 8, "Froy.ara. who both henrd ana ,nw him."J-Froysam fint mentions this frinr in his 1st \'01. chap. ccxi.; and in cbap. ccx\'. he nys that the first of the twa ulldermentioned cardinais was Pelpr de Colombier, mor~ usually called nertrand, in honour of bis maternnl uncJe Peter Bertrand, bisbop ar Autun. He was made bishop of Arras, 1339; cardinal, 1344; bishop ar Oaliu, 1353. Froysard does not appear to ha\'e hearrl ar even seen the friar. His word., lU! translated by Johnes, are these :-" It comes to my remembrance, how, in m)" young days, dung the reign of pope Innocent at Avignon, there was confined in prison a learned clerk, called rriar John de la Roch...-Taillade. This friar, as I have been tald by several privalely, for it w". never talked ar in pllb1ic, foretaId, while in prison, many ar the great evenls which wOllld happen shorlly in thl' worid, more especially tho.e that related to Franct', unII the misfortuncs that were to befal the church from the pride and arrogance of bO!'e who governed it. It WIUI said that durinK this imprisonment he was bro\ght to the pope's palace, when the cardinal of Ostia, commOltly caUed cardinal af Arras, and the canlinal or Auxerre, di'puted with him on those subject.~." The person mennt by" the cardinal or Auxerre" was Taleyrand de Pl'ri~rd, made cardinal-hishop of AlIxerre by John XX I I. A. D. 1331: he died A. D. 1364. (S~e Moreri, v. Cardinal.) He i. referred ta by Roche-Tllillade with much rel!p..ct at the conclusion of his prophecy given by Browne in his Appendix to lhe "FasciculllS." He was one of the two caminals who, according to Wal.ingham, endeavoured to medinIe betweell the Enll'lish and French armielL just before the batlle of Poictiers, 1356; he is melltioned infra, p. 784. Pnge 749.J-Richnrd Fitz-Rall'h was made dean ar Lichlield, then chMcellor of Oxford, 13:33; and archbishop of Armagh, (whence his title "Arm.chanus "), 8 id. July, 1347: he preached in London, 1356, was three years at Avignon, and died 46 cal. Det. 1360.-Wartl!'i Iliberr&a Sacra; Caf'!!. Page '149, note (I). )-ln Froysard there is more in application oC the rabI ... The following cIosing' words out ar Johnes's tramntion are nece88Rry:-" lt was his intentiou that these should be prudently and properly managPd, and not with pomp and pride, as is naw dane: for whicb the Lord Is wroth, and his anger will be much illcreBRed against you in time to come. Should tbe nobles excuse themsel\'es from /l"iving sopport to the church, and grow c"ld in t1l..;r devotions, and perhaps retake what they had given, it must .peedily be destroyed.' (See the Latin in 1I1yricus Flacius.) Johnes, at the end of his translntion, gives Olany referellce. about tbis friar. He con.iders it a willy application ar Lop'. fuble of thc crow. Page 7-19, nott' (5).]-" Gulielmus Botonem. 8cripsit Antiquitatcs AnKlicwo, lib. iii.: lloruit 1460. "-Gcl1Icri Biblio/heca, p. 300, edit.1583. See aha Vossius de Hist. Lat. p.654, e<lit. Lu!!'. Bat. W51. Page 752, line 13.]-The extravagant .. Non sine mul1& eordi. amalldine," &c. i. printed in llzovills's "Eccles. AlInale. post lluronium," ad ano 12,'> 7. daled" Lnternni, 3 cal. Ap. pont. nostri a. 31," i. li. March 30th, ... D. 1257. Page 752, note (I).]-Foxe is quite correcl in representinl\' the four p"rsonll ju.t nam cd as Icading opponcnts of the friurs, But he is mistnken in rel'rc-

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n.

915

st'llting them as the joint autbortl of the "De Periculia Ecclelim." The real lllllhor of that trealiae was Gulielmua de S. Amore. aaaisted by several othen "horn Foxe names, lupr&, p.621. (See lhe nole in this Appendix on page 620, Dote (l), and UIlber, l i De Cbris Reclel. Suc. et Statu," lib. ix. 20.) Foxe'a alatement bere involvea an anachronism; for Godfridus de FODtibus figured against the friartl at a later period, A..D. 1281. (See p. 712.) Simon JomaleDsia, ar Tornacensi., il laid by Cave to have flourished A.D. 1216, and HeDricus de Gandavo about the same time with Godfridus de Fontibus, A. D. 1280. Page 766, Dote (5).1-The period assigned iD the text for the abBeDce of Armachallus from Eng1and seema too 10Dg, accordiDg to the ItatemeDt made iD the nOle on p. 749. Page 767, nole (2).J-Foxe dates this sermon A. D. 1364: but Mr. Browne' who gives it in lhe origiDal Latin in his Appendix to the l i FasciculuB" OrthuinuB Gratius, places it to the year 1363. Thia il evidently the true date, for it is implied at p. 768, line 29 and line 12 (rom the bottom, that the lermon was preacbed on the fourth SUDday iD Advent, being alBO the day before Chriatmas dey. But it appean from Nicolaa'B Tables, that iD A. D. 1363 Advent Sunday feH on Decemher 3d, whence "the fourth Sunday of Advent" would fall on December 24th, the day hefore Cbriatmaa day. It furtber appe8rtl from itl conclusion tbat tbe sermon W88 preacbed iD the lecond year of pope Urban V., wbo was eODsecrated November 611., 1362. Page 780, note (1).l-For more reapeeting tbis author see Goldtuti De Monaf'ClUa, tom. i. preIiminary l i Dillertatio de Auetoribus." See alao CalIe', Hiat. Lit. v. l i Nilu. CabruilaB." Page 781, 1I01e (l). l i Pnstil."J_" Vocem hane compositam ex pr8!p08i-, titme Pod et prononime lUa, ul signifiearetur pOI iJla (se. verba texlUa) legendam esse explicationem il1is sllbJunetam, satia Dotum es Media relate vocabulDm PtMtilliJ de exp08itione eUJunia textfta adhibitum fuit. Imprimis tamen pericoparum evangeliearum et epistolicarum interpretationem, uti adhue iIIud uBurpatur, designabat."- Walchii BibliotJa. T/aeol. tom. iv. p. 945, cited il\ Dr. Cardwell'B Preface to Tavemer's Postils. Page 782, nOIe (2).J-BiDgen i. a town on the RhiDe, betweeD MeDtz and Coblentz. Illyricus refers for \his Itory to Gaapar Bruacbiua'a l i Germ. Monasteriorum Hiatoria." It appeara in another work of bis l i De omnibus Germanile Epilcopatibus Epitome,"lib. primUB, Arehiep. Mognn comprebeDdens. The council of Mentz. which cODdemned theaeperaonl, il mentioDed in the list of councilB, A.D. 1387, -L'Art de rb. de, Dale'. PKge 782, note (4). l i Prince Aimericu Jaangetl," &c.J-MU88!uI l&yB, "et ipsius dominam in puteo )apidibus obruerunt." Hoffman, referring to this story in hiB Lexicon, II. Girada, ca\ls Aimericus the prmfect or mayor of Lavaur, and BtateS that the lady was Girada, the principallady of the place. Page 782, note (5). "MoreOllef' in t/ae Chronielu oj HOlIeden," &c.J-Foxe, in his Latin edition, page 1i9, refera to Hoveden, A. D. 1182. Page 782, Dole (6). "One Er.khard, a Dominican jriar."]-Jt seems doubtful wbethllr he l i luffered." Foxe lay. in hil Latin edition, page 59-" Nec mllllhm Wiclevi lempora pr8!ecssit Ecbardul, Domioicanus, qui Heidelhergre damnabalur hrereseOl, autore Tritemio 'anno 1330." It appeara from TrithemiuB that he flourisbed A. D. 1330, and tbat A. D. 1430 (a hUDdred yeara after) the faculty of Heidelberg passed Bentence agaiost same of his opinions. IllyrieuB has given a fragment of one of bis sermons " De Euchariatia." Page 783, l88t paragrapb.]-This parliameDt met on tbe Quindene of ElISler, 17 Ed. III. [Apri) 18th, A.D. 1343.J-See CottOfl" 4bridgement oftluJ Parliamentary Rolls, vol. ii. p. 135. Page 783, nOte (I).]-It iB worthy of observation tbat Foxe, in the paragraph wbich introduces the extractB from the Pnrliamentary RoilI, .peaks of a DOD-appearanee of archbishop Stratford at lhe king's summonB, referring expressly to that particular oceasion (A.D. 1341, 15 Ed. UL) which the king complains of at p. 684. Fon there, aB well lIS here, complains of tbe unsalisfuctvry nalure of Virgil'. aceount; he therefore proposes now to iIIustrate lhe secret eaUlel of thi. his non-appearnnce by tbe enBlIing Parlinmclllary

ar

916

APPENDlX TO VOL. H.

Extraeta, but immediately produeel Extrac:ta reJalive to a pr",iolU non-appearance of the al'Chbilhop at York (A. D. 1332, 6 Ed. III.) not menlioned iN t~ eoune of FOlle'1 narrativt', thougb alluded to infra, vol. iii. p. 381; nor does he produce any Extract from the Parliamentary Roili referring to bil ~ non-appearance; he merely alludea to bis impeacbment in tbe very last e1tract, p. 790 Page 7R4, !ine 3.]-Takyrand de Perignrd, bilhop CIf Auserre, WIUI made. prielt-eardinal or St. Peter ad Vineula A. D. 1331, and afterwardl bi.hop ar Albano I and died A. D. 1364. (Moreri, D. Cardinal.) He i. the u cardinal o( Auxerre" melltiont'd at p. 748. He il also mentioned in an in8trum~t in Rymer, A. D. 1344, as lO Cardinal de Peregortz." Tbe late cardinal Alexandt'r AllgultuS Taleyrand de Perigord, wbo died in 1821, and Ihe lale famous Frencb diplomatist, Taleyrnnr de Perigord, were of the same famiy. See the Gentleman'. Magazine for 1821. Page 784, !ine 19.]-Thil parliament met the Monday iller the octavea CIf Trinily, 18 Ed. III. [June 161h, A. D. 1344].-See Colton, vol. ii. p. 146. Page 787, 12. "O" a forrTU!r occtuion."]- The reference here is undoubtedly to the pariament of 17 Ed. II I. [A. D. 1343]. al whicb the folIowing reply wu made by tbe king lo the petilion of tbe Commons :_U Le Roi e.t avisez de cet mi.chief, et voet, ij entre es Granlz et lei communes soit ordeignez remede et amendment, et il .'accordera. Et aUlISint le Hoi voet et a88enluz est; i bones Le"1 lOient failes all Pape sur ce.te matiere, alll8i bien de p. le Roi et les Granlz, come de p. la commune." (Cotton, Jl"l:e 144; 17 Ed. II f. tito 59.) 'Ihat such letters were sent, is proved in lhe IwIe in Ihis Appendix on pnge 689. Page 789, lin e 33. "With lhe clouse 'Anfeferri.' "]_U To have the prt'fernta or precedmce " of alI other "relervations" which might hllve been granted 00 the lame benefict's. The fi"t person I'rl'"cnted formerly had the prefert'Rce: .ee Decretales Greg. l x.. Lib. I. Tit. II l. cap. 30. "Capitulum." But Boni(ace VIII. introtlueed the clauoe .. AnlpCerri," Bt'e Sext. Decretal. Lib. III. Tit. IV. cnp. 40... Quodam per literas." Another dt'cretal oC the Bame Pope, Sex!' LiI;. III. Tit. V II. cap. 7, 00 well Ihow. the force and operation ar ttoe .. Anleferri .. clause, thal it is bere subjoined ; "Auctorilale Martini Papre praedece880riB nostri, quodam ad Prrebendam primo in Parmensi Ecclesia vacalUram, nulli alii de jure debitam, in ejuadem EccleBiae Canonicum recepto, et alio a nobis in eadem Ecclesia similem gratiam adepto secundo, terlius deinde auctorilale no.tra in ipsa Pannenoi Ecclesia in Canonicum pt in fratrem reripitur, Cllm prrerogativa gralire, quod omnibUll prredecesaonlm nostrorum auctoritate non autem nOBtra receptiB in l\!Secutione Praebendre debeat anlf'ferri; pOllI brec aulem qlla'dam vacavit Prrebenda in Ecclesia memorata; qureritur, quiB eorum alteri prmferalur:. et secundum Quem ordinem Prrebendaa aasequi debeant trel I'raedicti? Cllm igitur ex tenore gratiae tt'rtio anobiB concel8le appareat evidenter noa voluill8C primo tertium, et lecuudum tertio anteferri, decernimus, qud primam .ecundus, aecundam tertiuo, et tertiam primus debet obtinere Praebendam: alias forma mandali minime servarelUr. Licet enim ex persona aua, secundus primam oblinere non pouet, ex p~rsona tamen tertii, qui primum superat, illam habet. Sicut conlingit in Buccesaione ilIiuB, qui ab inteslato relicti. patre (in adopliva familia constiluto) matre atque fratre decedit, in qua succt'uionc paler ex 5e m&trem excludit; Red quoniam talem patrem agnatua, Dlaterque vinci t agnatum, mater patri non ex semelipla, led agnati persona, in IUccessione bujusmodi antefertur." Page 789, note (6).]-The" gold crowna of the lun," mentioned in tbi. paragraph, uecUI d'or 101," were worth about N shiUing,.-See Keu.a..', Dictionary, and Dueange, vv. Moneta, Seutum, SaJan.. See vol. iv. p.446. Page 790, nole (3).]-Foxe aaya that Wicliff and bis colleagues went" o\'er into lhe parta of ltaly;" bllt Bruges, where Iher met the papal legatea, was in Flandero, whlch is here lubslituted for" Italy.' The reader may be lurpriled to find a dignitary of the Spanish Church among the English envoys. But the fact is, that John oC Gaunt, duke of LancllSter, Edward's fourth BOD, married Conltantia, eldest daughter of Peter Ihe Cruel, k.ing of Cutile; and, on the expul.ion and assuBillalion of Peler by hil bastard brother, Henry, t'ar of Trillalllare, the duke of Lancasler asserled hil c1aim to the ero"D of Caatile

APPENDIX TO VOL. IL

917

a~ainst Henry, and passed ill En~land by the tille ol' king ol' Ca.tile. !hi.s may Becount for the appoinlment ol' John Gnter to Ihe dellnery ol' SegovIs, 111 Old Caslile. 'fhe object ol' the conference at Bcuges WaB to resist the encroachments 011 the righls ol' English patrons ol" hellcfices by means ol' papai' provisors,' Page 791. "OcktU the Second,'']-Foxe probably had in hia eye a pas.age ol' Walsinglllml's History, ill which, speaking ol' Wicklilf, he aays (aub anllo 1381) :_u Johannes Wyclif, reaasumens dalllllataa opinionea Berengurii et Oclife, aSlruere laboravit post consecrationem in miss! a aacerdote factum remanere ibidem verum pallem et vinum, ut fuere per prius." Tanner (in his Bibliotheca) hence infers that Thomas Ocleve, the poet, u aatruere laboravit," &c. j but add., u Videtur tam ell se ab omni beretica pra\'itute purgare ill libro' COllsolatio sibi a sene oblata.''' The poet, however, did not f10urish till 1410. Why Foxe calls this witllesa Ocleus u'eclmd"," is not apparentj there is a !\IS. account ol' Wiclitf by Foxe in the Britiah Museum, apparently the rough draugbt ol' this accoun!, in wbich there ia a biurring at this nallle: may not u Ocleus II." have been inlroduced by a eonfusion with Nicolas II., the pope who condemned Berengarius, and whose name is therefore continually 88sociated with his? Page 791, liliO 7. u 'Bruno oj Anger,,"]-There is in the u Bibliotheca Patrum " (de la Big-ne, Paris, 162~, tom. iii. page 319) B treatise thus intituled: "Epistola Durandi Leodiensis Episcopi, de Corpore et Sanguino Domini, COlItra BrunoIlem Andegaven_em Episcopum et Beren~arinm Turollensem," There WRS also B charge agaillst Brulla that he was unfriendly to the hapism ol' infanta: but Ussher thinks (U De Christ. Ecclesiarum Snccessione et Statu," cap. vii. 37), that he only dcnicd any benefit to rosult merely ez opere operato. Page 79, line 19. "Tllirty thou.and marks,"]-The ransom rewly paid for Richard was 100,000 marks (see supra, p. 317, and the note in this Appelldix on tbat page). Page 791, note (1).]-The IWlt two sentences ol' tbe foregoing paragraph read thus in tbe Latin edilion, p. 3: "Hinc Ricardi invictissimi regis facta in Hierosol)'mam expeditio, qui mox eodem captua itinere, Be Ciesari dedilus, vix triginta marcarum mil\ibus redimi poterat. In eadem expedilione Fridericus Rom. Imperator auguslissimre virtuti.. in amne submer&us interiit, anno 1189, Quin et PhilippUB Gallorum rex vix sine luculentis damnia in palriam ineoumi. rediit. Tanli erat IBnctre urbis crueiaque recuperatio," Ali the English Ilditions, except tbe firat (Lond. 1563, p. 86), most ~trangely ren der Ol in amne submersus interiit" "was much endamaged;" and all read 1179 instead ol' 1189, or rather 1190 (aee L' Art de Y r. des Dales; and supra pp. 301-309, 315--317). Page 794, note (2).]-The two foregoing sentences read thlls in lhe LatiII edition, p. 3: "Quid erat causre, cur Urbanus se doore conficeret, quod Antiochia cum sancta cruce e manibus Christianorum smitteretur? Sie ellim reperimus in annalibus, quod ubi Hierosolyma cum rege Guidone et cruce Domini in Sutani potestatem redigeretur, Urbanus rei gravitate nimi um ictus, CUIlll magnitudine occubuit. Cui successit Lambertus, qui Gregorius octaVUB dicitur, cujus instinctu receptum est a Cardinalibus, ut abjeclis divitiis lit delitiis omnibus prredicarent crucem Christi, et mendicando omnium primi IICciperent crucem, aliosque pllllcederent in terram Icrusalem. Sic en im ,...ucut historilE verba," Antioch is e1early a mistake for JerusaJem: (see supra, p. 271,) and Lambertus is a mistake for Albertus. (See Hoffman, Moreri, and L'Art de yer. des Dates.) Page 795, note (2). u Then he who dotli .ucued," &c.]-This sentence woud be more intelligible were we to read, "tben it followeth-not hat he who doth succeed to Peter's cbair, doth ol' coune express Petera fai tu; but-th.. t whoever dolh moat nearly express Peter's faith deaerveth, in whatever chair be Sil, to be accounted a successor ol' Peter, aud is such, a1beit in sllch wise, that he getteth thereby no aort ol' worldly splendbur and glory," The whole passage is here given from the Latin edition, p. 4 :_U Quod si Petro singulare ~iquod indultum R Chrislo privilegium sllspicamur, quod non idem creteria ltem Apostois communicatum sit, idque ob l':ivalum ali'luem hominia a1fectum,

918

APPENDIX TO VOL. IL

cujusmodi multre in 1I0his dominantlIr aff~ctjones; longe fallimur. Sin proptn divinam sublimem ac expeditam cOllfessiollem, quam Petrua, non eolus sed UDIIS omnium nomine, expresserat: jam, non is qui in catlledram succedit Petri illi~o exprimit fidem Petri; sed quisqllis proximc ellprimit Pet fidem, quacuuque sedet catbedra, meritU Petri successor habendus est, sicque succe880r est, ut nihil tamen binc hllmani splendoris ac glQrire corroget. Functio est Ilon gradu,", ministeum non magisterium, apostolatw. Quemadmodum nec inter ipsm, opinor, apostolos ulla eratdignitatis aut loci prreeminentia: sed una omnea mentey eodem spiritu, Domini non suum agebant negotium: sic ut qui minor inter ipsos foret, pluris haberetur apud Christum testem. Quocirca et horom suecessio laudem quidem apud Deum, apud mundum vero nullam dignitatem emerebatur. Quo pacto enim, ul prreclare apud Eusehium proconsuli respondet Polycarpus, cum mundanis divitiis aut terreno fasligio cohreret illorom professio, qui pro Cbristo omnia habent pro derelictis P" Page 796, line 11 from the botom. "Kmingham, a CarmelUs Friar."}He is mentioned repeatedly at the opening of the next volume. His namo is also spelt Kiningbam and Kynyngham. Paga 797, line 3.]-Tbe Latin edition (p. 5) here say_" POlIt bOB tum sacerdotes, mox episcopi rem capellebant : postremo quum nec horum potentia satis valere videbatur adveraus prorumpentem veritalem, ad fu1men pontificis tanquam ad triarios concuraum esl. Hmc enim extrema eSlo allchor8 solet in istiusmodi procellis, uhimonschorum clamores BC Pbarisaica improbitu parum proficiullt." Pagc 797, line 21. "A, gear, rmd time," &c.] Foxe here quotes from a Latin cbronicle which be caUs "Chronicon D. Albani," lent bim by archbiahop Parku (pp. 799, 801, note), and which seems to supply all the following namtive to p. 806. This chronicie has heen searehed for by antiquarie.. but without success. There is, however, a chronicle in the Harleian MSS. No. 6217, iutiluled, "An Hisloricall Relntion of certain passages ahuvt the end of King Edward the Third, and of his Death," a trallscript of whicft lIl'al communicated by Sir Georg'e Amyot to the S. A., who printed it in tbe Arcbll!ologia, vol. xxii. This is supposed to bo a translation of part oC tbe Latin chronicle wbich Foxe USel bere, and calla the Chronicie of SI. Alban.. Foxe's pagel bue heen collated witb tbat chronicle. Several illustrations and correction~ or bis ten have becn derived from tbence, wbich sball be noticed in their place j tbe notes, aIso, of Sir G. Amyot, bave furniabed some usefal information. Page 797, note (I).]-Tbe bencfice from whieh Wicliffis here said to haTe been ejected is commonly underatood to bave been tbe Wardenship oC Cllnte... bury Hall, into which be had been instituted by the faun der, archbishop Simon blip, ol. 0.1365, and from wbicb he was ejected byarchblsbop Simr:n Langbam, ol. D. 1367. Wicliff appealed to the pope, wbo, after tbree ye1l1'1, confirmed bis expulsion, A.D.1370, and charged Simon Sudbury (tben bisbop of London) and otbera, to execute this order. (See the documenta at tbe end of tbis Appendix.) A correspondent of tbe Gentleman's Magazine for August .and Novembft, 1841, proves tbat there was another Jobn Wicliff, Vicar ot" Mayfield in Suuu, oontemporary witb the Reformer, and is of opinion that tbe John Wicliff ar Mayfield, and not tbe Reformer, was tbe Warden of Canterbury Hall. (See tlte notices on the subject printed at the end of this Appendix.) Page 799, last paragrapb. "Which, in the ,lanMrolU pm oj Polgdore rargil," &c.J-Tbere is some flaw in the construction bere, which tbe reader may aupply for himself. The following are Polydore Virgil's word. :-" Fuere eB tempestate viri longe sanctillimi, multo doctillimi atque fortissimi, quorum supra mentionem apposi~ {ecimus, idcirco nihil est, quod de eis roraum commemoremus. Extitere et aliqui insigni infamia, quorum caput et princeps Joannes Vuythcliffus: is, ut fama eat, a primo indignatus, quOd non potui..et ad summo. aacerdotalis ordinis aspirare honores, faetus inde sacerdotibu. CUIlCtis inimicior, empit divina Bcripta pervers~ interpretari, atque novam instituere sectam, usque 60, ut in nobili Oxonienai gymnasio public~ Bit in sacerdotJ!8 ut legis eversores debacehatus."-Polyd. rirgil. Ang. Hgt. lib. xix. Edol4rlllu tertiu., p. 399.

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

919

~>nge BOO, 1;181 lilie. .. Wlticl. dny WIU Tlaur,day IJ,~ "i",!temlh of Februarg. "]-'fhis date is thus exprcssed in the 'Contemporary English Chronicie il the Haraian, just adverted to: "Tbursday, before the fellllt of SI. Pater lIis clmire." which (by Nicolas's Tables) would give Feb. 19th, A.D. 1377. The fo!\"wing useful observations are made on this date by Sir G. Amyot, tbe cditor of thc Chronicle :-" The dale here n_signed lo this remarkable trallsacion i. doubted by Lowth, bacau.e the Pope's Buli, which he suppose8 to have becn the cause ,ol' Wicliffc's eiLullou to S1. l'aul's, bears as lale 1\ date as tlre 22d of May, 1377. He tberefore concludes, that the tumult could not ha\'e happened many days befllre the death ol' Edward the Thircl, whieh oceurred on the 21st of JUtle. Lewie, in his Life of Wicliffe (p. /iO), supposes the meetillg at SI. Paul's 1I0t to have taken place lil\ the February of the succeedirlg year, afler the acCeBsion of Richard the Secolld i in which he is folIowed by Mr. Baber, in tlle memoirs prefixed to his edilion of Wicliffe's New Teslament, p. xvii. TlIi., however, is complelely al .-ariance not only wilh he relation in the text, but also wilh thal 01' Walsingham, the continuator of Murimuth, and the olhar eolltemporaty or early autllorilies. Mr. Godwin (Life of Chaueer,li. p. 251) de/cnds the earlier dale, suggcsting that the citation to St. Pilul's was the i,nlllcdiate and personal aet of the Engli~h prelacy, and thal il was lhe citation ol' Wic1iff" to Lambelh in tlte following year, which was tlle result ol' the Pope's intel'ference, the English biohops baving found themselves too weak in Ihe contest, and having, on that aceount, invited the inlerpOllition of the sovereign Ponlilf. Tbis appeal'1l to be the true solulion, agrceing with lhe statement in the text, that it WIU IIpon the suggestion of the bi.hop" lhat Ilrchbishop Sudbury had been unwillingly mllved to issne the cilaliun. It i~ true, indeed, that the mandate (preserved in Wilkins' Concilia, iii. p. 123) which the archbi.hop and the bishop of I.ondon, in eon.eqnence of the aut\lOrity veated in them by the pope's buli, issned to the ehancellor of Oxford on Ihe 51h [Ka!.] uf J anu'lry [i. ~. Dec. 2Bth] following, reqllired Wicliff,,'s presence at St. I'aul's on tlw (hir~jeth jnridical day from that date. But, as we have 110 account from the conlemporary writers that any second meeting in St. Pau\'s actually touk place, it may be reasonably eoncluded that Lambelh was afterward~ sllbstituted, llll 8 less Iikely scene for tbe rene wal oC popular commotion, though the result proved otherwise. The opinion here expressed may be strengthened by "emarking lhal not only Foxe, but his able antagunist, Harpsficld, who, t1lOugh a zealuus papist, was furnished wilh material. fur his Eeclesia~tical Histllry by arehbishup Parker (in whose mild cuslody he was a prisoner), undersloud the tumult at St, Paul's to have preeeded and been tlte eluse of tbe I'0J!C. interference, and that lhe proceeding at Lambeth wa. the conseqnence ol' il.lIist. WiclijJiana, p. 683."-8ee lhe nole in tlte Appendix lo vo!. iii. p. 4.

Page BOI. .. ErlJbuit dlJZ, qlJod non potuit prfZoaJere {itigio."J-In tUl.' Chronicle we read, " The duke Wllll ashamed that he colde nol in lhi. slryfe pre"ail;" which is alleged in lhe Arehreolugia (vol. xxii. p. 258) WI une -ot' lhe proofs that that Chronicle is a translation ol' lhe St. Alblln's ChronicIe, which Foxe used. Page B02.J-OfWalter, lord Fitzwalter, a particular aeconnt will be found in Dugdale's &rOllage, vol. i. p. 220. As bereditary Constable of Cast\e Baynard and Banner-bearer of London, he enjoyed very impurtant rights and privileges in the City, wbielt are sel forlh in SlOW'. Survey of London, ~trype's edition, vol. i. p. 60. Guy de Bryan WWl, 8S Dugdale obscrvea, a person of very great 1I0te in his lime. He had been Standard.bearer lo lhe king in Calais, aud was BrLe~wards employed in many important mil i tary and eivil aervices.-BoIronage, vol. ii. p. 151; .Archteolugia, voL xxii. p.260.

.H arleian

Page 802, line 17. .. Captain."J-It is .. CIutOl" in the Harleian Chronicie. See ll.e nole on p. 342, note (3). Page 802, line 21. "Jotn Philpot, thm bllrgtlll for the citg.")-It appears from the list ol' Ciry Members, I(iven in Maitlaud's Hislory of London, that J,,!m Philpot Wlltl M.P. for the city ol' London in the yellrs 1377, 13tH, 138:1, In lhe Harleian Chronicie he is collled . a cylczell of specia nanle." lIc Willi exeeedillgly rich, and was aftcrwards kllighlcd by king Richard, fur lhe

920

APPENDIX TO VOL. II.

abare wbicb he took in quelling Wat Tyler's insurrection in 1381. See Editor'. note in the Archreologia for lllUrC about him. Page 802, !ine 23. .. Te magor DOultl net1er uffer," &c.]-The HarIeian Chronicie (p. 259) l18ya, .. the mayor and commolI.... Page 803, line 6. "In hu plactJ witlUn hinueif."]-The Harleian ChronicIe (p. 260) l18ya, "in the inn ofthe manIhaU... Page 803, line 21. "WitA their bilU," &c.]_U The armed men wandered up and down the chambers, thrusting tbrou\h the bedli with tbeir lances. Tbe privy houaea were .earched, but al1-\n nin. '-Harleian CllronicltJ, p. 261. Page 803, line 24. " Joli", Yper o had deBirtJtl tAtJm to tU_o" J-u This was at Iprell inn, in SI. Thomas Apostle, wellt oC tbe cburch. William oC Iprea, a lo'leming, who came over lo tbe aid oC king Stepben against the emr,resa Maud in 1138, built tbia' great me8luage' (as Stow calla it) near tbe rower Roya!, wbere tbe king was then lodged, 88 in the heart oC tbe city, Cor hi. more wety.' (Stow'a London, hy Strype, vol. iii. p.8.) William .... created earl of Kent by Stephen, but in the aubsequent reign was foreed to lene England, and died a monk at Laon, according lo Dugd. Bar. i. p. 612But Stow Illys he was recalled and restored to hia poasesllions, ",bicb remained wilia descendanta. John of Iprell, named in tbe text, wall a peraon oC autlicient importallce to be I\ppointed one of king Edward's executors. See Nichola'a Royal WilllI, p. 63."-.trchtzologio, vol. xxii. p. 261, note. Page 803, line 34.]-For u Kingston," the Harleian ChronicIe (p. 262) rea!!' .. Keuyngton." Tbe princeas bere mentioned was Joan, wido.. oC the Black Prince. Page 804, line 9. CI OntJ ol hU gent1emen."]-" A certayn 80ldier oC the duke's, called Thomas Wynton, a Scotchman borne."-Har/eian C1:r_icJe, p.263. Page 804, liRe 18.]-Foxe reada u Sir Albred Lewer,.. the Harleian Cbroniel.e (p. 263) "De Ver." Sir Aubrey de Vere waa uncIe to Robert earlof Oxford. afterwarda dukc oC Ireland, the favourite oC Richard the Secood. Sir Lewia Cljjford, an anceawr oC lord Clifford oC Cbudleigh, became a leader amoog the Lollarda, but afterwards recanted to archbia1l0p Arundel. (Walsingbam, p. 409.) Hia very remarkable will, in which he enjoins his executors te bury bim, .. false and traytor lo his Lord God," with extraordinary indignities, ill preaerved in Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 34l.-.trchtl!olosia, voL xxii. p.264. rage 80ii.]-Tbia atory about tbe martial biahop oC Norwicb ia given in tbe Harleian Cbronicle, p. 277; where we find the place correctly named .. Lynn," of which the Latin is Lenna: Lynn is also lhe reading in t1le interdict oC archhiabop Sudbury, printed in Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 118. Page 809, note (2).]-Foxe, in the tex&, proCeaaea bimaelC uncertain .. te the occaaion oC thia fresh return oC benefices held by aliens in England. I is ccmin, bowever, that the return was required in conaequence oC an order oC th. parliament which met at G1ouceater, the Wednesday after the feaat or St. Luke the Evangeliat, 2 Rich. II. [Ocwher 19th, A.n. 13781 that the temporalitiea oC all the beneficea beld in :ngland by tbose cardinals aod othen, .. be wok part with the antipope Clement VII. agaioat the true pope Urban VI., .bould be seized into the king'a handa. (See the Notell outof the Parliamentary Rolla, 2 Richard II., infra vol. iii. p. 214.) The achism in the papacy bet..een Urban VI. and Clement VII. divided all Christendom, each alate declaring for one or other of tbe two popea, not so much on account of the right oC the partiea, aa Cor political reaao08. France, whoae intereat it W88 tbat the popa ahould reaide at Avignon, joined with Clement; and, for a contrary reaaon, Ellglomd thought it more advantageoua to adhere to the pope of Rome. (Rapin.) The enactment oC the parliament will be (ound in Cotlon, p. 46, 2 Rich. I lo titt. 70, 71, 78. Rymer gives mauy instrumenta founded on this parliamentary enactment, appropriating the proceeda oC the benefices in queation, and tranf\!rring tbe bene6cea to new parties.

ADDENDA.

Page 28, middle. "The one for Greek t/ae otker for Lati". "]-" Ex nugia hlec, a majorihus nasmi, ex ignorantia lingulll IUIIl vernaculre, i. e. SaxoniclIl, IlIlpius inculcatis et avide devoratil. Locorum enim unus Creclade Saxonibul cpecca-~elabe; alter Leccelade, recte nuncupandul. Utriusque nomen est composiLum ; iIlud a Saxon. cpecca, posterioribus Crede, Zelandii Xree, i. e. amnu, torrtl1U, in msjorem fiu vium labenl, vel in maris brachiuID cadens: hoc autem a Sax. leccian. quod r;gare, irrigare, sonat; cui vicinum Teutonicor. kden, i. e. atiJlari, tk";flar; " unde LectI!, Hollandilll rivuli, Rheni brachii nomen; ut et apud Saxones leacpeapb, i. e. hortulanlU olitorilu, lic dictUl, quia hortum irrigat; item nostratiulD, to leake, a leae, and leaking: utrique voci Saxonicorum labe (quod a lablan ortum purgationem, ezonerationem, 80nat) ideo addito, quO<!. eo loei (circa Oxon.) omnel quidam exonerando Se purgent decidanlque in alium (Thamesil nimirum) fuvium."-Somner's Glouary, appended to Twysden, X. Scriptores. Page 62, line 6 from the bottom. CIA rnrgin made hantJ..fad to Ch";'t. "JOsberne'l words are, CI Tu Pontificil manum audel conlingere, qui viJXinem deitatia mUDere arratam non tinlUisti pneripere 1" (Anglia Sacra, tom. ii. p. IB.) It would here appeal' that the ancien t narthem cuatom of betrothing previous to marriage by the ceremany or joining hands, was in usage in the Welt of England in the 13th century. In Scotland it existed to a very late period, 81 we leam from Pennant's Tour, part i. 91, and from the instance quoted by Jamie80n, in voc. "To and-f06t, to betroth by joining hands." In Kngland, also, tbe term at leaat remained to a comparatively modern period, u appeara from Palsgrave's Esclaircil6ement de la Langue Fr. B. III. f. xii. 1530, where we /ind, " Um jiamayw, an B88uring ar hand-fay"ge of folks to be maryed," Sir F. Madden'l note on Layamon'l Brut. III. 312. See the .IIc/Q 8anctorum, Mail, iv. 372. Page 728. "The Ploughman'. Prayer,"J-See Harleian MilcelIany, vol. vi. pp. 92--117, ed. 1810, where this document appean in a yet o1der language and pbraseology than as it il given in Foxe. lt was fint prinled in 1531. Page 763, note (1). ClEz flita S. Clementil."]-In Voragine, Legenda Aurea, cap. 170, where there il a long ltory ahout element'l mother, named Macidiana, being shipwrecked, and taking to mendicancy in an island not far from Antandrol, where St. Peter felI in with hel' sa occupied.-"Page 779, ed. Drclldlll, 1846.

DOCUMENTS RELATlNG TO THE WARDENSH1P 01-' CANTERRURY HALL, OXFORD.'

No. I.-Sp~cialU LicmJia Domini R,gU Etiwardi III. pro oppropriatWnl! .Atk<; catiotW Ecck8itz cle Pagehtutt ANI,. Caaluariemi in OZf1lia.
Edwardus Dei gratiil. Rex Anglire, Dominns Hibemire et Aquitanire, on, nibus ad quos prresentes litel"ll! pervenerint, salutem. Sciatis qllbd de gratia nosIra Ipeciali, el ad devolam supplicstionem 'renernbilis Patris Simon;' Cant' ArchieJ'iscopi, 10lills Anglire Primatis et Apo,lolicre sedia Legati, pll! desiderallUa mcrementum aalubre c1eri regni nostri propter multiplicationem doctrinll! salutaris, qure jam per prll'sentem epidemiam n08citur plurimuUl defecisae, eoncessimus et licentiam dedimus pro nobia el hreredibua nostri. (quantum in nobis elIl) eidem Archiepiscopo, quOd ipae in {;niversitate OXon' quandam Aulam sive Domum Aulam Cantuariensem vulgariter et eonIOm niler vocitandam, in qui certus erit numerus Scolarium tam Religioaorurn quam Secularium, actibus scolasticis insislentium et Deo pro nobia et Wille Regni nostri speeialiler exorantium secundum formam ordinationis inde per euudem Arcbiepiscopum super hoc faciendre, suis sumptibus erigere polet et fundare, et eiadem Icolaribus in perpetuum a88ignare; et, in eventu quo Domll8 sive Aula sit fundata et Scolares in ea a88ignati fueriot, advO<"ationem Ecclesire de Pageham SUIe jurildictionis immedialre, qUII! est de advocatiooe su& propri& et de jure suo Archiepiscopali, et qUIe de nobis tenetur in C'apile (ut dieitur), eisdem Scolabua et sllcce880ribus auia dare possit et etiam assignare, hahendam et tenendam pl"ll!fatis Scolaribus et auccesaoribul !lUis de nobia et beredibul nOltris in Iiberam puram et perpetualll elemOlinam in perpetuum: Et eisdem Scolaribus, quod ipoi tam Aulam qtlam advocationem prrediclal a pl1llfato Arcbiepiacopo ncipere, et Eccle.iam iIIam appropriare, et eam aic appropriatam in proprioa U8US tenere poasinl sibi et luccessoribua luil pnedictio, pro lIobia et lalute Regni noslri oraluri jU1ta ordinationelJl prredtcti Archiepilcopi, de nobis et breredibus nOltris in liberam puram et perpetuam elemoImam in perpetuum (sicut pnl!dictnm 8It), tenon pl1lellelltium limiliter licentiam dedimu8 apecialem, atatuto de tema et &enementis ad manum mortuam non ponendis edito non obatanIe : NoJeDlel quod pnrdictus ArcbiepilCopus vel aucceasorea aui aut pnefati Scolarea seu lIucceSSOre8 IlU ratione prremi880rum IeU atatuti pl"ll!dicti, aut pro eo quOd dicla advoC'lllio de lIobia tenetur in capile (sicut prrediclum esl), per nos vel hreredes nOlllm, Justitiari08 Escaetoree, Vicecomites, aut alios balJivol seu miniitras lI08tros qU08cunque occaaionentur, molestenlur in aliquo, BeU gravenlur. Sal vis tamen nobis et hreredibul nootris, ac aliia capitalibus Dominis feodi illiua, servitiis inde debitis et conauelis. In l'ujus rei testimonium bas literas no!!tras 6eri fedmus plltentel. Tesle meipso apud Westmonasterium xx. die OClobris, anno reg-ni nOllri tricelimo quinto.-Patent Rolla, 35 Ed. III. part 3, m.6. MS. in Bibl. Lamb. No. 104,101. 211. No. H.-Charta FW1c/ationil Auk Contuarien.iI, et DonauOf,u MafIri tU Wacie/ord LillCo/n. Dioce.rOl diet,. Fuldatiolli. Sapientia Dei Palna, per uterum Beatre Virgmis volens prodire in publicum, licut retate pro6cere voluit, lic gratire et aapientire lure munera paulalim aliis proficiendo Ilecundum proce88um reLatil lure' magia ac magis realiter Ol&endebat, ut aUi qui ab ejus plenitudine fuerint particulariter sapientiarn 1"" eepturi prius bumiliter addiscerent et profidendo crelCerent ID doctrinil, poateaque quod sic didicerint aliis salubriter revelarent. Quia igitur per sapientiam, aic non absql1e audore et laboribus adquisitam, regunlur regna et

.i.

(I) Tbe following documents are taken from the Roll. iD tbe Tow.r; lbe" LIs Rom", agilata

intt"r Joannem Widy! et Henricum de 'Wodehull Monachum pro offl.cio CUltod.iI Auhr CantuarieDin Academii Oxonienll," MS. in BibliothecA Lambethana. No. 10, folio 209; and !he Arch. piKOp&! Ueg'i8tera. Mauy of th. m hal'e bcen printed before by Lewh and Vaugban. but witb. lUlHe acrlou. inaccuraciel. They ale armnged in tbeir dllonolugical urder.

A.DDENDA.

923

in jualitiil. eonfoventnr, Eec1eaia militans- germinat et aua diffundit tentoriR; Noa Simon permiasiooe divini1 Cantuariensia Archiepiscopua, tuliu8 Anglire Primas et Ap08toliC8l sedis Legatua, ad hrec sepius rt'yolventes iJltima cordia n08tri, BC conaiderantel virOl in omni scientiA doclos et expertos in epidemiia prreteritis plurimum deCecisle, paucilllmoaque pr0r.ter defectum exhibitiooia ~d prresena insiatere studio literarum, de mag1llfirm Trioitatis gratia, et mentia beati Thomlll martyris patroni nostri firmiter confidentea, de boni. nobia a Deo col1alia Aulam quandam in Uoiveraitate Oxon' et noatne provincire, de coosenau et licentiil. aerenisaimi principia Domini Edwardi Regia Anglire illuatris, in loco quem ad hoc nostria 8umptibus comparavimus, coostruximua et fuodavimua, qUBm pro duodeoario Studentium numero duximua ordinaudam. In partem igitur dotia et sllstentationis ipsiua Collegii octa bospitia conductitia, juxta situm loei in quo habitationem hUJusmodi studeotinm 88sigoavimus consilteotia, qUII! gravibullumptibul nOltril et expensis propterea lpecialiter adquilivimua, per banc Cartam nostram conferimus et donamu., et etiam 88signamus; maoeriumque de Wodeford Lincoln' Dioceaeos ad perdilectum Nepotem 008trum WilIelmllm de Islep IpectaOS cum omnibus suil pertiuentiis eidem col1egio procuravimus inluper 88signari. DBtum apod Maghefeld Idua Aprilis anno Domini 1363, et nostl'lll Cunsecratiooia xiv.MS. in Bibl. Lamb. No. 104, fol. 211. No. III.-Yerba Ordinationu quoad Cutodem Aulm Cantuar' Dortrino ArcAiepucopo "ominandllm. et debet ipae pnefici aicut C8!teri monachi officiBrii dictm Ecclesire per Dominum Archiepiscopum pneficiendi; viz. Prior et Capitulum eligent de toto Capitulo trel peraoBu ydoneas et meliorel in religione et lICientii ad dictam Curam, et eos in amptur! eommuni Domino Archiepiscopo nominabunt; quorum unum ex iIlis lic nomiuatia, quem voluerit. Archiepiscopus prreficiet in Custodem, Curam et Administrationem tam spiritualium qUBm temporalillm ad ipsam Aulam pertinentium sibi plenius eommiLtendo.Eccl. Chrisl. Cant. Reg. K. fol. 67.1 Nomillatio Cllllodu Au/te Cant' "OPiter Jundntll in Unifler.italll 0310/1' 1'" Jleverendum Patrem Dominum Sim_ de lIlep ArchiepucOP'1J1 ClI,,luarienaem. Reverendo in Chriato PflLri ac Domino, Domino 8imoni Dei gratia Cant' Archiepiscopo, totiua Anglie Primati et Ap08tolicro sedis Legato, Vestri humilea et devoti Por et Capitulum Eeclesill! Cbrisli Cant' obedientiam, reverentiam, et honorem. Ad curam et officium Cuatodi. Aulre Contuar' in Univerait. Oxon. per Vos noviter fundatm, fratres Henricum de WodbulIe aacne paginre Doctorem, Johannem de Redyngate, et Wlilielmum Rychemond, nostros confratres et commonacbos, vobil juxta formam et effeclum Ordinationis vestne factm in hac parte tenore presenlium nominamlls j !upplicolltes quatenua unum ex illis tribus lic nominatiI, quem volueritis, in Custodem dictlll Aulaa prreficere, et eidem curam et administratiollem tam spiritualium quam temporalium ad ipsam Aulam pertinenlium committere digllelur vestra paternitaa reverenda; quam ad Ecclesire aure Regimen conservet in pro.peria Trinilaa indivisa. Dat. sub aigillo nostro communi in Domo nOltra Capitlllari Cant' XIII. die Martii, anllo Domini milleaimo ccC-. LXII.... [ .... D. 1363.] No. IV.-AppropriaIio Ecci" tk Pagehtrlll Cultoai et Scolaribua Aulte
ClIIluarillfUia.

Uoiverais aanctm matris ecclesire filiis ad quol prll!Sentes litl'rre pervenerint Simon, permissione divin& Canmar' Archiepiscopus, totius AngliII! Primu et ApoatoliclI! aedis Legatua, salutem et perpetuam rei gestII! memoriam CUIll benedictione dextene Dei 8alvatoril. Quotiens ad penuriam atudentium in famosa et peramabili Univeraitate Oson., n08trll! Cantu~r' proviocire, mentia iotuitum dirigimua, totiens cordil n08tri vi_cera doloris gladio sauciaulur. Haec enim licut stella creli vemanria Seminil sui gennina lIlultiplicare et sicut 'linea laraelitica quondam de Egypta translata pallllites IUOS et propdgincB per
(l) S... how.Ter Ih. notes bereafter on No. XI. (2) Naw printed for Ibe llrol lime, from MM. 10, BibHolh. LaIDbelb. fol. !12 b.

924

ADDENDA.

universum orbem diffundere pauci_ etiam annis trllnsaclis conaueverat, fOnD()lIIitale Rachelis simul 1'1 fecunditate Lelll divinilUll adomata. Sed prOVOCRlll1buil demeritis nosIris aggravata manns Domini lam copiosam tam fruclu~ propagalionem quasi in manipulu1l frondium geminalo ruin II! pestilE'llclalis Impelu redigebat. NOll hinc peramabili filire nOlltrre adeo lacrymosa infecunditate laboranti interno compalienles affectu, et in aliqualem ipsiua conaolalionem aliquot sibi sobolea adjicere cupienlea, quandam Anlam Collegiatam Bub certo Sludentium numero vocllbulo Aulre Cantuar' Blabililllm infra tentorii llui metali fundavimus, p0B8esaiones temporales proplerea per nos lICqUiBitall eiB~em Aulre et Studentibus in dotem perpetuam assi~nando. Sane ex parte dlC:be Alllre Cuatodis et Studentium nobis exlilit significatum, quod posaewonea prredictre pro ipaorum Stndentium sustentatione congruil. et aliis ejusdem Aul;", seu Collegii supportandis oneribus non Bufficiunt nec sllfficere poterunt m futurum. Propter quod nobis humiliter aupplicarunt, quatenus eccle_iam parochialem de Pageham noatrorum patronatiia et juriadictionis immediatre ei_ et eorum Collegio in uaus proprios concedere dignaremur. Nos igilllr volentes necesaitati eorum consulere et utilitati providere, ipsorum aupplicationibus tanquam jUlltis et rationi con80nia inclinati, prrehabilo auper prremiis et ea conlinenlibua solem ni et diliRenti tractatu cum Reverendis el ReligiOllis viri" Priore et Capilulo Ecclesire nosll'lll Canluar', jurisque ordine qui in hac parte reqllirebalur in omnibua 'observato, de communi consensu et assensu rorum prrefatam Ecclesiam de Pageham cum suis membris juribus et pertinl'ntiis Ilniversis, prrefatis Aulre Collegio et Studentihus eorumque succestloribu_ appropriamus annectimus et unimuB, ipsamque in usus proprios l'orund...m concedimus in perpetuum possidendam j adjicielltes et concedenles ipsis CUlItodi et StudentibUll plenam potestatem et liberam quod (cedente vel decedente seu aliqualitercunque dimittente Rectore dictre Ecclesire qui pro prresenle incumbit) ipsam Ecclesiam et ejus po88eaionem aucloritate pra:sentium per Be alium seu alios ingredi, obventiones redditus et provenlus ejusdem quoscunque percipere, ac de eisdem libere diRponere valeant; uHli. .Iii licenlia seu aucloritate loci ordinarii <lut alterius cltiuscunque super hoc petili aliqualiter seu optenta non obstante. Salvis tamen vicariis perpeluisdictre ecclesie parochialis et capelllll de Berghstede Capellanilll<Jue perpetUle de Bogenor eidem EcclesUe annexis ac porcionibus ab olim eisdem perpetuo assignatis; Rt-servatisque nobis et successoribus nostris utriusque vicarire CapelIanilllque hujuamodi collacione, prout ad nOl et predecessores nostros pertinere &olebant temporibus retroaclis. In quorum omnium lestimonium sigillum n08lrum fecimus his apponi. Datum in domo Capitulari Ecclesire nOlllrre Cantuar' pnedictlll quinlo Idus Maii, anllo Domini millesimo cccDlO lxiij, et nostre Consecrationis xiiij. No. V. The Reclory oC Pageham was resigned at Mayfield by " Dominus Willielmua in lhe hieyne capella Lincoln. Dioc." .. "pnesentiblls Episcopo Roffen8i, Nicholao Chaddesden, Ricardo Warmington, et Willielmo lalep cruciferario Archiepiacopi." .. "IX Cal. Junii 1363."-Reg. Islep. in Archiv. Lamb. fol.30\. No. VI.-Royal Liceflccjor thc co""cyancc oj ccrtain !IIeuuagu in Oz/ord to Cantcrbury HaU.' Pro CUIRex omnibus ad quos, &c. salutem. Licet &c. ob affectionem tamen quam ~od't.eL ad venerabilem palrem Simonem Archiepiscopum Cantuar' (qui quandam b~~ ful... domum ScolariulI1 vocatam Aulam Cantuar', in augmentalionem cleri regni Canlum- nostri, qui per pestilencias in eociem reguo iuvalescentes est multipliciter ~~t"UJa diminutus, in vil\a Oxon. de nosIra licentia noviter fundavit) merito gerimu8 Oxon. et habemus j Volenles dileclis nobis in Christo Custodi et Scolaribns Aulre predictlll gratiam facere specialem, concessimus et licellciam dedimus pro nobi_ et heredibus nostris (CJuanlum in nobia est) dilectis nobis in Christu-Abbati de Abyndoll quod ipse unum messuagium et tres solidatas redditua cum pertinentiis in Oxon.-Priori Sanctm Frideswydre Oxon. quod ipae leX messuagia cum pertinentiis in eadem villa-Magistris GiI\o Durant" et Johanni
(I)

(2)

Now prinred for Ibe fint lime I'rom lhe Palent Rolli, William Duraul WII allhi. lime Warden of Merton.

37

Ed.

111.

parl i. No. 9.

ADDENDA.

925

de Colton quOd ipsi unum metlllullgium cum pertinentiia in eadem \'illa~ Magistra Thomre de Gloucestre de Uxon. quod ipse unum meouagium cum pertinentii. in eadem villa-Abbi'8lI! de God.towe quod ipaa lInum meBBuagillm cum pertinentiia in eadem "iIla Oxon.--et Magiatro et Scolaribus de Baylol-balie quod ipsi unum meBsuagium cum pertinentiia in eadem viIla, dare panint et lIIIllignare prmfatia Custodi et Scolaribua Aulm Cantuar' habenda el tenenda ei.dem Cuslodi et Scolaribus et aucces.obua auia Cuatodibua et Scolaribua Aulm iIlius in puram et perpetuam elemOlinam in perpetuum. Et Eisdem Cuatodi et Scolaribua Aulre Canlllar' quod ipai measuagia, tofla, et redditum, prredicta cum pertinentiia a prrefalis Abbate, Priore, GilIo et Johanne, Thoma, Abbi8lla, et Magiatra et Sco)aribua de Baillohalle, in fonna prredicta recipere poaaint et tenere ipais Cuatodi et Scolaribus diclre Aulm Canluar' et aucceasori bua auis Cuatodibus et Scolaribus ejuadem Aulre in puram et perpetuam elemoaynam in perpetunm (sicut prmdictuIll est), tenore prresentium similiter licendam dedimt!s specialem, .tatuto ptredicto Ilon obatante; nolente. quOd prmdicti Abbas, Prior, GiIlus, Johannes, Thomas, AbbiasR, et Magister et Scolare. de Bailloltalle heredes seu aucce8ll0rea aui, aut prrefali CUst08 et Scolarea prredicliB Aullll Cantuar' vel .uccelBOres aui prredicti, per nna vel beredea aut ministroa noslro. quoacunque inde occasionenlur in aliquo seu graventur: Salvi. tam en eapitalibu. dominia feodorum prredictorum servicii!!' inde debitia et conauetia. In cujus rei, &c., teate Rege apud Weatmonast' primo die Junii. Pel ipsum Regem.

co'!ftrmauo prtedictte Donutionu Mannii de Wodeford. S't! No. II. Seiant prresenlea et futuri, quod Eg-o Willelmua de lslep ad inatal~iam Domini mei Domini Simollia Dei gralia Cant' Archiel'iscopi, toliu. Anglire Primalis et Apoalolicre aedi. Legali, dedi conces.i et hac prlrsenli Carm mea confirtnllvi Custodi et Clericia Aulw Collegiatre Cant', per ipsum Dominum m ell nt in Universilale Oxon' lIoviter fundatle, Manerium meulTl quod haben in Wodeford cum omnibua suia pertinentiia in Comitalu Northampton, babeRdum et ten endu m prredictum Manerium cum omnibus Buia terria, prati., pa.~ cni., pasturil, redditibu., bomagiii, .ervitiia, atagnia, vivariia, aquia, molendis, gardinia, columbariia, cum omnibus aliia auia pertinentiis prredictis, Cuatodi et Clericia et eorum succeasoribus in perpetlll.lm, tenendum de capitalibua Dominis feodi per aervitia inde debita et de jure consueta. In cujua ni tutimonium sigiIlum meum prreaentiblls appoaui, his 'teslibus, venerabili in Chriato Patre Domino Willelmo Dei gratia Roffeusi Episcopo, Magiatro Nicholao de Chaddesden Legum Doctore Cancellario, Domino Johanne Walu}s milile, Dominia Thoma de Wolton seneachallo terrarum, et Willelmo blep cruciferario dicli Domini Archiepiscopi. et multis aliia. Et ad majorem securitatem prremissorum. Ego Willelmus de Ialep supradictus prreaenlem Cartam subscriplione et signi-apposilione Magistri Richardi Wodeland clerici, notarii auctoritate ApoSlolicii publici, ad rec:luisilionem meam specialem fcci et oLtinui communiri. Ualum apuJ Magheleld quarlo die mensis Juuii anno Domini millesimo C~CLXIII. et anno Regui Regis Edwardi tertii post conquestum XXXVII. Et Ego Richardua Wodeland de Calcelo1 clericus Ciceltrensis Dioceaeoa, notarius Apootolidl. auclorilate publicus, dalioni et coufirmationi et couceasioni prredictis, et sigitli appositioni Cartre prredictre uUII cum supralcriplis tealibus, locn, <!ie, menae et anno Domini aupradictia, indictione prima, pontifical1i< aancti.simi in Chri.to Pa tria et Domini Domiui Urbani digna Dei providentia Papre Quinti 8nno prirr.o, prresens interfui et prrefatum Willelmum de lslcp dictam Carlam perlegere audivi, et ad rogatum dicli WiJlelmi hic me Bubscripsi, et aignum menm apposui plll!,entibus consuetum iD testimonium prremillBorum.- MS. in Hibl; Lamb. No. 104, fol. 212.
No. VIII.-Confi,mal;u CkarttS FIltlt1ationu, etc. Set! No. lI. 111 Dei nl.mine, Amen. Per prrellE'ns publicum inotrumputum oOlnibus il1notescut, quild anno eju.dem Uomini 1363 aecundum computationem Erc1e.ile Anglicanlr, inalclioue secnuda, poulificatll.a aanctissimi in Christo Pulria
(l) Calc~tu11l meana

No. VII.-Willelmi de

I11~

Chalk, nrar Arundel in BUlIex.

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At>DBNDA.

et Domini Domini Urbani digna Dei providenliii. Pal* Quinti anno leCUIIdo, mensil Febroarii die quarto, coram Reverendo in Chriato Patre Domino Simone Dei gratii!. Cant'Archiepiscopo, tOtiU8 AnglilE Primate et Apoatolice ledil Legato, in CamerA lua inrra Manerium luum apud Cherryng Cant' Dioceleol personaliter eonstituto, producta fuit exhibita et lecta quredam Carla, ipsius patril ligillo mihi notario ,ubscri{lto aalis noto conlignata, quam idem Dominus Archiepilcopua 8IIeruit se feclase, et contenta in elU_ rata. wata, et firma se habere, ae velle perpetuis temporibus vaHtura: Cujus quidem Carlre tenor de verbo ad verbum lequitur in hlEC verba: Sapimtia Dti Patria per utWBm BN/m rirgim. vokn. prodire. c . Datum oputl Maghefeltl Id_ ApriJU, amao Domini 1363 et ftOltrm Comecrationil ziv. Acta fuerunt uee anno, indictione, ponlificalu, mense, die, et loco przdietis, pnesentibus yene- rabili in Chrislo Palre Domino WilIelmo Dei gratift. Episcopo Roffensi, Magiatris Nieholao de Chaddesden, Legum Doctore ~nonico EcclesilE Lichfieldensil, Cancellario dicti Domini ArehiepilOopi, WiIlelmo Tankerville Reetore Ecclesiae de Lawfar.l London', Jobanne Harbo clerico Roffensil DioceseOl, teltibWl ad pnemisla rogatil. Et Ego Richardua Wodelond de Calceto clericus Cicestrensis Dioce8eOS, notarilll A I?ostolic. auctoritate p'ublieus, productioni, exhibitioni, et lectune Cartal pt'edl0tlE, aasertioni et ratibabitioni dicti Domini Arcbiepiscopi, ~ 0mnibus et lingulis prout superiu. scribuntur et redtantur unii cum pnefatis testibus interfui, eaquI omnia et singula 8ic vidi fieri et audivi, veramque copiam live tranlump.tum iplius Carta. 8uperiu. de8criptre aliis negotiil occupatus per a1i um 8cnbi feci, et hic me 8ubscripli et 8iguum meum apposui prrelentibus consuetum.-MS. in Bibl. Lambeth. No. 10, fol. 211 b No. IX.-ImtrurRentum CoUationi8 Johannil de WYCZYN GlUn'diarattli Ard4 Cantuarie7l6" in Ulliversitate Ozonitll. Simon, &c. dilecto filio Magiltro Jobanni de Wyclyve lalutern. Ad vilre twe et conversationis laudabilem honestatem, literarumque 8cientiam, quibul per1I0nam tuam in artibus magiitratam A1tisaimus imignivit, menta nostrle OCul08 dirigentes, ae de tuis fidelitate eircumspeetione et industria plurimum confidentes, in Cuat~m Aule nostne Cantuar', per nos noviter Oxonire fundaue, te prre6eimua, tibiquu curam et administrationem Custodire bujusmodi ineumbeDles juxta ordinationem nll8tram in hac parte committimul per ptlElentell; reservatlL nobis recepti~lDe juramenti corporalil per te nobili prrestandi debite in hac parte. Dat. apud Maghefeld v' idus Decemb. anDO Domini IICCCLXY, et nostne consecrationil xvI.-Ex Registro blep in Arcbivis Lambetha0i3 fol. 306. No. X.-Prtllfectio Johannu de
/ad!J1l9ate

in Cwtodem Au/tli Caltuarinuil

O-ron.S

'. Simon, &c. religioso viro fratri Johanni de Radyngate monacbo ecclesie nostrlE Cantuar' salutem, &c. At! custodiam AullE nostrll! Cantuar', in Uuiversilate Oxon. per bonIE memorilE dominum Simonem de blep nuper Archiepiaeilpum Cantuar' predeeeasorem nostrum immediatum de bonia dicle Ecclesire Cantuar' fundalre, ad quam per dileelos nobis in Chrato fili~ Priorem et Capilulum eeclesire nostrre prredictre juxta fonoam fundationis Aulre prredicllE nominatus existis-te admiltimus; teque Custodem diclre Aulre J.lttBficimUB per prresentes, quamdiu nobia placuerit duraturum, curam et admmistrationem prredictre Aulre tam in lemporalibus quam spiritualibus tibi commiUentea: Salvis in omnibus juribus et consuetudiuibus nostris ac nostrlE Cantuar' ecclesilE dignitate. In cujus, &c. Datum al'ud Stanbrolr.e, ii Ka!. Aprilis auno Domini supradicto [i. e. March 30th, A. D. 1367]. hem eisdem die et loco mandatulll fuit omnibus et singulis Scolaribua Aule pl'lfdictre, quiJd sint dicto Custodi intendentes et obedientes.
Prtl'Jectio Henrici de WodhuU in Cus/odem Au/tli Cantuarielllil O.ron.' hem apud Mnghefeld x Kal. !lIBii, nnno Domini Mil1esimo ccc. lxj". dominus prrefecit fratrem Henricum de Wodhull monachum Cantuar' sacrre
(1) I..a"cr in Essex. Sec Marant, i. D9-143. anu N'rwcourt's llepertoriWh, fi. 367-3il. (2) Printe<l naw fur thc tiret timc from llcglst. Lan{ham, folio 98.

ADDENDA.

927

paginIII! profu80rem in ClI8todem AuTlll Cantuar' ill Oxon' mb formi{e&dem quli] alil fratri Johanni Hadyngate 8uperii:lll extitit factulII, et mandante ScolaribulI ejusdem AlIlm pro admi.sione ipslUs Cu.todis Bub forma inferius expreuatll. Simon &c. dtlectis filiis nostns Magistro Johanni Wyclijf' et Clllteri. Scolaribus Aulm noslrlll Cantuar', in Universitate Oxon' per bonm memorim dominum Simouem de Islep nuper Cantuar' Archiepiscopum predecellOrem Dostrum de bonis diclle Ecc1e_im Cant' fundalm, salutem gratiam et beoedictionem. Cum no_ religiosum virum fratrem Johallnem Radyngate monachum et confratrem ecclesim nostrm Cant', in Custodem Aulm oostrlll prediclm per nos ante& prmfectum, a cura et regimine ipsius Aulm certis ex cauais et litem nos ad boc monolibua revocaverimuB et abaolverimus, babitaque deliberacioDe diligenti et maturA cum dilectis nobis in Cbristo filiis Priore et Capitnlo Ecclelim nOBtrlll prediclal "religiosum et dilcretum virum fratrem HenricuDl de Wodhull ejuadem ecclelilll nostrm commonacbum germ paginm profe.sorem ad Custodiam Aulm prllldictm admiserimus, et ip.um fratrem Henricum in Custodem ejuadem Aulm cum omnibus ad eandem CustodilUll pertinentibus prmfecerimus, curamque et regime n ipsius Aulre et persollurum ejuadem tam in temporalibus quam spiritualibus per nostras certi tenoris literas sibi in bac parte concelBas, quamdiu nobis placuerit duraturaa, ut est moria, sibi commilerlmus: Vobis omoibu. et ainguhs veatrftm in virlute obedientim mandamus ftrmiter injungendo, quatenus prlllralUm Henricum, in Custodem Aulm nostrm memoralm per nOll (ut prremittitur) prrefectllm, in Custodem veslrum et ejusdem Aullll nOllrm benignil admillatis et ipsum seu ipsius in hac parte substitutum recipiatia, ac eidem in omnibus prout decet elrect'laliter pareatis. Datum apud Magbefeld, x Kal. Maii, allIlO Domini prmdicto.
No. XI.-E.rposilio CalUt1J pro parte Jo"a""i. Wicliff coram 811''''''0 POfItijice. In nomine Dei, Amell. Exp08itum est dudum saTlctiuimo in Christo palri et c!omillo noslro domino Urbano digna Dei providelIlia Papm Qninto in plena comistorio, in prlllsenlin oonnullorum ReverendilSimorum patrom dominorum Cardinalium, pro parte venerllobilis viri Magistri Johannis de Wyclyf Magistri in artibus ac in sacra theologia Bacularii, asserentis se Custodem Aulm seu <1JUegii Cantuar' in Universitate Oxon', Lincoln' dioc', et quorundam aliorum Clonsociorum Beu Bcolarium in dicta Aula seu Collegio studeII tium ;-Quod alim bonm memflrim dominus Simon Archiepiscopus Cantuar' in dicto studio Univeraitatia Oxonim de bonis suis re sibi ratione persollm SUlll pertinentibus et ex sui industria anleaquam Archiepi.copua fuilBet acquisitis quoddam Collegium clericorum Scolarium, in quo el8e deberent unus Custos et undecim clerici Scolares, fundaverat construxerat et dotaverat: Et tandem ecclesiam paro-chialem de Pageham Cicestrensis dioc', ad collacionem il'sius domini ArcliiepiRCopi perlinentem jurisdictionia immedialal Cant' Archlepiscopi, aui Capituli auctorltale ordinaria canonicil unierat et eisdem illam in usus proprios concesserat, et venernbilem virum Magistrom Jobannem de Wyclyf III artibua MaKistrum et in theologiA Bacularium (ut asserebatur) et in prpsbyteratta ordine constilutum Cuatodem dictm domus fecerat et deputaverat, et Cu.todiam ejusdem (quam officium perpetuum clerici Seculares in dicto Collegio esse nolebant) per suas literas sibi contulerat et conceuerat, et plures libros' et res alias ad eUm ratione penonm sllm spectantes dicto Collegio in suo testamento et ultima. voluntate legaverat, quos per manus executorum SUlll ultimm voluotatis hujusmodi prmstari et solvi et erogari voluerat et mandaverat. Tandem, ipso fundatore sublato de medio et Rp\'erendissimo in Christo patre et dommo domino Simone Sanclal Romanie Ecclesim Cardinale tunc ad Cant' Ecclesiam transIalo. Idem dominus Simon tune Archiepiscopus nunc Cardinalis dictum Magistrum Johannem absque causA quacuIlque rationlibili a dicto officio removere, et quendam fratrpm Henricum de Wodehull monachum &clesim Cali t'. Ul dictis clericis Scolaribus prmesset, in eodem officio ponere iotendebat.
(J) It ;1 a CIlfIOUl lJct that In Ihc Wytlleley RegUter, folio 86, we find a limllar case to th. above i John Sid)'ndt:n wu appointed Warden oC C".nterbury Hall, Oxford, Idu. Augulti. ol. D. 1371;" and In Ihe very next entry we find William Rlchemond appointed inltead John Sidynden, II 18 Ka. Octob. eodem anno." (2) Th. folIowing CUriOUI d;rectlon II added In hlep'l .. Ordlnatlo" (I" WIlkin., ill. p. 56):CI lnhibemul inluper lub :-.nathematia vinculo, ne aliquu dietorum librorum extra domum nO!ltram alleui accommod-'tur, nhi alicui de Scolal"ibua Aulte nostrR d.e Merlon, et tunc cum Icripturi privata."

II'"

ar

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ADDENDA.

Et quia idem Magister Johannes Cu_tos et SocH prledicti, cUm (ut dixenmt) esset contra juramentum per eos pnestitum in inceptione ipsorum, ad hoc consentire et religiolum virum fratrem Henricum monachum pnEdictulQ admittere noluerant sed recusarant; pnedictus dominus Simon tnnc ArchiepiRCOpUI nunc autem Cardinalis fructus dictre parochialis Ecclesim de Pageham in quibus quasi tota lubstantia sustentationis clericorum hujusmodi cousistebat temeritate Swl. propriA seqlJ'estraverat, ut sic faciliils dictos Scolares eidem consentire But mendaciter agere in opprobrium cleri compelleret, et sic eotIdem Scolares fructibus ejusdem ecclesim spoliaverat et detinebat Ipoliatos, ac libroB et alia legata predicta contra ultimam voluntatem testatoris pnedicti per dictos executores detineri fecemt et procuraverat indebit~ et injus~ in diltrictionem dicti Collegii ac Custodis et Sociorum prredictorum grave pnejudicium atque dampnum. Propte\lo quod fuerat ad acdem Apostolicam ab impugnacione tituli hujusmodi et fructuum prredictorum aequeltratione et Donnullis aliis gravamiDibua legitim~ appellatum.
E~tio

CaUllJl! pro parte domini Simonil Arch~piscopi et MClI'laCkorulll eorlla Summo Pontfjice.

Postque incontinenter expolitum est etiam dicto domino DOStro Paple in dieto consistorio, in prresentia prredictorum Reverendissimorum patrom dominorum Cardinalium, pro parte Reverendisaimi patria et domini domini Simonis olim Archiepiscopi Cantuar', nunc vero Sanctre Romanie Ecclesire Cardinalia j QuOd olim bonw memoriw dominul Simon de Islepp Archiepiscopua Caotuar' cupiens in acientiis volentibus proficere misericorditer aubvenire, et pnecipue ad augmentandam inter monachos Icholutiearn disciplinam, quoddam Collegium aive Aulam, qwe Aula vulgariter vocatur Aula Cantuar', in Universitate Oxon' de bonis Ecclesire Cantuar' et Archiepiscopatfta sui instituerat et fundaveral 1 In cujus fundaeione ltatuemt et inter CIelera ordina"emt 9-uiid in ipso CoUegio easent duodecim personie Studentea, quorum quatuor, VIZ. Cultos monachus dicti Collegii et tres Socii, essent monachi ecclesial Cantuar', et 0010 alii Scolarel (ut dicitur) Seculares Studentes, qui in licitis et honestia Cuatodi pl'lefato sllbessent, quodque monachus bujllsmodi, in Custodem dicti Collegii prlefieiendua, Archiepiscopo Cantllar' qui pro tempore enet deberet per Priorem et Capitulum dictre Cantuar' Eccleaire ad Custodiam huju8IDodi nominan Juxta
(I J It I_ proper 10 state, thatthe orlginsl "Constltulion.. et Statuia AulE Cauluarienala"_ In hlep's Register, folio 213, whenee theyare printed in Wilkins' Coneilia, Iii. p. n; and that theT do not bear out th~ repreentationlS Dr Archbishop Langham and the roonk. or Cbrilt Church, Canterbury. They are addre..ed by hlep to the Prior and Chapler or ChrlIt Church, Canterbury; and he requirea ,. attentiul ea inter VOI debit~ publicarl veatrumque con.en_um et aaaelUu.m commUDem eudem, pro ut vobia expedienl videbitur. accommodari: literaa Decnon Teatraa .upr! CODlJenlU et aasen!U sic adhibitill nobil remttti patentes, pnesentium tenorem habeotea, ligilli velltri cammuni. appensionelrout decuerit communitu." He aay. nothin~ about tbe mixture oC Regulars and Seculan, an calI. it limply u Aulam quandam 81udentium I ar I Scolarium." Wilh reapeet to the Warden, he directl aa rollOWI :_" lmprimis Aula przed1cta vocahitur Aula Cantuariends,' et habebit luperiorem, qui nominabitur CUSt08. EJuadem Aulre Custos d~bet eSIe vir provect-m letati., matuTUs, lobriu., et honeJtu., expertuB et approbatuI, et acientia. merito commendatus, 10 Ipiritu&1ibul potissime, et in temporalibuJ plurimum circumspectu.., 't czeteris uantum ad curam dctle Aulm meritb preferendus. Et debet ipse pTlllftci ta1i lD.odo. vis. Semor domo.s, quam cito eommod~ potent, pOBtquam CustodiJ oftlcium fuerit "acu~ OIBuea 800101 pro Viribu8 congregabit; qui aic congregatl, dilatione quAeunque 'POatpoliiti" jU1t& Connam traditam inferiu., ac. de SocHa admittendil, eligent de toto Colleglo trel persona ydoneaa et meliores in agilibulJ et sclentiA ad dictam curam, et eol in 8crlpturl cOUlmuni domino Archiepilcopo nominabunt. Quorum UDum ex Uli. lic nominatum, quem voluerit,. Archiepilcopus prreficiet in Cullttodem, curam et adminiltrationem tam Ipiritualium quam ~po raliulll ad ip~am Aulam pertinentium eibi pleniu! committendo. Hahebit jn'uper dictua euatos undedm Sociol actualiter constudentes, et ul tra Ulo! unum capellanum, qui nbi ratJonabili causa pnEpedtatur de Sodis dictE Aul.re, cum capellam habuerint ad hoc ordinatam., quotidw celebrabit. Et lic erunt xii SocH in universum pl1E'ter eapellanum aumptibu8 Aule pned.ictle.. qui omnelt dieto Custod1luo (q uem prreesse et prreeminere eia et cretem miniItri. iofeoribu. et exteriOribU5 diete Aule volumu6 in omnibul qum ad dictam Aulam et ordinatiooem eJuadem C'OOcu. Dent) humillter obediant, verbo et facto paraot et intendant." He "'sa to have 1.:10 per annum~ u CustOI autem, si pa.cem inter 8ocio! discorde5 trina vice facere neglexerit, aut ipaem.et. eam notahiliter totien. turbavet, sen in correctionibuli faciendia tot vicibuI negligenl tuerit aut remiunB, vel personarum nimi.ll favorabiliter &cceptor j tune intra menH1D ter ad minua interpoaitis competentibu8 temporiJ intentitiis, per seniorem Socium de consenlu ereterorum Sociorum mon~atur, ut se .corrigat et ~erectuI aUos ~uppleat; quod ai Don fecerit, I~ut~ ~r ~iO$ dommo ArehiepllcopO, ut lple eum cornKat et emendet; vel, li incorrlgibilu alt, umpbc::itu amove_l a dieta Auli, et s1ium _ubroget loco suL" (Wi1Itins, iii p.55.) 4 Nobia et luccealOribua nOltria lolummodo Uceat ..tatuta nostra pnedicta, CUD1 rt quotiens OpUI fuerit, declarare, corrigere, adjicere, et mutare." (Wilkin., iii. p. 58.) Arehbiahop hlep may, indeed, bave been Induced somewhat to mOfUfy hi. original scbeute, in consideration or the Ilui&tance given to his newlY~founded Hall by eorne ar the Reli~ons Houle., Ba appears above rrom Doeument No. VI. i but there il no noUce ot uy luch mod.iJicatioa in hiB Regiater, and the contrary scems implied at line 18 or the next page.

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quam ordinationem hujusmodi et statuta (quam et qure dominus Symon tunc Cantuar' Archiepiscopus nunc Sanctre Romanre Ecc1esill! Cardinalis petiit bumiliter per ipsum dominum Papam haberi pro expresaia) idem quondam dominm Simon de blep dum vixerit quendam fratrem Renricum de Wodehull p1'lllfatll! Cantuar' Ecc1eaill! monachum et 88cm theologire profeasorem, per Priorem et Capitulum dictll! Cant' Ecclesill! ad hoc nominatum, in Cuatodem dictll! Aullll seu Collegii pmfecerat, et ipaum ad dicti Collegii p088easionem. cultodiam, et adminiatrationem, tam in spiritualibua quam in temporalibUl. per trea ejuadem Cant' Ecclelill! monachoa, ad hoc debite nominatoa Ilve electos in lIOCios dictre Aulre. recipi fecerat et admitti. Subaequenter eisdem Cuatodi Dlonacho et Sociis et Aulre pmdictre Ecc1esiam parochialem de Pageham Cicestrensia dioc', patronatiU et lmmediatre jurisdictionis Archiepiacopi Cantuariensis. appropriaverat et (ut dicebatur) annexaverat, et (ut dicebatur) ecc1eaill! po_ionem dicti Custol monachus et Collegium tenaerant et habuerant per aliqua tempora : Et licet fundatoril ordinaciones et statuta fuisaent et essent per Priorem et Capitulum dictre Eccleaill! Cant' (ut dicebatur) acceptata et approbata, adeoque dictis Priore et Capitulo invitis nihil in eorum prejudicium circa prremi88& debuiuet seu deberet immutari, quidam tamen Johannes de Wyclyf, in Hcita. absentia dicti fratria Renrici monachi Custodis et aliorum monachorum Scolarium diclle Aulre, ia dicto Col1egio et pos'euione ejusdem Ile intrudi et M~iatrum ejuadem Aulre nominari procuraverat et fecerat aub dolo et de facto, hcet in prremiuis quoad factum excU8&tionia colorem quendam conniventia prrefati domini fundatom in ~avi infirmitate tunc detenti prll!undere videbatarj qui tamen de jure pemtila non procedebat. Verum quia (prrefato domino quondam Archiepiacopo fundatore ab hac lace aubtracto) Reverendiuimus in Christo pater dominus Simon olim Archiepiacopus dictlll Eccleailll Cant' nunc vero Sanctre Romaare Ecclesill! Cardinalia--conaideranl dictum Collegium per aeculareml peraonam non debere totaliter gubernari Clbatantibua atatutis et ordinacionibua aupradictis (il1udque, ai procederet, in grave prrejudicium monachorum eccleaill! Cant' et in enormem ipalas eccleaill! cederet leaionem)-prrefato Jobanni intruao et aliis pmdicti Col1egii Sociia prretenais ipsiua incurafta conaortibUl dederat in mandatis. ut (cesaantibus intruaione et cetem sic de facto prreaumptis) prmfatum Renricum monachum Custodem (etiam iterato ex habundantt per ilictoa Priorem et Capitulum eidem domino Archiepiacopo ad Custodiam et Curam diche Aulre nominatum.1 et per ipaum dominum Archiepiscopum in Custodiam ejusdem prrefectum), juxta pmaenta. tionem auam bUJusmodi, vel ejua locumtenentem ad CUltodiam dictll! Aulre admitterent ut deberent; sed dictus Johannes intrusua et sui complices hoc facere reculaverant: Perpendena autem ex his et aliia idem dominus Simon tunc Archiepiacopua nunc autem Sanctal Romanlll Ecclelilll Cardinalis super atatu dicti Col1egit, ne majora perlcula provenirent et pl'llllCip~ ne fructus acholasticlII diaciplinll! inter monachoa (ut prremittitur) incboatus in aliquo deprantua foret. pmfatum J ohannem intruaum, se Magiatrum et Custodem dicti Collegii prllltendentem, et pmtensos SOciOI IUOl Seculares ad exbibendam fundacionem et ordinalionem Collegii aive Aullll pmdictas, ac titwum luper appropriacione et unione prll!dictlll Ecclesire de Pageham quam &88erebant canonice sibi factam, CGram 18 fecerat evocari ad certoa locum et terminum competentem. Et quia in termino hujusmodi nicbil in ea parte sufficienter exbibuerant seu allegaverant, idem dominua tunc Archiepiacopus nunc Cardinalii 18 in fructibus dictll! Eoc1esill! de Pagebam aequestrandis debite interpositurum fuerat comminatus. ni meliua atudereat exbibere. Ex quibus dictus Johannes intruaus et prll!fati consortea sui se fingentes gravatoa ad aanctam sedem Ap08tolicam, tam contra ipsum dominum tunc Archiepiacopum nunc Cardinalem quam fratrem Renricum pmfatum, (ut dicitur) appel1averant.

Com",iIIio C _ ArulruY'l0 CartlintJli

~r

domin"", PapG'" Urban"", Qllintu",.

Quibul sic per utramque partem sic ut prremiltitur expositis et eX8uditia, idem aancti88imua in Christo pater et domlDU8 noster dominua Urbanua papa
(ll Tbil word hal been mi.read .. Beo1uem .. by Lewil, who argu.. Crom II that WieklUre had been one or Archbilhop hlcp'. IIcbolan, before be w.. macie Warden. The word II intruaul tr repeatedly applied In thil Do<:ument to wr,ell! and hil .. con.ort.... Impne. th. contrary. (2) Under date" xx dle men.i. Aprilis, 1367. &cle. Chrlotl Canto &eg. K. !ol. 67.

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Quinm. ,...,diatua caUIIU IUprWctal in e:a:posil.ionibua auperius COlltentu Reverendilaimo in Cbristo patri banlll memorial domino Andruyno, miseraciooe di9ini. tit' SaDcti Harcelli prelbytero Cardioali, commwt audiendu decidendas e fine debito terminandascum omniblllsuis conlequ.entiia, &c.-The remainder, lteiog lulM&antially compriaed in the next dOCumellt, is for brevity omitted here. Cardinll A.dri~'s judgment oC the caae ia dated, II in Monte1lucon'J in hoapicio babitacionia lIU8l ibidem, Die LUOIll, 9icesimi terli" menli. Julii. ponti6catlh UrbaJli Quinti anno leptimo," i. e. Manday, July 2311, A. D. 1369: Cardioll Bernard's atteltatioa of It, II apud Montemf1I11l'on' in domo babitationia 1lO5l.r1e die quiutdecimil. D18nsia Maii, .4.. D. 1370, &c."

No. XII.-Mandatum ApOltalicu1ll ad rzrquendarll ntenliam CtutltuJJU .d'ldr'4l/ni contra Wyc'yffum. UrbanuI Epilcoplll IefYUI IIervorum Dsi Yenerabili fratri Episcopo Lonooniensi, et dilectil filiis Abbati MaoBlterii 8&octi Albani, Lincoln' ~ CIlIeotI, ac Arcbidiacono Oxon' in EcclesiA Lincoln', lIl1utem et A~icam benedietionem. Petitio dilectorum 6.Iiorum Priom et Capituli Cant Bcclesitr ordinis 8lmeti Benedleti nobis exhibita eontinebat, quod, licet Collegium Aula Cant' lIuneupetnm Sebolarium Uoi9enitatia Oxoo' LincolD' Diocea' (in quo quidem Collegio nonnulli Clerici et Scolarea eSIe conlueveraot) pu Wium ex Monacbis dietle Ecc1esUe (qui Custos dieti Collegii _ et trel aliol MonachOl dictee Ecclesiee secum habere debet, prout in ipsiuI Collegii fuodatione extitit canoniee ordinatum) regi deberet: Tamen dilecti lilii Johaooea de Wyc1yft', Willermm Selbi, Willermus Middleworth, Riehardus Bengerus, dwiei Eboracensis, Saresburiensis, et Oxonienlis DiOCllleOs, false auerentes dictum Co legium per c1erieOl Seculares regi debere, dietumque Johannem fore Caat.odem Collegii supradieti, Henricum de Wodelm1 Monachum Ilietal Cant' Eccleme ac Oustodem dieti Collegii, ao nonnul101 Monaehos dictlll Eccleailll CUID pni!rato Henrico in dieto Col\egio eommorantes, de ipeo Collegio exc1useruDt, ipsosque Collegio ipeo ae bonis inibi existentiblll, ill quorum pOIl_ioae iJdem HODneus et alii Monachi existebant, .poliarnnt, at nODnuli. alia iD iplOrum Monachorum prlejudieium aceeptarunt, necnoR omnm bona dicti Collegii oceapamnt. Propter quod dileetul filius nOlter Sillon tit' lI&D.Cti Sixti Presbyter Cardinalis tDOC ArehiepiseoptlS Canloar', videnl et proepicieu bujllsmodi bona dieti Col1egii per dictum Jobannem et alios clericoa supn. dietos qui ipsiuI Jobannis coolOrtetl erant dil8ipari, fmetus parocbialil Ecdesile de Pageham, OieestreOll' Dioc', Bub Junsdietione Arehiep. Can" pni tempore existentis consistentis, slJuestrari Cecil: Orti.que proptere. intel' Johsnnem de Wyclyl' et ejus consorte, ex unII. parte, et dictum Cardioalem luper praemissis et eorum occasione ex alter, materii lulI!8t1onia, Boa cauaam huJusmodi (cum partes iplal in Roman! Curi! sufficlenter pneseotaa c:U. terent) bonle memorille Andruyno tit' _ncli Marcelli pretlbytero CaTdiDali ad earum pllTtium iultantiam auliendam commisimus, et fine debito tenDinandam; et quod idem Andruynus Cardinalis (pront ei melilU et utlli_ pro stalu dieti Collegii videretur expedire) pOBlet dieto Collegio eleriCCllr Seculares amovere, vel (si ei utilim videretur pro Collegio IUpradicto) Reli~ Bupradietos ab ipso Collegio aucloritate pl'll!dicll1 amogere, ita quod uui_ et solum Collegium Regularium l'e Seelllarium remanem j cum ~ etiam in dietA causi simpliciter, et de plano, ac .iRe Btrepitu et figuri jodicii proeedendi. Coram quo Magistris Richardo Bengero procuratore Johannu et ejus consortium prmdietorum, ac Alberto de MediolanD,--per MagiBtl'um Rogerllm de Freton procuratorem dietorum Simonil Cardinalis ne01lon Prion. et Capituli praldlctorum (qui quidem Prior et Capitulum pro mtereeee MKl ad causam hujusmodi veniebant) substitulO i dODe<: eum rel'oearet, prout ai hoc ab ipsis Simone Cardioale ae Priore et Capitulo auffieiens mandatum habebat--in Judicio comparelltibus j tandem, pos&quam inter pan.. ipua coram eodem Cardinale ad nonnu1los aelUl in causa. huJusmodi proc_um fuerat, pl'lllfatus Riehardus quandam petitionem summanam pro parte IIU& exhibuit in causA supradictA. POItmodum vero 1I0S eidem Andruyno Cardinali commisimul, ut in causA hlljulmodi so1il. {aeti veritate inspeetA procederet, etiam termini. IIcUndUIll stilum palatii ApOSlolici servari COnellella Don
(I) Monle FiaI.one, 12 mil... N. N. W. or Viterbo.

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aervatis. P08tmodum vero pl'lll!fatUI Rogerua coram eodem Andruyno Cardinale in judicio comparena nonnwlu positionll et articulOl, quandam petitionem IIUmmariam in eorum fine continente., pro J.'ae aui. tradidit in causA lUpI'''' dieta; ac deinde, cum generales vlIC8tionea ID diot& Curli. de mandato nOltro indicte fuiaaent, nOl eidem Andruyno Cardinali commisimu., ut in calUi hujusmodi procedere et partes ipsaa per suu literu poms RecIe. . Viterbiensia aJBgendas dtare poeset quociena opus eaet, non obstantibus vacationibus supredictis. Idemque Andmynus Cardinalis ad ipaius Rogeri iDatantiam pl'lll!fatum Jobannem WyclyiF et ejua eonsorte&, cum dictus Ricbardus procurat.or in dictA Curii. diligenter perquisitus reperiri non pouet, per lUBI ceni tenoris literu ponil dicta! Reclesi., Viterbiensis aftixas, ad procucendum et ad produci videndum omnia jura et munimeDta, quibua partea ips8l nllent in bujusmodi ClUls& uti, citari fecit ad certum peremptorium terminum competeDtem: in quo pl'lll!fatus Rogerua coram eodem Andruyno Cardinale in judicio col1lparena prlledictorum citatorum non comparentium contumaciam accuaavit, et in ejus contumaciam nonnullu literu autenticu inatrumenta publica et aHa jura et munimenta quibus pro parte sui in bujusmodi caus& voluit uti produxit; idemque AndruYDua Cardinalis ad ipaius Rogeri instantiam prmdictum Ricbardum tunc in pl'lll!dictA CurlA repertum ad diceDdum contra eadem producta quidquid vellet per porterium lUum juratum ciwi fecit ad certum peremptorium tenninum competentem; in quo pl'lll!fatus Rogerus carem eodem Andruyno Cardinale in judicio comparens pl'lll!dicti Ricardi aon comparentia contumaciam 8CCuaavit, pl'lll!fatusque Audruynus Cardinalis ad dicti Rogeri inatantiam pf8ldictum Ricardum ad concludendum et concludi Yidendum in caus& bujusmod~ vel dicendum cauaam rationabilem quare in e& concllldi non deberet, per porterium auum juratum citari fecit ad ceum terminum peremptorium competentem: in quo Magiatro Jobanne Cbeyne, aubetituto de non per dictum Rogerom donec eum revocaret, prout ad hoc a pt'lIlfatil Dominis IUis aufficiena mandatum babebat, coram eodem Andruyno Caninale in judicio comparente, et dicti Riaardi non comparentil contumBciam acelllante, et in ejus contumaciam in bujuamodi caud concludi petente, aopradictua Andruynua Cardinalia repotana eandem Ricbardum quoad hoc (proot erat) meto c:ontumacem, in ejus eontumaciam cum dieto Jobaune Cbeyne in hujusmodi caua& concludente conc1usit, et babuit pro conclulo. Sobeeqllenter vero pnefatUI Andmynua Caninalia pnedictos Jobannem de Wyeli et ejlJ8 cClDlOeI, cum dietlJ8 Richardus procuratol' latiwet et diligenter perquiaitua in pnefal& Cllrii. rereriri non poeset, ad aoam in c:aus& bujl18Dlodi diflinitivam aententiam audlendam per auu certi tenoria literu portia dic:tae Recleai., Viterbienaia aftixaa citari fecit ad c:ompetentem peremp&ariom Ileum diem: in quo dieto Rogero coram eodem Audruyno Cardiuale in judicio comparente, et dictorum citatorum nou comparentium contumaciam au_nte, et In eorum contumaciam aententiam ipaam ferri petente, memoratus Andruynua Cardiaalia reputaiJa eOldem eitatos "uoad ac:&um bujuamodi (prout erant) merito contumac:ea, in eorum contumaclBm (visia et diligenter inapec:tia omnibua et aingldia aclibua actitatis habitia et produetis in caus& hujnsmodi coram eo, ipaiaque cum diligenU& recensitia et examinali&, habito lAIper his c:onai1io cum peritia) per suam diflinitivam aententiam ordinavit, pronunciavit, teerevit, et declararit, IOlos MonacbOl pl'lll!dictm Cantuar' RecieU, Seculabus exclusia, debere in dicto Collegio, Aulll. [Cantuar1 nuncupato, perpetuo remaDere; ac eWllsionem et apoliatiouem, contra prlledictoa Moaac:boa per dietulu JobauDem de Wycly' et ejua conlOrtea prlledictoa attemptataa, fuDae et . - temeranu injuataa et de facto pneaumptaa, eaaque in quantum de facto proceneriot, revocandas et irritandas fore, et quantum in eo fuit revoc:a.it et irritavit; Et Hencum ac: alios MonacbOl aupradietos, (.icut pl'8lmittitur) apoliatol et de facto exclusol, ad Collegium necnoD omnia bona mobilia et immobilia eupradic:ta reatitllend08 et reintegrandoa eore, ac reatituit et reintegravit; Dec:DOn fructuum aequeatrationem ad utilitatem dictorum Mouac:horum reluavitj Et inallper lohanni de WlclyiF et ejus conaonibua eupradictis auper prBlmiasis ~tuum silentium lmr.0nendum fore, et impoauit; prout in instrumeDto publico inde confecto-cblec:ti filii noaui Bernardi duodecim Apoatolorum Preabyteri Cardinalia (cui nos, pnefato Andruyno Cardinale antequam inatrumentum IUper bujuamodi sententii confectum aigillaaet viL& Cuncto, commisimua ut in.trumentum aigillaret)

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sigillo munito - plenius dicitur contineri. Nos itaqlle diclorum Prioris rt Capituli supplicationibuB inclinati, hujusmodi diffinitivam sententiam, utpOle proinde latam, ratam habentes et ~atam, eamque autoritate Ap06lolici confinnantes, discretioni vestrre per Aposlolica scripta mandamus, quatrons vos vel duo aut unus vestrum per vos vel alium seu alios sententiam ipsaaa executioni debilre demandantes, eamque ubi et quando expedire videritis auctoritate nostra solempniter publicautes, Henricum et alios Monach06 pJ'2dietos ad dictum Collegium, Aulam [CantuM'] nuucupatum, necnon ejus bona mobilia et immobilia stIpradicta, amotis exinde dictis Jobanne de Wyclyf et ejus consortiblls prredictis, auctoritate uostra restituatis et reintegretill, ae restitutos et reiutegratos juxta juris exigentiam defeud4tis, conlradictores per Censuram Eeclesiastieam appellacione postposita compescendo. Dat. Viterbii v Idus l't1aii, Pontificatfts nostri anno octavo. [A.D. 1370.]-MS. in Bib!. Lamb. No. 104, fol. 217b. No. XIII.-ProetutU Thomtl! SOlltham, Architiiaconi OZOfIid!, ad ezetJ-d". /rlandatum Papale contra Wycle"um. J Thomas Southam, Archidiaconus Oxonire, Lincoln. dioc., Executor ad inrrascripta una cum aliis Collegis nostris, cum iJlli c1ausula' Quatenus VOll vel duo aut unus veotrtlm per vos vel alium seu alias, &e.' a sede Apostolica specialiter deputatus, tibi Johanni Wiclif ae WillemlO Selbi, Willermo Middleworde, et Ricardo Benger, elericio, omnibusque aliis et singulis quorum int~rest, vel intersit, aut intereSie poterit, et quos infra-scriptum tangit negocium leu tangere poterit quomodolibet in futuro, quoeunque nomine censeaotur, salutem in Domino et mandalis nostris ymo verim Apostolicis flrmiter obedire. Ad vestram et cujuslibet vestrftm noticiam deducimus per prll8entes, quOd constitutus in pnesentia nostrli coram notario publico et testibus intra-scriptis venerabilis et diseretus vir Magiiter Rogerus de Freton in RomanA. Curii. advocatus et procurator ac procuratorio nomine venerabiJium et religiolOrum virorum Priori. et Capituli Eeclesilll Cantuariensis ordinia Set!. Benedieti, ac Renrici de Wodhull monachi Cantuariensis Ecclelilll et Custodi. aiva Magistri Collegii Aulal Cantuariensis nuncupati, in Universitate Oxonienri Lincoln' dioc' situatJll, ac monaeborum cum eo commorantium in eodem, procurator. de cujua procurationil mandato coram nobia legitimil eulitit facta fides, quasdam literas Apostolicas, \"erli bulla plumbea papali cum choroula canapil mOn! Romanlll Curilll bullatas, una cum quodam instrumento publico Ilententie diffinitivlll per bonlll memorilll Reverendissimum in Christo patre'" dominum Alldruynum, miseracione divinli tit' Set!. MareeJli Sancte Romanlll Ecclesilll ,resbyterum Cardinalem, pro dicto domino Henrico Cu.tode sive Magilltro dicti Collegii Au1lll [Cant'] nuncupati et monachis in dicto Collegio commorantibus et contra voa Johaonem Wiclif, WiIlermum Selbi, WiIlermum Middl~ worde, et Richardum Benger, c1ericos, et vestnlm quemlibet, lallll, ac aigillo Reverendiuimi in Christo patria domini Bernardi miseracione Divina tit' BasiliClll duodecim Apostolorum preabyteri Cardinalia munito, non abolitaa non caneellataa nec in aliquli aui parte corruptas vel viciatas, nobili prreaeDtavit, easque cum ea qua decuit reverentill noveritis [nos] recepillse. Quarnm literarum Apostolicarum tenor sic incipit: 'Urbamu epi8copru .ennu " " , 0 . . ]}ei "enerabiii patri Epi&copo Londonien.i et di/ecti& jiiiU Abbati JIIon<utn'ii Saneti ,dlhani LincolnieMi8 dior' et Archidiocono Ozonid! in Eccle&ill Liftcola', .aJutem et Aponolieam benedictionem. Petieio etc.;' et aie fillit: Ducrctioni "e&trtl! per Apo&toliea .cripta mandamIU, quatcnru "06 "el ~ lIut 11111<1 "e&trom per "06 Jtl alium &eu alw. .ententiam ;p-t czeCflliOfli t:k6iJ, demandtmte., ea"'que ubi et quando ezpedire "it/eriti& auctoritate MaMra .olemniter publicante., Hmricum et aliol monaeh06 prmdiet06 ad dictul Collegium Aulam [Canl'] nunr.upatum necnon ejlU hm/a fIIobilia et immo6ilaG IItIpradicta. amoti8 ezi"de dieti& Johanne de Wieu! et ejlU comortibus pr~ auetoritate n06trd re.tituati8 et reintegreti8, ac rel/ilutw et reintegrrztOl jru:t4 ,iuril ezigentiam defendatil, contradictores per cenlUram eecleriasticam appdJaeiOfle p06tpo.ild compe.cendo. Dat. Yiterbii " IdJU Maii, Pontfjicatu. noRri anno octa"o.' Quibus quidem litem coram nobia (ut pnefertur) et testibus infra.scriptia per notarium infra-scriptum lectis, viaisque per nos, et intellectis,
(I) KS. Lambeth, Ko. IOf, folio Uli b ; prfnted now for th. fint tim...

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f"uirnus per Magistrum Rogerom procuratorem antedictum cum instanti& requilliti, ut dictum mandatu m Apostolicum nobis in hac parte direetum executioni debitre mandaremus, juxta ipaarum literarum Apostolicarum seriem et tenorem. Nos igitur Thomas, Executor prrefatus, atlendentes peticionem dicti Magistri Rogeri fore consonam rationi, volentesque mandata kpostoliea huju8lDodi nobis in bac parte directa (quantum in nobia est) reverenter exequi, ut tenemur ex parte justieiam millistrare, auetoritate Apostolie& nobis in bac parte commiasa tibi Jobanni de Wiclif ac tuis con80rtibus omnibus et singulis omnia et singula in dietis literis Aptlatolicis et instrumento sententire confenta tenore prresentium intimamus insinuamus et notifieamus ae ad tuam et cujuslibet consortium luorum noticiam deducimus perprresentes j vobiaque universis et singulis sub excommunicalioniB pama, quam in vos et vestr1lln quemque canonicil monicione prremisaA ferimus in hiis scriptis, ~i mandalorom nostrorum hujusmodi contempt'ores extiteritia seu contemptor extiterit aliquis ve~trum, districti) prrecipiendo mandamus, quatenus infra sex dierom .pacium post denunciationem seu intimaeionem prresentem vobis seu alicui vesttftm faetam, quorum dierum duos pro primo, duos pro secundo, et reliquos duos dies pro tercio et peremptorio termino ac monicione canoniea. assignamus, Collegium Aulam [Cant'] nuncupatum eidem Henrico de Wodhull aut cuieunque alteri Magistro sive Custodi loco sui forsan deputato ae Monacbis cum dieto Magi.tro in dicto Collegis commorantibua seu manauris (tanqnam et eorum cuilibet de jure debitum et per dielam senlentiam diffinitivam adjudicatum) cum omnibus suia juribus fruetibus redditibuB proventibuB obveneionibus aliisque bonia dicto Collegio qualitercunque pertinentibuB univerais, om nino dimittatis et quiaque vestrum dimittat, ac eisdem Magistro et monachis supradietis reslituere liberil et reintegrare non postponalis lIec postponere prresumalis, postponat aut postponere prresumat aliquis vestrum, sub pamis et censuris supradietis. Teque Johannem Wiclif ae omnes et singulos quos tuos in dicto Collegio reputas ad prresens seu antea reputasli oonsortes, et quoscunque alios, ab oecupacione et detencione dicti Collegii Aulre [Cant'] nuncupati ac quoromeunque bonorum ad dictum Collegium pertinentium administraeione auetoritate prredictil. (quantum possumus) amovemus et denuneiamus amotum per prresentes: Eundemque dictum Henricum aut quemcunque alium Magistrum loco sui in dicto Collegio forsan deputatum ac monachos cum eo in dicto Collegio commorantes ad dictum Collegium Aulam [Cant'] nuneupatum regendum et gubernandum omniaque aHa bona et singula mobilia et immobilia ad dictum Collegium Aulam L Cant'] nuneupatum tam de jure quam de consuetudine qualitereunque pertinentia auetoritate prredicta. reslituimus et (quantum possumus) reintegramus: Eundemque Magistrom Rogerum proeuratorem in personas dicti domini Henrici de Wodbull, seu eujuseunque alterius Magi.tri sive Custodis deputati seu deputandi loco ejusdem, ae monachorum ; necnon dictos dominum Renricum et quemclJnque alium Magistrom forsan loco sui deputatum seu deputandum ao monach08 in personam dicti magistri Rogeri eorum procuratoriB, in possessione Collegii Aulre [Cant'] nuneupati membrorumque et pertinenlium ejusdem per birreti nostri tradieionem (quantum possumus) indlleimuB et investimus de eodem: Inhibentes nihilominus tibi J ohann; :de Wielif ac illis etiam omnibus et singulis quos tuoa in hac parte repulasti seu reputas (ut prredicitur) eonsortes et vestrilm cuique in solido sub pcenis antedictis, quod de Collegio Aula. [Cant'] nuncupato prliJdicto seu bonis qualitereunque eidem .pertinentibus ~e cetero non intromittas nec intromittst aJiquis vestrum quovismodo j nec eidem Magistro aut monachis in dielo Collegio Aula. [CBn!'] nuncupato ad prresens commorantibus seu in futurum mansuris, per te vos alium vel alioB publice vel oceulti! direcl~ vel indirectil, deinceps molestiam aliquam inferas seu inferat aliquis vestriim vel jacturam j Sed permittas et quisque vestrum permittat ipsOOl MBll:istrum et Monachos ipsius Collegii jurull)que et perlinentium ejusdem P.Bcifiei. possessione gaudere. eisque et eorum cnili bet de fructibus redditibus junbus et obvencionibus univer. sis ad diclum Collegium Aulam [Cant'] nuneupatum pertinentibus re.pondeBtjs et facislis ab aliis (quantum in vobis est) responderi. Nos etiam in te Johal\llem de Wiclif tuosque in bac parle eonsortes Be omnes alios et singulos mandata nostra bujusmodi contempnentes ae eis obedire minirnil curantu seu non parentes cum effectu j necIlon in omnes et singulos contradietores et rebelles eisdem Magistro Collegii Aulre [Cant'] nuneupali aut monachia in dieto Coli egio commoranlibus seu mansuris super juribus et bonis dicto ColIegio et eis (ut

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pnefertur) perlinentihUl, aut iplOl impedientea 8tl\I in aliqoo pe1"tal'butel publici! vel oceulti! tam clerico! quam aeeularea, IeU ipaia Johanni de Wiclif nI ejua conlOrtibua ad impediendum in aliquo iJllOll Magiatrum et mooachoe auwum conliiam vel fayorem pnBbeotea, eorumque omninm et aingulonDll complioea auctorel et fautlll"a; necnon in qUUCWlque aliu penCllIU Net. reddituI et pronntua aut aliquocl jua dicto Collegio Aulae [Cant1 nUDeupaD cle jure nI conluetudine pertiDeotet occupanlea &eU iujuati! detinentel (nUi infn tempas prmdictum satiafecerint dieto Collegio de premiuia) exnunc prout extanc, canonicl monicione pnemiui, excommUDieationis HDtentiam ferinuli in hiia aeriptia et etiam promulamuI. Ceterum cum ad execationem ulteriorem IUper pnemilSil ania in Romanl Carli. oc:cupati Degoc:iil intendent DOlI valemua, Priori de Lewea, Priori Nigrorum Monachorum in Univeraitate O~rUe, Cancellario Sareaburienai, Magistro Ro,{ero de Frelon decano Ciceatrensi, ac Magistro Waltero Haketon decretorum doctori canonico Ciceatrenai, et eorum cuique in solido, in virtute lllIDO8! obediencim et mb excommunicationU pcai, quam in eos et in eorum quemque exnanc prout estunc ei.dem canonicA lDOIIicione prmmill& ferimus in hiia acriptis, si mandata nostra hujuamocli Degexe rint adimplere, diatricte pnecipiendo mandamua, quateDua ipai vel eorwn alter qui super hoc requiaim. fuerit ad Collegium Aulam [Cant'l nUD~tum lUJlOdictum, et ad domum habitacionia dictorum 10haooia cIe Wiclif mOrlUDq" conlortium, necnon ad aHa loca de quibUl expediena fuerit, penooaliter __ dant seu accedat, qaum auper hoc fuerit requiSltua, et dictaa litera Apo.tolieaa inltrumentum sententilll et hune DOItrum prooeaum et alia qll8l pt'O bujUllllGdi executione negacii expediena videbitur, in dict1 UDiveraitate OXODie et aliii ubi neceaaarium fuerit et fuerint requisiti sen aliquia veatdm ad hoc faciendum congrui! fuerit requisitua, libi 10haDni de Wic1if et tuia conlOrtibua omnibuqne aliis et singulia quorum intereat interait sen intereaae poterlt in futuro, conjunctim 1'el divialm, denuncient Dotificent legant legi faciant et publiCllri procurent; et dictoa Magistrom Henricum aut quemcunque alium Hagianua seu Cualodem loco sui in dieto Collegio fonan dl!\'Utato ni deplltalldw, AC monacbos cum eo in dieto Collegio commoraotea, 10 corporalem poue.iODelD dicti Collegii AullIl [Cant1 nuncupati jurumque et pertiuentium ip8iua iDducant et defendant'inductoa; eiaque et eorum cuilibet r&ciant de ipaiuI Collegii AulR [Cant'] nuncupali fructibua redditibua proventibua Juribua et obyeoc1ooibaa univeraia a quibuaeunque peraonia integrl! reaponden; AC illoa qui pnedietal excommunicationis sententiu I?er noa latu incurrerint quoquomoclo, tamdio nbi et quando expedire vidennt, aingulia diebua dominicia et feaum jnter misaarum aolemnia pulaalis campania, Cruce reel1, candelia aceeuia et demum extinctis, e:s:communicatoa denuncient et faciant pablici! ab aliia dentmeiali, et ab omnibua mandent arctiu. evitari, doneo noatria et Sancte Eccesie Romanlll voluerint parere mandatia et abtolucionis beneficium in fonn& jarla meruerint obtioere. Viceaque noslru committimua cum cujualibet c:oaretionia canonfClll poteatate, donee eu ad nos duxerimua re1'ocandu, maad.. tum nostrum ymo 1'Crius Apoatolicum mper biia fideliter exequendo, juxta traditam seu directam & aede ApoatolicA nobia formam; lta tamen quOd in eorundem Magistri et MonACborum antedictorum pnejudicium nichil va1eant attemptare.Pnefatu quoque literaa Apoatolicaa mstrumentum aententilr et bunc nostrum proceaaum 1'OIumUl penel Magistrum Collegjj Aule [Cant] nuncupali aut monacbos IUpradictoa vel eorum propuratorem remanere, et OOD per 1'01 vel quemquam alfum contra pnedictorum Magistri et monacbOT'UDI vel eorum procuratorla voluntatem detineri: Contrarium vero facientea pneCatia nostrii lententiis, pront auperiila lat8e aunt, canonicl monicfone pnemia& volumaa subjacere. Mandamua amen dictia Magiatra et monachia et eorum prOCl11'lltoribua, ut 1'obis faciant (ai petieritia) copiam de.prmmiaaia, veatria t&men aumptibua et e:s:peoail. Et si forte contingat nDa auper pnemiaaia io aliqao procedere (de ,uo nobia poteatatem pleoariam reser1'8mua), non intendiuiua propterea commlUionem nOltram hujUlmodi in aliquo re1'ocare, nisi de reTOC8tione bujusmodi in noatria literia facta fuerit mencio apecialia. Per bunc etiam nostrum proceamm non intendimua in aliquo noatria pnejudicare 001legU, quominila ipai vel eorum alter (aervato tamen hoc nostro proceuu) JK-iot in hujuamodi negocio procedere per se vel alium seu alioa, prout eil et eonun alteri 1'idebitur expedire: AbsoluClone vero omniam et aillguionIm, qui pnefau. nostraa sententiu incmrerint quoquomodo, nabia vel lupeori noatra tantuJD.

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modo reset'Yat&. In quorum odlnium et liDgulorom fidem et testimoninm pleni. Drem, pnesentem nOltrum proc_m live prll!lenl publieum in.trumentum per natarium publieum infrueriptum aubscribl et publicari mandavimul. Et quia aigillum auteDtie:um ad pnesenl non habemus, eigilIum Reverendillimi in Chriato patril domini Symonia, tit' Saneti Si:l.li Sanelre Romanre Ecclelire pre8tyteri Cardinalil, pnnentibua apponi procuravimul. Et nOl Symon Cardinalis antedietul sigiIlum nostrom, ad rogatum dicti domini Thomm Executoril, pnesentibul Cecimul apponi. Datum et aetum in Claullri. fratrum Augnstinenlium extra muros Mont' Flaseon', lub anno a nativitate Domini Millesimo eec""'. eeptuagesimo, Indictioue octav&, MeniiI Maii die viceliml aeptimi, pontificaliU sanctilsimi in Chrilto patrie et domini nostri domini Urbani Divinl proYidentia Papli! Quinti anno octavo j pnnentibulI l'enerabilibUl et dilcretia l'iris dominil Ade de Elton in theologil professore, Willermo de Preston rectore parochialie ecclesilll de Ob, magiatra lohanne de Upton bacalario in legibua, et domino WiIlermo Bary perpetuo vieario parochialil EccIesire de Pedyngton, Norwicen' !.ineolnien' Wygamien' et Dunelmen' dioc', t.tibul ad pnemiaa Vocatii lIpecialiter et rogatis. Et ego Richarda de Croxton clericul Elien' clioc', publiC1Jll Apoatoliel et I mr.eria1i anctoritata notariu., prremiuie omnibulI et aingulis prout IUperKnbnntUr et dum haee per dominum Esecutorem et coram eo agerentur et fierent, lUb anno indictione Pontificatu menie die et loco predictil, una cum pnenominatia teatibUl, prrelens interCui, 8C ea omnia et lingula lic fieri vidi et audil'i, et il1 bane publieam formam redegi; aliisque negoeiil occupakll de mandato dicti douuni Eucutori. per alium IICribi feci, signoque meo lolito UDa cum appenlione [s~))j] dicti Reverenclillllimi J.MItria et domini Cardinalill aignavi, ragatul et reqnJlitUl, in fidem et taatimoDlum omnium et lingulorum pnemillOrum.

sacra

No. XIV.-&gia PartlaNtio OIIIn;"1II J1orU1tM:tuNInIIII ArJm Cantuarinui6 et .idnra perCineJtm., n COJJjirfMtio Papalil S ~ Depritlationu Wyc/ijf. Edwardu., Dei grati& Rex Anglire et Francilll et Dominua Hibernire, omnibul ad quos prresentell Iitene pervenerint salutem. Seiatil quOd, CUIII nuper (ut aceepimus) de gratil noatra lpeciali et ad devotam IUpplicationem Simania tunc Archiepiscopi Cant' qui de Ialep cognominatul extiterat, pi~ desiderantis iDcrementum wubre Cleri nOltri propter multiplicationem doctriDle wutaria, per literas nOltras patente& lub magno ligillO nOltra conce.aerimUl et licen tiam dederimUl pro nobia et hIIlredibUl nOltril (quantum in nobia erat) eidem Archiepiscopo, quOd ipae in Univeni.te Oson' quandam Aulem sive Oomum Aulam Cantnar' l'ulgariter et communiter vocitandam, in qui certua foret numerul ScoJarium tam ReligiOlOrum quam Secularium, &cli. bUl scolasticis insiatentium et Deo pro nobia et aalute Regni nOltri lpecialiter exorantium, seeundum orclinationis formam inde per eundem Archiepiecepum luper hoc faciemlre, luis sumptibUl erigere pouet et fundare, et eillem ScolaJ1bus iD perpetuum assignare j et (in eventu quo DomUl lin Aula lit fundata e tScolarea in ea auignati Corent) advOC&tionem Ecclesilll de Pagebam Jurisdi:tionia iplius Archiepiacopi immediatre (qure quidem Ecclesia de ad~ catione propri& ejlDdem Archiepiacopi et de jure BUD Archiepiseopali extite rat, et qure CJ.uidem Advocatio de uobia tenebatur in capite, ut dicebatur) eildem Scolanbul dare pouet et etiam auignare, habendam et teD,ndam pnefatil ScolaribUl et succCllOribns IUia de nobil et hIIlreclibul noatria in liberam puram et perpetuam elemoainam in perpetuum ;-Et eillem Seoleribul, quOd Jpai tam Aulam quam advocationem pnedictu a prlllCato Archiepiecopo recipere, et Eccleliam mam approprlare, et eam sic a'ppropriatam in propriOl UIUI tenere poBIent aibi et IUccellOribUl aw pJ'llldictia, pro nobie et ulute repi Dostri oratori, justa orelinatioDem pnedicti Arehiepilcopi, de nobia el blIlredibul DostriS in liberam puram et perpetuam elemoeinam in perpetuum, aicut prllldictum eat :-Dictusque ArchiepillCopUl poatmodum justa diatam licellliam nOltram quandam Aulam Collegiatam lub certo Scolarium studeutium Dumero in Univemtate pnedictl vocabulo AuIIIl Cantnariensis ereuril et fundaverit, eertosque MonacbOl Eccleailll Christi Cantuar' UDlIm .idelic:et Monachum Custodem Aulre ejuadem, creterosque Scolarea in edem, UD~ cum c:erU1 aliia Scolariba SecularibUl in AulA prreeIicl& orelina.erit et constiWerit;

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et eis Aulam ilIam, neeooo advocatiooem pnedietaD1, decerit et ~ a..erit eiadem Custodi et Seolaribus et .uceessonllUs suis perpetuo pOBSldendaa, ipsique Custos et Scolarea dicta. Aulam et advocationem a prrefato ArdIiepiscopo receperint, ac Eeclesiam prredictam sibi et succe8lOribus sui. in proprios usus una cum Aula prredicti in perpetuum habend88 appropriaverint :-Ac deinde, prfZter licentiam nOlt,.am 6up,.adictam amotis omnino per prredictum Archiepiscopum dictia Custode et creteria Monacllis Scolaribua videlicet Regularibus ab Aula prredictll., idem Archiepiscopua queodam Seeularem1 Custodem dictre Aulre ac creteros omnes Scolares in eadem Seculares l duntaxat constituerit, eisdemque Custodi et Scolaribua Secularibus duntaxat Aulam pnedictam cum pertinenliil, una. cum dicla ad vocalion e, necoon eccle!'iam prredictam sibi et auccellloribus suia Cuatodibul et Scolaribua Secularibua dUDtaxat iD proprios uauI perpetuo possidendas dederit et 8lIIIignaverit, ipt'ique Custos et Scolares Seeuares duntaxat Aulam et Ecc1esiarn pnedictu ex tUDC continuatil temporibus durante viti prrefati Archiepilcopi pouederint, tam fructus dictaJ Ecclesire quam alia bona ad Auam prredictam spectantia uaibus suis propriis applicante~~Et demum defuncto dicto ArchiepllCopo, ac Reverendo in Christo Patre Simone tit' sancti Sixti Presbytero Cardinale tnnc in Archiepiscopum Cantuar' consecrato, idem Cardinalis tunc Archiepiscopus fructus dictle Ecc1esire de Pageham sequestrari feeerit; Ortique propterea inter dictoa Custodem et Scolares Secuares ex parte una. et prrefatum Cardioalem super prremiuis et eonlm occasione ex alter! materia. qwestionis, appellationeque interpositi, et babito inde processu in Romana Curia, authoritate Afostolic! videlicet felicia recordalionis Domini Urbani Paple Quinti per diffioiuvam sententiam de facto ordiuatum fueril ibidem proDunciatum decretum et declaratum, soloa MODaehos prredictre Cantuarienlla Ecc1eaim, Secularibus uc1usis, debere in dieto Collegio Aula [Cantuar'] ouucupato perpetuo remaoere, necoon dictos Monaebum Custodem ac alios Monachos Scolares, sic de facto (ut prremittitur) a dieto Colleglo ac boois inibi existentibua (iB quorum pouessione fuerant) per amotionem hujusmodi et occupationem dietorum Seeularia Custodia et Scolarium Seeularium apoliatoe et exclusos, ad Collegium iIlud necnon ad omnia bona supradieta et omnia alia bona mobili a et immobilia dieli Collegii, per eosdem Seeularem Custodem et Scolarea Seeularea post amotionem prredietam occupata, restituendos et Teintegrandoa fore :-Ae jam dilecti nobia in Chriato Prior et Conventus Ecc1esie Christi Canluar' antediclre, virtute dietorum ordinationis pronuntiationi decreti et dec1arationis auetoritate Apostolic! faetorum (uti prremitlitur), quendam (ut 88seritur) Commonac11um auum ejusdem Ecclesire Christi Custodem dicti Collegii Aulre rCant'] nuneupati, Be eertOl ali os Commonaehos suos dictBe Ecelesire Christi Seorarea in eodem Collegio ordinaverint et consliluerint, amotia dictis Secuaribus ab eodem penitus et exclusis, cont,.a formam licemite tuut,." mpradictte :-Nos, quanquam dicta auvocatio Eeclesim de Pagebam per aliquem progenitorum nostrorum una eum aliquibus prrediis seu tenementis nliia in dotationem fundalionem seu alias in nugmentationem ArchiepiacopatIU Cantuariensis, seu Ecclesim Cbristi Cantuar' autedictm, data, conceu&, seu assignata extiterat, volenlea nihilominus, ob devotionem sinceram quam [habemus] ad dictam Ecclesiam Christi Cant' et beatum Thomam Martrrem quondam ejusdem Ecc1esire Archiepiscopum, cujus corpus glorios~ catbalogo sanetorum ascriptum quiescit honorabililer in eadem, securitati lam dictorum Priom et Conventils quam Commonachorum auorum, quoa ipsi Prior et Conventus Custodem dicti Collegii et Scolares in eodem jam (ut lrremittilur) "rdinarunt, et in futurum ordinaverint. providere i de grati nostra speciai et pro ducentia marcia quaa dicti Prior et Conventlls nobia aolverunt in banaperio nostro perdonavimus omlles transgresaiones factu, necnon forisfacturam, si qua dictlll Aulre cum pertinentiis et advocationis pnedictaJ Tirtute atatuti de terna et tenementis ad manum mortuam non ponendia editi Tel alias nobis incuraa fuerit in bac parte; dictasque sentenuam, ordinationem, prouuntialionem, decret11m, et declarationem auctorilllte Apostolicl factaa
(I) Thi. word hu been hltherto milprinted ".colarem," and proof wu Ihougbl lo be tumishod rrom thi. p...age al.o, lbat WicklilTe wu a Scholar of Canterbury HaU b.fore he was Warden. ISce p. 929, nole (I).) When Wadebull and hil lbree teUow Monka were exclude<! rrom lhe lIalt. Wlckllll"e and billhrce reuo1l' Secular. &re mentioned u nccupying lbeir room. Tbese las. mWlt Uaerefore have been newly lntrod.uced, otherwile the II duodellla numerus" would b.Te been iD <ample...

ADDENDA..

937

(ut prlBdictum eat), et execationem eorundem, pro nobia et blBredibua nostria (quantum in nobia est) accelltamuA, approbamlll, ratilicamlU, et conlirmamua; volentel et concedeDtea pro nobia et hreredibul nostria (quantum in nobia elt), quod prredicti CUllol et creteri Scolares Rl'l!ularel dicti Collegii Aul&! Caotuar' nuocupati, Monachi diclre Eccleli&! Christi Cant', et eorum luccessorel per pnediclol Priorem et COD\'enlum conslituli, et per eOldem Priorem et Conventllm et eorum successores constitlll'ndi, leu aliiu loco amovendorum lubstituendi, aclibua Icoluticil jUllla ordiDatioDem iplorum PrioriI et Con-, venlua et auccellsorum auorum religiose illsislentea, Aulam pr&!dictam tenementaque in ipsA contenta cum pertinenliis, necnon Ecclesiam prredictam el advocatiollem ejl18dem, in U8UI propriol ipsorom Cuslodil et IColarium Regttlarium telleallt, videlicet diclam Aulam et prredicta lenemellta cum perlinelltiis, qUll! de nobis in burgagium lenentur (ut dicitur) de nobil et hreredibUl nostris ac aliil Capitalibul Dominil feodi per servitia inde debita et cODsueta, et dictaB Eccle.iam et advocationem de nobis et hleredibul nostris in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosinllrn, ad oraudum specialiler pro salute aoil1llle nostne et pro animabus progeuilorum nostrorom ac hreredum nostrorom in perpetuum, sme occalione vel impedimenlo nostri vel hreredum nostrorum, Justitiariorum E.caelorum, vicecomiturn, aut aliorum ballivorum seu ministrorum nostrorum vel hreredum nostrorum quorumcunque; slatuto vel forisfacturll pr&!dictis, aut dictil donatione, CODceSSlOne, seu usignatione advocationis pl'llldictlE per aliquem progenitorum nostrorum in dotationem, fundationem, vel alias in augmentationem Archiepiscopatfts leu Ecclelire Christi prrediclorum, seu dicti fundatione per prrefatum Simonem de Islep quondam Archiepiscopum tam pro Itudenlibus sive scolaribus Regularibus quam Secularibus factA (ut prremitlitur), seu aliquo aHo prremillOrum,-non obstanlibus. ID cujua rei teslimonium bu literas nostru lieri fecimus patentes. Testemeipso apud Westm' octavo die Aprilis, anno Regni nOlm Angli&! quadragesimo sexlo, Regni vero nosm Franci&! tricesimo tertio. [A.D.1372.]-Privy Seal146 Ed.III., and MS. in BibI. Lamb. No. 104, fol. 209. No. XV.-C01Ijirmalio appropria/ionia Ecclen~ tk Pageham Cudodi II ScolariJnu Au/~ Canluariemil. 1 Universis lanctre matriI Ecclesire filiiI pneBentes litera! inlpecturil Willielmus permissione divina Cantllariensis Archiepueopus, loliul An!l'lim primu et Apostolicre sedis legatUI, ululem in DomiDo sempiternam. Vestra noverit universiw, bonre memorire dominum Simonem de Isll'p, nuper Cauluar' Archiepiscopum predece8l0rem nOllrum, eecleliam parochlalem de Pagebam DOltrre juriadictionil immedialre cum suis membris juribus et pertiDentiia universis Cuslodi et Stlldentibus AllilE Canluar' vulgariler nuncupatlE, in Universitate Oxon' per iplllm predeceBBorem uostrum fuodalse, et Collegio diclre AullE appropria.oe annexille et unwe, et literu luper hoc fecisse sub forma qUll! sequitur, nihil addito leu IlIUtato, prout in rl'gistro dicti predecessoris nootri de verbo ad verbum invenimus veraciter contineri. URive~m _anet(/! mat,.i, Ecc/en(/!filiiI ad quOl pr(/!Hf1te, litl'r(/! pervtnl'rinl, &c. [See No. IV. supra.] Quam quidem appropriationem sic (ut prrelllitlilur) per ipsum predece8surem n"otrum faclam, quatenUl ad nOI attinet et de jure facere poBBUmul, ex nostra j!ratill lpeciali ratilicamus approbamus ac in tenore prresentium conlirmamus. In quorum omnium et singulorum teslimollium sigillum nOltrum fecimus hil apponL Datum apud Lambeth' xvij Kal. Maii AG. Dl. millesimo ecc.... lxxijo, et Dostrre translationil quarto. No. XVI.-BuUaPapalilpro tiilperuatiOfle e~m Statato Unilll'r,itatil Ozon' e. Grel!orius epilcopUl semlS lervorum Dei ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Apostolicse servitutis nobia injunctm desuper officium mentern nostram ioeitat et iuducit, ut circa ea qUal statui prospero personarum lub religionis babitu Domino famulantium ae literarum studio Theologicre facultatis inlistentiu01 opportuna fore CIOlIspicimus operolis studiis intelIdamus. Oblata siquidem nobis pro parte di1ectorum filiorum Custodis ae scolarium MODachorum collegii live domul Aulre Cantuariensia nuncupatlE Studii Oxon' ordini Sancti Benedicti Lincoln' dioceseol peticionil Beriel cUlIlinebat, qllod in iplo Studio quoddam
(I) Prlnled for Ibe flnllime from MS. in Bibliolh. Lambelh. No. 104, folio 212.

938

ADDEJlDA.

Statutum eJ,ietit, quo e....etur exprea~, ut nulh.. ibidem ad bonorem Magistrrii in Tbeologi& 8S8Umalur, nili priUI rexerit in Artium raeultate j et quOd etiam de antiquA et approbalA eonauetudine baclenua paeifi~ obeerval8 in eodem Studio nullua ReligiOlUa, cujuleunque ordinie emtat, ad regendum admittamr in eidem Univenilate in Artinm facultate pnedielij propter quod ipli Coata. et ScolBrea, quamria lint in primiti1'ie acienliil auflleienter inltrncti, AC alias ad boc Iufficientel et idonei ad hujuamodi MBgiaterii honorem in eidem Theologii . recipiendum, minim~ admittuntur ibidem. Quare pro r.me ipaorum Cuatodia et Collegii nobia eJ,iatit bumililer lupplicatum, ut pro1'idere ipeil super hoc de benignitate Apostolie& dignBremur. Nos ~ilur volent.,. eoldem Cuatodem et Collegium favore llroaequi, gracioae huju_modi lupplicationibus inclinali, voumna ac eUdem Cuatodl et Collegio Apostolic& auctoritate eoneedimua, quJd eultoa et Scalam dicti Collegii qui lunt et erunt pro tempore, quam1'ie Don rexerint in bujulmodi Anium facultate, dummodc'l alUII in primiliria acientiia lu16cientel' fuerint lnltrncti, AC CUnnH BUlli r~riDt in Tbeologica facultae, et pel' di~ gentern euminationem, jux1a morem ipalua Studii, lufficieDt.,. et idonei reperti extiterint ad MBgiaterium recipiendum in e&dem, ad bujuamodi Magisterii bonorem et docendi licentiam in ipal Tbeologica facultate in Studio lupradicto (Iervatil tamen Conatitutionibul VienneDm Concilii AC felicii reconatiow. Benedictl Paplle XII. predecnaotis nOlm, et allie IOlempnitatibna in talibua eonluetia) lublato eujualibet difficultatil obataeu1o libere admiuantur, nOG obllante Statuto et conlUetudine bujusmodi, etiamai juramento, confirmationl Apoatolicl, vel qUACunque alii flrmitate rohorata emtat, qwr aliU iD _ volumua robore yermanere. NulIi ergo omniDo hominum liceat banc paginam Doatrle 1'OJUDtatiI et eoneeaionil infringere, 'tel ei 8U8U temerarlo contnaire. Si quil autem boc attemptare pl'll!lIUmpaerit, indignationi OamipoteDtil Dei et beatorum Pe et Pauli Apostolorum ejua Be Donrit inCU1'lU1'llm. Datum Avenione iv Non. Decembria, pontifieatiU DOIm anno quiDto. [A.D. 1375.]Ex. MS. iD Bibl. Lamb. No. 104, folio 209.

EARLY NOTICEB OF DlFFERENT WYCLIFFES.

IM tbe Subsidy Rolla, l Ed. III. [4.D. 1327], we find Robert de Wyclive taxed 11. 6d. at Wyclive cum G}'llinge: in tbe Suhaidy RolIs, 6 Ed. III. A. D. 13321, we find Rogerllll de Wyclift' taxed 31., and Millo doi WycliJf 8a., al W ycliJfe cum Grillington. For the Wrclift'e pedigree, see note in Appendix to Vol. III. page 53. Tbe follo\ll'lng Table of early Rec0'8 of Wyclift'e on tbe Tees is printed in Dr. Whitaker', Richmondshire, from Torre', Archdeaconry of Ricbmond.

lrulil_
A

_.

PUlTOM.

y-.
per
Ma'.

Dni. John de Clervaulx.

2 AUf'. US2. 7 AUf'. UU. 7 Aull'. 1369. 17 May, HU. Dna. Robert de Wyeli1l'e. CI. Dul. William de Wyeliftlt. llnl. Henry Hugate, Cap. Dni. William Manhall. John Fonler, Cap. Catharlne relleta Rogl de Wyeliml. JohanDel de W,eli1l'e. Idem. Johann.. de Wyc1111ll, Armlpr.

per Kort'.

For tbe Will of Robertlls de WycIyf, dated Sept. 8th, 1423, !rom the Durham Langley Register, fol. 115, see Tutamenta Eboracenlia (Surtees' Society). In BalioI College, tram Carla No. 34 in pyxide Mickle Benton it appears, tbat Robert de Serby W81 Master of Baliol Nov. 20th, 1356: in the same pyxis is another Carla, which represents" Mag. Job. de Wiclif" as "procurator mql. et scholarium" "die LunIE in fest. NataI. Dni. Edw. III. 34," i. /I. Monday, Dec. 28th, 1360. The presumption is, that John de Wielif W8I then Masterof Baliol; for in pyxide Abbotsley, Nos. 9-13, are five Cartll! relating to a ncancy in tha living of Abbotsley, in one of which (Carta 10), dated April 9th, 1361, the "Scbolares" of Baliol (among whom appean one William de Wyclift') present" Johiies de Wyclitf Magister sive Custos Collagii ni AulIE de Balliolo, suburb. Oxon," to tha rectory of Abbotsley, and appoint him thair "procurator" for taking posaeseion of the llving. From anotber Carla i appears that he went to the spot, rang the belIs, and perfonned. a11 things neual at tbe induction of a clergyman; and the ~welI Register, folio 367, states that be presented bimself before the bishop of Lmcoln 81 lO Custos sive Magister AullE de Baliolo," and exhibited the Pope's BulI for the appropriation of Abbotsley to Balio!, in July 1361. The same Register, folio 123, shows tbat he W8l instituted to tbe rectory of Fylingham May 14th, 1361, on the presentation of tbe Master and Scbolara of Baliol, at which time we know that Ile W81 Muter from tbe AbbotaIey transaction. From Carla 28 in pyxide Sri. Laurentii in Jndaiamo it Bppean tbat John Hugate W81 Master of Baliol in 1366. The mention above of Henry Hugate as presented by John de Wyclif to the rectory of Wyclif on the Teel, abowa a connexion ar friendsbip between tbe Wyclifs aud tha Hugates; and that Jobn Hugate succeeded John de Wyc1if in the M8Itership coUaterally proY8I tbat John Wyclif of Baliol belonged to tbe familyon !ha Tees. From tbe Bokyngham Register, Memoranda folio 56, we Ieam tbat John de Wycleve, rector of Fylingham, obtained, April13th, 1368, a licence ofnonresidence for two yeara "insistendo literarum studio in Univenitate Oxon.;" snd from tba same Register, folio 419, it appeara that Nov. 12th folIowing he ncbanged F)'lingham for Ludgershall, OD the preaentation of " Frater Johannes

940

ADDENDA.

de PRvel,.. Prior Hospitalis Jobannis Jerusalem in Anglia." It appurs from the same Register that Wyclilfe was still rector of Ludgershall Nov. II th. 1371; and that William Neubald was rector 1\Iay 29th, 1376. See al80 p. 944, iofrS. In the Patent RolIs, 48 Ed. III. p. 1. m. 23, and the Privy Sew, 48 Ed. I I L, we find a grant of Royal Letterl presenting .. di1ectum clericum nostrum Johannem de Wyclif" to the rectory of Lutterworth, daled Sherie .. vii. die Aprilis, anno regni quadrsgesimo octavo," 1374. He went shortly after on an embauy to treat with the Pope's envoys at BrIlges, in Flanders (Rymer's Fredera, vii. 41): in the Exchequer account given in by Wyclilfe, he acknowledges baving reccived 601. lor his expenses July 31st, anno Regis 48: the charges were, al 20 per diem from Jul)' 27th, the day on which he set Ol1t from London, to Sept. 14th, the day on which he returned, 501.; the paaage both ways, 21. 2. 3d.; total 521. 21. 3d. He is called Prebendary of Aust, in the Collegiate Church of Westbur,., diocese of Worcester, about July 13th, 1375, and is staled to bave had royal elters I per breve de privato sigillo, ., ratifying his appointment, dated No". 6th, Pat. Rolls, 49 Ed. III. p. I. m. 8: there ia no notice of it, however, among Ihe Privy Seall, and anolher person was appoiJlte1l to the lame prebend Nov. 18th, Pat. Rolls, 49 Ed. III. p. 2. m. 11. Queen's College, Oxford, was at firsl a house in which three or four students in theology, with the name of "scholars," answering to the modern I fefiows," found a poor 8ubsiltence. There is no list extant of original entrances in 1340, but tbe Bursar's Compoti for 1347, 1350, and for most yean after that, are extant, wbolly or in part. Tbil series has been very carefully examined by an antiquary or the last cen tury, and recent1y within the last year: !rom these it appears that tbere were ulually four leta of rooms let in he College, evidently not always to members of the College. On these rolls we find mentioned not only John Wyclif, but allo John de Trevysa and Nicholu Herford, kno..n friends of the Reformer j and (what is very importarlt) William Middle..orth and William Selby, two of the three I conlortes" of John Wyclifin the alfair of Canterbury Hall. (See above, p. 930.) The following cxtracts from these .. Compoti,"never before made public, will be acceptable to the reader. 1363 (IC ab 8. die Oct. 1363 ad 19 Oct. 1364"). I Ilem duobus operariis circa cameram Wiclif per quatuor dies iii." 1365 (I a 21 Martii, 1365, usque ad 26 Sept. 1366"). I hem de duobus annis de camera Wyclive xl." 1369 Heading I Compotus Mag. Joh. Trevysa a 5 Maii ad 29 Sept. 1369." Middleworthy, Herforli, and Trevysa, are al! Fellows this year. 1369-72 (from Sepl. to Sept.). The same three are Fellows during these three yean. 1373-;4 (from Sept. to Sept.). The aame three are Fellows. Treviza'. cbamber repaired. His name ja spelt two ways 011 this roll. 1374-5 (from Sept. to Sept.). Heford (.ie) and Middelworth are now aeting as Bursars, with two othera. Middelworth and another go to London OD College busineu. I hem pro stramille ad co-operiendam Jatrinam Wyclyf ii.. hem mulieri trahl'nti idem iiijd. Item de xvd. solutis co-operienti latrinam Wydif. ILem de Id. obm. pro 1I0uschyn! ad eandem. Item pro latl'ribus et elavis ad idem opps "id. Item de xd. solucis uni tegulatori super latrinam Wyclif." Among the I Pensiones" we ha"e, .. Item pro camera Mag. Joh. Wiclif xx." 1378-9 (July to July). Middelworth is Fellow. 1380 (beginning Aug. 2). For chamber rent we find these entries : .., Pro pensione Sl'iby XX8. Pro pellsione Wielif XXI." 1381 (a festo S. Dionysii, 1381, ad F. Circumcisionis, 1382), payment to Willielmo Middelwrye as a Fellow. 1385. "Ilem pro expensia prrepositi et Medulworth London ante fl'slum Natalis Domini iiili. xix.. vid. ob." (N.B.-Middleworth is not a Fellaw this year.) "Item pro brevibus pro Trevisa et Trevet xxd." "Ilem pro brl'vibus
(1) NochYJ probably meanl a door-fastening: see Du Cange vv. NocMa and N ...C'a: and Schilters Olosa. Tcuton. in v. NIlO'ci, where it appeal8 that NrucAn (Teut.) meana ,Fjbul~ &

ciup Dr burlo!.

ADDENDA.

94:1

contra Trevisa xxd. iu Festo J oh. Bapt" Among tbe "Pensiones camerarum " we have " hem rec. de M. Willielmu Selby pro duobus annia ltD." "ltem de M. WilIielmo Medulworth xiii.. iiijd." 1386 (November). "hem tecturibua pro Camera Selbyet pro latrina ixd." Selby is again mentioned among the "pensiones camersrum." CI !tern rec. de M. Joh. Trevisa iiili. VZ. iiii marc. pro pensione camerre SUIE' de quatuor allnis pnecedentibus, et vi viijd. ad satisfaciendum pro brevibus contra ipsum impetratis." 1388. Selby a~ain pays cbamber rent. 1392-3. A man is sent to Lincolu" pro testamento Wi1lielmi Selby ex prrecepto prrepositi." Johannes Trevisa pays XXI. "per manus Cowby servientis SU," part of an oId debt; he was, therefore, no Ionger resident. 1394-5 C" a feato trausl. S. Tbomre episc. 1394," to the same in 1395). J obo Treviza pays "xx. de antiqull. obligatione suit" "Ilem de Mag. Will. Middelvord pro magnis cOllcordantiis1 iiili. xiii., iiiid," MiddeIword make. a donation "ad dor.arium 1 Aulre." 1395-6. John Trevisa pay. room-rent "pro anno regis xviiio." [1394-5.] 1398-9. Jobn Trevisa pays part ol' an old debt.

The above Extracts have been made from tbe Bursars' Roll., after a carefuI examination of tbem from 1347 to 1400, omittiog 1348, 1349; aod tbe &litor is much iodebted to the Rev. William Thomson, M.A., Fellow Tu tor and Bunar of Queeo'. College, for his kindne88 in copying and transmitting them. The John Wydif here mentiooed, closely coonected as he was with Trevi.a and Heord, SeIby and MiddIeworth, may fairly be presumed to have been both the Reformer and the Warden of Caoterbury Hall. It seems fair to conclude also, that he was the same with the John de Wyclif of Baliol, who probably, after vacating the Mastership in consequence of accepting the rectory of Fylingham, resided some time on his benefice, then retumed to Oxford about Chrislmas 1363, and resided at Queen's for two yesrs, nat as a Fellow, but as a Divinity Student, maintaining bimself on his rectory. This account wouId 8ynchronise with the above Extracts, and wilh the appointment to the Wardenehip of Canterbury Hall in Dec. 1365. It is worthy of remark, that tbe Master and. Scholara ol' BalioI bad given a melluage in Oxford toward Islep's infant foundation (lee Document VI. above), wbich would be au additional recommeodation of the Wyclif of Baliol to blep's favour.
In Merton College it appeara from tbe Compotus of Richard Bylliogham, who was Bursar from the Annunciation to the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula in 30 Ed. III., that one Wyklif was Seneschal or Steward for the week in which Ascen.ion day feli (i. t. June 2d, 1356, by Nicolas's Tables); which will account for the sum received by him from the Buraar for the Fellows' commons that week being above the average j "W)'klif iiijll. viii'. Vd. obm. - pro festo facto in die Ascensioois pro xviii. extraneis." He must have been a Fellow, and of same standiog. The Catalogues of Fellows of that date are oot authentic, and were probabIy made up in Elizabeth's reign from Buraara' Rolls and other .uch documents. In the oldest CataIogue John Wycif appesrs, and no other. On the same Roll witb Wyklif appears the name of Benger, of course another Fellow. Benger's name appears once more as a Seneschal of the week in 34 Ed. III., 1360-1. His Christian name is not stated: in fact, the weekly Senesehals seldom bave their Christian names attached. For this information the Editor is iodebted to the kindness of the Rev. Edmund Hobhouae, B. D., Fellow and Buraar of Merton. Richard Benger was one of Wycu'. I coosortes .. in tbe a1fllir of CalIterbury Hall, and acted as proctor for bis party at the Court of Rome. (See page 930.) A eorrespondent of the Gentleman's Maguine, I W. C,," in the )'ear 1842 (see Ibl' Geotleman's Magazine for August of that year) discovered the folIowing entries in the Archiepiscopal Registers at Lambeth, reIative to one John de Whytecyve:xij Kal. Augu.ti aono Domini supradicto [1361J dominus Simon Dei gratill. Cantuar' archiepiscopus apud Maghefeld contulit vicariam ecclesire parocbialis to lho College Library. (Adelung'. G1o ary,)
(1) Probably Ibe COfU:ordanli.. Mag... ot Hugo de 8. Caro I. meanl, u pre.enled by MiddJe....orth

Dor...";.", mean.

a curtain.

94~

ADDENDA.

de Magbefeld predicto, v_ntem per morem domini Radulphi &ker de Sevenoakea ultimi ricarii ejuldem et ad mam collaeioDem apectUllMn, dam. . JobanDi tk W11t~cl!Jfl' preabJ'tero, et ipmm vicarinm m.ntuit in eidem e.a onere relidendl in ei.: ad quod faciendum juramentum prE8itit ~ juxta formam cODatitutioDil Othonia et OttobOOi, &0. et atatim Ric:.da Wodeland nomlne decani de Soutbmallyng iDduxit eum in corporalem poe_ionem ejuadem vicarial, pneaentibuI in colIacione diaereu. rin. MagietIo Ricardo de Warmington auditore, JohanDe de Barton aecretario noero, prRaentibuaque in inductione eodem Magi&tro Ricardo auditore, et Magildria Roberto de Spaldyng et Michaele de HeyntoD preabyteria. (Ex Regiatro Ialep, folio 28711.) Quintodeeimo KaI. Januarii anno Domini lupradicto apud Aumberle ftDl!mbilia iu Chrllto pater dominua Willielmlll, Dei gratil Ciaeatrenlia ~ vice mandato et auctorltate nostria aib! per DOI In hlo parte commiaai8 de clata a\lud Lambeth xiiij die meDlla Decembril ann'o Domini predicto, domiDo SImoni Ru_lI preabytero vlcariam Eccleallll parochialia de Maghefeld, decanatlia de Soutbmallyng, nOltrorum patronatiU et juadictionia Immedi&be, per reaigJlationem domini Johmutu WlaiUelyw preabyterl, u1timi vicarii ibidem, (n caual\ permutationil de dictl vicarii cum eccleail parochiali de Horatedhrnea Clceatr. dioc. quam idem dominua Simon primltUa obtiDebat, e1 eenia ~ et legitimia per eundem veDerahilelll patrem audlu. examlnau. diacuaill et approbatia In manua ejuadem faotlll et per ipmm admi_) vaoantem, et ad coli... cionem domini plena jure apectantem, oontuIit, &c. (Ex Regiatro Sodbury, folio ]34 a.) [December ]8th, 1380.] John Whgtcliff', will appean in the Courtney Regiater, folio 207, lDlIde NO'f. 12th, and proved Nov. 21st, 1383: It deacrlbea blm not only Ba rector or Horatedkaynea, but a1so BIl prebeDdary of Chicheater. He directa hia body to be buried in tbe chapel of the Hoepital of SL Peter and Paul at Maidatone. 'l'be Regiaten of Chicheater Cathedral unfortunlltely do Dat cemmence ti1l1396, and tbe date of hia oollation to the prebend cannot be aacenained; bat William Reade, a former Fellow of Merlon .. well as archbiabop hlep, WIlI bishop of Chicheater rrom 1369 to 1385; and tbere caD be DO I'eIIllGDable doubt that thia waa tbe Wyklif of Merton, who enjoyed the patronage ol his rellcnreollegians. II W. C." goea a atep furtber, and contenda that it ,.... tbis iD41ividaal, aDd not the Reformer, whom Islep appolDted WardeD of his new foundation of Canterbury Hall, Oxford; aud there ia much to be said for thia opinlon. l Tbe 8tatutel of Canterbury Hall are but a parody oC tbOl8 of MertoD. The Warden ttl Merton (aee Document VI. above) preaented a meauage to Canterbury HalL The boob ol blep'a Dew Hall <eee before, p. 927, Dole (2 were to be leDt only tO Merton Scholara. Richard Benger, the proctor or tbe secuIan at the PapaI Court, aeema to bave been of Merton. It ia quite natural tbat arebbishop blep, having already noticed hia fellow-collegian, ahould, after four yem ezperience or hlm at Mayfield, aelect hlm for Warden of bis uew HaU. It la WO Datura! that bilhop Reade, who bad been ProVOlt of WellRham Col.. lege, ahould aympathiae witb hia fellow-eoUegiao, ejected from tbe Wardenlbip oC Caoterbury Hall, and make him a Prebendary. And it ia remarkabe that Delther tbe Reformer himself, nor his great adveraary WBIden, nor Walaingbam, nor Knyghton, (uli of iII.will and invective .. their writinga are againll tbe Reformer, once mentiona bis ejection from the Wardenlhlp. It la DOt eaay, however, to set &Bide the tradition that the Re(ormer w. tbe Warden ol blep'a Hall. William Wydforc, tbe friar, was employed by areb.. biahop Arundel formally torefute Wicklift'e'a doctrinn in 1396, only 12 yean afterhia dealh, ud be saya diatinctly l - " Et haec contra relig~ inaania generata eat ex corrupcione. Nam priuaquam per religiOlOl poaaea8ieaatoa et praelatoa expullUB fuarat de aula monachorum Cantuarilll, Diehil coatra t-tlionatoa attemptavit, quod e_t Blicujua ponderia; et priuaquam per religi080l mendicantee reprovatua fuit public~ de hereaibua de sacramento altaria, nictiI contra eoe attemptavit, aed pOlteriuS multipliciter eoe dift'amavit; ita quOd doctriOlll aUlll maIlIl et infestlll contra religiOlOl et poueeaioDatoa et mendicantetl generatlll fuerunt ex putrefactionibul et melancholiis.' ' (Sept""9if11a dllOQaur.u. ",. tk Sacramento Eucharutit:P, MS. Har!. 31, fol. 31.) We may add the (01lowing: "Wielif Ituduit in coUeglo Cantuar.: et indutus ru88eta veste longa uudis

ADDSKDA.

943

peliibu8 incedebat." (L Clwonico Ucerl' Gldoru, cited in Leland'a Collect. ii. 409.) Tbe monk ol St. Alban'a, wbom Fose cites, might haye deriyed bis iolormation from hia own Society, tbe abbot ol which was one oC the pelllOn. eppointed by the pope to eject WycliC and hie companionlo (See page 930.) Sume pOliti~e evidence on the other lide leem' wanting, to outweigli thia testimony. WydCord'l lltatement moreover il tbe more entitled to credit, as Selby was but recent1y dead, and Middleworth was .tUI lurviving, and a hOlt oC witneue. would have been able at ance to contradict the friar, bad he been miataken in connecting the Reformer witb Canterbury HaU. The ReCormer'1 hold defence oC the King Hr,... the Pope in 1367, while the cause was yet pending in the papai eonrt, in proportion as it leeml impolitic, would .erve tbe more to prove tbe deptb oC bia c:onvictionl and the Itraightforwardne.. oC hil character i and hia lub8equent .ilence on the lubJect of hia ejectment may hue prooeeded from hi. relpect for the papai inJunction of lilence. (See page 931.) And, artel' aIl, bia ejectment probabiy Itrengthened bil intereat at Court, and would, in tbat caae, be no matter of regret. The vicar of Mayfield was appointed to the vicarage expressly cllm tmere rerilkradi in e4; and we find no licence or non-reaidence, nor religoation and re-appointment to the vicarage, in tbe Regilter, tbough in folio 246 of tbe Courtney Regilter we find no less tban tbree appointmentB to the yicarage of Mayfield in about tWO month&. He il positlvely mentioned as John" Wbytec:lyve," vicar of Mayfield, in tbe wi1l of John Watford, rector of Snargate, Kent, proved 6 Id. (8) September, 1368 (Reg. Wytt1eaey, fol. 107).1 And it il very remaruble tbat tbe vicar ot Mayfield'l name in faul' different Regilten i. Ipelt with tbe fint syUable substantially tbe same, WAyk, Wlaik, and Wlayt, luggelting the idea of hil being a nath'e of one of tbose Whitc1ift'l, of whicb tbere are leveTaI in Yorltshire alone, 80 caUed from lome wbite rock in tbe loca1ity, such as the Scar ol Wbitcli1f, a mile from Ricbmond on tbe Swale. Whereas the Warden of Canterbury HaU ia alwaYI lpelt witb the fint lyUable Wy ar Wi. A portion oC tbe parilb of Sennoakes was caUed Wbytelyft', and belonged at that time to the See oC Canterbury. (See Hasted'. Kent.) Accordingly we find an appointment in the Wyttlelea ReRilter (Colio 666) to tbe .. Bal1iva de WhytclyW." It ia CuriOUl that Jobn de Wbytclyfl"a predeceasor in \he vicarage of Mayfield was RadulphUl Baker d. S,_mm: and he bimaelf' '\nay ban been e Dative of the Whytclyft' portionof the same parisb, and la have come under the nolice and patronage oC Ialep, who may ban sent him to Merton, and efter'wardl provided for bim.
On the wbole then, the view given aner tbe Queen'l College Extracta, while it il lupported by old tradition, leemI the more probabie. When we conlider tbe IroublelOme temper oC Wodehull, and the antipathy of the Reformer to the Regulara, and the credit wbich he had gained witb the Univerlity in bil public controversy with tbem in 1360, and bia peculiar qualificationl al a tbeologJan for carrying out blep'l intentionl in founding be new Hall, we mUlt al10w it to be a namraI thing for blep to confer the appointment on him, and for Wyc1iC to accept it. We may add, that the pecubar terma in wbich Islep delcribe. WycIu as "in artibus Magiitratom" (188 Document IX.) leem to imply, that he was appointed out of regard to tbe University Statntel, wbicb had been violated by Wodehu1l'l obtaining hia D.D. degree, without having graduated in ArtL Wben be came Corward in 1367 as" JlBrUcularia regil c1ericul," to defend tbe king againlt tbe pope'. c1aim of tribnte, he mentionl tbe danger to which he thereby expoaed himaelf "eb eccleaiasticia beneficiil priyari" (Lewia, p. 365) i which exactly auitB the man wbo was Rectol' of Fylingham and Warden oC Canterbury Hall, but wbOle right to the latter preferment was then under dilculsion in tbe pope'. court. Al bil lentimentB and character became developed. his biahop may bave troubled bim about hi. non.reaidence at Fylingham, which he was obliged at length to pay for in the Ibape of a licence, and arterward. by escbanging Fylingham for the le.. valuable living uf Ludgersball, lO al to get within an easy diatance of Oxford. There il a panage in one of hi, writings, which perhapl deacn'be. hia own case :-" Also
(I) Ilem lego domino lohannl Whyteclyve vlcarlo d_ Maghefeld ,. man:u ad celebrandum pro &nlma m_a. H_b aho appolnted """:locutor, and In !he probate CCHdminlllralor, ...ith Walter DauITY, rector qf Rether"ld, Ih. nul pariob to May1le1d.

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if such Curatea ben atirred to gone learn God'a Law, and teacb tbeir Paabena the Gospel, commonly they ahu11ell get no leave oC Bishopa but for Gold; and when they abulien most profit in their Learning, then abullen they be c1epid home at the Prelatea' will." (U Why poor Priests bave no Beneficea," Lewi., p.294.) Another correapondent of the Gentleman'a M.gazine (in tbe No. for August, 1844) produces evidence from the will oC William de Aakeby, arcbdeacon oC Nortbampton, dated London, Nov. lItb, proved 13 Kal. Jan. (20 Dec.) 1371 (Reg. Wyttleaey, C. 119 b), tbat there waa a third contemporary clergyman Jobn Wyclif; for the teatator leavea a bequeat oC II 100,. vel unam robam meliorem Magiatro Johanni de WycliC, rectori ecclesilll de Lekebamatede." Bucks, diocese of Lincoln, and appointa "Magistrum Jobannem de Wyclif, rectorem ecclesire de Ludgeraale," co-executor whh John de Swynested e, Mattbew de Menton, Robert, rector of Abyngton, and Hugo de Whiteacre; the rector oC Ludgersale ia al80 appointed in the probate co-adminiatrator with Hugo de Whiteacre.

ERD Ol' VOL. II.

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