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ALAIN T[]UMINE
TE
P[1ST
lN5.\USTlAL
S[]1:1ETY
A new type of society is being born today
which is different from any other that preceded
it. This post-industrial society is one in which
social relationships have been transformed
profoundly. In his analysis of the student move
ment, the new social classes, and the problems
linked to the new enterprises, the author breaks
with the old criteria of sociological analysis.
THE
POST-INDUSTRIAL
SOCIETY
THE POST
INDUSTRIAL
SOIETY Tomorrow's
Social History: Classes,
Conflicts and Culture
in the Programmed Society
ALAIN TOURAINE
RANDOM DOUSE
New rork
Acknowledgments
Copyright Comentions.
J'uhlished
in
indwtrielle
Lo
Socit!tIf
pcm
Information
JUT
Aclmowledgments
viii
published in a special number of
Economie appliquee.
ontents
I
II
86
IV
27
III
139
193
227
Index
235
THE
POST-INDUSTRIAL
SOCIETY
THE
POST-INDUSTRIAL
SO(;IETY
THE
POST-INDUSTRIAL
SOCIETY
INTRODUCTION
The Programmed
Society and
Its Sociology
T H E P O S T . I ND U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
nomic growth and its tangible results. Are not all social
their history.
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
a.
imposes a
has his place and his set roles within a regulated, hier
archical community, concerned mostly with its own co
hesiveness, the condition essential to its effectiveness.
b.
Cultural Manipulation.
c.
Political Aggressiveness.
T H E P O S T . IN D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
dependent participation.
ties with which many are too easily satisfied. This is not to
cieties.
could use other terms and say that the conflict is between
10
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E T Y
11
is
an
appeal
to
imagination
against
pseud<>
12
T H E P O S T . I N D U S TRIAL S O C I E T Y
13
14
T H E P O S T . I ND U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
15
a new ruling class does not necessarily break with the class
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E T Y
16
17
criSIS.
working class
THE P O S T I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
18
19
20
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E T Y
21
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L SO CIETY
22
23
usefulness.
and by competition.
24
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T RIAL S O C I E T Y
all
25
26
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
March 1969
28
THE P O S T . IND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
29
class society.
The apparent
into rents. The image of the idle rich man, living off the
tionally
defined
social
function.
Nineteenth-century
THE P O S T . IN D U S T R IAL S O C I E TY
30
31
of the future, a
societal modeL
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
32
33
to
class.
socia-political activity.
tion.
The three elements just distinguished are not merely
juxtaposed; they combine to form the historical image of
the class society, composed of two fundamental classes
with contradictory interests, engaged in an all-out contest
for power and wealth, in which neither opponent can gain
except at the expense of the other. Separately, none of the
three elements making up the image is sufficient for this
general conception of social conflict.
We have already said that the distance between cultural
heritages leads to a pluralist rather than a dualist vision of
society. Each group tends to define itself by its cultural and
occupational particularity. Regional, religious, and occupa-
THE P O S T . I N D U S T RIAL S O C I E T Y
34
35
life.
an internal, oc
unstable combina
tion of elements which are not sociologically contempom
neous. It has occurred only once in the history of
salaried employees.
In the residential situations we studied, we found almost
no trace of the traditional "lower class" model which was
strongly marked by social heterogeneity and broad socia-
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
36
the
analyses of Michel
Crozier,'
ambiguous.
Cali
37
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T RIAL S O C I E T Y
38
39
cotlflict.
institlltionaiiUltion of industrial
organiUltion
in sociological
IiO
T il E P O S T . 1 N D U S TR1AL S O C 1 E T Y
40
41
those "on top" and those "on the bottom," does not imply
zation of work has a very clear term for this situation: the
tional.
The result of this is that the employees in a firm can
simultaneously have a very clear consciousness of the
authority system in which they work and still have very
' Crolicr. op. eil
42
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
(Herrschoftsverbiinde) .
power.
44
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E T Y
c) . We must again return to the theme o f the concentra
4S
able,
consequently,
to
concentrate here
on
politico
but of programming.
more and more open, that the State is not a god presiding
C.
PreS!, 1959) .
46
THE P O S T . I N D U S TRIAL S O C I E T Y
47
consumption.
mental regulations.
T H E P O S T IN D U S T R IA L S O C IE TY
48
49
service.
Tech710crats
true that one can only speak of a ruling class if those who
nomic concentration.
in
T H E P O S T I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E TY
50
Technocrat
is as ambivalent a term as
capitalist,
which
technocrat
51
52
THE P O S T . IN D U S TR I A L S O C I E T Y
53
and professional
by competitive examination.
job security and their income is safe even if they are "un
particular interests.
54
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E T Y
55
as
space.
a workr,
build their own power, impose more and more rigid social
plebs
T H E P O S T I N D U S T R I A.L S O C I E T Y
56
felt more and more. At the same time as the most patho
logical forms of capitalism disorganize social space by
delivering it over to speculation, technocratic power,
'wrapped up in its plan for growth, resistant to negotiation
and new information, destroys the capacity of society to
transform its life-forms, to imagine a new kind of space.
and to develop new forms of social relations and cultural
activities. Social struggles can no longer remain limited
to the domain of labor and business, because the hold of
economic power over social life is more general than ever
and reaches every aspect of personal life and collective
activities.
h.
Bureaucracy
57
(Dienstklasse) .
(the Prussian
Beamlentum) .
58
T H E P O S T- I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E T Y
employees
and
techni
59
technical execution,
forming itself into a social class, for two reasons: they are
dispersed and, above all, they succeed at their excesses only
if they are also technocrats or bureaucrats. We do not, as a
60
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E T Y
61
homo oeconomicus.
or groups of classes does not result from the fact that one
alienation
62
63
T H E P O S T I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E TY
64
65
ma
social class, for the professionals are not one of the ele
professionals,
66
67
sumption.
they are now only one element within it, just as a factory
"social forces."
power system.
nicists are those who are associated with the life of great
organizations
68
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E T Y
69
class.
same time, they can reverse the process and become spokes
pp.
179-199.
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71
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totalitarianism,
the subjection
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72
T H E P O S T I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E TY
Likewise. it is anachronistic to attempt to depict social
73
undeniable but
tion elites.
way")
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
74
75
flicts; 2)
aggiornamento
of the
our society.
fused with each other: the first affirms the central role of
against power.
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
76
attention.
Their
manifestations and
conse
IS
77
78
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E TY
non-ruling
79
80
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
81
and planning.
17
82
THE P O S T I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
83
orientations, classes, and power relationships within a s0ciety. In a word. we must affirm the importance of a so
social classes.
and the breakdown of society, but not until 1848 did the
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
85
for
free consumption
and
free exchange,
as if only the
vailing powers."
consumption
than of produc
ognized and named and for the weapons of the new social
life.
18 Edgar
1962) .
Morin,
L'eJpril du ItmPJ
Grauet,
87
II
The Student
Movement: risis
and onfliet
88
THE P O S T - I ND U S TRIAL S O C I E TY
89
examinations and, a
fortiori,
(F.E.R.)
and the
O.C.R.) , OT
won.) Very early on, Edgar Morin gave the most general
as a student revolt.
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E TY
90
91
develop the solidarity of the group and its break with the
dents and young workers who were more and more at one
not the university's loss of its role the reason why the stu
distant.
and the reign of words fascinate the observer, but they are
rated from the struggle against the Vietnam War and the
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
92
93
a.
while at the same time its stated objectives and its organiza
tion have not been profoundly changed. The old mold was
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E TY
up between professional leaders and the administrative
bureaucracy. These partners understand each other easily
on the subject of growth, which broadens the labor market
and bears witness to the vitality and stability of the social
system. They experience the greatest difficulty in question
ing themselves and even more in inquiring into the new
place of the university in the nation. Policy is reduced to
management, carried out by a constant give and take
among the leaders of the teachers, the unions, and the
administrative officials. More than ever, new ideas and ac
complishments are relegated to the fringes of the univer
sity, particularly to the research bodies_
The crisis of the university is not due to the control of
an overly powerful State, but to the actions of a very weak
State that is incapable of working out a policy, primarily
because it has not been transformed itself by the pressure
of new rising social groups. Corporatism and bureaucracy,
feeble and often laughable forms of the State's social
thrust and its capacity for decision-making, are easily allied
in the effort to isolate the university community and thus
create the strange situation in which growth is everybody's
religion and the maintenance of established rules and in
terests the common concern.
This decay of the university institution causes more and
more violent reactions. The university appears to be a
meaningless pole of resistance to social change. On this
level of analysis, one cannot yet understand the formation
95
have become a force for social change and thus have led to
96
97
98
99
In the United
States, Japan, Czechoslovakia, and France, the student
movement is not defined by the defense of student in
100
the French
101
perty.
A revolutionary movement.
102
THE P O S T - I N D U S TRIAL S O C I E T Y
103
tionary form only because the new ruling forces are built
State, worked out under the Gaullist regime, gave the new
between the two kinds of analysis, for the new social move
A revolutionary
change. In the French situation, one can even say that the
political opposition.
d.
104
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
lOS
century.
been threatened.
tarian.
actually
"self
many forms, all the way from the desire for self--direction
introduce
changes-is
naturally more
plodes with special intensity among the young, who are not
standards.
106
T Il E P O S T I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
107
they amalgamated a
the taste for abstract programs. Once this first step had
tive split took place. This was less the doing of the student
108
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E TY
(V.E.C.)
109
T H E P O S T . 1 N D U S T R 1AL S O C 1 E T Y
110
111
themselves.
decisive fashion.
112
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
113
Nantcrrc
brutal
at least
had
recourse
to
extremely
not been any mass movement and we have seen half the
been the first to dare loose his police on his students. Many
114
THE P O S T I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
115
ments of contestation.
lycee is a much
'
116
THE P O S T I N D US T R I A L S O C I E T Y
action was directd more toward the underprivileged th;1ll tOll'ard the
working dass.
117
liB
provos
119
THE P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L SOCIE T Y
of waiting for a new May, whose fire was lit on the ridge
that separated the old French society from its new (orms of
International Comparisons
Rather than directly undertake a comparative analysis
of the student movements, we must begin this analysis
archaism-adaptation.
I hypothesize
120
121
sure that run the greatest risk of falling apart and sinking
122
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L S O C IE T Y
123
124
THE P O S T -IND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
UNIVERSITI ORGANIZATION
(a) ARCHAIC (b) 1oI0DII.NlZlNC
125
Institutional 5)'5tem:
1) rigid
a) concentrated political power
F<an
Czechoslovakia
Italy
Columbia (U.S,A.)
Institutional system:
2) flexible
a) concentrated political power
Japan
Mexico
Germany
Berkeley (U,S.A.)
me, in Japan.
When the student movement encounters a strongly es
political.
126
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
127
128
THE P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
129
130
THE P O S T - IND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
10
re threat
he
131
132
THE P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
133
0; the refer
dimensions-loT,
ments.
134
THE P O S T. I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
Etirichissez vous
135
causes
clashes,
revolts,
and
crises-but
this
amounts to a tautology.
Jessie Pitts has brilliantly developed these ideas in terms
of France, where authoritarianism has delinquency and
bawdiness as its counterpar,t. This is quite exact on the
level of the behavior of individuals and collectivities de.
fined by their place within an organization. But one must
add that this kind of institution gives political importance
and responsibility to the opponents of the social and cul
tural system. On the other hand, in a more decentralized
and empirical society, opposition may be embodied in re
treat or deviance. Where the lT element is strongest and
cultural revolt is stronger than social conflict, it is more
difficult for the rejection of values and norms to be trans
formed into a movement capable of changing the social
order. In the opposite way, institutional rigidity, while
favoring a generalization of grievances and dissatisfactions,
turns away from real politicalization and expresses a crisis
more than it provokes a social movement. If we generalize
these observations, we move away from the simple con
struction of a typology toward the following idea.
Each of the three types that we have just defined by the
predominance of one of the dimensions of a social move
ment questions the social order. None can be considered
purely as reaction to a crisis situation. They all carry their
action well beyond immediate demands; they all seek to
136
137
dimensions of a movement.
tion. But these weaknesses and ideologies are also the mov
that followed.
Confederation
gem!rale
du
travail,
the
biggest
communistled,
138
III
The Firm:
Power., Institution.,
and Organization
140
THE P O S T -IND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
141
rationalization.
social
1 This development has been set out very well by Reinhard Bendix,
Work and Authorit)' in Indwtry (New York: Wiley, 1956) , and by
Bernard MOllez, L'molution des S)lstemu de remunerlJlion. Essai sur les
ideologies pntronales (Paris: CNRS, t967) .
2 Chester l. Barnard, The Functions of the Exerotive (Cambridge,
Mass.: HalVard Unh'ersity Press, 1938) .
a Chris Argyris, Persoll/dity and OrgaJliUltioJls: The Conflict Belwun
the System and the Individual (New York: Harper and Row, 1957) .
ers' reaction to work, and Taylor. not first but more vigor
ously than most, recognized the importance of "slowing
down" and strove to suppress this obstacle by the use of
financial stimulants. After Taylor, the recognition of the
frequent failure of this type of manipulation led to the
142
THE P O S T. I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
143
lIta"agme"t of ImlOvation
144
T H E P O S T I N D U S T R I A L S O C IE T Y
145
politics.
146
THE P O S T . IND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
147
eac
14S
THE P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
that the
149
Productive: work
Economic powe:r
Organization
Productive work
.
from direct dommatlOn
of productive work. It is no
lange: only the accumulation of capital
and managerial
capaclty thac determines growth; more and
more, it is a
ISO
151
152
THE P O S T IND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
153
THE P O S T I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
154
socio
of production but as real groups with real heritages.
cultural as well as economic.
So
As Schumpeter has emphasized both in Capitalism,
,!
classes
social
on
cialism and Democracy and in his essay
rable from
the rationalizing of the entrepreneurs is insepa
as the
values
st
tionali
anti-ra
their attachment to sllch
s:
barrier
class
family, the transmission of acquired goods,
r s ma e
"The capitalist regime is not only based on suppo
denves
up from non-capitalist materials but even
ct that It
condu
of
driving force from non-capitalist rules
,
hct
con f
is simultaneously condemned to destroy." The
between rationalization and accumulation demonstrates
the absence of an economic and social policy based on
of
rationalization, which is affirmed only on the level
labor and instrumentality.
In a similar manner, the workers enclose themselves
as
the
scientific
organization
of
work-
155
156
157
this participation.
being denied and through the explosion that the class con
nalyis.
158
159
160
THE POSTINDUSTRIAL S O C I E T Y
161
of education)
162
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E TY
163
164
165
the
certain
Italian
C.G.I.L.
like
Trentin
or
with
can think that unions negotiate more and more the con
camp.
166
167
tion of work.
political.
between the
differentiation.
just
been said is
time that it
168
169
firm.
arose from the firm's policies and not from its system of
tion of the heads of the firm. But does this mean that the
carry out within the firm a social policy that includes the
zation of work?
hardly arguable. Neither the firm nor the union can isolate
bureaucracy.
170
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L S O C IE T Y
171
ganization.
172
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L S O C IE T Y
173
l ?
nt:raclOn ; It is differentiated and hierarchized. Secondly.
l InstltUtl.nal system penetrates the sphere of organiza
174
T H E P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E TY
175
tion,
it. Economic life was almost nothing more than the inter
T H E P O S T I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
176
177
nomic
employee's
unions locked into forms of action that seem very far from
able
importance.
It exerts
less direct
and complete
178
179
eral.
lib
180
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IAL S O C I E T Y
181
paternalistic firms in
the
United States.
182
183
tegration is weak.
firm. The most voluntarist systems are also the ones most
184
T H E P O S T . I N D U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
rll'/ormll' d l'ntreprj
(Paris: Editions
185
186
187
industry.
economic life.
of
(section s)i1ldicale)
others seek ro obtain for the union. beyond the finn, some
Final Remarks
duct matching its class interests. At the same time, the firm
is not simply a central element of the system of social pro
One could have recourse to this, if one takes the stand for
188
189
functioning of an organization.
procedures.
an organization.
of the State.
reference;
190
T H E P O S T . IN D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
191
reVOlutionary.
of both the union and the owner was situated more simply
This is why neither the head of the firm nor the union
organization is the central
sion
an expres
cance.
192
THE P O S T -IND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
IV
++++++++
Leisure Activities,
Social
Participation, and
Cultural Innovation
The Decline of Traditional Leisure Activities
]f leisure activities are defined as activities other than
work. one would have to include under the term most o f
the cultural acts of a society-religious life. games. politi.
cal activity. and sports. Everyone rejects this definition
without clearly defining why. The reasons will become
clearer if we recall that the theme of leisure activity is
almost always associated in the minds of sociologists with
the subject of mass society. This is either because they
are describing the subjection of individuals to the modem
means of communication-mass media--or because they
observe the effects of modem work. piecework. which is
narrowly defined and performed within massive firms
194
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L S O CIET Y
195
the decisions that direct the firm, the fact remains that
professionally a very great number of workers or employees
196
THE P O S T - I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
197
198
THE P O S T IND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
199
of sad memory.
or the office, one must rest, sleep, or relax, and one may
bond between the one who performs them and the cul
them. But we say the contrary and point out the extreme
to
ness in this area is very limited when the ideas are not
seconded by groups in which the subject is an active and
involved member.
200
201
pololeo in
Latin America
classes,
carry out for the rest of their lives and often reach their
top salary.
two principal char
202
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
203
set, a direct contact with the entire world. far beyond the
Ameri
the mass media does not exist. These are two closely con
nected
manifestations
of cultural
underdevelopment,
204
T H E P O S T - IN D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
205
leisure
become attenuated?
cultural initiative.
206
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
207
ruling groups.
leisure.
culture
expression mass
208
T H E P O S T . I ND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
209
Cultural Demands
escape, or autonomous
choice, that is, they can form new elective groups. This
feel themselves " free." But the essential fact is that cultural
one side, one can say that "active" leisure activities are
the other side. one can take a more radical approach and
elementary
subsistence
increases
more
than
propor
tionately.
behavior.
210
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L S O C IE T Y
amoral
211
212
THE P O S T - IN D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
made
leisure activity.
as useful and re
213
214
TY
THE POST.INDUSTRIAL S O C I E
ted by a
those with whom he works; he is not protec
simply gives
collection of outward rules of behavior; he
the non
and
tian
his life a different meaning. The Chris
ies and moral
Christian no longer live in different societ
.
worlds; they simply live different experiencs .
.
On, or In
religl
and
In thus relating leisure activity
movies or
tention is not to equate religious life with
s of culture
bowling. but to recognize in all the aspect
on the pro
light
casts
the same general evolution that
e from
passag
found meaning of leisure activity: the
action freely
socially and morally regulated behavior to
the more
all
aTe
that
s
value
oriented toward objects or
they are
that
e
demanding of the individual to the degre
nth of social
no longer separated from him by a labyri
codes.
into
This transformation of cultural activities comes
can be viewed
conRict with some contrary tendencies. It
integration
and
n
ipatio
as a reinforcement of social partic
inRuece
the
st
in twO main ways. First, the struggle again
to a collective
of commercialized consumption may lead
velopmnt f
organization of leisure activities and to the de.
auon IS
mtegr
social
collective instruments through which
an in
to
lead
achieved. Second, mass consumption may
of life.styles
creasingly precise stratification, the diversity
and the
dards
sta
living
of
criticism of
In the first place, it is possible to admit our
it in a different
"cultural withdrawal," and yet to interpret
that the cultural
sense from ours: if it is true, one may say,
formerly to prothan
d
themes of our society are less boun
215
216
217
218
THE P O S T . I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
219
220
T H E P O STIND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
221
organization.
firms; whatever these forces may be, they extend their con
world.
Education is less and less defined as socialization, that
nature," according to Serge MoscovicV that is, as the con2 Serge Mosoovic
i, ESJai sur I'hisloiTC humaine dl! la nature (Paris:
Flammarion, 1968) .
222
THE P O S T I N D U S T R I A L S O CIET Y
223
224
T H E P O S T -IND U S T R IA L S O C I E T Y
225
politan centers, where the inner city is empty and the old
more so.
the degree that they are not regulated by the political and
226
T H E P O ST - I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
POSTSCRIPT
Why
Sociologists?
creation.
228
THE P O ST-IND U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
Why Sociologists?
229
any great social and political debate. This does not mean
that is, the combination of the old and new ruling classes
230
THE P O S T - IN D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
Why Sociologists?
231
stitUlions.
posed only
Political
problems
have been
models o[ development.
(emprise)
232
THE P O S T I N D U S T R I A L S O C I E T Y
Why Sociologists?
233
must not help French society to free itself from the need
ety that has been reduced to the economy on one side and
ology has gone along beside changes that took place here
discover the unity of the object of his study and of his own
work.
Index
236
INDEX
Capitalism (continued)
Chaulieu, Pierre. 8n
Chicago School of Sociology, 35
ChomlJan de Lauwc, Paul H., 35
Christian worker!' union
17511.. 214
218, 223-4
105
Leoin.
Marx, Troutyitet
Community. See Decentralization;
Groups, oommunity; Neigh
borhood
Company. Set: Firm
Confederation Fralll;aise et Dmo
cratique du Travail
(C.F.D.T.) , 164
Confederation gnrale du tra,'ail
(C.G.T.) , 100, 136, 185
Conformity, 9, 142
Consciousness, class, 51-2, 54, 56
Consumer. 5. 14, 16, 61
active/passh'e, 196, 197-200
conflicts, 6S. 158. Set: (Ilso Con
flicts, social
Consumption. mass: attitudes to
wards, 83-5. 159, 200. 214
vs. investment. 45--6, 49. 50-I. 66,
as
7!1, 159-60
224, 226
Corpo"'tion.. 24-5. 66, 76, 143, ISS,
169-70, ISO-I
Creati,'ity. 5, II. 12, 205,220, 221
Crozier, Michel. !l6. 40, 76, 170
Culture. m;J.U: approach 10, 225
Index
237
,,,
186, 190--1
165, 169
e,'olution of, 1!!9-68, 173-4, 177,
190, 191
INDEX
238
Firm (s) (continued)
and labor relationships, 145. 148,
156-7, 160-1, 168, 191
n. labor unions,
153, 1601.,
16411., l7!I, 176--8, 179-80.
18 1, 190, 191
in liberal societies. 178-81, 184,
185-6, ISO-I
in managed/voluntariSt M)Cietics,
178, 179, 181-3, 184, 185--6,
190, 191
management of. 148, 153, 156-7,
166. 169-70, 179, ISO-I, 191
manage" of. 17, 158f., 160-1, 175
nationalized French, 184
politicization of, 169, 180
power of, 17, 17, 173-6
private II system of, 181
private/public. 42, 15m., 169-70
role of, 17, 101, 150-1, 175-6, 179
social concerns of, 161. 165
social problems in, 17l. 172. 174.
ISO
See alsQ Corporation. Organization
Ford. Henry. 155
Fourth Plan, 51
Fn.nce, 1411., 19f. 29-50, 31, 38,
SOIl., 59, 85, 95. 98, 10.5.
12011., 125charl, 126, 154,
177, 181, 183, 186, 205, 2UI,
216, 219, 22711. See dUO Gov
ernment, French; May Movt:.
ment
Freedom, 12, 20sr., 210-16
Friedmann, Georges, 7. 19B, 204
Fromm, E.rich, 204
Galbraith, John K., 49, 62
Gaulle, Charles de, 15, 88, 95, 100,
109, 102-', 117, 124, 127
Germany, 41, 50, 88, 120, 122, 12!).6, 156-7, 181, 181
Goldthorpe, J. H., 175
Government: and economicl5OCial
progress, 44-8, 51, 71, 78,
100, 101, 159-60, 16!, 175
Government (continued)
intcn-cntion of, in industry, !B,
46-7, 156, 160-2, 16!, 179-30
19th century lack of, !O-I
social conflicts and, 24, 4'8, 1!5,
159-M, 164, 207-8, 215-16
social/student movements and,
IU
..
-4, 126, 128, IH-2, 134
Government, French (Gaullist) ,
15. 135, 184-5
economic issues and, 51, 100,
126-7, 177, 229
May Movement and, 88-9, 91,
92-7, 100, 102-!. 109, 116,
117, 124
Grenelle agnemenu, 109
Groups: community. 160, IS!, 164,
176, 202
dominated, 82
elderly, 222-3
financial. 157, 164, 175
formed, 82, 90, 91
industrial, 157, 164, 175
pressure. 67-8. 76
primary, 201-2, 2OS, 207, 208
resistance, 6!-5, 70chart
ruling, 24, 4S, 74. 206
socia\, 151-2, 201, 216, 217-8
technocrats as, 5S
special interest, 67, 68
Gurvitch, Georges, 69
Harbison. Frederich H., 161. 181
Hartmann, H., 181
Havighunt, R., 202
Health, 48-9. 67, 72
Hegel, Georg W, F. 8
Hierarchy, 5OCiaI, 12, 29, 216-17
HOlUing. -'5, 55, 67, 224
Human relations $Chool, 141-2
Identity, 54. 6!, 69, lOS, 160, 16S
Independence. personiLI, 197, 199
Industrial relations. IS2
See a lso Conflicu, industrial
239
Index
IndustriiLIization, 19th century, 6.
29-Sl, !4. !8, 62, 7S. 74. 81,
8S, 98, 105, 120, 140, 149
Industry: transfonnation oE, 14851, 155
See also Corporation, Firm, Or..
ganiution, Research
Inequality, 76. 209, 217, 218
Inflation, 151
Information: decision.making and.
62-S, 165, 172
mass, 61, 71, 72. 19S, 195, 197,
200-2. 20S, 206
Institution (5) , political power vs.,
1211-4, 125charJ, 229---30,
231-2
See also Firm, Organization, Unl
\'ersities
Institutional Revolutionary party
(P..R .I.) , IS2
Inlegration, weial. 7. 209, 214. 222,
224. See aLia Conflicts
Intdlectu"h. 99-100
ilWCSlment, 6--7, 45-6, 47fl'., 50-1.
66, 73. 159-60
Italian Communist Party (P.C.I. ) ,
126
Italian socialist party (P.5.1.U.P.) ,
126
Italy, 18, 20. 3B, 120, 12411., 144
Janowiu, Morris, 76-7
Japan, 20, 99, 124, 12ScharJ, 128,
181
240
INDEX
a
ims
U5,
U6,
241
Index
National Students' Union
(U.N.E.F.) , 1 I4
Nations, underdeveloped, 9-10, 7950, 178
Negotiation. See Confticts
Neighborhoods, !.s-6,
21'
61, 172
concept of, 38-9, 101. 145-7, 149
decision-making in, 42-!, 11!
hierarchy in, 40-1, 56-7, 17l, 17!
line/luff system of, 40
management of, S, 16, 169, 170
nonns/rules/values of, 171, 17!
as social problem, 69, 71
structure of. 8n, !9, 56-7, 167-9,
170-8
See also Conflicts, Firm
Organization, social , S , 14, 161, 16!,
164, 209, 214, 222, 224
Organization man, 57, 171, 202
Paga. R.. 231
Parsons, Talcott, 76
Parti Republicain, 10!
Participation: dependent, 9-U, 25,
101
social, 199-2O!, 20511., 214, 217,
022-'
Panies, political, 77, IS(!, UI-2,
22'
Perlman, Selig, U!
Personality, culture
PillS, je$Sie, l!l5
VI.,
22!, 225
Polities (<<>ntinued)
42-7, 71, 72, 100, lOt 116,
12H, 125cilart, 126-7, UI,
166, 229-!O, 231-2
See also Communism, Finn, Gov
ernment, May Movement,
Parties, Socialism
Popitl, H., 41
Power elite, 44, 50, 155
prejudice, 76
Price fluctuations, 47
ProdUction, 5, 6, 7, 12, 19, 62, 97,
102, 159-60, 189
Products, culture and, 196-9, 214,
218, 22, 226
Professions, 48-9, 64-5, 7Ochart, 97,
128. Su also Teachers
I'roperty, 51, 54, 6!
Psychology, 2O5
Psychosociology, industrial, 147
52, 154-5
Religion, 21!-14
Renner, Karl, 57
Repn:ssion, 15, !O, 1 1 1 11., l
Research, S, 12, 18,41, 7Ochart, 96,
97, 142, 159, 165
Responsibility, social, 99
Riesman, David, 219
Role, 10, 54-5, 174, 175, 194, 197
Ruling class, 9, 10, II, '11, 42-!
new (technocrat!) , 47-8, 51, 74
traditional, 29, 74
Rural life, 36, 194, 195, 20!
Sahsjobaden tradition, 1!2
Sauvagent, jacques, 89
Schools: professional (great
schools) , 52, 5!n, 88,
96
secondary (Iyctc) , 114-15
Schumpeter, joseph, 81, 154, 155,
157
Science, 12, 64, 158, 159, ]65
Sex, attitudes towards, 201, 224
242
INDEX
Situationi5U. 107
Sloan, A., 155
Social change. See Change. social
Social classes, 27-8
dominated. 54, 7Ochart, 74
former, 47-69, 70chllrt, 75, SO, 82.
85, 93, 15
13'
"Socialismc: au Barbaric," 8
Socielics; collectivistic, 8n. See DUO
Communism
contractual industrial, 179-81,
185-6, 190, 191
managed/voluntarist industrial,
46, 181-3, 185-6, 190, 191
19th century industrialited, 6.
29-31, 73, 74, 81, 83, 98, 120,
126, 140, 149
Sociology (rontinUIld)
culture and, 203-9, 226
firms and, 139--010, 14!;-7
SOI;ial actions and, 99. 112, 227"
243
Index
Student movement (I) (continued)
ideology and, 136-7
Italian, 126
Japanese. 99, 128
politicalization of, 124f[" 131,
m
137
English, 119
formed, 99, 119-23
French, 119, 126-7, 129, 130
March 22, 107, 108, 158
at Nanterre, S8, I06Jf., IIlII.
at Nantl:s, 107
sitins, 107n
at Str.ubourg. 106, 107n
Vincennes, 112
Su a/50 May Movement
German, 88, 125-6
196<1-('J, 88
13'
INDEX
244
UniverlilieJ (tonlinued)
Otg;lnilalion of/in, 90, 92, 96,
109, 119-23, 125chOlrl, 126,
'"
politics inland, 12-13, 12l-4, 125,
126-7
rigidity 0(, 9!--4. 96, 108, 119-23,
l25charl. 126, 127, 130-1
Stale: and, 72
'Workf'rs
(co"tj"ud)
'"
prf'scnt role of, 15-18, 40, 99100, 132-3
Set! allo May Mo"emf'nt, Unions
Working class: neighborhoods, 36
in 19th century, 10, 11, 30-1
present role of, 16-17, 18, 36-8,
67
Born in