RES ORIENTALES XVII GRECS AUX SASSANIDES: DONNEES POUR L’HISTOIRE ET LA GEOGRAPHIE HISTORIQUE DES INDO- — EXTRAIT — Publié par le Groupe pour I’Etude de la Civilisation du Moyen-Orient‘Comité Seientifique : . BERNARD, Institut de France. H. GAUBE, Universit, Tubingen. Pu, GIGNOUX, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Eudes, Pats G. GNOLI Istituto taliano per I'Afria e POriente, Rome. P.O. HARPER, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York M. TARDIEU, Coldge de Frane. Ealiteur des Res Orientales : GROUPE POUR L’ETUDE DE LA CIVILISATION DU MOYEN-ORIENT, ures sur-Y vette, France. President: ¥, MONSEF Directeur des Res Orientales : R. GYSELEN, Directeur de recherche au CN.RS., Pars Secrétaire de Ia rédaction des Res Orientales : C.JULLIEN, Chargée de recherche au C.N.RS., Paris Diffusion PETERS PRESS, Bondgenctenlaan 153, 8.3000 Leuven (Belgique). Copyright 2007, Groupe pour ude de la Civilisation du Moyen-Orient, 13 rue du Fond Garant, 91440 Bures-sur-Yvett, France,MIcHacL ALRAM, Maryse BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS OKTOR SKJAERVO* KHIM Vienna, CNRS-IRAMAT, Harvard University - Cambridge SHAPUR, KING OF KINGS OF IRANIANS RESUME SHAPUR, ROI DES ROIS DES IRANIENS ET NON-IRANIENS Le signe de Shapur Ter (240-272) quia perduré plus de 30 ans représente la période la mieux documentée de Mhistoire sustanide ; la raison principale en est existence d'une Insription de Shapur ler dans laquelle il relate ses actions. Dans ces "Res Gestae Divi Saporis™ sur la Katha de Zaréusht 2 [Nagsh-i Rustam le theme central est les expéditions militares Vievorieuses contre les empereurs romins Gordien TI, Philippe Arabe et Valérien. Ces victoites ont été immortx lisées sur pas moins de cing relies rapestes Ces cing reliefs n'ont probablement été exécutés qu’aprés 260, dae dela capture de Valétien et resttvent la narration des faits par Shapur sur la Ka'ba de Zorouste. Le langage iconographique que Shapur utilise dans ces reliefs upestes ne trouve cependant aucun écho dans son monnayage qui suit le ‘modele traitionnel La découverte sensationnelle d'une monnaie d'or rompt ‘maintenant ce sehématrationnel: 3 Vavers est eprésenté Te buste de Shapur Ier de profil 8 droite qui porte sa couromne crénelée caractérstigue sortie des proige-orilles. Cette représentation suit dans tous ses déuils le type d'avers da ‘monnayage de Shapur Ter & exception dela mani dont est, tealtée la coffure & “chignons”, dant en on aperoit qu’ seul, tandis que sur cette monnaie d'or les deux chignons sont représentés, tout comme cela est le cat sur la sculpture en ronde boss. La légende compore la titulature que Shapur ler uiilse dans ses insriptions et qui spécifie qu'il est "roi des rois des Iraniens et non-Traniens", tandis que les monnaies| mentionnent seulement “roi des eos des Taniens” image du revers est tout 3 fait unique dans Nensemble du smonnayage : Shapur es représenté cheval. Devant lui se tient tun personnage masculin qui le egarde et qu’on peut idemtifier ‘apres son vBtement et sa couroane de lauree un empereur omain, La conception iconographigue de ce motif est cmpruntée 8 a seulpture of un personnage s'agenouille devant Je roi les bras tendus ; Robert Gob! I's identfié de manitre convaincante — mais pas unanimement accoptée — avec Philippe I'Arabe. La légende au revers ("C'éait du temps of AND NON-IRANIANS ‘Pempereur Philippe t les Romains étaient soumis au tribut et estad hénd “This (was at) that (time) when the Ceasar Philip and the Romans stood in tribute and subjection to him’. Compare the following passages from contemporary inscriptions: 6 Gysoten's (2005, p. 54) arguments ae convineing on this point; the ebverse dc, from whieh the two knoven Maw dinars erive, belongs to her stylistic group P (Phase I, Atelier. On the possible, much-debated, meanings of this formula, see Appendix SKZ.§5 Parthian W ZNE ‘wnt hitr W hstrdry W poykwspn hrw EN pty b's W OBDKpy HOAYMW: HWYN ud im awend Sahr ud SahrBar ud padgdshan hharw aniih pad bat ud bandagif tad ahiénd “and all these realms and (their) rulers and provincial governors stood® in tribute and subjection to Us’ SKZ §§7-8 Parthian W promyn plypws kysr OBDt W plypws kysr LN OL nymstyk ATYt W gy’n DME dynr IIIII- CALPYN OLYN YNTN« pry b's HOAYMWt ud fromayin® filipds késar kerd ud filipos kasar 6 *nemavté dyad ud gyin gusn dénar 500,000 & amih dad pad bai istad “And the Romans made Philip Caesar. And Philip the Caesar came to pay homage to Us. And he gave Us 500,000 dinars in blood Money (and) stood in tribute’. Abnun 12-14 [HI(D) [Shipwhry ZY M[LKA]n MLKA efyl- ? J [AP] hiwm'dyn MHYTN APin_ SLY«r OBYDWN _ [AYK](s?) PWN OB[D]Kyhy YKOYMWNd agar Sabukr 1 Sahan Sah *éer [hawdd ud] hromayin zanéd wién wattar kunad (Ki]-< pad bandagih esténd (estdind) “If Sabuhr, King of Kings, [is victorious and) smashes the Romans and overcomes them [so that] they stand in subjection to him .., Narseh at Paikuli §31 14/12 Middle Persian: [...J OBDKyhy ZY nrshy [.. YHSN]nd bandagih i narseh [... dar]and fon appears to be intransitive “stand in subjection to" rather than transitive “place in subjection’. The Groek has §5 transitive ECTHCAMEN and §8 intransitive BCTH ‘stood’. In $35 we have the transitive forms Parthian HQAYMWI = Middle Persian HNHTWN ~ Greek wansitive KATECTHCAMEN. ‘The Manichean Parthian forms. are intransitive iitad and awiétad,wansitive awestad. ‘The reading is supported by the Middle Persian form Inlwen'dyn hromayin inthe Aboun inscriptionu MICHAEL ALRAM, MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS OKTOR SKJERVO Parthian: OBDK/py] ME nryshw ML[KYN] MLKA HHSNWnt bandagif € *narésaf Sahn Sah darand “(and if?) they hold subjection to Narseh, King of Kings...” Narseh at Paikuli $95 46143 Midate Persian: W ‘krindy OL OBDKYHLy ..] ud *éikdmand 6 bandagih [..] Parthian: [..] OL OBDkply] W spsy ME LIN] ATYEnt [..] 6 bandagif ud spas € ama asénd ‘and those who were willing(?) came to subjection and service to Us’. ‘And from Book Pahlavi we may compare: snamag chap. 8.15 abarig 2énhar xwast_ud 6 bandagih ud Jframan-burdarih mad hénd “the others asked for protection and came to subjection and obedience’. on ‘The variation between the expressions and the fact that the formula is not restricted to the discourse surrounding Shapur’s victories, but recurs in the inscription of Natseh at Paikuli and, in the later Pahlavi and even post-Sasanian literature, indicates that we are dealing with a topos of the oral tradition of royal narratives recounting confrontations between the Persian kings and their foreign enemies. Among orthographic pecularities, we note that the scribe of this inscription, like the scribes of the ‘Abnun inscription and the Pahlavi Psalter, uses the arameogram AP instead of W. The arameogram YKAYMWN has -A- (aleph) like Parthian HQAYMW, instead of YKOYMWN. with -O- ayn), and could in principle be an older spelling, though it could also be mistake. We must keep in mind that the Sasanian scribes must have had mnemonic rules for writing the arameograms, as they probably did not refer to writen lists (although they may have). Thus, in the 18th century, Anquetil Duperron recorded the pronunciation jeknemoun- for YKOYMWN (spelled YKNYMWN since 0 = W = © Seo Humbach/Skjarve 1983, 1IL2, pp. 82, 131; Skiers 1998, p. 991.3. 1N), We should also keep in mind that there are archaic forms in Shapur’s inscriptions not used in ‘Ardashit’s inscriptions or in the later ones, e.g., (plural direct) yzty yazd and (plural oblique) yztn yazddn or (archaizing) yazaddn (SKZ §32 and elsewhere: cf. Avestan yazata-), Ardashir, Kerdir, etc. yzdty yazd and yzdn yazdan (also Shapur at Bishapur). ‘The spelling kycry kézar(?), instead of kysly/kysry found in other inscriptions, agrees with Arabic gyst, but I do not know how old the convention of spelling this word with - ~ is. ‘The spelling of Philippus as prypws (ef. SKZ §8 plypws kyst, Middle Persian missing) may conform to the tendency seen in the Middle Persian inscriptions to replace -I- in foreign words with -r-, notably in the arameograms (e.g, ORHYA. for ALHYA = bay ‘divinity’, ef. Parthian ALHA), The substitution of -r- for -I- in foreign names, however, is typical only of the Parthian version of SKZ (e.g., §14 nykprwsy = Greek Neikopolis, §15 dwwthw = Greek Dolikhén), but not of the Middle Persian version. As is common in inscriptions on seals and coins, this inscription contains at least one mistake.** OBDk =YKAYMWN for OBDK YKAYMWN js, I think, a clear case of omission (haplography), occurring when the engraver, apparently, mistook the first -y- of -yhy for the initial Y- of YKAYMWN. A possible omission of an entire word is seen in the expression ZNE ZK AMT, which looks like an abbreviation of (or error for) ZNE ZK ODNA AMT, There is a “reverse” example of 5 for expected cin the inscription of Shapurat Bishapur, whece we read at ho end AP. YHBWN *ps'y ZY dpywe ZHByn W symyn OBDk W kaysky bay WORKA wes dad ‘psy Fdibir banca ud Karis bay ud sovdstag ‘and he gave Aps'y the scribe a male and female servant, a garden and (other) property”. Here, the common Janizag seems to appear as Kanisk with diferent, syncopated, treatment ofthe ol. aka-suffix The assimilation is asin fas-tar ftom jr: in Kerdr's inscription on the Ka'be-ye Zandosht ©) The editor of St. Ephrem's works (P. Benedicts, 1737- 43) has the form gsr once, whichis cited in the dictionaries, but this appears to be a mirage (1am gratefl to my colleague I, F, Coakley for looking into this matter for me). For comparison, we may note that the inscription on the great seul of Perdz contains two serious omissions, in “yen and in yadkert>y, se Skjerv@ 2003, p. 282,compare OLE ODNA ‘at the time’ and PWN ZK ODNA ‘at that time’ in Kerdir’s_ inscriptions. ODNA zaman may not be indispensable, however, as AMT ka is explicitly temporal. All in all, we know too little about scribal conventions and scribal schools and offices (and even the Middle Persian language) in the pre- Sasanian and early Sasanian periods to evaluate the deeper significance of AP, kycly, and YKAYMWN. In the absence of conclusive evidence that these spellings could not be genuine, there is nothing about the formal aspect of the inscriptions that ‘would indicate they are forgeries. On the contrary, their paleography is precisely that seen on Shapur’s coins. We have also seen that the form of the inscription, while containing the seme narrative as ‘other inscriptions, is not identical with them, which is typical of the oral transmission of legendary and historical narratives. I would like to add here a remarkable echo of the SKZ narrative in an unexpected place in a Manichean text. In a fragment of a Manichean version of Jesus’ encounter with King Herod, we read as follows: MI32a/V) 9-11 bid hré ydwar fromay dyad ud hré ydwar kaft ahend nigdsar *Again,” three times the Romans came and. three times they fell down’. ‘The passage corresponds to Luke 23:22 ‘And he said unto them the third time ..” and to John 18-19, where Pilate is said to have gone “into the judgment hall’ three times (18:28 [not explicit], 33 ‘again’, 19:9 ‘again’), but, as noted by H. H. Schaeder,” none of the known versions of the Gospels has any similar elaboration, The Manichean text is only a loose paraphrase of the Greek, but it is close to the following passage from Shapur’s inscription: © See also Boyce 1975, p. 130 text bye 4 Cf, $KZ.§9 ud Aésar bid drust Garmin winds herd ud am abar frémayin Sah wihist alm “and, again, the Caesar lied and did harm to Armenia, and We fet out upon the realm of the Romans’ % See Boyce 1975, p. 130. SKZ§18 hridig ydwar kad ama abar hardin ud urha wikist ahem ... walarniyts késar abar amd dyad “The third time, when We had set out for Harran and Usha, the Caesar Valerian came against Us". ‘Thus, the royal narrative, which was known to have remained relatively constant from the ‘Achaemenids to the Sasanians, spread farther then the official records. Not only did it influence the form Aesop’s fables took in Iranian-speaking lands,” it was also used in the Manichean retelling of the confrontation between the assumed new King of the Jews and the Roman governor. Comparison between these texts also shows that the Shapur coin legend is identical with none of the others. A forgerer would have had to picce it together from the parallel texts in the other inscriptions and do it so that the grammar would be entirely correct 3rd-century Middle Persian, Only the phrase PWN b'ey W OBDk(yhy) YKAYMWN HWEd has an exact equivalent, but in the now missing(!) Middle Persian version of SKZ's pty bz W OBDKpy HOAYMWt HWYN. Not one of the versions that contain hrwm'y has the past tense. And so on. That anybody but ourselves or one of our colleagues should be able to do this is highly unlikely. CHroNotocy The obverse of the coin bears Shapur’s familiar title of, but with the extended ‘King of Kings of the Iranians and non-Iranians’ instead of “King of Kings of Iranians’, which is the only form found on the early Sasanian coins before Ohrmazd I (see above). ‘The longer title is standard, however, in Shapur's rock inscriptions—on the Ka'be-ye Zardosht, at Naqsh-e Rajab, Hajjiabad and Tang-e Boraq, and in the dedicatory inscription at Bishapur.” The Bishapur inscription is dated in the year 54 of the Fire of Ardashir and in the year 40 of the Fire of Shapur, king of fires. These dates have been 7 See Skjeryp 1998. CF. Back 1978, pp. 279426 MICHAEL ALRAM, MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS OKTOR SKIARVO interpreted as equivalent to 262/263 CE,” that is, about ten years before the king’s death,’* It cannot be ascertained when Shapur actually assumed the ttle ‘King of Kings of the Iranians and non-Iranians’, In the inscription of Abnun, which is dated in Shapur’s third year, Shapur is. still addressed only as ‘King of Kings’, and Marion Meyer and Philip Huyse have argued convincingly that Shapar assumed the longer title after the capture of Valerian in 260.” This date then also provides the terminus post quem for most of Shapur’s reliefs portraying the capture of the Roman emperor, as well as for the composition of the Res Gesiae, in which this event is recorded. METROLOGY AND ELEMENTAL ANALYSIS ‘The metrology shows that, with a weight of 1485 and a diameter of 28mm, this piece corresponds to a Sasanian double dinar and thus fits perfectly into the Sasanian monetary system. Double dinars are, however, extremely rare in Sasanian coinage; to date only two examples are known to exist: one issued by Shapur’s father, Ardashir I, in the British Museum ** (fig. 28) and one by Ohrmazd TI (303-309) in the Hermitage Museum,” but, the typology of both coins follows the usual scheme. ‘The metal was analyzed at the IRAMAT Centre Emest-Babelon laboratory of the CNRS in Orléans by Maryse Blet-Lemarquand by means of Laser Ablation Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS) In addition, twelve ‘Sasanian gold dinars from the collection of the Bibliotheque nationale de France were analyzed for 7 Here I follow the calculations made by Altheim-Stichl 1978; cf also my remarks on this in SNS I, pp. 135-138, 75 according io Gobl (seen, 30), Shapur's Res Gesiae were ‘ot composed until the reign of his son, Ohemazd I, but this theory is contadicted by the above dating, 8 Meyer (1990, .286) pointed out. Further arguments have been put forward by Huyse (1998, p12 and 1999, pp. LOT). 8 Skjeev9 1992, » Meyer 1990, p. 286: Huyse 1998, locsit. SNS I, p. 306, Ald (14.342) 28 Godl 1971, PLS, 86, "For further details about the analytical method see Gratuze 2004, ‘comparison, including two dinars of Shapur 1 (figs. 10, 11), and an XRF (X-Ray Fluorescence) analysis was performed in the Rathgen-Forschungslabor det Staatlichen Museen 71 Berlin on two other gold dinars of Shapur from the Berlin collection (fig. 9). ‘The proportions of gold in the Shapur coins prove to be very close, fluctuating between 95.9 and 97.9 per cent, excepting the SNS 35 dinar (fig. 9) that presents a lesser fineness of about 86 per cent (table 1), The proportion of silver ranges from 1.6 to 3.5 per cent, while the copper content is between 0.3 and 0.7 per cent. The pattern of trace elements is also virtually identical. Thus, the metal analysis also supports the authenticity of our double dinar: In addition to the Sasanian gold coins, six Roman aurei of Emperors Philip the Arab and Valerian were subjected to a corresponding analysis (table 2) A distinction has to be made between the gold aurei of Philip the Arab and his wife, Otacilia Severa, and. those of Valerian. Comparing the three coins of Philip, his wife Otacilia, and son Philip II, with the Sasanian double dinar, we found that the former is finer, containing more than 99.2 per cent of gold, but this fact is not sufficient to conclude that such Roman coins were not the source of gold for our Sasanian double dinar. The Sasanids might have debased their gold by adding small quantities of silver and copper, but then one would expect @ greater measure of lead (Pb) as.an impurity in the silver metal in the Sasanian double dinar than in the coins of Philip. This is not the case for the coins of Philip I and Otacilia, however, so this hypothesis cannot be validated, and the coin of Philip IL contains much less platinum (Pt) and palladium (Pd) (7.3 and 0.4 ppm, respectively) than our Sasanian double dinar (81 and 55 ppm, respectively). This, discrepancy proves that the gold of the double dinar hhas a different provenance. The above data makes it unlikely that the Roman gold of Philip the Arab was, ‘melted down to strike Shapur’s double dinar. 81 The authors would like to thank Michel Amandry and Francois Thierry from the Cabinet des Médailles of the Bibliothdque nationale de France for allawing thers to analyze the coins, and to Dr. Stefan Simon (Berlin) who gave the permission ta include the results of his analyses.Ring] SHO OGG] Wag] Aaa [Aa PARTE] RPE] A] SS vntae [te | “Mobos | 00 | 05 [60] pm| ere | ore | on | oom Spat | Sowa | asa 7s | HAF [os] aa for Stet | Spkea | seas [749 | xaF [sa] nal io Shap | “Soler | snsi26 | 722 [laxceas|7s|2u fos] 7 | | | ea | syker | susias | 753 [uatcews 972/23 foal 2 [as | [oo | was |tatcrs|o9| 6 [as] 36 | = | [ae | aa aces [ors @ | [efor [8 a 7.25 | LAsICP-MS [95,3 79 | 26 | o | 24 | 41 Shap avee | 69s [Lasceas Joilsalos} as | |e [a7 | Shapue SNS 103 724 |tasce-ms |97.1/26[03| 21 | 36 | 39 | o4 | 6 Spar sasasi_[ og [uasceats [957] 39 [03] ot | 31 | a | as | 96 ‘Shapur 1 SNS 255, 428 [Lasce-Ms |968| 26/06] 17 | 4 | 110 | o4 | 10 Shaper saszis_| 19 [Laces [t6q) 12609] 45 | 38 | ue | 19 | Spar exs3i0 | 7a mars fos] @ [a7 [ae [ur | 7 thet] kash | 810 | 8 wits [so] @ | = post [20 | as Stop | sina [snS@ | 728 ea)ros[os[ se | [se [as [or Table 1. Compos ions obtained forthe Sasanian gold coins. The data forthe double di 2 sin bold. The XRF analysis was casi out in Berlin (Rathgen-Forschungslabor der Staalichen Museen zu Berlin), and the LA-ICP-MS analysis was performed in Orléans (CNRS, IRAMAT, Contre Erest-Babelon). “ppm” ia unit of concentration used for trace elements 1 1000 ppm. Epa] Mint] Rates GRA ° © | opm | erm | erm | oom | opm Thiipt | Rave | Fore | oar om fin [ os fs |e | Onc | kine | Foi | 93 oo [ae | | a | a | ea thio | Rime | Fowan | m2 «| 0 [3 [04 | 3a Valerian | Samosata | R 2479-FG 1342a | 93.4 021 4a 54 vs | os | ou Valen | Rome | FOns8 | 981 | 16 | 030 | a | a | a6 | 1a) Valen | Rome | Fors | a7 | 4 | 49 | se | | 3 | ts | 2 Table 2. Compositions obtained for Roman aure of Emperors Philip and Valerian. The analysis was caried out using LALICP-MS. Other analytical data was published in Calla 1985, p. 83, In contrast with the aurei of Philip the Arab, the aurei of Valerian are typically less fine than Shapur’s double dinar. While this is the rule, yet there do exist some aurei of Valerian with a composition that cannot be distinguished from that of Shapur’s double dinar (see table 2, coin FG 1338 minted in Rome). On the evidence of these ‘examples, therefore, it is not impossible that aurei of Valerian were melted down to manufacture Shapur’s double dinar. ‘The composition of the metal must also have been of interest to the owners of our double dinar, since on the obverse at ca, 2 o'clock, there is a recent drill hole in the dotted circle. At this point there are also discemible traces of strikes and pressure which have deformed the metal. At 12 ‘o'clock, a section of the edige has been filled with a ‘01d alloy with @ high percentage of silver. Possibly an antique handle or ring was soldered on here at ‘one time, which was incompetently removed and repaired by a later owner, and it is therefore not unlikely that the coin, as still commonly, was once ‘worn as an item of jewellery.Ey MICHAEL ALRAM, MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS OKTOR SKJERVO Conctusion Our three-fold investigation has thus led us to conclude that this coin is likely to be genuine rather than a forgery. Nothing in the language or paleography of the legends or the literary form suggests that they are forgeries. On the contrary, both ductus and grammar are what We would expect, and the formula is likely to be a topos of the Sasanian oral royal narrative used in other Sasanian inscriptions, as well, but not identical with them. The legend on the reverse, like the image, is otherwise not found on Sasanian coins, but is of the same type as the statements in Shapur’s and ‘Abnun’s inscriptions, both of which celebrate Shapur’s victories. Like the Abnun inscription and the Paris cameo (fig. 29), where Valerian, also untypically, is portrayed on horseback, our coin shows that there were many ways of celebrating these victories. ‘As for the date of the coin, the inclusion of the name in the legend identifies the Roman hurrying before the king explicitly as Philip the Arab, who must therefore also be the emperor in the rock reliefs. The coin must therefore have been struck after peace was concluded between Shapur and Philip in 244. If Marion Meyer's convincing hypothesis that all of Shapur’s reliefs were created after 260 and that four of the five ‘emperor reliefs’—including that at Darab, which is closely related to the image on the coin—derive from a common prototype,* then our coin should also be placed in this context. It is hard to imagine that the design for the image on the coin antedates that of the rock relie. We see from his pictorial legacy that Shapur strove to record his bravery and glorious deeds for cterity for it to serve as an example to be followed by his descendants and acknowledged by his subjects. Both the pictorial program of the five ‘imperial reliefs’ and small art objects on which the mages are limited to individual events—such as the Paris cameo with the capture of Valerian ® or the new double dinar commemorating Philip's suing for peace, his *nemas-té—are part of this endeavor, as "2 Bishapur I, Bishapur I, Nagsh-e Rostam 6 and Darab By ef. Meyer 1990, pp. 297-289, CL my bret description in Seipel 1996, p. 399, 78 expressed in the conclusion to the account of his defeat of the Romans in his Res Gestae: SKZ $31 ‘And We sought many other realms as well and ‘made much name and reputation for courage for Ourselves which are not written here. But We ordered these many to be written so that whoever comes after us may know this Our name, courage, and lordship! ApPENDIX 1. THE “FRAWAHR™ SYMBOL The symbol mentioned in footnote 31 was discussed most recently by Gyselen, who pointed ‘out thet itis commonly understood to represent the frawahr or fravashi. This interpretation appears to 0 back to A. I, Silvestre de Sacy, who suggested that the Achaemenid symbol of the winged disk with the male figure in the center represented the férouker (frawahr), though not the frawahr of specific individuals, but “a symbolic representation of the frawahr in general.” He went on to suggest that the simplified symbol without the male figure, seen both on monuments and “on several medallions,” had the same significance." This interpretation of the Achaemenid symbol was apparently common among Parsis by the early 20th century, but it is probably a modem usage." ‘The Parsi intepretation appears not to be mentioned by the early travelers nor, for instance, in T. Hyde's Historia religionis veterum Persarum eorumque Magorun (Oxford, 1700), A. H. Anguetil Duperron’s Zend-Avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre (Paris, 1771), Silvestre de Sacy (Paris, 1793), J. Wilson's The Parst Religion (Bombay, 1843), M. Haug’s Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of Parsees (Bombay, 1862), or J Darmesteter’s Le Zend-Avesta (Paris, 1892-93). 8+ Jonnifer Rose and Danisl Sheffield provided several asic references for me. SSSNS 1 pp. 256. A. Silvestre de Sacy, Mémoires sur diverses antiguités dde la Perse, et sur les médailles des rois de la dynastic des Sassanides, Paris, 1793, see pp. 268-269 (coliss) and 270 (coins). On the later history, see Shahbaz 1974, "Thus Shabbari 1974, p. 137, wth further references.‘The earliest mention I have found after a quick search is by J. H. Moulton (1913), who says the Parsis claimed that the figures of Ahura Mazda at Bisotun and elsewhere just represent the fravashi, but in his glossary he has “Fravaéi .. sculptured at Behistan ?”. M. Boyce states that it was Moulton ‘who rejected the interpretation of the Achaemenid symbol as representing Ahura Mazda and “identified it as the king’s fravaii,” adding “and it is still generally regarded as a fravaii symbol by Zoroastrians.” ® J. J. Modi compared the fravashis to the Roman genii and also referred to the ‘Achaemenid symbol." More commonly, Western scholars have interpreted the fravashi as a guardian spirit, even guardian angel, a notion that was also taken over by the Zoroastrians. It is found, for instance, already in D. F, Karaka’s history of the Parsis, where he refers to the fravashi as “the presiding angel” watching over the living and the dead.”' “Guardian spirits or angels” are common today on Zoroastrian web-sites. It is clear, however, that these interpretations of the Achaemenid (and so also Sasanian) symbol are contradicted by the fact that the Avestan (and Pahlavi) fravashis are female warriors on horse, in armor and with up-raised banners. They also come down to carth only once a year, which is not particularly useful for a guardian angel, see Yast 13,29-36 and 49, eg, in Malandra’s (1983) or Kellens’ (1975) translation One could conceivably argue that the symbol represents the king’s fravashi come down at New Year to participate in the celebrations at Persepolis, but such an assumption ‘would probably founder on the omnipresence of the symbol. The Avestan word fravafi is female gender and was therefore, no doubt, thought of as a female being (like the goddess A¥i). Boyce states that, although the word is female gender, “there is no indication that the spirits themselves were conceived # Moulton 1913, pp. 68,456. Boyce 1982, p. 103, 200, p. 198. % Modi 1922, p. 395, 1937, p. 419. Lam grateful to Jennifer Rose fr this reference ° Shahbazi 1974, p. 138, convincingly pointed out that, the intention had been to ‘depict the King’s. feavashi wari, they had the model of the coresponding Assyrian figure, whichis often depicted “as a warrior equipped with a bow and arows.” > Thus Shab, ibid as Valkyrie-like beings’, but in the only known artistic representation on a wall painting at Panjikent, we sce a troop of female warriors, each holding a banner and 2 mace in their hands. APPENDIX. 2, ‘SHOULDER BELT"? PARTHIAN-ARMENIAN APIZAK ‘The history of the Armenians and Persians attributed to Faustus of Byzantium, contains a passage in which a royal dress is presented as a gift to the general Manuel and described in some detail. ‘The gift contained ‘a diadem of gold and silver for the head with the knot over the crest of the diadem behind the eagle tied in an axarawand knot, and an apizak chest omament [patiw], as is the rule for king’.% Various interpretations have been suggested for the Parthian word spelled apizak in Armenian, among them as a term for the ‘shoulder belt’ (see above), but other items of dress as well” If the Parthian original was *ap@zak, then the etymological possibilities are few. The word must be from older *upa-iza-ka- and presumably be related to Avestan izagna- (< ‘izd-)° which the Pahlavi tradition understood as pasten ‘of leather’. One of the functions of the shoulder and chest belts was clearly to serve as quiver belt, as can be seen from representations on silver, where the king ‘wearing his shoulder and chest belts is shooting with bow and arrow." This brings to mind the Avestan word for quiver belt, which apparently was zaému, listed in the Videvdad among the tools of the Boyce 2000, p. 198, * Zeimal’ 1985, no. 566 (color photo}; Marshak 1990, p. 297 fig. 9 (drawing); 2002, p. 118 (refs. kindly provided by Franz Gronet), Unvala’s feference to ¥t13.70. quoted by Shabbazi 1974, p. 138, is misleading: the phrase mdnation ahe yada nd moray huparans “ust like a bied with good feathers’ fefers (0 their movements, nt thor form, a8 yada na isnot like 1 man’, but appears to be an extension ofthe simple yaa (also in YUI3ID, 5€ Garsoian 1989, pp. 221-222, © Garsoian 1989, p, 507; von Gall 1990, p. 21, n. 65 with farther Tieratre, ST have not seen any proposals, and Garsofan does not mention any. 5 In the Videvdad (7.14, 8.23) in descriptions of garments, Where it is contrasied with ‘woven’ "00 Harper 1981, passim«0 MICHAEL ALRAM, MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS ORTOR SKJERVO warriors, and which Bartholomae assigned to the root zai-, from which zaéna- ‘weapon’ is also derived."®' The manuscript readings vary, however; the two oldest Pahlavi Videvdad manuscripts L4 and KI (known only from its descendent MI3) have zainis; the Persian Videvdad Sade manuscripts Mf2 and Jpl have zaénad¥ and the vulgate Indian Videvdad Sade manuscripts have zaéndus (the Pahlavi Videvdad manuscript E10 recently made know by Alberto Cantera has zndui). Since this word is a hapax, the original form cannot be ascertained and the divergent manuscript readings can be variously evaluated. A compound containing the same word is found in Yast 13.67, where a charioteer is described as ydstézaénui ‘girded with a zaéna’, Here again, the manuscript readings differ between forms in -i and -u: Fl Yastézaénis, 110 yaito,jainis, Khorde Avesta mss. Yastd.zaénui.# Since this is in a metrical passage, the dissyllabi 2aénifu- speaks against (but does not preclude) the possibility of emending to *izaénifu-, as one might otherwise be tempted to do. In any case, we seem to be dealing with two terms for these belts —*zaini/u- and *upa-tzaka—one perhaps denoting the chest belt, the other the shoulder belts. If the “apézak was not the belt, but the buckle or brooch, as suggested by the Armenian text, it could be ‘the thing (attached) to the belt”. APPENDIX 3. MAZDESN BAY... KE CIHR AZ YAZDAN Virtually every word of this formula has been debated over the last century and a half and stills, It "01 V.149 psd zaéndué may hana may Orisas aiid. amnais “filth, the quiver (chestshouldes) belt witha quiver with thirty arrows with meal tips. C-Pahlavikan-igr"quver’ NOThe agreement between the Pahlavi Videvdad ‘manuscripts, whose original can be dated to ca. 1200, and the YYait manuscripts FI and J10, is remarkable and is a strong support for an original 2aini8 or 2aenif. The corruption may have stared with zaénismiscopied as zaémut (evnute difference), which Was further changed to zaénacé and zaénaué (cf, bdzut ‘arm’, but darayé bdzdus “having Tong sims’). Wis dificult o imagine a rationale for the apposite development. This survey was undertaken at the suggestion of Michael Alram, who drew my attention to Panaino's (2004) study. ‘may therefore be useful to review the evidence for the meaning of the words and the formula. mazdésn Although the spelling mzdysn in the Sasanian inscriptions points clearly to the pronunciation ‘mazdésn, attempts have been made to justify the reading mazdésn. The two forms correspond to Avestan mazdaiiasna and mézdaiiasni, respectively. The term mazdaiiasna is a noun and refers to someone who offers sacrifices (jasna) to Ahura Mazda and so, to some extent, corresponds to the moder term Zoroastrian, for which the modem terms Mazdayasnian or Mazdean are therefore also used. The term mdzdaiiasni is an adjective derived from mazdaiiasna ‘pertaining to, characteristic of mazdaiiasnas’ ‘and, in the Avesta, exclusively characterizes dagnd and vis ‘town’."® The daénd ‘mazdaiiasni is a complex concept; the daénd, on one level, represents (or is) the totality of a person's thoughts, words, and deeds; it meets the soul of the dead in the beyond and in appearance matches the person’s thoughts, ete."* It is therefore, loosely, “the 10 Panaino’s survey of the manuscript variants with and mizd- shows unimbiguously that this is the exclusive use fof mazdaitasni-, while forms with short mazd- ae inferior ‘manuscript readings, also when they are found in old manuscripts, such as the Videvdad manuscripts KU and LA (Panaino 1993, pp. 152-167). Vaan’s (2003. p. 92) statement that Young Avestan mdzdaitasn-is found subsantvized a8 a follower “of the Mazdayssnean religion’ passim in the Videvdad i misleading, as it applies only to the recurring phrase ahi mane yar mdzdaliasnais “in this Mazdayssnian house’ (not “in this House, that of a Mazdayasnian'), but this i tn ungrammatical constuction, possibly based oa a ‘comesponding one with vie, sis par maadayasncw (genitive), ct. Y.68.14 vispaila vise mdsdaiasne (locative) “in every Mardayasnian town’ N5Barholomae’s mdsdatiasna- in Yasna 122 ‘mdzdaliasmangm visgm is. clealy simply an error for Imdzdaiiasningm visam, with -angm for “ingm, a relatively common error in istems, the aleographic diferece being mninute; eg, V.716 xtaOringns: Sanam PO, KL. ME Tpl ihe ‘best manuscripts): °ingm L2, Brl,Lt (the ulgate). Thusit is not likely to be for mazdatiasni- iatleneed by ma:daiiaena: (Panaino 1993, p. 159). "06 Tn Western scholatly literature, iti often rendered as ‘religion’, but religion in the sense of one of several (organized) religions is a concept dating from Christian tines Only in the Sasanian period does dén therefore come close 1 ‘religion’ as used in Christian (and Manichean) discourse, hough, if one were to ask a Zoroastrian and a Catholic of the G6th-Tdh centuries o explain what they understood by dén anddaénd that is characteristic of a mazdatiasna’. A vis ‘town’ characterized as mdzdaiiasni is a town inhabited by mazdatiasnas.!" The term mdzdaiiasni never characterizes individuals in the Avesta. There is therefore a priori no reason why a king, let alone a god, should be referred to by the derived adjective, rather then simply be characterized as a mazdésn < ‘macdaiiasna, a good Zoroastrian, as it were. ‘The main support for the possiblity that madysn ight spell mazdésn is the expression dyny madysn Kerdir's inscriptions, which matches Avestan daéna mazdaiiasnii, as well as Manichean dyn madys dén mézdés (see below).!% The main objection to such a reading of madysn isthe ‘complete absence of any other example in the 3rd- ‘century Middle Persian inscriptions that a long -@- in ‘an initial syllable could be spelled without -~- lef). In my opinion, the easiest way to account for Kerdir’s dyny madysn is to assume that the form *mdzdésn had become obsolete in the common language by the 3rd century, although it survived in the religious discourse of priests who knew Avestan and shows up occasionally in the Pahlavi texts spelled m’zdysn! mdzdésn."® This is not the usual Pahlavi spelling, however (see below). Recently, the form *mdzdésn was (re)defended by A. Panaino (2003), who offered a variety of arguments, His main argument seems to center around the function of the form with long -d (the Feligio, respectively, one may wonder what similarity there ‘might be “07 The concept plays an important role already inthe Old ‘Avesta f, Yagna 53.8, in which Ahura Mazda in return fr the sacrifices offered him, is asked to reestablish the order ddestoyed by the powers of darkness: ramamed aif dadavi Sieinbiis VEEbiiD “and, with these (ie, us, the "Mazdayasnians), lt him establish peace fr (.., etur order 1o) the setled towns’, and resurfaces in Daris inscription at Bisotun (DBL65-66}, where he too re-esablishes order idbiicd tayadié gaumata haya magus adind adam karam _gdfuvd avdstéyam: “and throughout the towns which Gavmata| the magu had taken from them, I placed the people in place’. Presumably, Darius" Aira, like him, offered their Sacrifices to Ahura Mazda. Note thatthe rms mazdaiiasna and liasni ere not found inthe Old Avesta or the ‘chiemenid inscriptions, 108 So far attested only in MS43/R 3 and MOBWIIR S. Ne*The fluctuation in the manuscripts of the Avesta between forms with mazda. and masda- from both masdaviacna- and masdaiiani- may reflect this stustion (Panaino 1993, pp, 152-167) form with vriddhi), which he discusses at some length, suggesting (if I understand correctly) that, compared with Ohrmazd with short -mazd, mézdésn was more emphatic and so “more marked with respect to the simple mazdatiasna-,” which led to the ousting of mazdésn in favor of mizdésn.\® Aside from this dubious use of the “markedness” theory,! the assumption goes against the spelling ofthe word. Panaino also unertically cites Henning to the effect that vriddhi derivation still operated at the Middle Persian stage of the language."'? In the earlier of his two references to the Middle Persian vriddhi formation, Henning stated that SKZ_34 Spstn Sabestdn (with ~- !) ‘master of the harem’ has “later vriddhi” from %pstn Sabestdn ‘harem’ (since then attested in the Abnun inscription). This is, however, simply an unfounded opinion. There is no reason to think that both Sabestdn and Sabestn sre not inherited forms. In fact, the type of derivation is well known from Avestan, where derivatives in from nouns in -stana- denoting places are common in the sense of guardian of such places."* We can therefore confidently posit Old Persian *xfapa- sana- and *xSdpa-stani- as the pre-forms of the Middle Persian words. There was also no reason for these two forms to merge, since they were still "0 Panaino 2003, p. 321. Hence also Ymdzdésn bay though not explicitly stated her, but in Paraino 2004, p. 556; cited by A. ‘Garibol in his review of SNS Tin Name-ye Iran Bastin, The Iniernational Journal of Ancient Iranian Studies, , 2004, p 15, OU As 1 understand it, to apply this reasoning, one has to hnave two elements with the same funetion, of which the more “marked” tends to oust the less “marked” (neutral one. On the semantic level, this happened in the Romance languages when ‘words such as Vulgar Latin fabulare and parabolare replaced the Latin iogui ‘speak” (Spanish hablar. Italian parlare). On the morphological level, it happened” when Old. Persian sakunaut replaced *alunaue. Thas -macd ia Ohrmacd would hhave had no influence on madzd- in mcdésn by this mechanism, ‘One might argue that, since mazdéon and mazdésn had the same function on the semantic level, mdzdésn would prevail, but they did pot have te same function, as they were (originally) used in diferent contexts. What happened was obviously, 1 think, that, ‘once mazdésn was replaced by mazdés, this form became Bath noun and adjective, ‘U3 Panaino 1993, p. 138; ef, 2003, p. 322: Henning 1958, 45 n.3, 1964, pp. 95.96, iS Several examples in Videvdad chapier 15, eg. wird stana- ‘ame! stall’, wi'stdni “sb, in change of, owner L-stal, but without the produetive vrai of Old2 MICHAEL ALRAM, MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS ORTOR SKIERVD semantically quite distinct in Middle Persian Henning’s second discussion of the Middle Persian vriddhi concerned the form waspuhragdn, which is commonly connected with wispuhr ‘prince’. Henning stated: “After visal puOra- had melted into a single ‘word, and almost certainly only at the early Middle Iranian stage, a vrddhi adjective was formed in Western Iran.” This is, once more, a pure assumption and does not contribute to the solution of the problem why an adjective that ought to mean “characteristic of the prince” was formed in order to express ‘special, primary’. Henning’s reference to the etymological connection of principal with princeps ‘prince’ is misleading, since Latin principalis is not derived from princeps ‘sovereign’, but princeps “first, foremost’. If waspuhr is a vriddhi formation *wadisapuBri- from *wisah-pubra-, which is possible, then it must date back to Old Persian, ‘when such formations were productive, A Middle Persian vriddhi rule by which -i- was replaced by -d- is unsupported and unbelievable. The greater age of the word would then permit both the phonetic and semantic development. In either case, these words can not be taken as evidence that vriddht was a productive formation in Middle Persian Against my suggestion as quoted by Ph. Huyse that the form mazdésn was generalized and the form mazdésn borrowed from Avestan, he adduces four arguments. One is the Manichean form (see below). Another seems to be that the Zoroastrian scribes’ ability to distinguish between Avestan mazdaiiasna- and mdzdaiiasni-, although they no longer spoke ‘Avestan, was supported by two distinct forms in ordinary spoken (“living”) Middle Persian. Against this: most of the Avestan sounds, including vowels, that the scribes were able to distinguish in writing were completely alien to Middle Persian. A third appears to be based on his assumption that the Pahlavi forms represent mdzdésn (sce below). A fourth argument is based on the form dynmzdysns in the Arebsun inscription from the Seleucid period, bbut this is spelled according to well-established ‘Aramaic scribal practice, which permitted a long d in an initial syllable to be written defectively and has no direct relevance for Sasanian orthography, Fifthly, and finally, the fact that Back and Salemann and others pointed out that long d's could be written defectively, as in Aramaic, does not invalidate the fact gained from observation that this does not apply to any other words in the Sasanian Middle Persian inscriptions." Panaino states that the normal Pahlavi form is mazdésn. Unfortunately, in neither of his two articles does he explain how the form is actually spelled in ‘the Pahlavi texts, but simply transliterates it as m’zd(y)sn (ie., mdzdesn)." The word is very rarely written essstase/reamis mzdysn’ or asetb/isse rm’2dsn!, however; most of the time itis written so as to be indistinguishably from the word mahist ‘greatest’: yeteus mhst, vests mhyst!" The two are sometimes distinguished (but inconsistently) in the manuscripts by the number of -y-’s, e.g., m’st ‘mazdésn, m’yst = mhyst = mahist. More commonly, however, mdzdaiiasni- is rendered in Pahlavi by the plural form yereiwes, eens, which can only be mazdésndn ‘of the mazdésns, Mazdayasnians’. Cf. from the manuscripts: Avestan mazdaiiasna- ‘a Mazdayasnian’: Yasna 0.7 KS 3 venue, Mis serves: Yasna 1.23 KS seats, MEd ME4 gene? ‘mazdaiiasnaéSuua mazdaiiasnd ‘a Mazda- yasnian among Mazdayasnians’: Yasna 8.3 KS sve wee, MH sueirie warte (prima manu; genes sec. manu); Videvdad 3.18 LA exagse, 5.39 K1, 14 exons: Avestan mdzdatiasni: (1) with daénd- vag'hi Yasna 0.9 Mfd dén weh emees; Iranian Bundahin introduction TD1 yeess4s, TD2 wens, DH reexee, chap. 1.0 TDI, DH vere; Dénkard 7.1.1 venos, ete; (2) with vis-: Yasna 12.3 K5, Mi dn 7 wees wis, Videvdad 19.12 K1 wis veaose, L4 veestons; UeBack 1978, p. 69, cites ptn'm < *pda-ndma. (ihe Parthian form p'n'm is not identical), but this is-a dobious ‘etymology and unlikely in view of several other words in pad. spelled pte (pry, pibte, psy, piplsy. p'kwsy), Salemann’s observation in Grundriss der iranizchen Philologie (Scassburg 1895, p. 270) about the defective speling of “medial long vowels .. according t Aramaic custom” is also inrelevant for proving that it happened, exceptionally. in the first syllable of mazdésn, Without depreciating. Salemsnn’s contributions, most of the Middle Persian inscriptions. were found and their onhosraphy intepreted long after his death (1916). Panainoeites an English translation from 1930.) "13 Panaino 1993, p. 142, 2003, p. 321 Ne Whence also the Pavend form mahés cited by Panaino 1993, 9.146, 'Y'The abstract noun mazdésnth refers the “community of Mazdayasnians’ cf. Manichean ardayih “the community of the righteous” (see Skjervs 1988, p- 168),(@) ahmi nméne yat mazdaiiasndis: Videvdad 5.45, 13.29 K1, LA mn (7) ress Avestan maziita-, Pahlavi mahist: Yasna 1.1 KS, Mf yews; Videvdad 2.25 K3a avast Viderdad 18.61 (twice) K1 vers, L4 ves, ete ‘The question is then: what is the likelihood that these spellings hide mézdésn rather than mazdésn? By the vagaries of the Pablavi script, itis well known that most of the letters can be represented by another letter(!). In this particular case, § -2- would be represented by 3 -y- (also = d g) and 9s -sn- by #9 -yt-. This would give us ves m’zsn! and yess nnvzdsr On the other hand, in two words of the same semantic sphere as maizdésn, 96, 35 -2d- is represented in Pahlavi by the letter » -, namely, yee yn) = yyad'nl (inscriptions $3432) = yazddn and wee 'wwm’ = owhrmad (inscriptions agea2n23) = ‘ohrmazd. The forms yets4so and yens4go can therefore also be read as madysn! and madyysn\, the first of which matches the inscription form ay2365 perfectly, while the latter would represent an attempt at rationalization of a form that might appear disturbing (m’st = mast ‘sour milk’) and, in any case, cannot, be read as m’zdysn’, which would require eames (though this is perhaps also Found in some texts)." To sum up: There is, « priori, no reason to think that 1, madysn in mzdysn bgy is anything by ‘mazdésn (Avestan mazdaiiasna-) or 2. that in an initial syllable a long -d- could be spelled defectively (without >), As we have the same spelling in dyny madysn and there is no other evidence that mdzd- could have been spelled mzd- in these inscriptions, we are led to conclude that the seribes(!) actually said dén mazdésn. As the Pahlavi spellings reflect that of the inscriptions, they probably express the same pronunciation. The Pahlavi rendering of Avestan daénd- mazdaiiasni- as dén mazdésndn further indicates that the Pablavi authors identified the adjective used with dén as the word denoting the ‘Mazdayasnians’. 'O8 We should not, think, assume that they wrote the word ewer by leter thinking about ther exact values, but as an Jeogram” for the whole Word, Which is also how we must ead Pahlavi ‘Where and when the Manicheans got the term we do not know, and, whether the Manichean form ‘mazdés proves that mdzdésn was “normal also in the common Middle Persian language” “outside of the priestly Zoroastrian circles,” I do not think we can decide.” The Manicheans may have gotten the form in Central Asia, for instance, far away from the centers of Zoroastrianism.” The spelling also indicates a form without final -n, which points to its being more recent than the 3rd century or, at least, as not having been borrowed from the “standard” Persian form, in the first place. The Manicheans were also well known to distort Zoroastrian terms by folk etymology fitting their concepts, e.g., Gékmurd ‘Adam’ for Gayomard and Murdiyanag ‘Eve’ for *mardiyani (Pshlavi maiyani, mahriyani based on Avestan masiia-), both with murd ‘dead’. Thus, on the face of it, mazdés appears to contain -dés as in ucdés ‘idol’ and may, for instance, have been felt to be its opposite.!2 bay ‘The exact meaning of the term bay ‘god, divinity” (as opposed to yazd) in the phrase mazdésn bay applied to the kings is still being debated, and I do not see how a conclusion can be reached in the absence of additional evidence for how the Sasanians themselves understood the term. The strongest evidence is the Greek version of the legends, which has @EOY for bay, also in the legend describing the god Ohrmazd: pahikar én ohrmazd bay, Greek TOYTO TO TIPOCQIION Alor @EOY on Ardashit’s investiture relief at Nagsh-e Rostam, as well as its use in Manichean names of deities alternating with yazd, Ohrmezd-bay, but Mihr-yazd, et. In the Sasanian inscriptions, we also find the word in the expression 6 bavdin gah sud “(when King NN) went to the place of the bays’, 4i8Panaing 2003, p. 323. Note also, for instance, Manichean Parthian ‘Admdthrag vs. Pahlavi hamihr cited below. 2° Though the Sogdian form is Syamzt'ysn (probably =) Sinmacdisn. Soe Panaino 2008, p. 333 10, "21 The missing final -t, in fact, may also reflect the perceived phonetics of a spoken form, in which the Final was fan unvoiced and unreleased sound (not found in Talia, Tor instance, but in Persian and Norwegian, though difficult to hear for non-Persian/Norwegians). The Pablavi forms could, in principle, represent mass, also reflecting such form,u MICHAEL ALRAM, MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS OKTOR SKIERVO presumably the gods, but also as an honorific reference to the kings: (plural) dy bay “His Majesty” and aimah bay *Your majesty’ (oblique case awekan bayan, aimah baydn). It is therefore conceivable that the application to Ohrmazd might refer to his royal majesty in addition to his divinity. (Old Persian ciga and Avestan cifra ‘The Sasanian formula Sahn ah eran... ke Gihr az yazdan is clearly related to the Old Persian phrase used by Darius and Xerxes in their genealogies: aSdyabiya sSdyadiyandm xSayabiya dahayiindm haxdmanisiya parsa parsahaya puca ariya ariya cica “king of kings, king of lands ... a descendant of HaxamaniSa; a Persian, son of a Persian, an Aryan, whose ciga is (that of an?) Aryan’ (DNa 8-15, DSe 8-14; XPh 7-13: ariyacica)."® ‘The Blamite and Akkadian translators evidently did not know what to make of the expression ariya cica and only transcribed the Old Persian words: Elamite harriyaziSia, Akkadian arvisitir (Xerxes only; left out in the Akkadian version of Darius). The form ariya cica (Darius) beside ariyaci¢a (Xerxes) is remarkable in that it atleast apparently, contains the construction seen in Avestan in the description of Anahita: Yair 5.64 raéuuat cidram Gzataiid “of her whose cidra is munificent, well- born’. In the Avestan construction, the noun remains in the neuter, however, and the Old Persian phrase is therefore more likely to be an adjectival compound (masculine), as spelled by Xerxes” scribes. In Avestan, we have two words cidra, an adjective and a noun. The adjective means “brilliant” or similar and is seen in Old Avestan duuii nd antara haptit nomax'aitié cifrd rétaiid “let brilliant gifts with homage be visible/in plain view among us’ (Yasna 33.7). which I assume refers, on the mythical level, to the retum of the brilliant sun, whose great arching movement across the sky is perceived as homage to Midra in Yait 10.90. Compare also Yast 10.112 ci@rd mi@rahe fraiiand =2Now: the c. in Old Persian and Avestan is the same sound as the ¢ in Middle Persian and Parthian; both denote the sound oh- in child 123 Forte texts, see Kent 1953; Lecog 1997, 124 Note auuis, Pahlavi aikdrag, coupled with cidrd, Pablavi panda. yaso tam dasiiiim acaraiti “brilliant are Mi0ra’s comings, as he approaches that land’. The other examples of the adjective in the Ga@as are in less clear contexts, and in the Young Avesta there are few other examples. ‘The Avestan noun cidra is obviously the same word as Old Persian ciga and Middle Persian éifr. It is froquent in compounds daeuud.cidra, vohrkd.citra ‘whose cidra is from daéuuas, wolves’ and drujim yam dusciGram “the Lie (which is) offfrom evil idra’. With this we should compare the description of the origin of the daguuas in Yasna 32.3: at iS daéuud vispéghd akat managho sta cifram “but you, all the daguuas, are ci8ra from an evil thought” and of Tiktria (Yait 8.4): apam nafaérat haca cidrom “(whose) cibra (is) from the Scion of the Waters’. Thus, the grammatical construction of the Middle Persian phrase, (ke) cihr az yazdan, has exact Avestan parallels, and I think there can be no doubt that it is the same formula, although it may have been understood differently at different times. Moreover, in Yast 13.87, Ahura Mazda is said to have fashioned forth (literally ‘cut out’) the umbilical cords and the cidra of the Aryan lands from Gaiia Martin: yahmat haca fraBorasat néfo airiiangm daiiiunam ciGram airiianam dasiiunam. Whatever the exact mythical interpretation of the statement may be, it is clear, I think, that the Old Persian phrase is linked to it and makes a reference to some form of the same genealogical myth C. Bartholomae, in his Altiranisches Worterbuch, recorded the meanings ‘Same seed, semen}, Ursprung [origin}’ for the Avestan word, but based con examples such as the above and others less clear." As far as I cam see, there is no evidence that Avestan cidra is used to denote male semen, which "5KellensPirar 1990, p. 242, suggest the ablative expresses ‘a visible manifestion of but that is har probable, a8 We would typically expect the genitive, "2+ A more general meaning may be found inthe expression (Wispered 14.2, tc) xahmi dam x’ahmi cidre “in one's own hous, in one's own cra’. which points to “family. The Pahlavi teanslation is literal, misunderstanding dam and with is usval rendering of cira: pad ant dy danitn pad an | ay paydagih "by his knowledge, by his being apparen’. The Young. Avestan phrase itself Tooks suspiciously like an adaptation (intepetation) of Old Avestan Yasna 44,16 cir mdi dam “let brillant (good things) be given to mel”, Pallavi pad paydgih& man daitn | damdn "by being appar to my cretion (i. of 27 Bantholoma 904, cols. 586-587is xiudra, On the other hand, such a meaning would be theoretically possible, in view of a common tendency to call ‘semen’ by words meaning “bright, clear’, as in Old Indic sukra ‘clear, semen’ and tvisi “something brilliant’ = ‘semen’ (e.g., Rigveda 1.11.5). It is therefore possible that the Iranian word originally referred to some part of man that was passed on from generation to generation, linking them, and was thus logically thought to be something passed on through semen.!® Midéle Persian and Parthian &ihr, &inrag ‘The form éihr is relatively common in Manichean idle Persian, but, for Manichean Parthian, Durkin-Meisteremnst_gives only two references," one is to a passage where it is completely restored in a lacuna (M529/V 4), the other to a passage where it is partly restored from small traces of the tops of letters (MS700/IUV/i 13 [fragment ¢}), The earliest attestation of Middle Persian cikr is in the Sabuhragén, allegedly presented to Shapur I by Mani himelf, Here it frequently refers to the appearance of divine beings, and, since these beings are in principle pure light (éihvdn ronan), the term is ambiguous, referring either to their ‘appearance’ ot to their ‘brilliance’. Typically, it is ‘seen’ (did),!*' but it is also ‘made, fashioned’ (pahikem-, dés-),°* occasionally coordinated with Arh ‘shape’, and is something that one does not “receive” (padir-) until one has donned @ material ‘garment: M281 1-4 °\The Avestan expression ndivikdcifrauuait! daxitauuaitt vohunawuaiti "a woman being with cidra, dasa, and blood” Widevdad 157 ete), while referring (in part al least) (0 a menstruating Woman, could contain this ci9ra, but the phrase is fot understood, The Pablavi translation is literal cilromand, dassagimand, onimand. "For references, abbreviations, etlier eons, and translations, see Durkin Meisteremst 2008, The texts are also available at www.bbaw.defobaw Forschung/Forschungspro- ‘phtelurfanforschung, "50 BBB, p. 7 lines 9-11: Saiyan farroudn rn rind >azdan wisp wean “ihe fortunate princes, the light forms, the all-good gods.” "31 Sabuhragan M7982/VI/ 2-7, MT98MMURI 24-29, "2 Sauhragan M10a/Vhi 2-6; M79BMV 3-6, 8 IPO83//Vil 3-4 pad Zr ud rb, ruwdndn ray gowénd ki and-us ihr né padirénd 4a paymozénd nasi ud cir i tamwarén They say about the souls that they will not receive its form until they don dead matter and the form of a body," ‘This makes it more than simple ‘appearance’, rather some kind of ‘form’ that is seen and, Presumably, by which it is recognized. Thus, the common expression pad éihr clearly means “in the (visible) form (of)', referring to both divine and ‘material beings.!"* ‘The Manichean Parthian equivalent is ciivag (barely attested in Manichean Middle Persian) which is used in the same kind of contexts " and, in addition, is often accompanied by pddgirb ‘shape’. ‘The only place the older meaning referring to origin or family might be preserved is in the compound /dméihrag, which is found, notably, in a famous Parthian text (M2), in which the vietory of the Light powers and the fate of the small rest of the imprisoned light that will not be rescued are described. The reason given for this failure on the part of God to save himself 100% is suid to be that the imedeemable rest is not haméihvag with the redeemed light. The term probably does not mean. ‘of the same origin’ or similar, however, but rather contains the common cihrag ‘form’, a8 rendered likely by its use in the following text: MBBIIUR 2 tanbar baying windéd. padmot wuzarg hdmtibrag bawed a6 yazdan. éwayin harwin wahigariin im ul deem "CE Parthian M284a/R/i/ 8-17, Vif 3-5 éikrag wxebih nnd ke im pid padmdt “they soe theit own Form, Which has ‘donned this Mesh’ BS MD6S/A/ 5-6 pad dihr F do-payn .. paydag bid “it became visible in the appearance of bipeds'y Parthian Angad Roinan WIT e@ harwin duréir ud Sten [oD ud ‘marsh dihvag né ast pad han tfanbdr] “for they ere ll ‘ugly and frightful [.-] and they do not have human form on their blodies) "Bt also used ofthe five forms’ taken on inthe eyele of rebirths (M270a¢M86971V 1-2),% MICHAEL ALRAM, MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS OKTOR SKIARVO twill find a divine body, a garment and great diadem, It will be homo-morphous with the gods, like all the beneficent ones.” In Pahlavi, we find hamdihr in the same meaning, eg, in the Selections of Zddspram 11 (the sourceret wants to give Zarathustra a potion): w-S pad én daistan herd kik td 6 hameihrth tawesan wardad ‘and he did it so that he might turn into the same form as they’, OF the various meanings of the words found in the dictionaries, several can therefore be discarded, For the Manichean terms, for which Durkin- Meisterernst gives all those previously proposed — ‘nature, essence, being; seed, kindred; (beautiful) form’—only ‘form’, specifically ‘visible form’ (pethaps also ‘shape’, but there are other words that ‘may have this specific meaning) should be retained, with which we may compare MacKenzie’s ‘form, shape, appearance’. The rendering of Pahlavi éihr as ‘nature’ is, as far as Ican see, not necessary, and it should be explored to what extent the word (as well as éihrag) simply means ‘appearance, visible form’ there, too, when it is not simply the Avestan ira. Manichean Parthian and Middle Persian éthr are also contained in several compounds ju-éihr and duréhr (Middle Persian also dui-éih), Parthian bay-éikr and dén-cihr-if!® all of which may originally have preserved some of the older meaning referring to lineage, although the texts contain no evidence for it In an article on the Sasanian formula, W. Sunderman (1988) pursued the notion that cihr can be rendered as ‘nature, essence’ and suggested that the Greek rendering as génos might reflect Stoic concepts and imply the notion of “nature” "© Cf, Henning 1944, p. 120. PS Whether i also mens the concrete “ice” in any context Thave not been able to verify Ip the Selections of Zadspram 3.50, TafazoliGignoux (1993) render wf pad was Cihragiha be wirdst as and he Gevelope it [the semen of the bull] in many natures’, but itis ‘ot nezessary to go further than "he arranged it in (= 0 that it tok) many forms" "© Durkin-Meisteremst renders it as “Tormedness of the religion (}); behaviour in conformity to religion, chastity". OF course, the most important aspect of the Zoroastrian (and Manichean) den is its appearance, which reflects the morals of (Wesensart), AS we have seen, however, such a ‘meaning is required by none of the texts examined above. The Syriac texts he cites are relatively late, but the expression men zar‘a d.alahé ‘from the seed ‘of gods’ may well be an interpretation of the Sasanian formula (or survival of the old meaning), while d .. kydneh men alahé ‘whose being is from ‘gods’ '*! would represent a later interpretation. The conclusion reached after this survey of the uses concurs to some extent with that of Antonio Panaino (2004), who, on the basis of Old Iranian Gidra-, Old Indic citra- “bright, also suggested that the original meaning was ‘visible form, visible ‘manifestation’ and that ‘seed, origin, lineage” are secondary.’ He then cast doubt on the evidence of the Greek version, however, by suggesting. that ‘génos, too, can mean ‘aspect’ and ‘essence’, but, again, without providing information about where and when these meanings are found." Instead, he cites late Hellenistic sources to show that, atleast by the time of Xusraw, the phrase was interpreted as ‘in the image of the gods’, as well as a letter to the ‘Armenian king Arshak quoted by Moses of Khorene (19), where the king's “person and image (patker)” are said to be “of our gods.” He concludes that the use of patker here shows that cifr in the Sasanian formula “could be actually interpreted as image” (p. 562). ‘What he fails to mention, as far as I can see, is that that word patkar “is already included in the formula used on the investiture reliefs of Ardashir and Shapur and clearly means something different than éhr: Middle Persian pahikar én mazdésn bay 'SITpis can hardly be interpreted “ungezwungen’ as. a translation of the Sassnian formula. The Sasanians had other terms forthe term “being” (hast, fr instance), "2 His investigation is based on the dictionary entries in Bartholomoe's Avestan and MacKenzi's Pahlavi dictionaries, ‘The insufficiency of such a method i obvious: the meanings given for our words are obviously approximate at bes, and, in the ease of Battholomae, parly outdated. The numerous meanings given by MacKenrie simply reflets the scholaely ‘community’ long effort to pin down the meaning of cir. He only cites Sundermann's (1988) study of the ormula on which se above. Old Persian patikara-‘statue™ (Darius at Susa, DSsb 1 ppatiara aBagaina "a stone status") and figures in a relic (Darius at Nagsh-e Rostam, DNa 41-2 parikara didiy tayaty ‘2a0um haratiy "look atthe “states” which carry the throne": also at Bisotun, DB 4.71-73). Etymologically it is like older ‘orwegian Konirafet ‘portrait’ from French contrefait “imitated48 ihr az yazdan (Parthian padkar im mazdésn bay «=. ké Gihr az yazdan), which is rendered in Greek as TOYTO TO MPOCOIION MAZAACNOY @EOY .. EK PENOY @EON, Panaino cites only the coin formula, however — mazdésn bay ... ké cihr az yazdén — which may have caused him to overlook the other formula, The meaning of éihr established above as the actual jorm of something, that is “the real thing,” also precludes the meaning of ‘image’, which is precisely noi “the real thing,” but a represention or imitation of it. We may especially note that the legend referring to Ohrmazd on Ardashir's relief at Nagsh-e Rostam has the same formula: pakikar én ohrmazd bay (Greek TOYTO TO MPOCQHON AIOY GEOY ‘this is the portrait of the god Zeus’), with pahikar, not Zihr (which the Manicheans used about the appearance of divine beings, see below). ‘The question then remains, what was the “meaning” of cihr in the Sasanian phrase. It is not impossible, I think, that the original mythical reference of Avestan cifra, Old Persian cica, the meaning of which the Elamites and Babylonians also had not grasped, was no longer known and that the popular understanding of the word cihr, was, in fact, ‘form, visible appearance’, as used by the Manicheans. This is also the meaning with which the authors of the Pahlavi Yasna and Vispered were familiar when they rendered ¢i0ra as paydagih ‘what is apparent’ or dékdrag ‘visible, in plain view", and it is the common meaning of Pahlavi éihr and its derivatives." ‘The more original meaning of the noun must also have been preserved in certain contexts, however, as suggested by the Greek equivalent, which, in my opinion, can only have meant ‘of the in/race/lineage [ete-] of gods’ in the common sense, as well as by its use in the later Pahlavi texts to denote some indefinable part of the human constitution. [ imagine that, when the Greek translator asked what the Parthian-Persian phrase meant, the scribes did not try to explain to him that it was some “essential” abstract quality of the relationship between the king and the gods. Rather, they may simply have told him that it referred to the 5 Bailey 1943, pp. 90-92. 6 See, eg, Gignoux 2001, passim. It may also 10 some extent be present in some of the Manichean terminology, Dut {his needs further investigation, kinship between them, which the Greek then ‘expressed in the simplest way known to him, That a Greek translator/scribe with enough knowledge of Stoie theory should have encountered an Iranian colleague, ‘equally philosophically minded, and discussed the finer implications of éihr and génos to decide on the translation seems unlikely. Talso doubt that Justinian’s use of Kharaktérizetai in a letter to Khusro in 562, 240 years after the beginning of the Sasanian’ empire, where he addresses the Iranian king of kings as ‘he who kharaktértzetai from the gods,” implies that his translators/scribes, relying on the “meaning” of the Middle Persian formula, understood the verb as “is formed in the image of.” The only other example in Liddell and Scott of the preposition ek ‘from’ with this verb appears to be in the phrase ‘be formed/made from/out of Babylonian gold’. This could suggest thatthe translators infact, understood the phrase Kharaktérizetai ek thedn as ‘is made from (the same material as) the gods’. On the other hand, as recommended by Panaino: “It is important to reflect on the fact that {the verbs] have the technical meaning of ‘minting, engraving, inscribing’, also on coins.” This suggests that, when the Greek translators/scribes. asked their Iranian colleagues how to address the king, they may have showed them coins of the king, explaining that the king’s appearance was like that of the god. The Greeks ‘may well have concluded that the image stamped on the king’s coins was from the gods and written accordingly. Thus, the original “meanings,” which we can arrive at by applying philology and comparative linguistics, may have underlain the formula in early Sasanian times, but what it “meant” 10 the Persians who used and heard it throughout the centuries may have been much more concrete and have required no knowledge of the word's history. "Thus Liddell and Soot (Greek-Enelish Lexicon), who give this meaning only for this text, obviously ad sensu. PPanaino does not mention this fact. "48 Panaino 2008, p. 560,34Alam 1986 Alram/Gyselen 1993, Altheim Stich 1978 Back 1978, Bailey 1945, Baldus 1971 Bartholomac 1904 Boyce 1975 Boyce 1982 Boyce 2000 Brockelmann 1895 Bromberg 1991 Call 1985 Choksy 1990 Drkin-Meisererst 2004 Frye 1972 Gariboldi 2005 Garsoian 1989 Gignoux 2001 Gignowr/Tafazzoli 1993 Gob 1966 Gob 1971 bl 1974 Gb1 2000 Gratwze 2004 Harper 1981 Henning 1944 Henning 1958 Henning 1968 eremann/Howell 1980 Hermann etal, 1983 Herrmann etal 1989 Hine 1969 MICHAEL ALRAM, MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS OKTOR SKIERVO BIBLIOGRAPHY M. Alram, Nomina PropriaIrnica in Nuns. Materialgrundlagen zu den iranischen Personennamen uj antken Murzen(lanisches Pssonennamenbuch, ed: M. Mayrhofer, R. Schmit, ol. IV). Wien, 1986. M. Aleam JR. Gyselen, Sylloge Nummorum Sasanidaram, Paris ~ Berlin ~ Wien, vol. Arashi .— ShaputL, Wi, 2003, R. Altheim Stich, "Das fthese Datum der ssanidischen Geschichte, vermilt durch die Zitangabe dee mitlperssch’parduschen Insc as BHGptr”, AvcMologiche Mieltngen aut Wan, 11, 1978, pp. 113-116. M. Back, Die sassanidschen Statinschrifen. Sudien zur Orthographic und Phonologie des Mitepersischen der Ischifien zusammen mit cinem enmnologischen Index des mitelperichen Worigutes und enem Texicorpas der behandeten Inscrjen (Act Trance 1], Leiden 6a, 1978 HW. Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems inthe Ninth-Centary Books, Oxford 1983 H.R Baldun, Uranus Amoninus. Mincprdgung und Geschiche (Antigua I, 11], Bonn, 1971 C.Bartbolomac, Alianisches Warterbuch, Stassurg 1904 M Boyce, A Reader in Manichacan Middle Persian and Parthian [Acta Kani 9}. Tera, Lite 197. M.Boyee,A History of Zoroastrianism Il, Under she Achaerientans (Handoch der Orientals I vi Religion I, 2,2}, Leiden, Cologne, 1982 M Boyce, "Fava", EnyelopediaIrania, XI, 2000, pp 195-199. . Brockeinann, Lexicon Sylacum, Berlin, Eisburgh, 1895. A. Bromberg, “An Tinian Gest at Mican, Bulletin ofthe Asia Insitute, 8, 1991, pp. 45-58 J:P. Cally 1G. Brenot J JN. Barndon (1. Poirier, «Aureus obryciacus», Lor monnayé 1 Purification de Vor et atéaton de Rome & Byzance, eds. C, Morison. C. Brenot,1-P. Call. -N Bueandoa, J Poitier eR. Hallen, (Cobiees Eres Babelon 2), CNRS Edin, Pass, 1985, pp. 81-111 5. Choksy, “Gesu in Ancient tan and Central Asia I: Proskynesis and the Bent Forefinger”, Bullen of the Asia Insti 4.1990, pp 201-207 D. Duskin-Meistresns, Dictionary of Manchacan Texts IL: Tex jrom Central Asia and China, Part. 1: Dieionary of Manichaean Mlddle Persian and Parthian, Tarahout 2003 RN, Frye, “Gestures of Deference t Royalty in Ancien Ia", Hranica Antique, 10, 1972 pp. 102- 107. ‘A Gabelli, “The Role of Gol and Ser inthe Ssanian Exonomy", Societasranologca Europea “rocedings 2008 (ed. A. Paaino, A. Pas), vl 1, Mla, 2005 (in ress). N.G. Gasoian, ed, The Epic Historie Anribued to P'awsios Buzand (Bucandaran Patmut'nk'), Cambridge, Massuehusets, 1989 Ph. Gignous, Man and Cosmos in Ancien Ian (Ratanbai Kaak Lectures, Serie Ovenale Roma XCH} Rome, 2001 Ph, Gignous/ A. Taluzeli ede, Anhologie de Zadspram [Stadia Inia. Caio 13), Peis, 1993, Gob, "Vasa I, cin bse unbekanter Konig der spateen Kuan” Aeiger der pit hist. Klasse der Oterreichschen Akademie der Wissenchafen Jabrgang, 1968, 80. 11, Wien, 196, pp 283-300 Gb, Sasanian Numismatis, Braunschweig, 197 . Gabi, Der Triumph des Saxiniden Spur aber die Kaiser Gordianus, Philippus und Valerianus Dieionographische Interpretation der Felsreie, Wie, 1974 R. Gobi, Die Minzprigung der Kaiser Valeranus I. Gallenss J Saloninus (283/268), Regalianus (260) und Macramas/ Quien (250202 (Moneta Tmperi Roman 36,43, 4], Wien, 2000 B. Graze /M, Ble-Lemarquand /1-N, Barrandon, “Caracéisation des alisges mons «Vor, Bulletin de a Societe Francaise de Numsmatique, 6, 2004, pp 163-169 R. Gysolon, “New Evidence for Sasanian Numismatics: The Collction of Abmad Saco” Contributions 2 Uhisoire ef la géographie Mésorique de empire sasanide (e. R. Gyslen) [Res Orietales XVI}, Bares SY, 2005, pp. 49-140, 0. Harper, iver Vessels ofthe Sasanan Period, vl. one: Royal Inagery, New York, 1981 \W.B. Henning, “Brahman”, Transactions ofthe Philblogial Society, 194, pp.108-118- W. B. Henning, “Mitclranisch”, Handbuch der Oriemalsik IV. franist, 1. Abscho, Linguist Leiden, Kaa, 1958, pp. 20-130. W. B. Henning, “The Survival of an Ancient Term, Indo-Iranica. Melanges présentés & Georg Morgenstern =, Wiesbaden, 1963, 99.95.97. G. Hermann / R. Howell The Sasanian Rock Reliefs at Bishopur: Part 1 {Kranische Denkmier 9), Berlin 1980. G-Henmana /D.N. Mackenzie /R, Howell, The Sasanian Rock Relief at Bishapur: Part 3 lenische Denkmiler 11, Belin, 1983 4G. Heremann /D. N. Mackensi / R, Howell Caldecott, The Sasanian Rock Relief at Nagsh-i Rustam Iransche Denker 13), Bevin, 1989 W. Hine Aliranische Punde und Forscungen, Beri, 1969. 5s 8 baseHumbachiSkjerve 1983 Huyse 1998, Huyse 1999 Karaka 1858 Kellens 1975 Kelens/Pirart 1990 Kent 1953 Kestenhofen 1982 1Leo0g 1997 MacKenzie 1971 LoginoviNikitin 1993 Malandra 1983, Marshak 1990 Mastak 2002 Meyer 1990 Mosig- Walburg 2005 Modi ‘Moulton 1913 Panaino 1993, Ponaino 2003, Panaino 2004 Pristerer 2004 RICIV2 RIC Schindel 2006 Seipel 1996 Seliwood 1980 ‘Shahbari 1974 Skjerve 1983 Skjerve 1992 Skjervo 1998 Skjervg 2008, SNST Sundermann 1988 TAVO P.O. Skjerv / H. Humbach, The Sassanian insriprion of Paikuli, W1.2: Commentary, Wiesbaden, 1983, . Huyse, “Kecdirand the First Sasanians", Proceedings of the Third European Conference of iranian Studies, Part I, Old and Middle Iranian Stadies (od. N. Sims-Williams), Wiesbaden, 1998, pp. 109- 120. P. Huyse, Die dreisprachige Inschrift Sabuhrs Ian der Ka'ba-i Zardust (SK) [Corpus lscriptionum Tranicarum, I. Pahlavi Texts, vol. fl London, 1999. DF. Karaka, The Parsees. Their History, Manners, Customs, and Religion, London, 1858. J. Kellens, Fravardin Yast (1-70): introduction, éiton, et glossaire, Wiesbaden, 1915, J. Kellens / E. Pirart, Les textes vieiLavestiques, vol. I: Répertoires grammaticaux et lexique, ‘Wiesbaten, 1990, 1991 RG. Kent, Old Persian Grammar, Texts, Lexicon, 2nd rev. ed, New Haven, 1953, E, Ketenhofen, Die rimisch-persischen Kriege des 3. Jahrhunderts nach Chr. Nach der Inserift Sahpulrs ander Ka'he-ve Zardost(SKZ), Wiesbaden, 1983. P. Lecog, Les inscriptions dela Perse achéménide, Pats, 1997. D.N. MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, London e.2, 1971 ',D. Loginov / A.B. Nikitin, “Sasanian coins ofthe third century from Merv”, Mesopotamia, 27, 1993, pp. 225-241, fig 1-5. W. W. Malandra, An Inuroduetion to Ancient Iranian Religion, Readings jrom the Avesta and Achaemenid Inscriptions, Minneapolis, 1983. B, Marshak, “Les fouilles de Pendent”, Comptes Rendus de Académie des Inscriptions et Belles: Leres, Paris, 1990, pp. 286-313. BB. Marshak, Legends, Tales, and Fables in the Art of Sogdiana, New York, 2002, 1M. Meyer, “Die Felsbilder Shapurs ”, Jahrbuch des deuischen archdologischen Iastituts, 10S, 1990, pp. 237-302, K. Mosig-Walburg, Rémer und Perser vom 3. Jahrhundert bis zum Jahr 363 a, Chr, Frankf, 2005 (npublshed Habilitation thesis, University of Frankfurd Main) 4.1, Modi, The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees, Mazagon, 1922, 2nd ed, Bombay, 1937, J. H, Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism. Lectures delivered at Oxford and in London, February to May 1912,London, 1913, A. Panaino, “Philologia Avestica II", Annali da Ca Foscari (Serie Orienale), 32, 3, 1993, pp. 135- 1. ‘A. Panaino, “Once again upon Middle Persian *nzdésn" Paitindna, Essays in Iranian, Indian, and Indo-European Studies in Honor of Hanns Peter Schmidt (ed. S. Adham), Costa Mes, Call, 2003, pp 320-225, ‘A. Panaino, “Astral Characters of Kingship in the Sasanian and Byzantine Worlds", Convegno Iniermasionale la Persia e Bisansio (Roma, 14-18 ottobre 2002} [AW dei convegni Lince, 201], Roma, 2004, pp. 355-594, IM. Pisterer, “Zu Robert Gabls Emissionsdatierangen fir Valerianus I. und Gallienss”, Numismarische Zeitschrift, 11,2004, pp. 103-106, Roman Imperial Coinage, Vol IV, Part Il, Macrinus to Puplenus (edd, H, Mattingly, E. A. Sydenham, C-H.V. Sutherland), London, 1938 Roman Imperial Coinage, Vol. IV, Part Ill, Gordian Hf - Uranius Antoninus (edd. H. Mattingly, E. A. Sydenham, C. H. V Sutherland), London, 1949. NV Schindel, “Sasanian Gold Coinage: An Overview" Dal denarius al dinar, Voriente e la manera Romana. Ati dell ncontro di studio Rom 16-18 settembre 2004, Raroe, 2006, pp. 105-129. W. Seipel (e.), Weihrauch und Sede. Alte Kulturen an der Seidenstrape, Wien, 1996. D. Sellwood, An Inroduction 10 the Coinage of Parthia, London, 1980, ‘Sh. Shahbsri, “An Achaemenid Symbol. LA Farewell to “Fravahr’ and Ahuramaeda"”, “Archilogische Mielungen aus ran, NF7, 1974, pp. 135-148, . O. Skjzrve, “Case in Inscriptional Middle Persian, Inseriptional Parthian and the Pahlavi Psalter", Studia tranica, 12, 1983, pp. 69-94, 151-181. P. ©. Skjervs, “Linscription d'Abnin et Fimparfait en moyen-perse", Srudia Iranica, 21, 1992, pp. 153-160, P.O. Skjervo, “Royalty in Farly Iranian Literature", Proceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies .. Cambridge .. 1995 (ed. N.Sims- Williams), Wiesbaden, 1998, pp. 9-107. P.O, Skjarv9, “The Great Seal of P02", Studia Iranica, 32, 2003, pp. 281-286, see Alram/Gyselen 1993, W. Sundermann, “Ke thr az yandan, Zur lator der Sasanidenkbnige”, Archiv orieniln, $6, 1988, pp. 338-240, Tabinger Atlas des Vorderen Orient.0 MICHAEL ALRAM, MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND, PRODS OKTOR SKIERVD. TavoosiFrye 1989 M. Tavoosi with notes by RN. Frye, “An Inscribed Capital Dating from the Time of Shapur I", Bulletin of the Asia Instite, 3, 1989, pp. 25-38. ‘Teorapelmann 1975 L, Trimpelmann, Das sasanidische Felsrelief von Darab[Iranisehe Denkmiler 6], Berlin, 1975, Vaan 2003 M. de Vaan, The Avestan Vowels, Amsterdam, New York, 2003 von Gall 1990 H. von Gall, Das Reiterkampfbild in der iranischen und iranisch beeinfluten Kunst parthischer und sasandischer Zeit [Teheraner Forschungen VI, Beri, 1990, Walker 1978 D. R. Walker, The Mevology of the Roman Silver Coinage, Part 1. From Pertinax to Uraniue Antoninus {BAR Supplementary Series 40], Oxford, 1978 Zeimal’ 1985 E.V. Zeimal' (ed), Drevnosti Tadzhikistana (katalog vystavki), Dushanbe, 1985, CAPTIONS Fig. 1. Philip the Arab (244-240), Antonini, Mint of Antiochia, PAX FVNDATA CVM PERSIS, KHM,Inv.-n0, 57151 Fig. 2. Valerian (233-260). Antoninian. Mint of Samosats, RESTITVT ORIENTIS. MIR 1677. KHM, Inv no, 57439, Fig. 3. Valerian (253-260), Antoninian. Mint of Antioch, PMTRP V COS IIT PP. MIR 1598a, KHIM, Iny-no. 70362. Fig. 4 Gallious (253-268). Antoninian, Miat of Antioch. VICTORIA GERMAN. MIR 1603b. KHM, Inv-10, 19867, Fig. 5. Gallienus (253-268). Antoninian, Mint of Samosata, VOTA ORBIS, MIR 168m, KHM, Inv.-n0. 19948, Fig. 6 Bishapor Il. Shapor's triumph over the Roman emperors Gosdianus Il Philip the Arab and Valerian. Photo M. Alea. Fig. 7 Bishapor Il. Drawing by Rosalind Howell after Herrmann et.al. 1983, Fg, 2, Fig. 8. Shapur I (240-272), Drachm. SNS I, 185 (Style indétermin8), Fig. 9. Shapur I Dinar. SNS 1,35 (Groupe indétermin®), Fig, 10, Shapur I Dinar. SNS 1, 126 (Style P). ig. 11. Shapur Dinar. SNS 1,143 (Style P) Fig. 12. Shapur I. Drachm (base silver), SNS I, 130 (Style P) Fig. 13. Shapur I. Drachm (base silver. SNS I, 141 (Style P) Fig. 1. Nagsh-c Rostam 6, Drawing by Rosalind Hovell Caldecot after Herrmann et al, 1989, Fig. 1 Fig. 15. Nageh-c Rostam 6, Shapur's triumph over the Roman emperor Philip the Arab and Valerian. Photo M. Alea. Fig. 16. Darab B. Shapur's triumph over the Roman emperors Gordianvs Ill, Philip the Arab and Valerian, Drawing by CComeliaWolff afte Trimpelmann 1975, pl. Fig. 17. Reverse of Roman denarius of P. Pewonius Turpilianus (19 BC) with the image of a kneeling Parthian extending a ‘standard: CAESAR AVGVSTVS SIGN(s) RECE(pti). Fig. 18. Shapur I. Double dinar. Weight: 1485 g. Diameter: 28 mum. Die axe: 12 o'clock. Private collection, i. 19. Shapur I. Double dinar. Drawing by Prangois Ory (CNRS. Pars). Fig. 20. Bronze coin ofthe King of Mars, struck during the reign of Shapur IL KHM, Inv.-No. 7188. Fig. 21, Shapur I. Double dinar. Head of Philip the Arab (enlarge) Fig. 22, Shapur I. Double dinar. Shapur rising his left hand in greting (enlarged). Fig. 23. Nagsh-e Rost 1, Ardashir I greets Otrmazd. Photo M. Alram. Fig. 24. Nagst-e Rostim 2. The nobles ofthe empire greet Waban IL Photo M. Alar, Fig. 25. Darab B. Raised right hand and head of Valerian. Drawing by Comelia Wolff after Trumpelmann 1975, p. 12. Fig. 26, Nagst-e Raj. The high priest Kerdir, Photo M. Alram. Fig 27, Shapur Ton the fie altar of Abnun, dated to year 3 of Shapur’s reign. Photo R. Shayegan. Fig. 28. Ardashir I, Double dinar, SNS 1, Al4 (8) Fig. 29. Cameo. Shapue seizes Valerian, Bibliotheque nationale de France. MICHAEL. ALRAM ‘Munzkabinet- Kunsthstorisches Moseum "Burgring 5 A110 Wien MARYSE BLET-LEMARQUAND TRAMAT Cente Finest-Babelon SD tue dela Feroleric FH43071 Orléans cedex PRODS OKTOR SKIERVO Harvard University Divinity Avenue (Cambridge Massaehusets 02139 USARES ORIENTALES ISSN 1142-2831 Res Orientales 1 (1989) Rika GYSELEN LA GEOGRAPHIE ADMINISTRATIVE DE L'EMPIRE SASSANIDE Res Orientales II (1990)Rika GYSELEN, ed PRIX, SALAIRES, POIDS ET MBSURES Res Orientales III (1991) Rika GYSELEN, ed JARDINS D’ORIENT Res Orientales IV (1992) Rika GYSELEN, ed BANQUETS D’ORIENT Res Orientales V (1993) Rika GYSELEN, ed CIRCULATION DES MONNAIES, DES MARCHANDISES ET DES BIENS Res Orientales VI-(1994) Raoul Curiel et Rika GYSELEN, edd. ITINERAIRES D’ORIENT. HOMMAGES A CLAUDE CAHEN Res Orientales VII (1995) Rika GYSELEN, ed AU CARREFOUR DES RELIGIONS. MELANGES OFFERTS A PHILIPPE GIGNOUX Res Orientales VIN (1956) Rika GYSELEN, ed is SITES ET MONUMENTS DISPARUS D’APRES LES TEMOIGNAGES DE VOYAGEURS Res Orientales 1X (1956) Michel TARDIEU RECHERCHES SUR LA FORMATION DE L’APOCALYPSE DE ZOSTRIEN ET LES SOURCES DE MARIUS VICTORINUS ‘Avec une contribution de Pierre HADOT. Res Orientales X (1997) Rika GYSELEN, ed SCEAUX D’ORIENT ET LEUR EMPLOL Res Orientales XI (1998) Rika GYSELEN, ed PARFUMS D’ORIENT Res Orientales XII (1999) Rika GYSELEN. ed LA SCIENCE DES CIEUX. SAGES, MAGES, ASTROLOGUES Res Orientales XIII 2001) Rika GYSELEN, ed DEMONS ET MERVEILLES EN ORIENT Res Orientales XIV (2002) Rika GYSELEN, ed CHARMES ET SORTILEGES. MAGIE ET MAGICIENS Res Orientales XV (2002) (Christelle JULLIEN et Florence JULIEN APOTRES DES CONFINS. PROCESSUS MISSIONNAIRES CHRETIENS DANS L’EMPIRE IRANIEN Res Orientales XVI 2004) Rika GYSELEN, ed CONTRIBUTIONS A L'HISTOIRE ET LA GEOGRAPHIE HISTORIQUE DE L’EMPIRE SASSANIDE Eaiteur (GROUPE POUR L’ETUDE DE LA CIVILISATION DU MOYEN-ORIENT 13 rue du Fond Garant, 91440 Bures-sus-¥vete (France) ISBN 2.9508266.0-1 ISBN 2-9508266-1-x ISBN 2.9508266.2-8 ISBN 2-9508266.3.6 ISBN 2.9508266-4-4 ISBN 2.9508266.5-2 ISBN 2.9508266.6.0, ISBN 2-9508266-7.9 ISBN 2-9508266.8-7 ISBN 2.9508266.9-5 ISBN 2-9521376.0-9Miche! ALRAM, Maryse BLET-LEMARQUAND, Prods Okior SKIERVO ‘Shapur, King of Kings of Tranans and non-tranian«. = " ‘Osmund BOPEARACHCHI ‘Some Observations on the Chronology ofthe Barly Kushans ioe re ctmeaeammemreieiiaee dl Carlo CERETI ‘Middle Persian Geographic 38 erature Us Chapters X and XIl ofthe Greater Bundahi ‘Touraj DARYAEE, ‘The Middle Persian Tent Sar 7 Sarwan and the late Sasanian Cour 65 Rika GYSELEN Shapur fils’ Ohrmazd, petits de NaF 7 soa cs Christelle JULLIEN Conrbton es Act de Marys ees esgephiinorgue ‘et 'administrarion de empire sassanige (1). a David W. Mac DOWALL. “The Eras of Demetri, Eueratides and Azes : 103 Parvaneh POURSHARIATI Harz a-sfahant and Sisanid Historical Geography of Sink Muli alard w' alan m Frangois THIERRY ‘A propos des monographies du Weishu (S54) et du Beishi (659) sur leroyaume de Perse. Giusto TRAINA ‘Moise de Khortneet empire sassanide i 137 Index général. . 2 181 ISBN 978-2-9521376-1-4