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CO MM OD IT Y PRICES

FR OM
THE RAMESSID PERIOD
AN ECON OMIC STUD Y OF THE VILL AGE OF
NECR OPOL IS WOR KME N AT THEBES

BY

lAC. l. lANS SEN

LEIDE N
E.1. BRIL L
1975
TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables . XIV


Preface . XVII
List of Abbreviations XXI

Introduction

PART I: SOURCES
I. The Dating of the Material 15
11. Ostraca 23
Ill. Papyri . 94

PART 11: PRICES


I. The Money
§ 1. The deben. 101
§2. The sniw 102
§3. Use and Value of the snlw 105
§4. The hin 108
§ 5. The khar . 109
11. Cereals
§6. Emmer (bdt) 112
§7. The Emmer Prices and the Season 117
§8. Barley (it) 119
§9. Barley as a Unit of Value. 122
§ 10. The Barley Prices and the Season 125
§ 11. Emmer and Barley Prices Compared 127
Ill. Basketry and Matting
§ 12. kbs, 'grain basket' 133
§ 13. nbd, bnd and §kr 136
§ 14. dnit 140
§ 15. kr~t 143
§ 16. m(t)rbt, 'strainer' or 'sieve' 145
§ 17. mmjm and n*r 147
§ 18. lrgs/ir*s 149
§ 19. 'nbr 150
V III &~ . . -~- --

§20. kskst 151 §54. *bw n wt, 'canopic jars' 243


§21. 'rlf., 'sack'(? ) 151 § 55. bry-mrlJ 244
§22. 153 § 56. prt-m-hrw, 'Book of the Dead' 245
b'w .
§23. tm5, 'mat' and srjr, ·pallet'. 154 §57. *nlw, 'shrine ' 246
§24. I:ztp 160 §58. Woode n Statues 246
§25. skr . 161 VIII. Dress
IV. Animals §59. Garme nts 249
§26. 'nb, 'small cattle' 165 §60. mss, 'tunic' 259
§27. '5, 'donkey '. 167 §61. d51w 265
§28. Cattle 172 §62. srjw/srjy 272
§29. Blw, 'pig' 177 § 63. btrl n Ish 277
§30. 5pdw, 'fowl'. 178 §64. rj5yt. 278
§31. wns, 'jackal' 178 §65. ldg . 282
§66. rwrjw 284
V. Furnitu re §67. mrw 286
§32. b'tl, 'bed' 180
§68. I;bs . 287
§33. krk(r), 'couch' 185
§69. bndw 288
§34. hdmw, 'footsto ol' . 185
§70. mb5Y 289
§35. ~nlw, 'seat'. 187
§71. sndyt 289
§ 36. lsbwt, 'folding-stool' 191
§72. swl;w 290
§37. msr. 194
§ 73. bry-k'l;t 290
VI. Woode n Contai ners §74. ifd 291
§ 38. 'fdt . 197 §75. twt, 'sandal s' 292
§39. g5Wt. 198 Toilet Equipm ent, Jewellery, and Amulets
IX.
§40. s~r/sgr . 200
§ 76. mb'~, 'razor' 299
§41. dbt 203
§77. 'nb, 'mirror ' 301
§42. 15Y 204
§78. pSI, 'comb' . 302
§43. bs 206
§79. bwy, 'fan' 303
§44. Jpt, 'corn-measure'. 207 §80. bnw n tilt sgnn, 'cosmetic stick' . 303
§45. mhn. 207
§81. bll, 'end-pi ece'(?) . 304
VII. Tomb Equipm ent §82. sbw . 306
§46. Coffin s. 209 §83. smn and sb' 308
§47. wt 215 § 84. SJ~w, 'ring'. 308
§48. mn-'nb 233 §85. mny. 309
§49. swl;t 235 §86. blk . 310
§ 50. rjb5t. 238 §87. sJw n msw, 'birth-c harm'. 310
§51. ytlt . 239
X. Tools and Other Implements
§ 52. Itr, 'shawa bti-box ' 242
243 §88. M, 'spike' . 312
§53. S5W5btl, 'shawa bti'
§89. mrj5t, 'chisel' . 317
X TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS XI

§90. Ifrr;!n 318 XIV. Wood and Wooden Objects


§91. 'nt, 'adze' . 321 § 124. nh, 'sycamore' . 370
§92. minb, 'axe' 322 § 125. s'd, 'log'. 371
§93. wp. 323 § 126. s3y, 'beam' . 372
§94. sft, 'knife'. 324 §127. (I)lyn 374
§95. iddk; mrlfgn; kmti 324 § 128. iswt, 'plank'. 375
§96. niw, 'spear' 325 § 129. tpt, 'stake' . 376
§97. s/:lmy and mg/:lt, 'pestle' and 'mortar' . 326 § 130. bt-13w, 'mast' 377
§98. inr n g3f, 'griddle-stone'. 327 § 131. irkt, 'trunk'. 378
§99. iknw, 'hoe' 328 § 132. p3[y]pt (?) 379
§ 100. mrkbt, 'chariot' 329 § 133. gp/:l 380
§ 134. gr't 380
XI. Oil and Fat § 135. Prices of Ship's Parts. 381
§ 101. n/:z/:z, 'sesame oil' . 330 § 136. sbd 382
§ 102. mr/:lt 333 § 137. /:l'wand 'wn. 384
§ 103. sgnn 336 § 138. m3wg, 'carrying-pole' . 385
§ 104. 'g, 'fat' 337 § 139. n/:lbt . 387
§ 140. mryf, 'board' 388
XII. Food and Beverages
XV. Parts of Buildings
§ 105. ng, 'flour' 343
§ 141. sb3, 'door' and sbbt, 'door-frame' 389
§ 106. Bread and Cake . 344
§ 142. /:ltri, 'door-jambs' 391
§ 107. /:lnlft, 'beer' 346
§ 143. wb3, 'column' 392
§ 108. Fish 348 393
§ 144. 'gyt.
§ 109. irp, 'wine' 350 394
§ 145. m3'w.
§ 110. bit, 'honey' and mn/:l, 'wax' 352 394
§ 146. lnb, 'wall'
§ Ill. smy, 'curd' 353 396
§ 147. lwfn, 'site' and 'f, 'house' .
§ 112. iry, 'liibya beans', lbw, sty and 's(?) 355
§ 113. /:llf~ 356 XVI. . Leather
§1l4. /:lmy 357 § 148. dlJrl, 'hide' 398
§ 149. bnt, 'skin' 400
XIII. Plants § 150. (1)[13, 'leather sack' 401
§ 115. w3g, 'vegetables' . 359 § 151. msti . 403
§ 116. m/:ly, 'flax' 364
§ 117. g3s1, 'reed' 365 XVII. Vessels
365 § 152. Vessels in General. 407
§ 118. ~nni, 'flag' and tI-SpS, 'cinnamon'
366 § 153. kl 408
§ 119. nkpf and lwfyf
367 § 154. Ifbw . 412
§120. by .
367 §155. If/:ln 415
§ 121. Mw, 'onions' .
367 § 156. i', 'and '-n-b'w 418
§ 122. sst/d(?)
369 § 157. nw 421
§ 123. Comparison of Plant Prices
TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS XIII
XII

§ 158. lrr 422 Ill. Features of Economic Life in the Village


§ 159. dydy 423 § 1. Why were the transactions recorded? 510
§ 160. rhdt 425 §2. The frequency of the use of each measure of value 514
§ 161. wsm 426 § 3. Why was a particular measUre of value used? 520
§ 162. gly 426 §4. An ancient Egyptian price list 523
§ 163. mrsw 428 §5. Comparison with some prices from other sources 527
§ 164. pgs. 429 §6. Joint property 531
§ 165. mlJb~ 429 § 7. The wealth of the workmen 533
§ 166. ~'/:lt 430 IV. Ancient Egyptian Economics
§ 167. klt-mrbt and sbnk 431
§ 1. Preliminary remarks 539
§ 168. wglJw 432
§2. The mentality in economic matters 540
§ 169. ~blJw 433
§ 3. The money 545
§ 170. 11bw 433
§4. Price fluctuations 550
§171. lnlJ. 434
§5. The economy of the Village, a sector of the Egyptian
§ 172. lrb . 435
economy 558
XVIII. Miscellaneous Materials Indexes . 563
§ 173. nwt, 'yarn' 436 564
Addendum
§ 174. nwl}, 'rope' 438 565
Documents
§ 175. /:lmlt, 'salt' and /:lsmn, 'natron' 440 565
A. Graffiti
§ 176. IJmtl, 'copper' 441 565
B. Ostraca
§ 177. f/I}ty, 'lead' 442 579
C. Papyri
§ 178. snw, 'wool' 443
Egyptian Words 586
§ 179. ht(?). 444 592
Coptic Words .
§ 180. snlr, 'incense' 445 593
Greek Words
§ 181. ~myt, 'gum' . 446
Names. 593
§ 182. gm" 'papyrus' 447
§ 183. Water, Firewood, Straw and Dung 448

PART Ill: ECONOMICS

1. Wages
§ 1. Organization of payments to the workmen . 455
§2. The grain rations . 460
§ 3. The rations in the 'journal of the necropolis' 466
§4. Cakes and beer, dates and vegetables 471
§5. Fish and fuel 478
§ 6. Pottery . 485
§ 7. Extra provisions 488

H. The Transactions 494


LIST OF TABLES XV

XXXVII statues 247


XXXVIII Lists of garments in Pap. Harris I 255
XXXIX Lists of garments in ostraca 257
LIST OF TABLES XL Laundry list of o. DeM. 258 258
XLI mss 262
I 130-132 XLII d3lw 266
II kbs 134 XLIII scjw/scjy 275
III dnlt 141 XLIV cj3yt 279
IV kr~t 144 XLV ldg . 283
V m(tJrbt 146 XLVI rwcjw 285
VI mncjm + n~r 147 XLVII mrw 287
VII lrgs/ir~s 150 XLVIII Weaving of a garment 288
VIII 'r~ . 152 XLIX lfd . 292
IX tm3 156 L twt. 294-295
X scjr + tm3 159 LI mb'k 300
XI ~tp . 161 LII b3 315
XII skr. 163 LIII nM 331
XIII 'nb· 166 LIV mr~t 335
XIV '3 168 LV 'cj 339
XV l~ 173 LVI fish 350
XVI s3iw 177 LVII beans and fruit? 356
XVII 3pdw 178 LVIII w3cj 361
XVIII ~,ti . 181-182 LIX plants 369
XIX hdmw 186 LX nh . 370
XX ~nlw - ~nlw + hdmw 190 LXI S'd . 372
XXI isbwt 193 LXII s3y . 374
XXII msr 195 LXIII parts of ships. 381
XXIII 'Idt 198 LXIV sbd. 383
XXIV g3wt 199 LXV d~ri 399
XXV s~r/sgr 202 LXVI bnt . 400
XXVI dbt . 204 LXVII (l)b3 403
XXVII I3y . 205 LXVIII msti 405
XXVIII bs 206 LXIX kI 411
XXIX wt . 216 LXX ~bw 413
XXX wood for a wt 222 LXXI ~~n 417
XXXI decoration of a wt 224 LXXII i' 420
XXXII construction of a wt . 229 LXXIII nw . 422
XXXIII mn- 'nb and wt '3 . 233 LXXIV lrr . 423
XXXIV sw~t 236 LXXV dydy 424
XXXV decoration of a sw~t . 237 LXXVI nwt 437
XXXVI ytit 241
XVI LIST OF TABLES
'Ir
,!

A Days of issuing grain rations 464


B Days of the year 1-2 of Ramesses IV for which there ~
are 'journal' entries left . 467 PREFACE
I:
c Days of the year 31-32 of Ramesses III and the year 1
of Ramesses IV for which there are 'journal' entries
left . 468
t This book would never have been written but for the encouragement
D Rations of psn and bit 472 of the great scholar to whose memory it is dedicated. Observing from
E Rations of ds and ps 474 my Ph.D. thesis my interest in economic matters, he offered me with
F Rations of Dates 475 his characteristic generosity the use of his invaluable notebooks in
G Rations of Vegetables 476 order to select from them the basic data for the present study. He
H Fish-rations 480 furthermore allowed me the loan of a special notebook in which he
I Fuel-rations 483 had collected the material for his article Prices and Wages in the
K Deliveries of the Potter 487 Ramesside Period. Neither he nor I did suspect that it would take so
L Frequency of Prices in deben 517 long to complete the work. Proceeding from another article of Cerny
M Frequency of Prices in sniw 518 about Fluctuation in Grain Prices during the Twentieth Dynasty,
N Frequency of Prices in khar 520 I thought it worthwhile to try and date the various price ostraca, so
0 Sales of Oxen 537 that their prices could then be arranged in chronological order. This
prompted a fairly extensive study of the community of necropolis
workmen in general, while furthermore the attempt to define the nature
of the objects of which prices are recorded involved the analysis of
the archaeological evidence uncovered by the excavators of Deir
el-Medina. I deeply regret that all this took so much time that the
results were ready for publication only years after the death of the man
to whom they owe so much, as will be evident not only from the above,
but also from almost every page following below.
It was only when the manuscript was already in the press that
I received three books which, had they been in my possession before,
would have served as constant references for my own work. They
are: Cernfs magnum opus A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the
Ramesside Period, together with the fragment of a manuscript that was
to have formed the second volume of this work, p~blished by
S. Sauneron under the title The Valley of the Kings; and Schafik
Allam's Hieratische Ostraka und Papyri aus der Ramessidenzeit. In the
plate volume of the latter Allam gives copies of transcriptions from
Cernfs notebooks of several texts which in the present study are still
referred to as 'unpublished'. A list of these is given on p. 564. Allam's
translations, although covering partly the same sources as discussed
here, would not have led to differences on a great many points had it
come to my notice earlier, however, since he did not study the words
with which the present book is concerned, his aim being altogether
PREFACE PREFACE XIX
XVIII

different from mine. Whether an earlier acquaintance with CernY's of Prof. Cerny mentioned above, it would equally never have been
abovementioned books would have substantially affected my final completed without the generous help of my friend Prof. John R. Harris.
conclusions is similarly open to question. His material on various For his numerous critical remarks as well as his careful correction of
subjects was far more extensive than mine, and his scholarship my English of Part I and some chapters of Part 11 I am more than
undeniably greater, but even so most of the differences between us grateful. The weeks passed at his house in Abingdon in discussing the
seem to concern marginal problems only. Where our opinions are seen problems of the subject belong to the most pleasant memories in
to differ it is for the reader to decide for himself with whom of us he connection with the preparations of the work.
agrees. Last, but certainly not least, I wish to thank my wife. For over
To the various persons and institutions who have contributed to the twelve years now "the book" has formed a regular part of our family
completion of this work I offer my sincere thanks. life. Only other scholars' wives will know what it means for a woman
The Netherlands Organization for the Advancement of Pure Research to have to put up with such a rival in the interest of science. That the
(Z.W.O.) not only made the publication possible through a generous book is finally completed after all may give her the satisfaction of the
grant, but also provided me with the opportunity to visit the remains knowledge that she has not suffered in vain.
of the workmen's community at Thebes and to study relevant antiqui-
ties at the Cairo Museum. Autumn 1974.
I am indebted to Prof. Silvio Curto for allowing me to examine the
originals of several ostraca in the collection of the Museo Egizio at
Turin; to Dr. Wolfgang Muller for furnishing me with a series of
excellent photographs of ostraca and papyri preserved in the Agyptisches
Museum at Berlin; to Prof. Serge Sauneron for kindly lending me a
notebook with transcriptions of ostraca found during the excavation
of the 'Grand Puits'; to Mr. I. E. S. Edwards for his permission to
collate CernY's transcriptions of some ostraca with the originals in the
British Museum; to Prof. Philippe Derchain for providing me with
photographs of ostraca in Strasbourg; to Dr. Henry Fischer for
photographs of ostraca preserved in the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York; and to Miss Ann S. Robertson for photographs of ostraca
in the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow.
I gratefully acknowledge the help I received from Prof. P. W. Pest-
man, who read the first draught of chapter 11 of Part III and
contributed substantially to the work with suggestions and recomman-
dations.
I am indebted to my student, Mr. S. P. Vleeming, for compiling the
index of Egyptian and other words, and to my assistant, Mr. L. M. J.
Zonhoven, who not only devoted much time and energy to the
compilation of the index of documents, but also assisted me in the
ungrateful task of proof-reading.
To Miss M. van Yperen, who corrected the English of the greater
n
part of Part and the whole of Part III I express my sincere thanks.
If this book would never have been written without the encouragement
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

A'gypw! Stud",,, (Ft';.t'<:hnf! Grllpow): AgYPlologlsche Studien herausgegehen von


o Flrcho\\, Ek'rlm, 1955 = Deulsche Akadcmle der Wissenschaften ru Berlm.
Imlllllt fur Onenlfor;.(;hung VcriilTentlichung Nr. 27.
14'1<1/ /"hI Analccta blb!,ca
4th EgH'1 i\nC'~1H f""gypt
AJ\ET '\IlO;lcnl ]\.Cd' EaMern Text, RelatIng 10 the Old j",I.IILlCLlI r.\J'\cu ni
Jame~ B. PTI!cbilrd 2nd edlllou, Priuccwn. New Yersey, 1955
ArciJ. Or Ardlll Onemalm.
ASA/: Am, ..!!,·, .Ill ServIce dt:lo Antiquitts de I'EgjPl~
AI/sf Ver:.: AusflihrliL'hl><; Vcr7cichlll; dcr ~g)ptlschen Altertumer und GLpSllhgiisse.
Zwenc vollig wnge.:lrocllNe Aufl.!gc. Berhn, 1~99 ('" Kiimglichen MuseeD Zll
Berlm).
S),KER. Fllm;lllre: Hollis S Baker, Furniture In the Ancient World. Orlgms &
E~olullon JlO{)475 D.e. London, 1966.
Rnli 11",,,,,' I'crq l:. :-.Jewhcrr;. Belli Hasan. Parl~ 1 and 11. London. 1893-1894
h~[,~, o\rch,letlltl!!,ull Survey of Egypl).
HfE BlIlklin d~ rr~,lIlut d'Egyptc
BIFAO. Bulktm dc 1'111't'tuI I'[dlll'.'" d' \[cheologie orieOtale.
B'()r B,bllotheC<lOrientalt!>
\"', ilhl"<'i, .H"II1f1g(lli"~ h.W. von BIS~ing, Melllllgcfli5~e (no~ 3426-3587). Cata-
tle, ~m'4uite, du Musee du Cairc, Vienne. 1901
Henri Peter Bk'k. De belde volltsverhale:n van Papyrus HIIITis
soo ~~N' (D'~, Lc,den). Lelden. 1925
BMMA.: Buile"n ,'llhe ~1CI[(lp"111~n Museum of Arts. New York.
BoNNE1, Reallel,k."n· Hans Bonnel. Reallexikon dcr iigyptischen Religionsgeschichte.
Berhn.1952.
Born'PEET, Giornalt': Giuscppe BOl\i e T. Eric Peel. 11 giom.lle ,kll., necrnpoh di
Tel'le:, Torinn, 1928.
BRlIYERE. MeN Seger: Bern.!nl B[u~erc. Mert Scger iI De,r cl Mcdln~h. Le C.lIr~
1930 = Memoires public, pdr le, membrc, de l'ln,tilut Irlln<;dli> d'Archi<llo!!'L
o['emak du C'alfe Tome4H
BIt;UYr R~, RlIf'Jlnrl Od!: Bcrnard Bruyere. Rapport- .,ur le, fouLlles de Qeir el Medineh.
17 ,ok Le Caire, 1924-195) = r"llllle, Je I'InstuuI fram,aLs d'Archctl\"lI-1e
"rLcnt;li~ du Caire: [mne vob ~rc c",lled R.Lpport~ prelimmaircs; while the three
published In 1937-1939 are called: Rapport I'. ll' .!nd Ill' rartie:; the v(,!umc,
UfC here 'Iuuled "fter the Yellf of the excavation. not 111.. 1 uf the publiclIll\Jn
tbel .... o [cp,'m u( Ihe \~If ]<)q·IL!i' "re hcre c.llled II and Ill].
BSFE.: Bulktm de iJ SocIete Ira[wal>e d'f:gypIOJogie.
CAH];, vu!. I-ll. Thc Cambridgc ,'n~lcnl History. Revised Edmon of Volumes I & 11
[quoted .tftcr IheedillOn m loose fa"lde~1
CAMtNOS. LAt..-Eg. MI.,~(.: Riamlo.\ C;lIll1nO.,. Latc-Egyptian Miscellanies. London.
1954 = Brown Egyptological StudLes I
C\MINOS. LII illl!\ment.s: Ricardo A. Caminos, Literary FrlLgmenls III the Hicrutic
Scripl,O:tford.19S6,
C,IP;/aJ. S",.mg lIt1d Credit: Raymond Firth and B.S. Yllfficy. Capital. Saving and
Crcdil In PC",,,,)I Sodetie~. Studies from Asia. Ckeama, The Curibbean and
MlddIcAl'nc>J London. 1964
XXII LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS XXIII

CERNY, Le fonte indiretti: Le fonte indirette della storia egizia. Studi di J. Cerny, Grain Prices: cf CERNY.
W. Helck, G. Posener, A. Volten. Raccolti da Sergio Donadoni, Roma, 1963. Gri/fith Studies: Studies Presented to F. L\' Griffith, London, 1932.
CERNY, Graffiti: Jaroslav Cerny, Graffiti hieroglyphiques et hieratiques de la necropole HARRIS, Lexicogr. ~tudies: J. R. Harris, Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian
thebaine (nos 1060 a 1405). Le Caire, 1956 = Documents des fouilles publies Mmerals, Berhn, 1961 = Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin.
par les membres de l'Institut fran~ais d'Archeologie orientale, T. 9. Institut fUr Orientforschung, Veroff. Nr. 54.
CERNY, Grain Prices: Jaroslav Cerny, Fluctuations in Grain Prices during the Twentieth HAYES, Ostraka and Name Stones: William C. Hayes, Ostraka and Name Stones
Dynasty, Arch. Or. 6, 1934, 173-178. from the Tomb of Sen-Mut (No. 71) at Thebes, New York, 1942 = The
CERNY, Hier. lnscr ... Tut'ankhamun: Jaroslav Cerny, Hieratic Inscriptions from the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Egyptian Expedition Publications. Vo\. 15.
Tomb of Tut'ankhamiin, Oxford, 1965 = Tut'ankhamiin's Tomb Series n. HA YES, Seepter: William C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt. A Background for the
CERNY, Late Ram. Letters: Jaroslav Cerny, Late Ramesside Letters, Bruxelles, 1939 = Study of the Egyptian Antiquities in The Metropolitan Museum of Art 2 Parts
Bibliotheca aegyptiaca IX. Cambridge, Mass., 1953-1959. ' ,
CERNY, Prices and Wages: Jaroslav Cerny, Prices and Wages in Egypt in the Ramesside HELCK, Beziehungen: Wolfgang. He\Ck, Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien
Period, Cahiers d'histoire mondiale I, 1954, 903-92\. im 3. und 2. 1ahrtausend v. Chr., Wiesbaden, 1962 = Agyptologische Abhand-
CERNY, Repertoire onomastique: Jaroslav Cerny, avec collaboration de B. Bruyere et lungen, Bd. 5.
de 1.1. Clere, Repertoire onomastique de Deir el-Medineh, Le Caire, 1949 = HELCK, Das Bier: Wolfgang He\ck, Das Bier im Alten Agypten, Berlin, 1971.
Documents de fouilles de I'Institut fran~ais d'Archeologie orientale du Caire, HELCK. Materialien: Wolfgang He\Ck, Materialien zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Neuen
Tome XII. Reiches, Teil I-VI, Wiesbaden, 1961-1969 = Akademie der Wissenschaften und
CHAMPOLLlON, Monuments: Jean Franqois Champollion-le-jeune, Monuments de 1'E- der Literatur in Mainz. Abh. der Geistes- und sozialwiss. Klasse, Jhrg. 1960-
gypte et de la Nubie, Paris, 1835-1845. 1969 + Inge Hofmann, Indices, Wiesbaden, 1970 (= Abh. 1969, Nr. 13).
The City of Akhenaten: The City of Akhenaten, 3 parts, 4 vols, London, 1923-1951 HELCK, Verwaltung: Wolfgang He\Ck, Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen
The Egypt Exploration Society, 38th, 40th and 44th Memoir. Reichs, Leiden-Koln, 1958 = Probleme der Agyptologie, Bd. 3.
CRUM, Copt. Diet.: W.E. Crum, A Coptic Dictionary, Oxford, 1939. Hier. Ostr.: Jaroslav Cerny and Alan H. Gardiner, Hieratic Ostraca, Oxford, 1957.
DARESSY, Ostraca (Cat. gen.): G. Daressy, Ostraca (nos. 25001-25385), Catalogue Hierogl. Texts: Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Ste1ae etc., 9 parts, London
generale des antiquites du Musee du Caire, Le Caire, 1901. 1911-1970. '
Drogenwb.: Hildegard von Deines und Hermann Grapow, Worterbuch der agyp- JANSSEN, Ship 'sLogs : Jacobus Johannes Janssen, Two Ancient Egyptian Ship's Logs.
tischen Drogennamen, Berlin, 1959 = Grundriss der Medizin der Alten Agypter VI. Papyrus Lelden I 350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016, Leiden, 1961.
EDGERTON-WILSON, Hist. Records: William F. Edgerton and John A. Wilson, His- JARCE. : Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt.
torical Records of Ramses Ill. The Texts in Medinet Habu, Volumes I and 11, JEA. : The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology.
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ERICHSEN, Demot. Glossar: W. Erichsen, Demotisches Glossar, Kopenhagen, 1954. JEQUIER, Les frcses d'objets: Gustave Iequier, Les frises d'objets des sarcophages du
ERMAN, Neuiigypt. Gramm. 2 : Adolf Erman, Neuagyptische Grammatik. Zweite, vollig Moyen Empire, Le Caire, 1921 = Memoires publies par les membres de I'Institut
umgestaltete Auflage, Leipzig, 1933. fran~ais d'Archeologie orientale du Ca ire, Tome 47.
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Egyptian, Oxford, 1962. JNES. : Journal of Near Eastern Studies.
GARDINER, The Chester Beatty Papyri l: Alan H. Gardiner, The Library of A. Chester JRAS. : Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
Beatty. The Chester Beatty Papyri, No I, London, 1931. KEl~~R, Gartenpflanzen: Ludwig Keimer, Die Gartenpflanzen im alten Agypten.
GARDINER, Egyptian Hieratic Texts: Alan H. Gardiner, Egyptian Hieratic Texts. Agyptologische Studien, Berlin, 1924.
Series I: Literary Texts of the New Kingdom. Part I, The Papyrus Anastasi I KRl.: K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions.
and the Papyrus Koller, together with the Parallel Texts, Leipzig, 191 I. LEFEBVRE, lnser. cone. les grands pretres: Gustave Lefebvre, Inscriptions concernant
GARDINER, Grammar' : Sir Alan Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, being an Introduction les grands pn:tres d'Amon Rome-Roy et Amenhotep, Paris, 1929.
to the Study of Hieroglyphs. Third Edition, Revised, London, 1957. LEFE~~RE, Romans et contes: Gustave Lefebvre, Romans et contes egyptiens de
GARDINER, Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus.: Alan H. Gardiner, Hieratic Papyri in the British I epoque pharaomque. Traduction avec introduction, notices et commentaire Paris
1949. ' ,
Museum. Third Series. Chester Beatty Gift. 2 vols, London, 1935.
GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise.: Alan H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, Bruxelles, LORET,. Flore 2 : Victor Loret, La flore pharaonique d'apres les documents hierogly-
1937 = Bibliotheca aegyptiaca VII. phlques et les specimens decouverts dans les tombes, 2' edition, Paris, 1892.
GARDINER, Late-Eg. Stories: Alan H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Stories, Bruxelles, LUCAS.-HARRlS, Anc. Eg. Materials: A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Indus-
1932 = Bibliotheca aegyptiaca I. tnes. Fourth Edition, Revised and Enlarged by J.R. Harris, London, 1962.
GARDINER, Onom. : Alan H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, 2 vols, London, Markets in Africa: Paul Bohannan and George Dalton, Markets in Africa, Northwestern
1947. University Press, 1962.
GARDINER, Pap. Wilbour: Alan H. Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus, 3 vols, London, MDAIK. : Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo.
1941-1948 [with vo\. IV, Index, by Raymond O. Faulkner, London, 1952]. Med. Habu: Medinet Habu. The Epigraphic Survey, vo\. I-IlI (p\. 1-192) Chicago
1930-1934. ' ,
Giornale: cf BOTTI-PEET.
graff. : graffito/i. Melanges Maspero I: Melanges Maspero I. Orient ancien. 4 fascicules, Le Caire, 1934.
XXIV LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS XXV

1961 = Memoires publies par les membres de I'Institut fran~ais d'Archeologie Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings.
orientale du Caire, T. 66. second edition, Vol. I, Parts i and ii, Oxford, 1960-1964.
MESNIL DU BUISSON, Noms et signes: Comte du Mesnil du Buisson, Les noms et POSENER, Cat. des ostraca litteraires: G. Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques
signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets similaires, Paris, 1935. litteraires de Deir el Medineh, 2 Tomes (Nos 1001-1213), Le Ca ire, 1938-1952.
MIO. : Mitteilungen des Instituts fUr Orientforschung. Primitive Money: Paul Einzig, Primitive Money in its Ethnological, Historical and
MONTET, Scenes de la vie priV/?e: Pierre Montet, Les scenes de la vie privee dans les Economic Aspects, London, 1948.
tombeaux egypriens de l'Ancien Empire, Strasbourg, 1925 = Publications de la RAD.: Sir Alan Gardiner, Ramesside Administrative Documents, London, 1948.
Faculte des Lettres de l'Universite de Strasbourg, fasc. 24. RdE. : Revue d'Egyptologie.
O. : ostracon. Rec. Trav.: Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la philologie et a l'archeologie egyptiennes
O. Cairo: cf I) DARESSY, Os/raca (Cat. gen.) = Nos 25001-25385. et assyriennes.
2) Jaroslav Cerny, Ostraca hieratiques (Cat. gen.) = Nos 25501-25832. Reeueil Champol/ion: Recueil d'etudes egyptologiques dedies a la memoire de Jean-
O. Col. Campb. : Ostracon Colin Campbell (now in the Humerian Museum, Glasgow; Francois Champollion a I'occasion du centenaire de la Lettre a M. Dacier, Paris,
unpublished). 1922.
O. DeM.: cf Jaroslav Cerny, Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques de Deir el Medineh RIDA. : Revue internationale des droits de l'antiquite, Bruxelles.
(nos. 1-456), 5 vols, Le Caire, 1937-1951; and vol. 7 (nos. 624-705), Le Caire, SCHIAPARELLI, Rela::ione: Relazione sui lavori della missione archeologica italiana in
1970. Egitto (anni 1903-1920), Volume primo: Esplorazione della "Valle delle Regine"
Serge Sauneron, Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques de Deir e1 Medineh (nos. 550- nella necropoli di Tebe, Torino, [1923].
623), Le Caire, 1959. ScHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta: Relazione sui lavori della missione archeologica
O. DeM. Gr. P.: Ostracon Deir e1-Medineh, Grand Puits (cfp. 51, note 75). italiana in Egitto (anni 1903-1920), Volume secondo: La tomba intatta dell'
O. Gard. : Ostracon Gardiner (unpublished). architetto Cha nella necropoli di Tebe, Torino, [19271.
O. Gard. fragm.: Ostracon Gardiner, fragment (cfp. 61, note 95). SETHE, Dramatische Texte: Kurt Sethe, Dramatische Texte zu altaegyptischen Mys-
O. IFAO.: Ostracon Institut fran~ais d'Archeologie orientale du Caire (unpublished). terienspiele, Leipzig, 1928 = Unters. zur Gesch. und Altertumsk. Aegyptens 10.
O. Metr. Mus.: Ostracon Metropolitan Museum of Arts, New York (unpublished). SIMPSON, Papyrus Rei.mer /I: William Kelly Simpson, Papyrus Reisner 11. Accounts
O. Michael. : cf Hans Goedicke und Edward F. Wente, Ostraka Michaelides, Wiesbaden, of the Dockyard Workshop at This in the Reign of Sesostris I, Boston, 1965.
1962. SPELEERS, Reeueil: Louis Speleers, Recueil des inscriptions egyptiennes des Musees
O. Or. Inst. Chicago: Ostracon Oriental Institute, Chicago (unpublished). royaux du Cinquamenaire a Bruxelles, Bruxelles, 1923.
OLZ. : Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. SPIEGELBERG, Reclmungen: Wilhelm Spiegelberg, Rechnungen aus der Zeit Setis I. (circa
Pap. : papyrus. \350 v. Chr.) mit anderen Rechnungen des Neuen Reiches, 2 vols, Strassburg,
Pap. Anastasi I : cf GARDINER, Egyptian Hieratic Texts. 1896.
Pap. Anastasi lI-VI: cf GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise., 12-78. SPIEGELBERG, Studien und Materialien: Wilhelm Spiegelberg, Studien und Materialien
Pap. Harris I: ed. W. Erichsen, Papyrus Harris I. Hieroglyphische Transkription, zum Rechtswesen des Pharaonenreiches, Hannover, 1892.
Bruxelles, 1933 = Bibliotheca aegyptiaca V. Studies Polotsky: Studies in Egyptology and Linguistics in Honour of H.J. Polotsky,
Pap. Harris 500 vs. : cf GARDlNER, Late-Eg. Stories, 1-9 and 82-85. Jerusalem, 1964.
Pap. d'Orb. : cf GARDINER, Late-Eg. Stories, 9-30. TOSI-RoCCATI, Stele: Mario Tosi - Alessandro Roccati, Stele e aItre epigrafi di Deir el
Pap. Sallier I and IV vs. : cf GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise., 79-99. Medina n. 50001 - n. 50262, Torino, 1972 = Catalogo del Museo Egizio di
Pap. Salt 124: = Pap. Brit. Mus. 10055; cf Jaroslav Cerny, lEA. 15, 1929, 243-258. Torino. Serie seconda. Collezioni. Volume I.
PEET, Griffith Studies: cf Griffith Studies. Trade and Market in the Early Empires: Karl Polanyi, Conrad M. Arensberg and
PEET, Pap. Mayer: T. E. Peet, The Mayer Papyri A & B nos. M.1I162 and 11186 Harry W. Pearson, Trade and Market in the Early Empires. Economies in
of the Free Public Museums, Liverpool. London, 1920. History and Theory, Glencoe, Ill., 1957.
PEET, Tomb Robberies: T. Eric Peet, The Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Turin strike papyrus: = Pap. Turin 1880 = RAD. 45-58.
Egyptian Dynasty being a critical study, with translations and commentaries, Urk. I: Kurt Sethe, Urkunden des Alten Reichs I, Leipzig, 1933.
of the papyri in which these are recorded, 2 vols, Oxford, 1930. Urk. IV: I) Kurt Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, 2. verbesserte Auflage, 4 vols,
PETRIE, Stone and Metal Vases: W.M. Flinders Petrie, Stone and Metal Vases, London, Leipzig, 1927-1930.
1937 = British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account, 2) Wolfgang Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Heft 17-22, Berlin, -1955-1958.
vol. 59. VANDIER, Manuel: J. Vandier, Manuel d'archeologie egyptienne, 5 vols, Paris, 1952-
PETRIE, Tools and Weapons: W.M. Flinders Petrie, Tools and Weapons, London, 1969.
1917 = British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account, WALLERT, Die Palmen: Ingrid Wallert, Die Palmen im Alten Agypten. Eine Unter-
26th year. suchung ihrer praktischen, symbolischen und religiosen Bedeutung, Berlin, 1962 =
Phoenix: Phoenix. Bulletin uitgegeven door het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap, Miinchner Agyptologische Studien I.
Leiden. Wb.: Adolf Erman und Hermann Grapow, Worterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache,
PLEYTE-RosSI: Papyrus de Turin. Facsimiles par F. Rossi de Turin et publies par Leipzig, 1926-1953 (5 Biinde + Belegstellen).
W. Pleyte de Leide, 2 vols, Leide, 1869-1876. Wb. Med.: Hildegard von Deines [und] Wolfhart Westendorf, Worterbuch der medizi-
PORTER-Moss 2 , l.i and ii: Bertha Porter and Rosalind L. B. Moss, Topographical schen Texte, 2 vols, Berlin, 1961-1962 = Grundriss der Medizin der alten Agyp-
ter VII.
XXVI LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

WENTE, Late Ram. Letters: Edward F. Wente, Late Ramesside Letters, Chicago,
Illinois, 1967 = Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization No. 33.
WOLF, Bewaffnung: Walther Wolf, Die Bewaffnung des altagyptischen Heeres, Leipzig,
1926. INTRODUCTION
WRESZINSKl, Atlas 1: Waiter Wreszinski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte,
Leipzig, 1923.
WZKM. : Wiener Zeitschrift flir die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Il n'est pas d'histoire economique possible sans connais-
z;fs. : Zeitschrift flir agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde. sance assuree des prix et leurs mouvements.
ZDMG. : Zeitschrift der Deutschen MorgenHindischen Gesellschaft. Lucien Lefebvre

Since the beginning of the century the study of prices has been
recognized as an essential part of economic history. In 1931 it was
given fresh impetus with the initiation, through the help of the
Rockefeller Foundation, of the 'International Scientific Committee on
Price History', under whose guidance there has been published a
series of studies concerning the history of prices in several European
countries, from the Middle Ages until recent times. 1 The aim of
these studies has been to provide the economic historian with a nucleus
of hard facts, assembled without any bias conditioned by economic
theory. As SIR WILLlAM (later LORD) BEVERIDGE, the initiator of this
committee and the co-author of one of its major studies, says of
himself in the introduction to the book, 2 "I can have no bias towards
interpreting the prices and wages to fit any preconceived view of the
surroundings, to support or to refute any theory of economic develop-
ment. For I have no theories; I have not learned from other explorers
what I ought to discover".
A similar absence of theory lies at the base of the present book,
my position being all the easier insofar as no economic history of
ancient Egypt has yet been written. It is indeed to provide material
for such a study that I have undertaken this publication.
The background to the price history of ancient Egypt is very
different from that for mediaeval or modern Europe: there were, for
example, no institutions such as Winchester College or the Royal Navy,
recording from day to day without interruption for centuries their
purchases of food and other commodities, thus enabling scholars to
draw up lists of prices which may sometimes span up to five hundred
years.3 However, the material studied here is in this respect more

1 Listed (until 1956) by H. VAN DER WEE, Cahiers d'histoire des prix, I, 9ff. (Leuven,
1956).
2 Prices and Wages in England, from the Twelfth to the Nineteenth Century, vo!. I,
Mercantile Era (London, 1939). The quotation is from p. xii.
3 The Bursar Rolls and the Books of Winchester College present a series from 1393
2 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 3

satisfactory than any collection of prices before the Middle Ages, with many deficiencies in our knowledge of the Egyptian language. Though
the possible exception of what is available from some Mesopotamian understanding of it has developed considerably since the days of
cities (of which almost nothing has yet been published, so far as I am CHAMPOLLION, a glance at any page of the Worterbuch der tRgyptischen
aware). The reason for this is that the 1250 prices analysed come from Sprache reveals the amount that remains to be done. Because of the
one single village and from within a period of about 150 years. nature of hieroglyphic writing, which uses so-called determinatives to
Moreover, they are not 'idealized' prices from literary or historical indicate the kind of word intended-whether, for instance, it is an
sources nor are they artificially fixed as in government ordinances: object made of wood or metal, a garment or a basket-it is usually
they are true prices paid for real objects in transactions which actually possible to assign a named commodity to a particular category, but
took place. what precisely is meant is still in many cases obscure. Nor is a mere
While isolated prices of any commodity are of little significance,4 translation of any assistance for the purpose of an economic study.
the present material forms a coherent whole, enabling us for the first In the passage quoted above BEVERIDGE speaks of "the need for
time to outline the economic life of a village in ancient Egypt. precise description" : it is not enough to translate a certain word as,
Admittedly, it is not an ordinary village but a rather exceptional one, e.g., 'tunic' or 'cloak', one has also to know what type of garment is
as will be shown in Part Ill; yet, the data assembled from it will meant, of what it was made, what was its use in daily life, and so on.
provide a means of comparison for isolated prices from other parts of In the present work the reader will therefore find that almost every entry
Egypt and other periods, through which to arrive at a better under- in Part 11 dealing with a particular commodity includes a study of its
standing of their significance. 5 Some instances of this will be cited in precise meaning, in which, as far as possible, the archaeological
the last part of this study. evidence from actual objects and representations on tomb walls is
There is a further reason why one should not expect from the taken into account. In many instances the results will appear disap-
prices of ancient Egypt results comparable to those obtained from the pointing, again emphasizing that lexicographical studies and special
price history of later times. To underline this one cannot do better vocabularies are among the most urgent needs for the progress of
than quote BEVERIDGE once again: "The most general and elusive egyptology.7 That it has in fact been possible to make certain contri-
problem of all (is) that of quality and description. Even the basic butions to lexicography is incidental, and such results must be seen
articles of commerce in their simplest form-wheat or iron or salt or as no more than a by-product of the main investigation, i.e. the study
beef or wool-are neither uniform nor immune to change. As we of the prices.
proceed from these basic articles to articles involving manufacture, The non-egyptological reader may be inclined to doubt the value of
however simple, variety and change become commoner, and the need much of the work when he appreciates the serious limitations of our
for precise description grows ... ".6 The position is yet more complicated knowledge of the Egyptian language. It may thus be worthwhile to
for ancient Egypt than for more recent times, since a quite crucial point out that to some extent the situation is better for ancient
problem is added to those referred to by BEVERIDGE, namely the Egypt than for more recent periods. A characteristic feature of modern
life is the immense variety of types and qualities of most commodities,
onwards. The notes kept by the Victualling Board of the Royal Navy run from 1683 in contrast to which the range of products available in ancient Egypt
until 1826, and those from the Naval Stores from 1566 until 1813.
4 cr. BEVERIDGE, op. cit., xxv-xxvii.
was generally quite simple. In several areas of daily life there were
S DAUMAS, in his book La civilisation de I'Egypte pharaonique (Paris, 1965), only a few types of objects of a single quality, and this is certainly
remarks that " ... le manque total de points de comparaison constitue un obstacle true in the case of the people of the village to which the present
majeur it I'intelligence des faits" and continues: "Si nous savons, par exemple, le
prix des robes et des parfums d'une reine tout au debut de la XVIII' dynastie, nous 7 cr. GARDINER, Onomastica, preface, particularly pp. xix-xx. Though written in

ignorons tout it fait - et probablement sans recours - celui des vetements et des 1947, GARDINER'S admonitions to his colleagues seem to me to be just as relevant
onguents dont se contenait I'humble paysanne, la citadine de condition modeste ou now as they were over twenty-five years ago, notwithstanding the publication of books
meme les dames de la cour" (p. 215). His scepticism is rather extreme, since the such as the Worterbuch der medizinischen Texte, the Drogenworterbuch, HARRIS' Lexico-
present study offers precisely such means of comparison. graphical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals, and CAMINOS' Late Egyptian Miscel-
b Op. cit., xxxii. lanies.
4 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 5

prices relate. Their dress, for example, consisted principally of a few the ostraca for each value. From Table XVIII below it emerges,
garments of standard design and quality.8 In fact, one has to imagine however, that 15 deben occurs in 10 out of 25 instances, with 20 deben
their way of life as having been more like that of a reasonably in 7, while 21/2 (in fact for the wood alone) is quite exceptional. Such
prosperous village in one of the more developed countries of Africa shortcomings are due to the limitations of an article, and can be
or Asia at the beginning of this century, than that of a modern overcome only by publishing the entire material.
village in Western Europe or the United States. We shall return again On the other hand, CERNY dealt with more than prices, adding
to this subject in Part Ill, where it will be shown that the economy to fundamental data about the wages of the necropolis workmen. Part III
which the prices relate is more like that of so-called 'primitive' peoples of the present work ~ill include a short survey of this topic, with
than that of the modern Western world. some enlargement on CERNY'S material-though without forming an
integral part of the argument.
The first attempt to draw up a list of prices from ancient Egypt Aside from any possible criticism, it is clear that CERNY's article
appeared in 1896, in an appendix to SPIEGELBERG'S Rechnungen aus was the real starting point for the study of prices in ancient Egypt,
der Zeit Setis I. (pp. 87-93). It is entitled 'Vorstudien zu einem Tarif and it will thus remain a constant source of inspiration to anyone
des neuen Reiches', and SPIEGELBERG intended it more than anything turning to the subject, as may be seen from the many quotations
else as an exhortation to others to publish all the available docu- below.
mentation on the subject. His own material was restricted to a few The third and most recent study devoted, at least in part, to prices
papyri and ostraca, the former dating from various reigns within the in ancient Egypt, is HELCK'S Materialien zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte des
New Kingdom. Since nothing more had been published at that time, Neuen Reiches, particularly part V, in which he deals with food and
it was not SPIEGELBERG'S fault that his results were far from materials. This publication contains all kinds of material for economic
satisfactory. history, of which the prices are only one aspect. That HELCK'S sources
The extent of the advances made in subsequent years may be gauged are less comprehensive than those available for the present study is no
from the article published by CERNY 9 in Cahiers d'histoire rnondiale fault of his, but, unfortunately, his work bristles with errors, making
(I, 1953-4,903-921), under the title 'Prices and Wages in Egypt in the it inadvisable to use it without carefully checking every point. As one
Ramesside Period'. In this CERNY succeeded in solving some basic example of many one may turn again to the prices of beds (part V,
problems connected with prices, such as the relation between the value pp. 909-910). In the first line, for prices of 25 deben, HELCK cites f~ur
of copper and that of silver. He was also the first to point out the instances, without noticing that the first (0. DeM. 105) and the second
three different systems of price notation, that in deben of copper, that (0. Turin 9765) are in fact the same text. The fourth example, Hier.
in sniw ('pieces') and hin, and that in khar and oipe. 10 The material Ostr. 86, 2, is qualified as rn/:!, which HELCK translates 'eingelegt',
on which the article was based is in the main the same as that used ,":hile below on the same page he renders rn/:! correctly as 'Bespannen
for the present study, but it was not possible for CERNY to publish emes Bettes'. Of the prices of 20 deben, that of Hier. Ostr. 86, 3 does
within the scope of an article all the prices he had assembled, and he not exist, the word bed being there followed by a reference to some
therefore selected what he considered to be the highest and lowest pieces of wood, the first of which is is §'d 20: "20 logs of tamarisk-
values, and further restricted himself to a selected range of commodities. wood". Under the prices of 15 deben he gives Hier. Ostr. 28, 1 and
As an example one may refer to p. 909, where he gives the prices O. Petrie 51, which again are one and the same text. Hier. Ostr. 56, 5
for a bed, stating that it costs "from 21/2 deben to 25 deben, the contains no prices at all, and Giornale pI. 42 no price of a bed;
most frequent price being 15 deben", and providing references from O. DeM. 448 and Hier. Ostr. 86, 1 vs. 11, 1, relate not to prices but
to numbers of beds (in neither instance is there a stroke for 'one' and
8 See Part n, §59. the phrase iri.n, which usually introduces prices, is absent). O~ the
9 In 1933 tERNY had published Fluctuations in Grain Prices during the Twentieth
Egyptian Dynasty (Arch. Or., 6, 1933, 173-178), in which he studied part of the next page HELCK states that Giornale pI. 42 and O. Cairo 25 342 contain
material for grain prices used below. prices for the feet of a bed, but these are not to be found.
10 See Part 11, §§ 1-5.
\
6 INTRODVCTION INTRODVCTION 7

So many errors in a single entry must make for caution in using papyrus as that of an area where there were houses in the southern
the publication, although it contains a great many useful remarks on part of what was Western Thebes, but the word does not seem to occur
all kinds of subjects. elsewhere, either in other papyri or in the ostraca. In several texts
however, there appears the term dmi,14 which refers to a place of
As stated above, the approximately 1250 prices here discussed come habitation and is generally translated as either 'town' or 'village' .15
from the one same village. This is the settlement of the workmen of In this case it was clearly used to indicate the home of the workmen,
the Theban necropolis who cut and decorated the royal tombs of the and we shall therefore call the settlement 'the Village'.
Pharaohs in the Valley of the Kings, those of their wives and children The workmen of the Village appear to have been less illiterate than
in the neighbouring Valley of the Queens, and also the so-called tombs their contemporaries. From their houses, both within and outside the
of the nobles along the fringe of the cultivated plain. The workmen walls, from their tombs in the Valley of Deir el-Medina, from the
lived in their own community, situated behind the hill of Qurnet refuse heap south of the Village, from the great well dug just outside
Mura'i, and out of sight of the Nile valley proper. Whether their the Valley to the north (probably in a vain search for water), from
settlement is to be called a town or a village depends on how much their places of work in the Valleys of the Kings and Queens, indeed
importance one attaches to its having been completely surrounded by from everywhere they went, there has come a mass of ostraca 16 on
a wall. There were, however, no more than some seventy houses in which they sketched and wrote texts of every kind. Some bear
all, on either side of a narrow, winding alley and two side-turnings. fragmentary excerpts from literary or religious works, while on many
For such a unit the term village seems most appropriate. l l others are jotted a variety of accounts, receipts, lists, contracts, etc.-a
The village is situated in a desert valley running roughly from north whole range of documents to do with their daily life. It is from these
to south, and parallel to the course of the Nile. This valley, usually latter texts that the bulk of the present material is derived.
known as Deir el-Medina after a Coptic monastery that formerly stood The identity of the scribes who wrote the texts is in most instances
there, has been excavated in its entirety-partly, before the first World unknown, though it may be assumed that usually they were the work
War, by an Italian and a German expedition, and then completely, of one of the professional scribes of the Village. Yet the workmen, who
from 1921 to 1951, by the French archaeological institute in Cairo. spent much of their time near their place of work and during their
The results of the latter excavations have been published at length in leisure hours will have wandered in the desert, left on the rocks there
a series of volumes, and it is therefore possible to 'know' the village numerous graffiti in which they sought to immortalize their names.
and its immediate surroundings in a way that few such settlements of These graffiti are clearly not from the hand of professional scribes,
the ancient Near East can ever be known. For whatever the economic and therefore one may conclude that some of the workmen possessed
position of the workmen compared with that of other labourers in at least an elementary knowledge of hieroglyphs, as might, indeed, be
Egypt,-a question discussed below in Part Ill-the village remained expected of draughtsmen who decorated the walls of tombs with
a community of artisans. pictures and texts. Whether any of them were also able to write
Since a full description of the village is to be found in the publica- complete texts such as those on the ostraca is uncertain, though it
tions cited,12 there is little need to discuss the layout here, the more seems probable.
so in that it is of minor importance in the present context. Of greater Far fewer prices occur in the papyri, which were certainly written
interest is what the village was called by its inhabitants. PEET once
14 E.g. O. Cairo 25 670, 2; O. Cairo 25 785, vs. I; O. DeM. 297, 6; O. DeM. 339,
suggested 13 that its name was Maiunehes, a name occurring in a
vs. 1-2; Hier. Ostr. 46, 2, vs. 7ff.; O. Berlin II 260 vs. (unpubl.). For the statue of
King Amenophis (pJ nb) pJ dmi, which resided in one of the sanctuaries of the
11 Cf. SMITH, in Man, Settlement and Urban ism (ed. by P.J. VCKO, R. TRINGHAM Village, cf. CERNY, BIFAO. 27, 1927, 167.
and G. W. DIMBLEBY), 718, note I. 15 As GARDINER notes (Onom., 11, 1*) its Coptic form tHE is used to translate
12 Particularly in the volume by B. BRUYERE entitled Rapport sur les fouilles de KWIl:'1. while 'town' is expressed by TT OJ'.. I C.
Deir el Medineh (1934-1935), with the addition Troisieme partie: le village, les 16 The word 'ostracon' is used by egyptologists not only for potsherds (the literal
decharges pub/iques, la station de repos du col de la Vallee des Rois (Cairo, 1939). meaning), but also for flakes of limestone on which texts have been written.
13 PEET, Tomb Robberies, 84.
8 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION

by the official scribes; in one or two cases, however, the number of of letters from earlier times; the recipient usually understood them
prices is larger than on any single ostracon. And while it is clear, if perfectly, whereas we are hardly able to guess what they are about.
only from their provenance and from the names occurring in them, Grammatically, the non-literary ostraca present very few problems.
that almost all the ostraca come from inhabitants of the Village, I 7 the The form in which the prices are expressed is simple. The only
provenance of many of the papyri is less evident. Those found in difficulty is the omission of the word for 'and', which may make it
modern excavations present no problem, but others which passed to hard to decide whether two or more commodities together are meant
museums and collections at an earlier date, mostly from clandestine to cost a given price, or whether the value should be assigned to the
excavators and antiquities dealers-and which constitute the majority- last one only. Comparison with other similar prices will usually,
can be ascribed to the Village only upon internal evidence. It may be however, suggest the correct interpretation.
that two main groups of papyri, those dealing with the tomb robberies
and those constituting the 'journal of the necropolis', came from the In order to help those readers who have not a sufficient knowledge
temple of Medinet Habu, which was the administrative centre of the of the Egyptian language to enable them to consult the sources at
necropolis from the mid Twentieth Dynasty onwards. Another text first hand, it may be useful to give an impression of the way in
containing numerous prices, Pap. Turin 1907/8, was clearly also which prices occur in the texts, by translating here a few typical
written in the neighbourhood, as shown by the names and geographical examples, and adding some notes to facilitate their understanding.
indications, and the same will apply to other papyri in the Turin The first is Hier. Ostr. 16,3 (= O. Petrie 3), a rather simple instance,
museum. Of certain texts, however, the origin is likely to remain which runs as follows:
obscure. recto 1. Year 4, the third month of summer, day 1. This day, buying
The texts on ostraca, which constitute most of our material, present the ox
their own difficulties. The writing, a cursive form of hieratic, is seldom 2. of workman Penamun by policeman
really clear, and the spelling of words is sometimes rather unorthodox, 3. Amenmose. Given in exchange for it: fat (?) 19
as will be shown below. IS Moreover, in several instances the ostraca 4. 1 'S')-jar, makes 20 30 deben; 2 mss-garments,
have been broken with the passage of time, while in others the ink 5. makes 10 (deben); copper, 5 deben;
has faded, particularly over the last decades since they have been kept verso 1. mrbt-oil, 10 hin, makes 5 deben.
in wetter climates in the museums of Europe and America. In many 2. Total, money 21 which he gave for it: 50 deben of copper.
cases they will be seen to have become illegible precisely where one
would expect to find a price which might have been of the utmost Except for the last word of rt. 3 this is a clearly legible and
value. straightforward text. It appears to be a receipt for the sale of an ox,
A further problem is our lack of knowledge of the circumstances and exhibits the general characteristics of most price texts, namely
in which the texts were written, for even when the prices themselves that a commodity is exchanged for other commodities, though their
are clear , the context often remains obscure. Ostraca were written for values are reckoned in deben of copper. For the meaning of the
use in everyday life, and were not generally intended for official different words one may refer to Part 11; the economic implications
purposes, for which papyrus was properly employed. Anyone reading of the use of 'money' as standard of value are discussed in Part Ill.
them knew the background, and there was thus no reason to dwell on Another example is from the verso of O. DeM. 73. The recto, dated
it at length. The situation is similar to that which occurs in the case in a year 20, undoubtedly of the reign of Ramesses Ill, refers to a
suit concerning the sale of a donkey which was apparently inferior,

17Ostraca from elsewhere in Egypt are extremely rare at this period. 19 See p. 340.
18In the Jaarbericht Ex Oriente Lux 19, 1965-66, 443fT. I have discussed some ,. 20 iri.n, lit. 'makes', is the usual way of indicating prices and has the sense of
of these writings, and pointed at the inconsequent use of the so-called syllabic IS equal to'. In order to avoid ambiguity I will translate it literally.
orthography. 21 i)f/: cf. p. 103, n. 12.
10 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 11

but this text seems to bear no relation to that of the verso.22 The sign for the quantity of emmer is badly legible: possibly it was 2 oip~
latter reads: (= 1/2 khar). The price in line 7 looks to be complete, though a loss
of one or two strokes is not impossible.
1. Given to him in exchange for the coffin: Such are the problems found in several, if not in most of the ostraca
2. 8 1/ 2 deben of copper; further, 5 deben of copper; on which this study is based. 25
3. I pig, makes 5 deben; 1 goat,23 makes 3 deben; goat, makes
[2 deben];
4. 2 (logs of) syc.omore wood, makes 2 deben. Total, 25 1/ 2 deben. 2S That not all ostraca containing prices are receipts for sales may be seen from
Part III, chapter 11.

The price at the end of line 3 is lost, but can be restored from the
total. The remainder is easily legible and presents no problems. This
text also constitutes a receipt, this time for the delivery of a coffin,
and the 'money' again consists of commodities, for each of which the
value is noted in deben of copper.
In order to illustrate how disappointing the present state of some
ostraca can be, I add as a third example the broken and unpublished
O. Gardiner 238.

1. To make known ...


2. the seat (f$:nlw). 1 mss-garment of .,.
3. 1 leather sack, makes 3 deben ...
4. I kbs-basket full of emmer, makes 1 (+ x) deben ...
5. emmer, 2(?) oip~, makes 1 deben .. .
6. 1 (pair of) sandals, makes 2 deben .. .
7. 1 dnit-basket, makes 2 deben ...
8. mrht-oil, 2 hin, makes ...
9. ??

Since there are no surviving names-though the first line may originally
have contained one-the ostracon is not datable. Nor do we know for
certain the kind of object for which the commodities were given in
exchange: it may have been the seat (f$:ni) of line 2, since that is not
followed by a price, but this is no more than a likely guess. The price
in line 4 is partly broken, only a single stroke ('one') being left: it
may have been 2, 3 or 4, and though parallels may suggest 224 one
cannot be sure. The meaning of line 5 is equally uncertain, since the

22 This is not understood by HELCK (Materialien Ill, 499), who translates both
texts as if they related to one and the same matter.
23 on!;: 'goat' or 'sheep'; cf. p. 165.

24 See p. 116.
CHAPTER ONE

THE DATING OF THE MATERIAL

The initial problem in attempting a study of prices is to date the


documents in which the notations occur and to arrange them in a more
or less chronological series. Since the greater part of the ostraca
concerned, and about half the papyri have no actual dates, the only
means of arranging them 1 is through the occurrence of names in the
texts. By nature these names belong almost without exception to
workmen of the Village, and it was therefore essential to establish with
the help of other dated material a list of the workmen, in order to use
the occurrence of names as a basis for grouping undated documents.
As well as papyri and ostraca there are other sources of information
about the workmen, notably the innumerable stelae set up in the
houses and in the sanctuaries of the Village, and the texts on the
walls of the neighbouring tombs. 2 These tell us much about the
composition of families, but they are of little assistance in placing the
texts, since neither stelae nor wall texts are ever dated. Moreover, the
greater part of them belong to the Nineteenth Dynasty, whereas the
relevant ostraca can be shown to belong mostly to the Twentieth.
As for the graffiti on the rocks in the neighbourhood of the Village, 3

1 Since I have seen only a portion of the ostraca in the original and only a
portion are published in facsimile, I did not think it advisable to attempt to date them
from the writing, as CERN\' has done in his publications of the Cairo ostraca and
those of Deir el-Medina - the more so in that no palaeographical studies of
ostraca or business papyri of the New Kingdom are yet available. It was only
CERNY'S lifelong experience that made this - for him - a reliable basis for dating.
In almost every case, however, my own conclusions, drawn from the names, concur
with those of CERNY, based on the writing.
2 The main sources for these documents are: G. MASPERO, Rapport sur une mission

en !talie (Rec. Trav., 2-4, 1880-1883); B. BRUYERE, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir
el Medineh (17 vols., 1924-1953); B. BRUYERE, Mert Seger d Deir el Medineh (lItemoires
IFAO., t. 28, 1929-1930); Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae etc. in the British
Museum, (9 vols., 1911-1970); J. CERNY, Egyptian Stelae in the Bankes Collection
(1958); MARIO Tosl - ALESSANDRO ROCCATI, Stele e altre epigrafi di Deir el Medina
n. 50001 - n. 50262 (1972).
3 W. SPIEGELBERG, Aegyptische und andere Graffiti aus -der thebanischen Nekropolis

(2 vols., 1921); 1. CERN\" Graffiti hieroglyphiques et hieratiques de la micropole thebaine


(Documents de fouilles de I'IFAO., t. 9, 1956); 1. CERN\' et A.A. SADEK, Graffiti
de la montagne thebaine (4 vols., 1969-1971).
16 SOURCES THE DATING OF THE MATERIAL 17

the majority of them are also undated, and, further, the publication VII. those of mid Twentieth Dynasty, from Ramesses IV to Rames-
of SPIEGELBERG is not always reliable. They too are thus more useful ses IX;
for genealogical studies than for dating. VIII. those of the late Twentieth Dynasty.
In working out this approach I encountered two principal difficulties.
The first was the frequent use of the same name within the closed The starting point of this division, and at the same time the nucleus
community of the Village. We know, for example, of at least five of our knowledge concerning the relevant names, is the collection of
different people called ~enna, each of whom is in some instances ostraca 7 containing the so-called 'journal of the necropolis'. Some of
mentioned with the name of his father, though where this is not the these give the days of absence from work of certain labourers, while
case it is hardly possible to choose between them. In particular there others mention the more-or-less daily distribution of rations among
is a tendency for the same name to be used at a given period for them. Most of the texts are precisely dated, and together they furnish
persons who were apparently unrelated-at least as far as that was ever a fairly comprehensive list of names for most of the above groups.
possible in the Village. There are thus two .men called Kasa at the For the period of Ramesses 11 and Merenptal). there is only one
close of the Nineteenth Dynasty, while three named Amennakhte extant document of this kind: Hier. Ostr. 83-4 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5634),
acquired a place in the duty roster (see below) in the same month of from year 40 of Ramesses 11, containing no less than 38 names of
year 1 of Ramesses IV.4 Sometimes the mention of the father's name workmen with their days of absence, and sometimes the reasons
or a profession (e.g., draughtsman, doorkeeper, policeman) may help therefor. Although this document is as yet unique for the early period
to distinguish between namesakes, but this is by no means usual. it is in fact sufficient to separate the names of the first group from
The second difficulty involved the length of time during which a those of the second.
particular workman may appear in the texts. As one example of many Although some names occur in almost every division, there is a great
I would here mention the workman Usil).e, who is found for the first difference between those of Hier. Ostr. 83-4 and those of the documents
time in O. Berlin 1268 of year 18 of Ramesses III (see below) and for of group 11, consisting of O. Cairo 25 779-785, O. DeM. 209, and
the last time in the will of Naunakhte 5 of year 3 of Ramesses V-a O. Varille 26 (unpubl.), dated from year 1 to year 4 of a reign which
span of nearly 25 years in all. Another instance is that of the chief is never specified. There is also a clear distinction between these names
policeman Mentmose, who occurs from the last year of Sethos 11 and those of the later years of Sethos 11 and the first of Siptal). (0.
(Hier. Ostr. 46, 2, vs. 6 = O. Nash 1) down to year 6 of Ramesses IV Cairo 25 509 etc., see below). No fewer than nine names that appear
(Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, VII, 10),6 i.e. over a period of almost frequently in group 11 are completely absent from the one following,
fifty years. among them that of the famous scribe ~enl).ikhopshef; moreover,
For the present purpose it seemed both reasonable and sufficient to Neferl).otpe remains chief workman, and Pneb, his replacement according
divide the entire range of names into eight groups, as follows: to Pap. Salt 124, 1, 1-4, and chief workman in group Ill, is still an
I. those of the reigns of Ramesses 11 and Merenptal).; ordinary workman. It follows then that this group of texts belongs to a
11. those of the reign of Amermesse; period earlier than year 5 of Sethos 11,8 the only possible conclusion
Ill. those of the later years of St.hOs 11 and the first years of Siptal).; being that they belong to the much discussed reign of Amenmesse 9 -
IV. those of the period of transition from the Nineteenth to the which in consequence has to be placed before that of Sethos II, as sug-
Twentieth Dynasty;
V. those of the first half of the reign of Ramesses Ill; 7 For the last group (VIII) there are mostly papyri.
VI. those of the second half of the reign of Ramesses III and the first 8 Unless, that is, one were to suggest a purge of the crew during the reign of
years of Ramesses IV; Sethos H, for which, so far as I know, there is not the slightest evidence. That the
crew of year 5 was the same as in the years following is shown by O. Cairo 25 556.
9 Cf~ von BECKERATH, ZDMG. 106, 1956, 241f.; HELCK, Ana/ecla biblica 12, 1959,
4 Cf. CERNY, ZA·S. 72, 1936, 116.
12lf.; CERNY, Le fonli indirette, 39; FAULKNER. CAH. 2 , ch. 23, 22f. See now also
5 Cf. CERNY. lEA. 31, 1945, 29ff.
VANDIER, RdE. 23, 1971, 165 ff., particularly 187 f.
6 Published by MASSART, MDAIK. 15, 1957, 172ff. and pis. 24-38.
18 SOURCES THE DATING OF THE MATERIAL 19

gested by HELCK from other arguments. That Hier. Os!r. 64, 1 (= they appear to constitute a fairly homogeneous group, although it is
O. Metr. Mus. 14.6.217), announcing the accession of Sethos 11, con- curious that in Hier. Os!r. 51, 1 a few names usually listed on the
tains at least two names belonging to group 11 (chief workman 'left side' 15 are found on the other side, or even on both,16 while as
Neferl)otpe and workman Pl)amniite), and possibly also a third (Baki). between the entire. group and O. Cairo 25 521 (of year 1-2 of
is consistent with this reconstruction. The only problem is that no Siptal)}-the only one of the former group on which the 'sides' are
ostraca with names are known from year 1 to year 4 of Sethos 11, separated-there are only two cases of men having changed sides. 17
so that no changes in the crew can be traced, though such a gap in the We may therefore conclude that there is a slight discontinuity between
documentation is not unique. That the four known years of Amen- group III (the first years of Siptal) and group IV, and that the latter
messe could so conveniently be inserted into this apparent gap is not ostraca either belong to the reign of Twosre or carry over into the
sufficient reason for postulating this, and although HELCK'S arguments reigns of Sethnakhte and Ramesses Ill-the probability being that they
to the contrary seem to me rather inconclusive 10 I agree with his cover the whole period of transition from the Nineteenth to the
judgment that Amenmesse reigned before Sethos n. Twentieth Dynasty.
To the third group belong a number of ostraca dated in year 6 of As mentioned already, the early years of Ramesses III (group V)
Sethos n and in the first and second years of Siptal), namely O. Cairo seldom occur on dated ostraca, but it would seem possible nevertheless
25509,25511-512,25 515-521, and O. DeM. 611Y In the last text to reconstruct at least part of the crew of that period. In Hier. Os!r.
there occurs the earliest instance of the name Ptal)shedu, which is found 24, 2 (= O. Gardiner 16) and Hier. Os!r. 45, 2 (= O. Petrie 23)
also in O. Gardiner 111 (unpubl.) of a year 4, probably of Siptal). deliveries made to the crew are each day the responsibility of a different
From a comparison ofO. Cairo 25 515-521 with another closely united workman, as later in group VI (see below), and not, as previously,
group consisting of Hier. Os!r. 51, I (= O. Gardiner 57), O. Cairo of two of them (cf. note 15), the names of these men, however,
25 522-523,12 25 593 and 25 796-797, it appears that after the first years being partly the same as earlier in O. Cairo 25 796 and 797, though
of Siptal) some new members were added to the crew, e.g. Pubekh, with some new additions. It also is notable that the new roster 18
Ruta and Kha'emope,13 but since no ostracon of this latter group IV consists of nineteen men, so that every 20th day the first name recurs,
is dated, it is impossible to say when each of the newcomers appeared. again as in later years. The differences between group IV and the two
In view of the almost total lack of datable documents from the first ostraca of group V point to a rearrangement in the organisation of
years of the Twentieth Dynasty 14 it may even be that some of the the crew, though some of the older men remained in the service of the
ostraca noted are to be ascribed to these later years. As for the names, necropolis. Certain of these names still occur in the Turin ostraca of
years 23-4 (see below), so that it is difficult to determine at what point
10 Although Hier. Oslr. 64, I mentions the announcement to the workmen of the the reorganisation took place. Most probably it was in the earlier years
accession of Sethos 11, it is not certain that it was dated in year I of his own reign, of Ramesses Ill, and Hier. Ostr. 24, 2 and 45, 2 may then represent
since it could also have been assigned to that of Amenmesse. This weakens his
argument (Anal. bibl. 12, 1959, 122) as to the difference in reign between O. Cairo 25 the situation shortly afterwards, perhaps just before or about year 10,
779 (year I of Amenmesse) and the present text. since the difference between the duty roster there and the later one
11 To this group may also be ascribed O. Cairo 25 556, which dates from a year 5,

clearly of Sethos 11, although it contains a report about a lawsuit and does not
belong to the 'journal of the necropolis'.
12 Here belong also O. Cairo 25 526 and, possibly, O. Cairo 25 525, of a year 1.

13 Kha'emope is still found in the duty roster (see below) in year 24 of Ramesses III 15 Group IV is the only one in which the two 'sides' or divisions of the crew are
(0. DeM. 173, 4), but is replaced by Nakhtmin in the following year (0. DeM. 32, I). distinguished throughout. At this time, according to O. Cairo 25 796 and 797, two
Ruta occurs for the last time in the same year 24 (0. Turin 5651 and 5677, the men, one from either 'side', acted each day as wrsw; cf. HELCK ZDMG. 105 1955
first published by SCHIAPARELLI, Relazione, I, the second unpublished). Pubekh occurs 32f. ' "
only in group Ill. 16 cr.HELCK, Malerialien IV, 607.
14 cr. tERN'\', lEA. IS, 1929,255. The only exceptions I know of are: O. University 17 cr.HELCK, Anal. bibl. 12, 1959, 124; rt.: right side, vs.: left side.
College, of year 2 of Sethnakhte (see below), and Hier. Oslr. 26, 4 (= O. Leipzig I) 18 For the Egyptian name of the 'duty-roster', Ip-n-sl:m, see the Turin strike
of year 2 of Ramesses Ill. papyrus, vs. 3,2 (= RAD. 46, 7); cf. WILSON, lNES. 10, 1951, 142, n. 40.
20 SOURCES THE DATING OF THE MATERIAL 21

of year 24 and after 19 is almost total. In O. DeM. 406 of year 15 20 5649, 5651, 5652, 5666, 5677),24 which contain the 'journal of the
only two of the thirteen names of the earlier duty roster appear, as necropolis' for these years.
against eleven of the later roster (four of them quite unknown before For the middle years of Ramesses IV there are some dated ostraca
year 14 of Ramesses Ill), and this may also indicate an early date for (Hier. Ostr. 48, 2 = O. Gardiner 56, of year 3; Hier. Ostr. 77 = O.
group V. Or. Inst. Chicago 12 073, of year 3-4), but in nearly all the texts
The following group VI is the best documented of all. For this from the succeeding reigns the name of the Pharaoh is not given. No
period there is a long and almost continuous series of ostraca noting ostraca with the 'journal of the necropolis' or the duty roster are
deliveries of fish, wood, etc. made to the crew, the responsibility each known to exist. The only important indications are to be found in the
day of a different workman, as in group V above. Since several of so-called will of Naunakhte of years 3 and 4 of Ramesses V,25 and in
these lists are dated, the fixed order of the men can be reconstructed, O. Brit. Mus. 50730 (unpubl.) of year 1 of Ramesses VI and O. Berlin
and it is thereby possible to draw up a table of the roster, in which 12 654 (unpubl.) of the following year,26 both of which contain many
the undated texts can also be placed when only the month-and not names, though not the same ones. A few names also occur in
the year-is given. 21. O. Strasbourg H 84 (see below) of year 7 of Ramesses VII. Owing to
The series covers the period from year 24 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. the shortness of the reigns of these later Ramessids it is very difficult
164) to year 2 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 401), more than ten years in to determine in which particular reign a given text is to be dated,
all. It is clear that the order of the workmen is far from constant, the e~en i~ cases where the year is mentioned.27 In the succeeding
greatest change-an enlargement of the older group of nineteen men dISCUSSIOn the reader will therefore frequently find the vague notation
with eleven new names-having taken place in the second month of 'mid XXth Dynasty'.
year 1 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 41).22 That there were more workmen For the end of the Twentieth Dynasty (group VIII) the material is
than those appearing in the roster 23 is proved by other ostraca dated again abundant, particularly from papyri, the most important being
to this same period, and the replacement of one name by another does those constituting the 'journal of the necropolis'28 and the tomb
not mean that the first man had died. The series of ostraca nevertheless robbery documents,29 the former dating from the reign of Ramesses
provides a firm basis of knowledge for the period concerned; it can IX, while the latter are mostly from that of Ramesses XI. To these
even be somewhat extended back into years 24 and 23 with the help may be added data from O. Cairo 25 574, 25 575 (of a year 7), 25 576
of the group of ostraca from Turin mentioned above (0. Turin and 2.5 577 (of a year 13 or 14), all of which probably belong to
the reign of Ramesses XI. It will be seen, however, that only a very few
19Cf. O. DeM. 164 of year 24, the first of group VI (HELCK, ZDMG. 105, 1955,34). of the price ostraca were written during this period.
20This ostracon does not belong, however, to the series of roster texts.
21 For what follows cf. HELCK, ZDMG. 105, 1955, 28-38. This article is an
With the aid of this material I have tried to establish approximate
enormous improvement on CHRISTOPHE'S study in BIFAO. 52, 1953, 113-144. The dates for all the price ostraca which contain proper names. The reader
tables drawn up by HELCK contain only minor mistakes, e.g. in the case of
O. DeM. 167 (p. 35), which is placed five lines too high (in the 9th month instead
of the 2nd, as the text explicitly states). The correctness of HELCK'S deductions . 24 Cf. SCHIAPARELLl, Relazione, I (p. 169 = O. Turin 5649 vs., not to be dated

(p. 30) concerning the ostraca previous to year 28 - as against CHRISTOPHE - is III year 21 but III year 23; p. 175 = O. Turin 5651 rt.; p. 174 = O. Turin 5652); the other
two are unpUblished.
proved completely by O. Colin Campbell 2 (unpubJ.), actually dated in year 25,
which was unknown to HELCK and fits into his tables. :: Four documents, published by CERNY, JEA. 31, 1945, 29ff.
22 First noticed by CERNY, ZA·S. 72, 1936, 1I5ff.
Cf. n. 23 above.
23 The usual number of the crew was about sixty. Ramesses IV increased it to 27 HELCK'S dating (e.g., Materialien IV, 618) is not reliable, since he does not

120 in order to shorten the time for the cutting of his tomb (Pap. Turin 1891 = all~~ for the frequent use of the same name for different persons.
PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 49; cf. CERNY, CAH2., ch. 35, 4); he probably enlisted sixty men G. BOTT! and T.E. PEET, Il giornale della necropoli di Tebe (1928). A survey
of the so-called smdt-n-bnr (water-carriers, fishermen, gar!ieners, etc.; cf. RAD. 46, 7). of ~~e workmen is found on pis. 8-11.
The crew was again reduced to 60 in year 2 of Ramesses VI (0. Berlin 12 654, 19 T. E. PEET, The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty (2 vols.,
unpubJ., where the now superfluous workmen are said to "carry (supplies)"; cf M 30 ) and The Mayer Papyri A and B, Nos. 11162 and 11186 of the Free Public
CERNY, op. cit., 10); see also O. Cairo 25 234, 5-6 (BIFAO. 27, 1927, 184), where . useu~s, Liverpool (1920). The absence of an index of names in the former publication
IS a senous handicap.
sixty workmen of the Village (?) and sixty from outside (n bnr) are mentioned.
22 SOURCES

should bear in mind that these dates are not claimed to be exact;
they represent what is more or less the average in each case. If in a
given text there occur two people both of whom are known 30 from CHAPTER TWO
the middle of the reign of Ramesses III until that of Ramesses V, it
is equally possible that it belongs to the earliest or to the latest years OSTRACA
of the period, or even that it was written some time before or after.
Statistically, however, the only solution is to ascribe it to the middle
N.B. In the following notes cross-references to documents included in the catalogue
years. The conclusions drawn below are therefore valid only in respect are marked with an asterisk.
of the prices studied, and cannot with safety be applied to such other
facts as the ostraca may record. Moreover, it may be assumed that o. Aberdeen 1317: see Hier. Ostr. 61, 2
deviations will compensate one another, at least in the case of a fuller
series of prices relating to one particular commodity. O. Ashmolean Museum 1945.36 [unpubl.]
No date Ramesses Ill/mid
In the following pages the date of each separate ostracon and
Names: J:!ry-m'q3y Mntw-msw XXth Dyn.
papyrus is discussed. The ostraca and papyri are arranged in alphabe-
iry- '3 lj'-m-w3st
tical order according to the collections in which they are now
For this police officer cf. Hier. Ostr. 24, 1*, and for the doorkeeper
preserved,3! except for those published in CERNy-GARDINER, Hieratic
Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*. Both names occur in Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274
Ostraca, which are ordered as they occur in the book, and are
and are used by MASSART to date that text.!
throughout quoted by reference to it. Apart from the four groups of
O. Cairo,32 O. DeM.,33 Hier. Ostr.34 and O. Michae1. 35 most of the O. Ashmolean Museum 1945.39: see Hier. Ostr. 72, 1
ostraca are as yet unpublished,36 though whenever a publication is O. Berlin 1121 (= Hier. Pap. Ill, pI. 35) 2
known to me this is indicated. Dated: year 28 Ramesses III
Names: B3k-n-wrnwr
in-mw Pn-t3-wrt
Pn-nlwt
The three names here mentioned, Bekenwernero (cf. Hier. Ostr. 60, 5*),
30 Thus, rather than 'both of whom lived', since by the nature of the texts it is
the water-carrier Pentwere (cf. O. Gardiner 288*) and Penne (cf. Hier.
very improbable that people are mentioned in the ostraca before they were adult.
31 In a few instances the text is commonly known by another name, having Ostr. 18, 3*) make it certain that the reign of Ramesses III is meant.
formerly been in a private collection, as, for example, O. Colin Campbell, now in
the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow. In these cases the ostraca are mentioned under both
O. Berlin 1268 [unpubl.)
headings, with appropiate cross-references. Dated: year 14 Ramesses III
.3~ J; CERNY, Ostraca hieratiques (nos. 25 501-832) = Catalogue general des anti- Names: rml-ist Wsr-J:!3t
qUltes egyptlennes du Musee du Caire, 2 vols., 1935. See also the older publication by
G. DARE~SY, Ostraca (nos. 25 001-385) = Catalogue general etc., 1901.
In-mw Wsr-J:!3t-nbtw
33 J. CERNY, Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el Medineh ss-*d Ifri
(nos. 1-456), 5 vols., 1935-51 = Documents de Jouil/es publMs par /es membres de ss P3-sr
I'IFAO, tomes 3-7; conti~1Ued by S. SAUNERON (nos. 550-623), I vol., 1959 (=
tome 13), and again by J. CERNY (nos. 624-705), I vol., 1970.
For the scribe Psiiir cf. O. DeM. 105*, and for the workman Usihe
34 J. CERNY and A. H. GARDINER, Hieratic Ostraca, vol. I (all that is published) Hier. Ostr. 19,3*. Undated ostraca apart, the water-carrier Usihenakhte
1957. ' is found only in year 29 of Ramesses III (Turin strike papyrus, vs.
35 H. GOEOICKE and E.F. WENTE, Ostraka Michaelides, 1962.

36 The most important exception is the publication of some (but by no means


3,8 = RAD. 46, 12; O. Gardiner 154, 2 (unpubl.]). The draughtsman
all or even the majority) of the Berlin ostraca in Hieratische Papyrus aus den koniglichen
Museen zu Berlin, Bd. rn, 2 = Heft 10, 1911. The dating of the ostraca in this 1 MAssART, MDAIK. 15, 1957, 173.
publication proves to be wholly incorrect. 2 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 500; MALl NINE, BIFAO. 46, 1947, 119ff.
24 SOURCES
OSTRACA 25
H6ri the father of Amenwa', Harmin and Nebnufe (cf. Hier. Ostr.
86, 4~) occurs again in year 13-14 (0. Cairo 25 555, 3). Amenmose, son of Amenemope is mentioned. This places the present
ostracon in the middle of the XXth Dynasty.
O. Berlin 10626 [unpubl.]
No date XIXth Dyn. O. Berlin 10665 (= Hier. Pap. 1II, pI. 38)
Names: ... , son of 'Imn-m-lpt Dated: year I mid XXth Dyn.
bmww Sj- Wjgyt Names: rml-ist J::n, son of Pj-R'-btpw
Ij'-m-vdst bmww J::d-3btwj
rml-lst B
SbJ
~en, the son of Pra'l:lOtpe--caIJed ~enna is O. DeM. 415, 2-is not
For Siwadjy cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 3* and O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E*.
datable with any certainty, since the name itself is common; cf. Hier.
The name occurs in the late XIXth to XXth Dynasties as well as
Ostr. 65,2* and O. DeM. 556*.
under Ramesses II (cf. Hier. Ostr. 83, 4 of year 40; O. DeM. 338, 13,
~edakhtef occurs several times between year 23 of Ramesses III
undated-but, from the writing, of the same period). For Sba cf.
(0. Turin 5649, 6)5 and year 7 of Ramesses IX (Pap. Turin 1881, V,
O. DeM. 31*. The name Kha'emwese is frequent under the XXth
1*).6 For his family relations cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35,
Dynasty (cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*), but also' exists at an earlier date;
Ill, 208, n. 3.
cf. O. DeM. 338, 5, mentioned immediately above. 3 Altogether it
The workman To, usuaIJy caJIed To-shIre (as distinct from vizier To,
seems best to ascribe this ostracon to the XIXth Dynasty.
after whom he was caJIed; cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*), is the son of the
O. Berlin 10 629 (= Hier. Pap. Ill, pI. 37) 4 scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy. He occurs in the duty roster
No date ? from the first year of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 41, vs. 10) onwards.
Name: ss Pn-tj-wrt
O. Berlin 11 259 [unpubI.]
A scribe Pentwere occurs in the time of SethOs II (cf. Hier. Ostr.
No date XXth Dyn. ?
46, 1, vs. 6), but there is also one under Ramesses III (e.g. Hier. Ostr. No names
26, 4, 5 of year 2; Hier. Ostr. 47, 3, 6 of year 31). Moreover, one of
There seems to be no clue to the dating of this text except for the
the sons of the scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy, is called 'scribe'
prices themselves. An r-jar of fat is also mentioned in O. DeM. 410*,
(sometimes even 'scribe of the necropolis') Pentwere. The dating of
where it costs 31 deben, and two jars occur in O. Turin 9753*, where
this ostracon to either the XIXth or the XXth Dynasty is thus
they are each 30 deben, as here. Both ostraca belong to the XXth
impossible.
Dynasty, and the present text may therefore have to be dated to the
O. Berlin 10643 [unpubl.] same period.
Dated: year 1 mid XXth Dyn.
O. Berlin 11 260 [unpubI.]
Names: 'Imn-msw
No date
his father 'Imn-m-lpt mid XXth Dyn.
Names: Ifr-Mnw
Although these names are both very common I know of only one
J::3IJj
text by which the date of these persons may be fixed, viz. O. Cairo
25 598, 7 of a year 4, probably of the reign of Ramesses V, where For l:Iarmin cf. O. DeM. 434* and Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*. The name
~al:ta belongs to two persons, one at the end of the XIXth Dynasty
. and one in the middle of the XXth Dynasty; for the latter cf., e.g.,
3 A Kha'emwese occurs, e.g., in connection with a certain Penamiin, the owner O. DeM. 398, 3, of a year 3, and Hier. Ostr. 27, 3, 1, of a year 5.
of Theban tomb no. 213 (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, 186, fig. 124; Cairo
stela no. 43 564 = BRUYERE, ASAE. 25, 1925, 80-81 and pI. I, 2), and another (or
perhaps the same with Nakhtamiin (Theban tomb no. 335), cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 5 cr. SCHIAPARELLl, Relazione I, 169.
1924-25, 132 and fig. 89. 6 Other texts date, e.g., from a year 7, of Ramesses VI or VII (0. Gardiner 181,
4 Translation: CERNY, BIFAO. 27, 1927, 177. 2·; O. Turin 9745, 4 [unpubl.]). Further dates are fixed in years 2 and 3 of
Ramesses V (graff. 1252 and the will of Naunakhte, Doc. IV, I).
26 SOURCES OSTRACA 27

O. Berlin 12 343 (= Hier. Pap. Ill, pI. 34) No names.


No date mid XXth Dyn. Since no legible names are left, either the reign of Ramesses 11 or
Names: rml-ist Bjki-n-wrnwr that of Ramesses III is possible, but from the use of the 'piece' the
'n (t) former is more probable. It may be that the few remaining traces in
fr.d pj- 'j-m-int lines 1 (~1I.4q~~) represent the name Siwadjy, which is known from
B5kt-n-Sti (t) the time of Ramesses 11 (cf. Hier. Ostr. 83, 4*).
ss [-fr.d] 7 Ifri-sri
Nb-nfr, "his son" O. Berlin 12 652 [unpubI.]
For Bekenwernero and the two women cf. Hier. Ostr. 60, 5*. Dated: year 6 mid XXth Dyn.
Nebnufe is called "his son", probably meaning the son of Bekenwernero. Names: rmI-ist 'Imn-w'
~mww pj-mdw-nbtw
The two are also mentioned on the base of a stela (cf. BRUYERE,
Rapport DeM. 1935-40, 11, 94, no. 149), where NebnUfe is called For Amenwa' cf. Hier. Ostr. 86,4*. Pmedunakhte, the son of J:Iay,ll
Ijy-mgjt. The ss-fr.d J:Iar-shire is the later scribe of the necropolis, the occurs for the first time in the duty roster of year 1 of Ramesses IV
son of the scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*). (0. DeM. 47, 14) and is mentioned several times thereafter.
The builder 8 P'oemone is not known to me from other texts: however,
O. Berlin 14 214 [unpubI.]
in Hier. Ostr. 47, 3, 1-2, of year 31 of Ramesses Ill, a water-carrier
No date Ramesses III / mid
P'oemtone (= P'oemone?) is mentioned.
Names: In-mw P3-R['-~tpw?] XXth Dyn.
O. Berlin 12405 [unpubl.] ss /:lwt-nIr Py13y
No date late XXth Dyn. lry- '3 n p3 br Ij'-m-w3st
Names: mlnlw '1ry-nfr in-mw Wsr-~3t-nbtw
~mww P3-sny-ngm in-mw 'Iwf-r-ib
'~3wtw (?) The last three persons are mentioned in the Turin strike papyrus, of
m 'g3y 'Imn-~tpw year 29 of Ramesses III (vs. 2, 8; vs. 3, 8; vs. 1, 5). For the door-
The name of the third person is very uncertain. A herdsman ErenUfe keeper Kha'emwese cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*, for Usil).enakhte O. Berlin
occurs in the house-list of Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068 (vs. 4, 4),9 dated 1268*, and for Eferikh O. Cairo 25 597*. The "scribe of the temple"
in a year 12, probably of Ramesses XI. Psennudjem, the son of Ra'- Pyay is unknown to me, and the restoration of the first name is very
mery, is found in the Giornale dell'anno 17 A, 1, 11 (= BOTTI-PEET, uncertain.
pI. 8), of year 17 of Ramesses IX. The policeman Amenl;lOtpe is
possibly the same person as occurs with the designation 3tw 10 in O. Berlin 14260 [unpubI.]
Pap. Turin 2021,4, 19 (= lEA. 13, 1927, pI. XV), from the end of the No date mid XXth Dyn.
XXth Dynasty. Names: rmI-ist M33-nbtwf
O. Berlin 12647 [unpubl.] ~mww '3-p3-13w
Dated: year 19 (or 29 or 39) Ramesses 11 For Maanakhtef cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*, and for 'Opatjew Hier. Ostr.
63, 1*. Although the first name occurs also in the XIXth Dynasty,
7 The publication reads ~ 4 M
(sic); prob. ~. Moreover, the name is l;Iar-snire, the second excludes this possibility.
not l:larmose, as given in the transcription.
8 For *d, cf. p. 40, n. 48.
O. Berlin 14271 [unpubI.]
9 PEET, Tomb Robberies, pI. XV. A very small fragment without date or names. ?
10 In the heading the group of itw.w is called ni I:zry.w-m'giy n pi br. For the

transcription of L.u~ cf. POSENER, RdE. 15, 1963, 127f., and BERLEV, RdE. 23,
1971,31 ff. 11 cr. Bankes stela no. 11.
28 SOURCES OSTRACA 29

O. Berlin 14 365 [unpubl.] n-dl:zrl


No date mid XXth Dyn. Wbht 1S

Name: Wsr-I:zjt The na~es Ser (?) and TdaIJri are unknown from elsewhere; the
For Usil).e cf. Hier. Ostr. 19, 3*. The same transaction referred to reading of both is doubtful. Penpy6m, if that is what is to be read, is
here, viz. the sale of a bed, is also found in O. Berlin [C]* and in known as a doorkeeper from year 24 of Ramesses III (0. Gardiner
O. Berlin 14 262 [unpubl.]. The latter is broken, so that no prices 140, 2 [unpubl.)) until the middle of the XXth Dynasty (Hier. Ostr.
survive: as in O. Berlin [C]*, Usil)e and Maanakhtef are mentioned. 77,12*, of year 4 of Ramesses IV); cf. also O. DeM. 410*. It may be,
o. Berlin 14366 [unpubl.] however, that the name should be read Pyom, which occurs at the end
No date 7 of the XIXth Dynasty (e.g. Pap. Salt 124, 2, 12; O. Cairo 25 519,
No names vs. 2, of year 1 of SiptaIJ), and again under Ramesses III (0. DeM.
424,2, of year 19; O. DeM. 222, IV, 7, of year 22; O. Turin 5651, 3,
O. Berlin (q [unpubl.] 12
of year 24). This latter might be a shortening for Amenpy6m (cf.
No date mid XXth Dyn. O. DeM. 413, 2 and 3). Webekht is a common name, as of the wives
Names: rml-ist Wsr-/:lit of the chief workmen NeferIJotpe and Nekhemmiit the elder (cf.
rml-ist Mii-nbtwf O. Gardiner 272*). It points to the XIXth or early XXth Dynasty (cf.
ef. O. Berlin 14 365*, and for Maanakhtef also O. Berlin 14260*. Hier. Ostr. 86, 1*), and the present ostracon may therefore be tentatively
O. Berlin IDI [unpubl.] 12 ascribed to this period.
No date XXth Dyn.7 o. Brit. Mus. 50 736 [unpubl.]
Name: Niwt-nbtl (7) Dated: year 4 mid XXth Dyn.7
Although CERNY'S transcription shows the determinative of a man, Names: R'-mry
it may be that the famous Naunakhte, the wife of ~enIJikhopshef and "my father" Nfr-[I:ztpw?]
Kha'emniin, is meant 13 (cf. lEA. 31, 1945, 29ff.). No other person For the names Ra'mery and Neferl:lOtpe cf. Hier. Ostr. 58, 3*. It is
with this name is known from the Village-assuming that the Naunakhte far from certain, however, that this Ra'mery (without the designation
of O. DeM. 134, I, 5 (late XIXth Dynasty, according to CERNY) is /:zmww!) is the same as the carpenter of Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*; 58, 3*;
the same woman. 86, 3*. The year 4 could belong either to the late XIXth Dynasty or
O. Brit. Mus. 5633: see Hier. Ostr. 86, 1 to the mid XXth: but cf. O. DeM. 398, 2, of a year 3 (of Ramesses
O. Brit. Mus. 5636 : see Hier. Ostr. 86, 4 IV 7), where a Ra'mery, son of NeferIJotpe, is mentioned. The writing
seems also to indicate the latter alternative,16 though there remains
O. Brit. Mus. 5643: see Hier. Ostr. 85, 2 room for doubt.
O. Brit. Mus. 5644: see Hier. Os!r. 86, 3 O. Brit. Mus. 50737 [unpubl.]
O. Brit. Mus. 5649: see Hier. Os!r. 86, 2 No date mid XXth Dyn.
Names: .~m'y n '!mn /j'-nwb (t)
O. Brit. Mus. 29555 [unpubl.]
[rml-]ist .{(n-/:zr-Upsf
No date XIXth Dyn.?
The chantress Kha' < t > nub and ~enIJikhopshef are both children of
Names: 'nb-n-nlwt Sr (7)
. Naunakhte and her second husband Kha'emniin; cf. lEA. 31, 1945,48.
B-pi-ym (sic! for Pn-pi-ym or Pi-ym) 14
For ~enl)ikhopshef cf. also O. DeM. 399*.
12 No number known. A few ostraca from Berlin have been numbered provisionally
by CERN), as A, B, C, etc.
13 She occurs also in Hier. Ostr. 7, 3, 5. 1S The determinative is missing, but from the t it is certainly a woman.
14 t3 written over p3, with p3 again following. 16 I was able to study this ostracon in 1962.
30 SOURCES OSTRACA 31

o. Brit. Mus. 65 935: see Hier. Ostr. 56,2 and ostraca (e.g., Pap. Turin 1881, IV, 3*, of year 7 of Ramesses IX;
O. Brit. Mus. 65 941 : see Hier. Ostr. 57,1 O. Gardiner 181, vs. 2*, also of a year 7; O. Ermitage 2973, 2, of a
year 1421), in a graffito in the tomb of Ramesses VI, dated in year 9
O. Brit. Mus. 65 956: see Hier. Ostr. 47,1
of Ramesses IX (CHAMPOLLION, Notices descriptives, 11, 635 =
o Brooklyn Mus. 37.1880 E [unpubl.] SPIEGELBERG, Graffiti, 92), and in some undated ostraca of the period
No date late XIXth Dyn. (e.g., O. Cairo 25 534, I, 5 and 25 642, I, 3; O. Gardiner 171 *).
Names: rml-1st '!mn-[m-]lpt In Hier. Ostr. 43, 4, 12 a certain Amenbotpe is called ss n pj br. This
~mww R'-mry might suggest the family of Amennakhte, son of Ipuy, several members
Pj-~ry-pdt of which are sometimes said to be 'scribe of the necropolis'. It therefore
~mww Sj- WMyt seems possible that in most, or even all the instances mentioned above
Cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 3*, which contains a partial version of the same the same man is referred to.22
text. O. Cairo 25 543
O. Brussels E 311 17 Dated (on verso): year 5 late XIXth Dyn.?
No date XIXth Dyn.? Names: ss Ifrl
No names /jjrw, (son of ?) BJsjy
The use of the 'piece' points to a date in the XIXth Dynasty. '!mn-tJy-nbtw
[ss] pr-M Hr-nfr
O. Brussels E 6339 [unpubl.]
? It is curious that some of the persons here mentioned are unknown
No date
from other ostraca, although the text is dated by CERNY to the end
No names
of the XIXth Dynasty. The name of the scribe 1:16ri alone is
O. Cairo 25 242 common-too common to specify the man and his period. For the
Dated: year 29 Ramesses III names Kh6re and Bes cf. O. Gardiner 134*. The use of deben and
Names: rml-lst /j'-m-wjst kitl! of silver is also unusual.
rmt-lst Knnj, son of Rwtl
The ostr;con is studied by CERNY, B!FAO. 27,1927, 179f. O. Cairo 25 572
No date late XIXth Dyn.
O. Cairo 25 362 18 Names: rml-lst /j'-m-sbj
No date mid/late XXth Dyn. rml-1st Ifwy
Name: ss '!mn-~tpw 'nb-n-niwt M'bm
This scribe mayor may not be identical with the draughtsman 'j-n-lst Ifjy
Amenbotpe, son of the scribe of the necropolis Amennakhte, the son Nbw-m-Mwt
of Ipuy.19 He is sometimes called ss in the graffiti (e.g., nos. 298 and Ifri-nfr
1081 ),20 but this proves nothing, since in graffiti the designation ss is 111n ... 23
used very loosely. A scribe Amenbotpe occurs, however, in the papyri Pn-'!mn
Nb-nfr, son of Njby
17 Published: SPELEERS, Recueil (no. 192). I have used an improved transcription Tnwr-Mntw
by tERN'\' and my own collation.
18 From a transcription by tERN'\'.
21 Published by tERN'\' in Arch. Or. 3, 1931, 395f.
19 Called hrv ss-kd in graff. 1288, 1289 and 1355. 22 For several reasons which cannot here be discussed, I do not agree with the
20 Cf. als; the 'dipinto' in Theban tomb no. 1338 (BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, reconstruction of the family tree by CHRISTOPHE, BIFAO. 56, 1957, 173 ff.
76). In 0 DeM. 46, 18 ss is probably a mistake for ss-lsd, since the Amenl:lOtpe In 23 The name is tentatively read by tERN'\' as Mnit/:m'; could it be Minl:lOtpe?

this position in the duty roster is elsewhere called ss-Isd (0. DeM. 44, vs. 16). (cf. O. DeM. 322, I).
32 SOURC ES OSTRAC A 33

I:Iay was chief workman under Amenmesse (0. Cairo 25 779, 6 etc., Names : Nb-smn , son of Pi-birw
of year 1, and later years), under Seth6s II and Siptai:1,24 and until '/mn-hr
year 17 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 584, 1, 1). All the other men Afntw-m sw
occur during the last years of the XIXth Dynasty, but except for Piy-sdt
Tenrom ont and NebnUfe not with any certainty under Ramesses 11125 '/mn-m sw (= m'g3y '/mn-m sw, 1. 13)
(Penamun only in O. DeM. 406, 10, of year 15; cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, Sbk-ms w
,
3*). The lady Ma'kha ia appears not to be known from other ostraca Ifri, son of Mntw-m sw
but the name occurs on tomb walls and stelae.2 6 PtIJ-Sdw
'Imn-I;'w
O. Cairo 25 583
No date Pn-t3-wrt
late XIXth Dyn. ?
Pn-pi-y m
Name: rmJ-ist Nl;t-Mn i
'IJ3w-'3
Several persons of this name are known : at least two at the end of
the XIXth Dynasty (occurring together in Hier. Ostr. 51, 1, n, 4 and Of these twelve persons Amenmose alone is called 'policeman', and
vs. 11, 10 and in O. DeM. 243, 1 and 2),27 one under Ramesses
11 only once,29 but several of the others are known to have had the
(Hier. Ostr. 83, 10, of year 40) and Merenptai) (0. DeM. 621, vs. 3, same occupa tion: Amenkhew (cf. O. DeM. 369*), Peysad = Psad (cf.
Hier. Ostr. 18, 3*),3() Mentm ose-fre quentl y mentioned as
chief
of year 2), and one under Ramesses III and later (from year 22: 25
11, policeman (cf. Hier. Oslr. 24, 1*)---, his son l:l6ri (cf. O. Cairo
O. Turin 5681, vs. 2 [unpubl.J until a year 7: Pap. Turin 2070, vs. policem an in O. DeM. 37, 17, of
though has 597*), and Nebsmen (called chief
1).28 The date of the ostracon is thus uncertain, CERNY
162*). Of the others one can
ascribed it to the end of the XIXth Dynasty. year 31 of Ramesses Ill; cf. O. Gardin er
~ay no more than that they occur in the mid XXth Dynasty,
but not
O. Cairo 25 585 10 the later Giornale, of the time of Ramesses
IX.
No date XXth Dyn.?
O. Cairo 25 590
No names surviving
No date mid XXth Dyn.
From the writing (CERNY ) it should belong to the XXth Dynasty. Name: P3-i[d]IJti
O. Cairo 25 587 This man occurs also in a year 5 (0. Brit. Mus. 50 744, 6 [unpubl.],
No date XIXth Dyn.? under the vizier Neferronpe), and in year 6 of Ramesses IV (Pap.
Name: rmu-ist 'I]puy Geneva MAR IS 274, vs. Ill, 2).
A common name under the XIXth Dynasty, but rare under Ramesses O. Cairo 25 596
Ill, and seldom found thereafter (e.g., O. DeM. 214*). The writing No date XIXth Dyn.?
is of the XIXth Dynasty (CERNY ). No names
O. Cairo 25588 The writing and the use of the 'piece' point to the XIXth Dynasty.
Dated: year 2 mid XXth Dyn.
O. Cairo 25 597
24 cr.
Hier. Ostr. 47, I*' Dated: year 2 of ... (name of the Pharao h lost) mid XXth Dyn.
25For Nekhemm iit, the later chief workinan Nekhem miit (the elder),
cf. p. 70, n. 127. Names : Ptb-nbt w
26 E.g. Brit. Mus. stela 1388 = Guide
(Sculpture), 188 (no. 676) and Turin stela ~d Hrw-nf r
and 1926, 17, fig. 8;
Sup. 6168. Cr. also BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, 125
are called Ma'khay ib 'Iwf-r-i b
PORTER-MosS2, I. ii, 716. The wife and the daughter of Pshedu
Brit. Mus. stela 262 = JAMES, Hierogl. Texts, part 9, pI. 35, I; also
(cf., e.g.,
TOSI-RoC CATI, Stele, 115).
(JEA. 15, 1929, pI. XLIV). 29 For him, cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 3*.
27 cr. also Pap. Salt 124, 2, 11 and 12
O. Cairo 25 597*.
28 cr. SPIEGELB ERG, Studien und Materiali en, 33f. 30 Probably the same as the Peysad, son of Amenmo se, of
34 SOURC ES
OSTRAC A 35
Ny-sw-'Imn, son of 'Imn-I)'w
O. Cairo 25 655
pjy-s[dt], son of 'Imn-msw No date
TJ-kjm n Ramesses III
Name: Ijjy
Ijri, son of Alntw-m sw
It is uncertain which I:lay is meant. Both the son of l;Iuy (cf. Hier.
For Peysad and 1:l6ri cf. O. Cairo 25 588*. The builder Hernufe
OSlr. 65, 4*) and the son of Sba belong to the reigns of Ramesses III
occurs also in O. DeM. 73, 2*, of year 20 of Ramesses Ill. Eferikh
and his successor, while the son of Siwadjy is found under Setnakhte
the water-carrier is mentioned in the Turin strike papyrus (vs. 1, 5
= (cf. O. Univ. Coll.*). Since no title is mentioned it is less likely to
RAD. 45, 5), and in ostraca of later reigns. Nesamun occurs
in the be
the chief workm an l;Iay, the son of ~a1!a (cf. O. Cairo 25 572*). The
duty roster from year 28 onwards (cf. O. DeM. 579*). Tkamen
is writing points to the XXth Dynasty (CERNY), and it is thus probab
also found in O. Brussels E 305, 4-5, of the mid XXth Dynasty,31 le
that the l;Iay referred to is one of the two first mentioned.
and in other Cairo ostraca from this period.
O. Cairo 25 601 O. Cairo 25682
No date Ramesses III ?
No date XXth Dyn.?
No names Name: Ijjy
CERNY dates the writing to the XXth Dynasty. Cf. the preceding ostracon. The text contains only one price in what
remains of the verso.
O. Cairo 25 602
No date Ramesses Ill? O. Cairo 25 684
No names No date Ramesses III ?
From the writing CERNY dates to the first half of the XXth Dynasty. No names
CERNY dates the writing to the first half of the XXth Dynast
O. Cairo 25 606 y.
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn. O. Cairo 25 692
Names : rml-ist Ifri No date XIXth Dyn.?
bmww Pn-tJ-wrt No names
Mn-b'w CERNY dates the writing to the XIXth Dynasty.
For the carpenter Pentwere cf. O. DeM. 195*, and for Minkhew O.
O. Cairo 25 701
DeM. 241*. The name l;I6ri is too common for any conclusions to
be No date Ramesses III ?
drawn from it. All three names occur, however, in the duty roster.
No names
O. Cairo 25 618 CERNY dates the writing to the XXth Dynasty. The
use of the
No date XIXth Dyn.? 'piece' suggests the reign of Ramesses Ill.
No names O. Cairo 25 725 32
CERNY dates the writing to the XIXth Dynasty. No date late XIXth Dyn.
O. Cairo 25 654 Names : ~n-[hr-]bp§f
Dated: year I mid XXth Dyn. Nb-'Im n
Name: In-mw ljjry <?ne Nebam un is found under Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 779,
For this water-carrier cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*. CERNY dates this vs. 8 and fT., of year 1; O. Cairo 25 784, 3, of year 4), another
in
ostracon to the end of the XIXth Dynasty or the beginning of the the middle of the XXth Dynasty (e.g. O. Metr. Mus. 09.184.702, I,
5,
XXth, but the name suggests a later period. of a year 1 [unpubl.]). To the latter period dates also ~en1!ikhopshef
,
31 SPELEERS , Recueil, 50, no. 186.
32 Translat ion: HELCK, Materialien V, 938.
36 SOURCES OSTRACA 37

the son of Naunakhte (cf. O. Dem. 399*), but there is another O. terny 5 [unpubl.]
~enl:tikhopshef at the end of the XIXth Dynasty, and who was not Date: year lost XIXth Dyn.
perhaps the first husband of Naunakhte, since the latter is always called Name: ijr-m-w[li]
ss. From the writing (CERNY) and the use of the 'piece' it seems best The name J:laremwia occurs frequently during the XIXth Dynasty,
to ascribe the ostracon to the end of the XIXth Dynasty. At the very from the time of Ramesses II (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 83, 5, of year 40)
end ~enl:tikhopshef calls Nebamiin "my ... (brother?)", but I am unable through that of Siptai) (e.g., O. Cairo 25 521, vs. 3, of year 1-2), to
to prove any relationship between them from elsewhere. the end of the Dynasty and the beginning of the next (e.g., Hier.
O. Cairo 25 771 vs. Ostr. 51, 1, I, 17 and vs. I, 10). The last example proves that more
No date XXth Dyn.? than one person was so called at this time. 33 It is impossible to
Vs. no names distinguish between them, but since the name is seldom used under
The recto contains the first words of Pap. Lansing 8, 8, preceded Ramesses III or later 34 the earlier dating of the ostracon is almost
by the words "beginning of the instruction of letter-writing, made by certain. The use of the 'piece' strengthens this view.
the pro[phet] Pyay". Pyay is a well known name in the XIXth Dynasty, O. terny 20 [unpubl.]35
but the title provides no clue for an identification. CERNY ascribes No date mid XXth Dyn.
the ostracon to the XXth Dynasty. Names: 1ny-nbtw 36
O. Cairo 25 800 Rs-ptr J
No date Nb-nbtw
mid XXth Dyn.
Names: P1- 'gd M11-nbtwJ
ss lfri-srl '1-p1-11w
'1-n-Ist Nbw-m-Mwt The whole group of names belongs to the mid XXth Dynasty,
'3-n-ist 'In-~r-b'w 'Opatjew being the only one who does not appear in the duty roster.
A date after Ramesses III is therefore more probable.
The ostracon is dated to the mid XXth Dynasty by the names of
the chief workmen Nekhemmiit and Anl:terkhew. For P'adjd and J:lar- . O. Cochrane: see O. Gardiner 264
shire cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2* : the designation of J:lar-shire as ss suggests O. Colin CampbelI 5: see Hier. Ostr. 63, I (= O. Hunterian Mus.,
that the text is to be dated after the reign of Ramesses IV. Glasgow, D 1925.70)

O. Cairo (154], (181] and (182] ? O. Colin CampbelI 16 (= O. Hunterian Mus., Glasgow, D 1925.82)
Three unpublished fragments, numbered provisionally by CERNY and [unpubl.]
originating from the excavations of MOND at Sheikh 'Abd el Qurnah. No date Ramesses III
They contain neither date nor names. Names: TJ- '1
Wsr-m'1t-R'-nbtw
O. terny 1 [unpubl.]
'Imn-b'w
No date Ramesses III I mid ij'-m-w1st
Names: rml-ist Nfr-~tpw XXth Dyn.
~ry-m'g1y Mntw-msw 33 cr.also Hier. Ostr. 26, 3. vs. 5: l:Iaremwia-pshire.
For the chief policeman Mentmose cf. Hier. Ostr. 24, 1*, and for 34 I know only of the son of Inetef from Hier. Ostr. 49, 3, 4, of year 20 of
Ramesses Ill.
Neferl:totpe Hier. Ostr. 58, 3*. 35 This ostracon was no longer in Prof. CernY's hands, and his provisional tran-
scription could not therefore be collated.
O. terny 2 [unpubl.]
. 36 In rt. I called Any, but in vs. 1 Anynakhte: the latter name is probably
No date ? IOtended, since Any does not occur in dated ostraca of the XXth Dynasty. For a
No names similar mistake cf. O. DeM. 164, I, 4.
38 SOURCES OSTRACA 39

The name Tja'o is known as that of a doorkeeper from year 14 of in Hier. Ostr. 53, 2, vs. 5, of year 20 of Ramesses Ill, and in
Ramesses III (Hier. Ostr. 57,2, I, 2) until year 29 (Turin strike papyrus, O. MichaeI. 5, 2, of year 26, is apparently another person. The
vs. 2, 7 = RAD. 46, 2), but at the end of the reign also as that of a draughtsman Maanakhtef also occurs under Ramesses 11 in several
water-carrier (e.g., O. DeM. 151, vs. 18, of year 27; Hier. Ostr. 45, 1, undated ostraca; 39 he is probably the one referred to in Hier. Ostr.
2*, of year 28). Usima're'nakhte occurs in the same period, from year 83, 18, of year 40. Maanakhtef is the name of the son of the
26 of Ramesses III (0. Turin 6772, 3 and 10 [unpubI.]) until a year 5, draughtman Pshedu (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1923-24, 85) 40 and
probably of Ramesses IV (0. Gardiner fragm. 2, 6; O. Berlin 9897, the father of Pshedu the younger (cf. Hannover stela 2937 = Z;t"S. 72,
3 and 5 [both unpubI.]). He is evidently referred to once as a water- 1936, pI. VII, 4). From the writing CERNY dates this ostracon to the
carrier (Turin strike papyrus, vs. 1, 3 = RAD. 45, 3) and once as a end of the XIXth Dynasty or the first years of the XXth, but the
doorkeeper (0. DeM. 145, vs. 8). Several people called Amenkhew names suggest a slightly earlier date.
occur in the time of Ramesses III and IV, e.g. a fisherman, the son
O. DeM. 50
of Amenemone (e.g., O. DeM. 47, vs. 11, of year 1 of Ramesses IV), late XIXth Dyn.
No date
a wood-cutter (0. DeM. 55,2, of year 31 of Ramesses Ill; O. DeM.
Names: 3ny
390, vs. 3), and a water-carrier (0. DeM. 244, 4, of year 28; Turin
~mww Ifwy
strike papyrus, vs. 1,2 = RAD. 45,2; cf. also O. Gardiner 162*).37 l:Iuy is a very common name, particularly frequent in the ostraca
For Kha'emwese cf. Hier. Ostr. 54,2*. from the last reigns of the XIXth Dynasty; the sons of Anberkhew and
O. DeM. 31 l:Iuyniife 41 are both called l:Iuy (cf., e.g., O. Cairo 25 783, 3 and 9).
Dated: year 19 Ramesses 11 Under the same Dynasty there are several persons named Any 42 ,
Name: Sb3 e.g., the son of ~aba (0. Cairo 25 573, I, 6)43 and the son of Nakhy
The name of the Pharaoh is partly lost, though a 19th year can (0. Cairo 25 796, 11, 20), the first being probably the older. In view
only be of Ramesses 11 or Ill. The name Sba 38 occurs under both of this I am inclined to date the ostracon somewhat earlier than
kings, but the writing as well as the use of the 'piece' and the form CERNY, i.e., to the late XIXth Dynasty, rather than to the end of the
of the plural article n3 n (line 2) all point to the XIXth Dynasty. XIXth Dynasty or the beginning of the XXth.
O. DeM. 49 O. DeM. 51
No date Ramesses 11 No date late XIXth / early
Names: ss-If:d M33-nbtwf No names surviving XXth Dyn.?
ss-If:d R'-~tpw From the writing CERNY dates to the late XIXth or early XXth
For Ra'botpe (or Pra'botpe) cf. Hier. Ostr. 62, 1*. The name occurs Dynasty.
under Ramesses 11, and also, but without designation, under Merenptab
(0. IFAO. 1425, 2, of years 7-8; O. Gardiner 197, 2, of year 9 [both 39 In O. DeM. 328, 1-2, the 'scribe' Baki calls the draughtsman Maaninakhtef
unpubI.]), and under Sethos 11 and Siptab. The workman mentioned his 'father', but since this is a letter - in which the designation ss is usually applied
to anyone who is able to write, and in which 'father' means no more than a venerable
37 Whether one may conclude that occupations such as doorkeeper, water-carrier, man - its author might be the workman Baki (cf. O. DeM. 333, of year 37 of
and probably also wood-cutter are no more than temporary and do not indicate Ramesses H; O. Cairo 25 237, of year 66), and Maanakhtef probably not his actual
permanent professions is not quite certain, though in several instances one might father.
think so. 40 The genealogy given seems to me to be not without mistakes. particularly at the
38 The reading of this name is not quite certain. It is always written without a end. The tomb of Pshedu the elder, no. 323, dates from Sethos H (cf. PORTER-Moss2,
phonetic complement, and the stroke after the star (sbJ) indicates that it is the object I. i, 394 f.).
itself which is meant. On the other hand, the sister of Sba (who is also called Nebsba; 41 Cf. O. Gardiner 286*
cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, 118 f.) bears the name Duammeres (cf. Neuchatel 42 Cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 1*.
stela 12; Brit. Mus. stela 357 - both mentioned by BRUYERE), and the names in a 43 Well known from stelae; cf. e.g., BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1930, pI. 34; Rapport
family usually incorporate the same elements. DeM. 1935-40, H, 95; Brit. Mus. stela no. 191 (lAMES, Hierogl. Texts, part 9, pI. 39).
40 SOURCES OSTRACA 41

O. DeM. 56 44 There was a scribe Psiiir under Merenptal). and his successors
Dated: year 25 Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 504, vs. n, I, of years 7-8; Hier. Ostr. 64, 1, 2, of year I
Names: lry- 's Ij'-m-wsst of Sethos n; Hier. Ostr. 46, 2, vs. 6, of year 6 of Sethos Il or
rmJ-lst Nfr-btpw Siptal).),49 and another under Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25553,3, of year 12;
The mention of the doorkeeper Kha'emwese (cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*), Hier. Ostr. 34, 4, vs. I, of year 17) and later (0. Berlin 12 654, 4, of
together with the writing, makes the reign certain. year 2 of Ramesses VI); 50 but these are nowhere called 'scribe of the
O. DeM. 62 45 vizier'. In O. Cairo 25 562, 5, of a year 2, of Ramesses IV or one of
Dated: year 28 Ramesses III his successors, there is, however, a scribe of the vizier \t1.~I~ :
Names: rmJ-lst Mnns could this be a mistake for Psiiir? CERNY dates the ostracon to the
In-mw Ts-'s XXth Dynasty, and I would tentatively ascribe it to the middle of
The reign is certain from the name of the water-carrier Tja'o (cf. that period.
O. Colin Camp bell 16*). O. DeM. 113
O. DeM. 69 46 Dated: year I Ramesses IV ?
No date mid XXth Dyn. Name: BSkl-n-Mwt
Names: ljsrwy Of the two workmen of this name one occurs under Ramesses 11
s'd-bt Ps-wbdt (written Ps-wdbt) (Hier. Ostr. 84, 16, of year 40) and one under Ramesses IV (Hier.
For KhOre cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*. No wood-cutter called Pwakhd is Ostr. 48, 2, vs. 1, of year 3). Other persons called Bekenmiit are the
known to me from other instances, but in O. Cairo 25 635, 11, 1, of wood-cutter of O. Cairo 25 603, 3, of a year 6, probably in the late
year 31 of Ramesses Ill, the name occurs in connection with deliveries XIXth Dynasty, and the water-carrier of O. Gardiner 182, 2, of a
of wood, while in O. DeM. 133, vs. 2, of the mid XXth Dynasty, a year 1, of the mid XXth Dynasty [un pub 1.] and O. IFAO. 1403, 2,
water-carrier of this name is mentioned; cf. also O. Turin 9586*. of a year 2, of the same period [unpubl.], together with other instances.
Since CERNY dates the ostracon to the XXth Dynasty the present
O. DeM. 73 47
Bekenmiit will be the second of the workmen, mentioned under
Dated: year 20 Ramesses III
Ramesses IV. 51
Names: *d Hrw-nfr
3ny-nbtw O. DeM. 146
ss-n-tm3 '!mn-nbtw No date late XXth Dyn.
The builder 48 Herniife occurs also in O. Cairo 25 597*, and Name: ldnw '!mn-nbtw
Anynakthe in O. DeM. 593*, both from the mid XXth Dynasty. These The deputy Amennakhte, the son of l:Iay, occurs in Giornale dell'
names, together with the writing, rule out the reign of Ramesses 11, anno 17 B, 1, 2. In view of the fact that the offices in the Village
the only alternative for a 20th year. were more or less hereditary, it is very probable that the father l:Iay
was the deputy (cf. O. Gardiner 135*) whose son Amennakhte, called
O. DeM. 105 (= O. IFAO. 292 + O. Turin 9765) Pwonesh, is known from the graffiti (cf., e.g., graff. 297 and 352a).52
No date mid(?) XXth Dyn.
The name Pwonesh occurs also in O. Cairo 25 642, vs. 3, which
Name: ss n 13ty P3-srw according to CERNY is of the second half of the XXth Dynasty, and
in Hier. Ostr. 27, 1, 3, to be dated to the same period.
44 cr. ALLAM, lEA. 53, 1967, 48 and MALININE, BIFAO. 46, 1947, 102ff.
45 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 494. 49Cf. Hier. Ostr. 47, 1*.
46 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 495. 50Cf. tERN'\', CAH.2, vol. 11, ch. 35, 10.
47 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 499. 51 The same date in HELCK, Materialien Ill, 485.
48 The word /fd may mean either 'builder' (i/fd Inbw) or 'potter' (l/fd ngs); cf. 52 Cf. also Turin stela no. 1606 (= TOSI-RoCCATI, Stele, no. 50062), which may,
GAROINER, Onom., I, 72*f. however, refer to an older generation.
42 SOURCES OSTRACA 43
O. DeM.I83 25096) or bm-nlr (cf. O. Gardiner 181 *; also O. Cairo 25 364, 5 S3 and
No date Ramesses III ? BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1929,46: graff. ofa year 4). The designation
Names: rml-ist '!mn-m-ipt 'carpenter' occurs only here and in Hier. Ostr. 65, 1, 3, of the time of
ss-*d ... Ramesses Ill.
The name Amenemope is very common in all periods (cf., e.g.,
O. DeM. 214
Hier. Ostr. 53, 1*; 61,2*; 86, 3*). CERNY dates the ostracon to the
No date late XIXth Dyn.
first half of the XXth Dynasty.
Names: '!pwy
O. DeM. 185 Tnwr-Mntw
No date XXth Dyn.? Ipuy is a common name, occurring particularly under Amenmesse,
No names Seth6s 11 and Siptal)., and rarely also under Ramesses Ill-but not
On account of the writing CERNY dates the ostracon to the XXth later than year 23 (0. Gardiner 152, 7 [unpub1.]). For Tenromont cf.
Dynasty. Hier. Ostr. 85,2*.
O. DeM. 194 O. DeM. 215
No date XXth Dyn.? Dated: year 1 Seth6s 11 or Siptal).
No names Names: rml-Ist Nb- . .... .
According to CERNY this ostracon dates from the XXth Dynasty. ss-*d Bw-rb-[inw.]f
The name Burekhonef occurs in some ostraca of the XIXth Dynasty,
O. DeM.195 but not in dated ones, except for O. DeM. 260, 2*, of a year 6, and
No date mid XXth Dyn. nowhere else with the designation 'draughtsman'. 54
Names: bmww Pn-ti-wrt
O. DeM. 223
'nb-n-niwt ....... nbli
No date mid XXth Dyn.
mk-n-'!mn
Names: bmww '3-p3-1~w
The name Pentwere is common, particularly in the XXth Dynasty
rml-ist '!mn-p3-b'py
(cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*), but with the designation 'carpenter' only in
For 'Opatjew, who belongs to the mid XXth Dynasty, cf. Hier.
O. Cairo 25 606*. Beknamiin is the name of one of the new members
Ostr. 63, 1*. Amenpel).a 'py occurs in O. Turin 6540, vs. 2, of year 23
of the duty roster in the first year of Ramesses IV. He is possibly
of Ramesses III [unpubl.], in Hier. Ostr. 70, 1, 2, of a year 7, and in
the man mentioned in O. DeM. 222, V, 7, of year 22 of Ramesses Ill,
the will of Naunakhte (Document I, 1, 16).55 He was the son 56 of the
and probably the one referred to in O. Brit. Mus. 50 744, 5 [unpub1.],
chief workman Anl).erkhew the younger of tomb no. 359 (cf. BRUYERE,
of a year 5 of an unknown Pharaoh, who from the mention of the
Rapport DeM. 1930, 41, 46, etc.) and possibly the owner of tomb
vizier Neferronpe will have been either Ramesses IV or one of his
no. 355 (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1927, 115ff.).57
successors. The lady may be the famous Naunakhte of the will (cf. O. DeM. 231
lEA. 31,1945, 29ff.). No date Ramesses III/IV
O. DeM. 213
No date Ramesses III or IV 53 CERNY, BIFAO. 27, 1927, 193.
54 Cr. also Turin stela 14S1 bis (= TOSI-RocCATI, Stele, no. S0033), where he is
Name: bmww Nfr-I}r
called the brother of Men, the father of Pra'i:wtpe. I am unable to identify these
Neferl).o is a workman who occurs continuously from year 15 of persons.
Ramesses III (0. DeM. 406, 16) until well into the middle of the 55 cr. CERNY, lEA. 31, 1945, 43, n.S.

56 Or son-in-law?; cf. graff. 1376, where Ameni)a'py (sic) is called pJ- (i.e., 'the
XXth Dynasty (0. Gardiner 181, vs. 3*). Usually he is called rml-ist, son of) Neferi)otpe.
but also w'b (0. Cairo 25 555, vs. 6, of years 13-14, and O. Cairo 57 For the date er. also HELCK, Materialien IV, 618.
44 SOURCES OSTRACA 45

Name: rmJ-lst Nbw-m-Mwt people from the time of Ramesses 11. Pay is also found, e.g., in Hier.
Since the writing is of the XXth Dynasty (CERNY), this Nekhemmut Ostr. 54, 4, 1, which is dated by CERNY and GARDINER to the early
is not the first chief workman of that name,58 but either his grandson XIXth Dynasty, and Dl).utl).ima'ktef in Hier. Ostr. 64, 3, vs. 2, which
or the other workman Nekhemmut (cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*). In the from the name of the scribe Ra'mose 61 also belongs to the first
former case the ostracon would have to be dated before year 4 of half of the reign of Ramesses 11.
Ramesses IV, when he succeeded his father as chief workman. O. DeM. 241
O. DeM. 232 No date Ramesses Ill/IV
No date early Ramesses III ? Names: R'-mry
Name: ss-~d 'Imn-nl;tw &mww Mnw-I;'w
The name is common during the XXth Dynasty, though instances For Ra'mery cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2* and 58, 3*. Minkhew is known
with the designation 'draughtsman' are rather rare. These are in from year 31 of Ramesses III (0. Prague H 14, 4 [unpubI.]), and in
O. DeM. 553*, in graff. 1125 (with the addition 'son of Ipuy') and in the duty roster during the following years, down to year 2 of Ramesses
graff. 223 and 1022 (with the addition 'son of the idnw l:Iay'); for this IV-though nowhere else as a carpenter. The name is, however, too
last cf. O. DeM. 146*. The Amennakhte who was son of Ipuy rare for the identification to be doubted.
became 'scribe of the necropolis' in year 16 of Ramesses III (cf. graff. O. DeM. 255
1111 and 1143). Since several members of his family were first Dated: year 3 mid XXth Dyn.
'draughtsman' and afterwards 'scribe' (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16,2*), it seems Names: w'b Afry-msw
probable that this was also the case with Amennakhte. If so, all texts rmJ-ist Wlww
in which he is called 'draughtsman' will belong to the period preceding A Merymose occurs in the mid XXth Dynasty, viz. in Hier. Ostr.
year 16. This may be proved by O. MichaeI. 1, 5-6 (pI. 51), of year 10 28, 2, 3*, of year 2 of Ramesses V, and in O. Brit. Mus. 50 730. 2,
of Ramesses Ill, where the first signs of line 6 are to be restored as of year 1 of Ramesses VI [unpubI.], as well as in O. DeM. 398, vs. 3,
[~~ ::].59 If then the present Amennakhte was indeed the son of Ipuy, of a year 3. The name Wauu is rare in the Village. I know it only
the ostracon is to be dated early in the reign of Ramesses Ill, which from O. DeM. 430, 4,62 of the XXth Dynasty, from O. IFAO. 1354
would agree with CERNY'S observation about the writing. It may be, [unpubI.], containing a list of names of the mid XXth Dynasty, and
however, that the son of l:Iay is meant, in which case a later date is from O. Or. Inst. Chicago 16 973, 2, of a year 9 [unpubI.], in which
possible-though the use of the 'piece' in O. DeM. 553* would not there occurs also a certain Pen'anuIs:e. 63 Since this last is known as a
support this. workman from year 26 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. 148, 11; O. Turin
6631, 2 [unpubI.]), and in the duty roster until year 2 of Ramesses IV,
O. DeM. 233
and probably down to a year 4 (Pap. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 1-2*, where
Dated: year x 60 of Ramesses 11 early Ramesses 11
he is called ss; cf. also graff. 1280), the year 9 of the Chicago ostracon
Names: w'w !)&wty-&r-m'ktwf
may be that of Ramesses IX.
ss-~d Ply
O. DeM. 260
Dl:mtl).ima'ktef is the owner of tomb 357. For the draughtsman Pay
Dated: year 6 Seth6s 11 or Sip tal).
cf., e.g., BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, 124. Both are mentioned
Name: [Bw-rl;-]inwf
in O. IFAO. 1086, perhaps of year 8 [unpubI.], together with other
For the draughtsman Burekhonef cf. O. DeM. 215*.

58 cr.p. 70, n. 127. 61 cr. graff. 1140, of year 5; O. Cairo 25 671, of year 5; O. Michael. 47, 4 (pI. 50),

59 Perhaps so intended by GOEDlCKE and WENTE, who only restored the last two of year 38; O. Cairo 25 809, 4, of year 38. For a biography of Ra'mose cf.
BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1935-40, IJI, 13ff.
signs.
60 x has to be less than 5, since one stroke seems to be left in front of a lacuna fll.
62 Written e \\ I qq~ ,
in line 1. 63 Possibly also in O. DeM. 612, 6, where the transcription has f\.e~ T :::,'~'k.
,
46 SOURCES OSTRACA 47

O. DeM. 275 O. DeM. 369


No date early XXth Dyn.? Dated: year 4 mid XXth Dyn.
No names Names: ss 'Imn-msw
From the writing CERNY dates to the first half of the XXth Dynasty. m'gJy'Imn-I)'w
O. DeM. 297
ss n [pJ I)r] Ifrl
mid XXth Dyn. It-nIr 'Imn-btpw
No date
The scribe Amenmose occurs in O. Berlin 10 663 vs., of year 28 of
Names: 'Il-nlwtf
Ramesses Ill, and in O. IFAO. 1218, vs. 4, also of a year 4 [unpubl.].
PJy-sdt
The policeman Amenkhew is mentioned quite frequently from year 13
fj'-m-wJst
B)sJ
of Ramesses III (0. Turin 6629, 2 [unpubl.]) until a year 4 (0. IFAO.
765, I [unpubl.] and O. DeM. 133, 2f.). For the scribe of the
'Imn-m-lpt
necropolis J:Iori cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*. The 'god's father' Amenl;lOtpe
Inetef occurs from years 13-14 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 555,
vs. 5) until a year 5, probably of Ramesses IV (Hier. Ostr. 27, 3, vs. 2). seems not be mentioned anywhere else.
Bes is mentioned in O. Gardiner 134*. There is no reason to identify O. DeM. 399
him with the scribe Pbes of the Turin strike papyrus (3, 21 = RAD. No date Ramesses III / IV
58, 16), but he may be the same as Pbes in Hier. Ostr. 48, 2, vs. 6, of Names: rmI-1st ~n-br-I)psf
year 3 of Ramesses IV. In O. IFAO. 1258, of the mid XXth Dynasty ldnw 'Imn-I)'w
[unpubl.], a son of Bes is mentioned; cf. also O. Cairo 25 543*. For The deputy Amenkhew occurs from year 17 of Ramesses III (0.
Psad cf. Hier. Ostr. 18, 3*. The other names are common. Florence 2620, 2 = ZAS. 18, 1880, 97) until year 7 of Ramesses VI
or VII (0. DeM. 207, 2). He was the son of the chief workman
O. DeM. 299 Nekhemmiit the elder, brother of the chief workman Khonsu 64 and
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. ? father of a Nekhemmiit (cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*). The workman
No names ~enD-ikhopshef, the son of Kha'emniin and Naunakhte (cf. the will of
CERNY dates to the end of the XIXth Dynasty or the beginning of Naunakhte, Doc. I, 3, 3; IV, 4 and passim), is known from undated
the XXth. ostraca of the mid XXth Dynasty.65 He is sometimes called 'carpenter';
O. DeM. 302 cf. O. DeM. 418, 1 and Pap. Ch. Beatty Ill, 10,21-22.
No date late XIXth Dyn. ? O. DeM. 402
No names This ostracon is mentioned only for the sake of completeness. It is
According to CERNY this dates from the XIXth Dynasty. dated to a year 4, probably, from the writing, of a Pharaoh of the
XXth Dynasty. The names contained in it, Amennakhte and NeferD-otpe,
O. DeM. 307 are too common to suggest a more exact dating. In this text there are
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. ? mentioned several objects, in three instances followed by two groups
No names of strokes divided by a point---e.g., in line 5 : pJ ytl 3.1. This could
According to CERNY this dates from the end of the XIXth Dynasty mean that 3 ytl cost 1 unit of value. By adding these units one gets 7,
or the beginning of the XXth. which is indeed given as the total in line 8. The kind of unit is not,
however, mentioned, and since even the highest one, viz. the 'piece',
O. DeM. 347
would give too low a price for 3 ytl (and some of the objects (?)
No date XXth Dyn.?
No names 64 Cf. BRUYERE, Mert Seger, fig. 10 and p. 14f.
According to CERNY the writing indicates the XXth Dynasty. 65 Cf. also grafT. 803 and Brit. Mus. stela 278 (= JEA. 31,1945,46).
48 SOURCES OSTRACA 49

valued are of uncertain nature) I prefer to omit below the data of this O. DeM. 552
ostracon. No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
O. DeM. 410 No names
Dated: year 26 Ramesses III From the use of the 'piece' the ostracon probably dates from the
Names: rml-ist {By XIXth or early XXth Dynasty.
iry-'i Pn-pi-ym O. DeM. 553
siwty Pn-mn-nfr No date early Ramesses III ?
'i-nbtw Name: ss-*d 'Imn-nbtw
'Imn-m-int For the draughtsman Amennakhte cf. O. DeM. 232* (early Ramesses
Wsr-bit III ?). The use of the 'piece' also points to the beginning of the XXth
The names of the doorkeeper Penpy6m (cf. O. Brit. Mus. 29 555*) Dynasty as the latest possible date.
and the guard Penmenniife point unmistakably to the reign of O. DeM. 556
Ramesses Ill. No date Ramesses III
O. DeM. 411 Names: rml-ist Pi-R'-btpw
No date XXth Dyn.? bmww ~ny
No names For Pra'1;otpe cf. Hier. Ostr. 57, I * and 62, I * (in the latter
According to CERNY this ostracon dates from the XXth Dynasty. instance called ss-*d). ~eny occurs in years 23 and 24 of Ramesses III
O. DeM. 428 (0. Turin 5649, 9 and 5651, vs. 5 and passim).66 It was possibly a
No date Ramesses Ill/IV short form for ~enymin, also designated a 'carpenter' in O. Brussels
Names: lJiy E 303, 2,67 likewise of a year 23. For ~enymin cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*.
iry-'i Ij'-m-wist O. DeM. 579
For the doorkeeper Kha'emwese cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*. J:lay is a No date Ramesses III / IV
common name. Name: Ny-sw-'Imn
O. DeM. 434 Nesamiin, the son of Amenkhew according to O. Cairo 25 597, 4*,
Dated: year 6 mid XXth Dyn. occurs in the duty roster from year 28 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. 35,2)
Names: lJr-Mnw ("with his brothers") and until a year 5 (0. Brit. Mus. 50744,7, of Ramesses IV? [unpubl.]).
in-mw ..... . O. DeM. 592
lJiy No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
'/mn-w' Names: ss 'Imn-m-ipt
Nb-nfr Wsr-mi't-R'-nbtw
Amenwa' and Nebniife were brothers of the draughtsman J:larmin For a certain Usima're'nakhte cf. O. Colin Campbell 16*. A scribe
and sons of J:lori (cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*). All the people here mentioned called Amenemope is known from the reign of Ramesses 11 (Hier.
occur frequently in the mid XXth Dynasty, but there is no means of Ostr. 23, 2, 2 and passim, of year 35; O. Or. Inst. Chicago 17 007,
knowing whether the reign of Ramesses IV, VI or VII is meant. 2 and passim, of years 35-37 [unpubl.]), but cannot be connected with
an Usima're'nakhte. Another occurs, however, in the reign of Ramesses
O. DeM. 454 IV (e.g., O. DeM. 161, 5 and 9, of year 1, and O. DeM. 45, 18a,
No date XXth Dyn.?
No names 66 Both published by SCHIAPARELLl, Relazione I, 169 and 175.
From the writing CERNY dates this text to the XXth Dynasty. 67 SPELEERS, Recueil, 49f. and 143.
50 SOURCES
T OSTRACA 51

of year 2).68 In O. DeM. 148, 12-13, a ss n ti st niw s'wt of this name mid XXth Dynasty, viz. for the fisherman, the son of Amenkhew and
is mentioned, who may be a third man, but the ss n pi Ijr of O. Berlin the father of another Amenkhew (e.g., O. DeM. 47, 2-3 and vs. 11).
12 654, 2 [unpubl.] is possibly the same person as here. The latter As in O. Gardiner 142*, the scribe 1:16ri may be the well known scribe
ostracon is dated to a year 2, probably of Ramesses VI. 69 The end of of the necropolis (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*).
the reign of Ramesses III or slightly later thus seems the most
O. DeM. 667
appropriate date for this text.
No date ?
O. DeM. 593 No names
No date mid XXth Dyn.
Names: rml-ist Ifri, son of Ifwy-nfr
o. DeM. 693
Dated: year 4 ?
'i-n-ist ['In-br-]Ij'w
No names
idnw iny-nbtw
For 1:16ri, the son of l:Iuynufe, cf. Hier. Ostr. 63, 1*. Anl).erkhew o. DeM. 695
the younger, whose name is often, as here, shortened to Khew,70 is a No date late XIXth Dyn. / Ramesses III
well known chief workman, mentioned from year 22 of Ramesses III Names: rml-ist Tnwr-Mntw
(0. DeM. 222, Ill, 18) until a year 7, of Ramesses VI or VII (0. DeM. Ifwy-nfr
207, 4).71 Anynakhte is known as a workman from year 10 of Tenromont (cf. Hier. Ostr. 85, 2*) occurs from the end of the
Ramesses III (0. Gardiner 173, I [unpubl.]) until a year 7, again of XIXth Dynasty until year 24 of Ramesses Ill, and during this period
Ramesses VI or VII (0. Gardiner 181, vs. 3*). He was the first workman there is also a l:IuynUfe (cf. Hier. Ostr. 18, 5*).
of the crew in the time of Ramesses IV, since the eleven names of O. DeM. 699
new members of the duty roster incorporated in the first year of this No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
Pharaoh, and inserted at the end of the series, are followed by his No names
name.72 The designation 'deputy (chief workman)" which is only here From the use of the 'piece' the ostracon may be dated to the XIXth
applied to him, is probably meant to indicate this position. It may or early XXth Dynasty.
prove that this ostracon belongs to the end of his career. 73
O. DeM. 700
o. DeM. 655 No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
No date mid XXth Dyn. Name: ss Pi-sr
Names: [Bik]i-n-ijnsw For the scribe Psiur cf. O. DeM. 105*. The use of the 'piece' points
'Imn-m-lnt to the XIXth or early XXth Dynasty.
Biki-n-wrnr
O. DeM. 1086 VS. 74
ss Hri
No date Ramesses Ill/IV
For Bekenkhonsu cf. O. Desroches 6*, and for Bekenwernero Hier.
Name: iry-'i ij'-m-wist
Ostr. 60, 5*. The common name Amenemone is also found in the For this doorkeeper cf. Hier. Ostr. 54,2*.
O. DeM. 'Grand Puits' a 75
Probably also in O. DeM. 390, I, an undated ostracon.
68
No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
Cf. tERNY, CAH 2 ., vol. 11, ch. 35, 10.
69

70 Cf. Hier. Ostr. 67, 3*'

71 Cf. also JEA. 49, 1963,70. He is called here 'the younger' as against Anl:terkhew
74 Published: POSENER, Cat. des ostraca lilll!raires I, pI. 48. The recto contains

the elder, the owner of Theban tomb no. 299, and husband of I:Iendjou (cf. O. Gar- sume lines from the text of Pap. Anastasi IV, 3.
75 These are two of the ostraca found during the clearing of the 'Grand Puits'
diner 151 *). The wife of Anl:terkhew the younger was called W'abe.
72 Cf. tERNY, Z A:s. 72, 1936, 116. north of the temple of I:Iatl:tor; which were transcribed by SAUNERON during the
73 Cf. I:Iesysunebef in O. Gardiner 272*.
campaign and for fourteen years have been locked away in the French Institute at
Cairo. The numbering with a and b is mine.
52 SOURCES OSTRACA 53

No names O. Gardiner 3: see Hier. Os!r. 22, 2


This text and the next one probably date from the XIXth or early O. Gardiner 6: see Hier. Os!r. 20, 2
XXth Dynasty, since the prices are expressed in 'pieces'.
O. Gardiner 8: see Hier. Os!r. 31, 5
O. DeM. 'Grand Puits' b 75
No date XIXth I early XXth Dyn. O. Gardiner 9: see Hier. Os!r. 24, 4
No names O. Gardiner 33: see Hier. Os!r. 18, 3
See the preceding ostracon. O. Gardiner 36: see Hier. Ostr. 36, I
O. Desroches 6 [unpubl.] O. Gardiner 39: see Hier. Ostr. 18, 5
No date Ramesses III
O. Gardiner 44: see Hier. Os!r. 24, 1
Names: 1f3y
S'd-!;t B3k . .... . O. Gardiner 66: see Hier. Ostr. 59, 4
For J:lay cf. O. Cairo 25 655*. The name beginning with Bek... might O. Gardiner 68 : see Hier. Ostr. 67, 3
be restored as Bekenkhonsu, the man by whom the rations are said to
be distributed in many ostraca from year 26 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. O. Gardiner 91 : see Hier. Ostr. 59, I
150, 11) until year 2 of his successor (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 73, 1, 8). The O. Gardiner 103: see Hier. Ostr. 52, 2
Turin strike papyrus (vs. 1, 13 = RAD. 45, 3) calls him a wood-
O. Gardiner 105: see Hier. Ostr. 53, 1
cutter, as does O. DeM. 390, 3.
O. Gardiner 119: see Hier. Ostr. 33, 3
O. Edgerton 1 [unpubl.]
No date Ramesses III O. Gardiner 123 : see Hier. Os!r. 54, 1
Name: rmJ-lst If3y O. Gardiner 126: see Hier. Ostr. 54, 2
Cf. O. Cairo 25 655* and the preceding ostracon.
O. Gardiner 133 [unpubl.]
Lady Franklyn Hieratic Inscription 76 Dated: year 36 Ramesses 11
No date mid XXth Dyn. Names: NJr- 'bt
Names: rmJ-lst 1f3y ss-~d R'-~tpw
ss n p3 br Ifri s3wty ijiwy
Nb-'/mn '/mn-msw
Mwt-m-mrst (t) 'n-&tpw
Ifri, son of Rwti 'nb-n-niwt T3y-sn
iry- '3 ij'-m-w3st The high number of the year leaves no room for doubt. Moreover,
For the scribe Hori. cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*, for Hay
. O. Cairo 25 655* names such as those of the draughtman Ra'Q.otpe (cf. Hier. Ostr. 62,
and the two preceding ostraca, and for the doorkeeper Kha'emwese 1*) and Nefer'abe belong to the reign of Ramesses 11.
Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*. J:lori is a common name, but unknown to me with
the addition 'son of Ruti'; for the father cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*. The O. Gardiner 134 [unpubl.]
woman Mutemmeres is mentioned immediately after Nebamun (for No date mid XX th Dyn.
this name cf. O. Cairo 25 725*); she was perhaps his wife. Names: Mntw-p3-b'py, son of 1f3y
Mryw (?)
76 Facsimile of an unpublished hieratic text from the Wilkinson MSS, numbered NJrt-iry (?) (t)
XX E 7, evidently the copy of an ostracon. Transcription by CERN)" collated by
me with the original facsimile, now in the Griffith Institute, Oxford. Only partly
P3-b3rw
legible. B3s3
54 SOURCES OSTRACA 55

For Mentpel).a'py cf. Hier. Ostr. 61,2*,77 for Kh6re (here Pkh6re) O. Gardiner 142 [unpubl.]
O. IFAO. 1017*, and for Bes O. DeM. 297*. No man called Merye is No date Ramesses III
known to me; could it perhaps be Ra'mery?78 The name Nofretere, Names: ss Ifri
read by CERNY, seems to me doubtful-though I have no alternative [5-'5
to offer. For Tja'o cf. O. Colin Campbell 16*. The scribe 1:I6ri may be the
scribe of the necropolis (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*), but there were other
O. Gardiner 135 [unpubl.]
scribes of this name under Ramesses Ill, as well as later. The recto of
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
this ostracon is almost illegible.
Names: idnw 1f5Y
Nl;tw-'!mn O. Gardiner 146 [unpubl.]
rml-1st ijnm-msw No date ?
For the deputy 1:Iay cf. O. DeM. 146*. There were two men with No names
this name and title, one the son of 1:Iay and the father of Amennakhte, O. Gardiner 147 [unpubl.]
the other the son of Amennakhte 79. The only dated ostraca of the No date ?
deputy 1:Iay are Hier. Ostr. 61, 1, vs. 4, of year 27, O. DeM. 74, No names
5, of year 30, and O. DeM. 57, 3, of year 31, all of the reign of
O. Gardiner 151 [unpubl.]
Ramesses IIl.80 This 1:Iay may be the son of Amennakhte, while in
No date mid XXth Dyn.
this ostracon the other one (his grandfather?) was probably meant.
Names: '!mn-m-ipt
For the workman Khnemmose cf. Hier. Ostr. 52, 2*. The name
ss-If-d Nb-nfr
Nakhtamun 81 belongs to the XIXth Dynasty (cf. e.g., tomb 335 =
Ifnwt-qww (t)
PORTER-Moss 2 , I. i, 401), though it also occurs in the mid XXth
Amenemope is a very common name. The draughtsman Nebnufe
Dynasty (0. Cairo 25 599, 9, of a year 4). Of the three persons only
occurs, e.g., in Hier. Os!r. 61, 1, vs. 3, of year 27 of Ramesses Ill;
Khnemmose provides a clue to the date.
Hier. Ostr. 47, 3, 5, of year 31 of Ramesses III; O. DeM. 398, vs. 4,
O. Gardiner 136: see Hier. Os!r. 60, 5 of a year 3 (of Ramesses IV?); O. Berlin 12 654, 8-9, of year 2 of
O. Gardiner 139 [unpubl.] Ramesses VI. He was the son of 1:I6ri and the brother of the
No date mid XXth Dyn. draughtsmen 1:Iarmin and Amenwa'. 82 The name 1:Iendjou occurs several
Name: Sti times, particularly in the family of the chief workman Amenkhew.
For Seti cf. Hier. Ostr. 36, 1*. The wife of Amenkhew the elder was called 1:Iendjou,83 but also one
at least of his granddaughters. 84 This last is possibly the one referred
O. Gardiner 141 [unpubl.]
to here.
No date ?
Name: the daughter (srit) of '!mn-m-lpt O. Gardiner 157 [unpubl.]
The name Amenemope is too common to permit any suggestion as No date late XIXth Dyn.
to the date. Names: rmJ-lst Nl;t-Mnw
his first wife W'btl
Cf. also JESHD. 11, 1968, 150.
77

Another possibility would be to read Mry-nfr (cf. O. Cairo 25 640, 3), followed
78 82 Cf. Hier. Dstr. 86, 4*; also, e.g., Cairo stela no. 38 792 (= BRUYERE, Mert Seger,

by the name of a woman. 113, fig. 53) and Cairo stela 43 571 (= BRUYERE, ASAE. 25,1925, 89f. and pI. Il, 3).
79 Cf. CERNY, Graffiti, Index, 33. 83 Cf. Brit. Mus. stela 579 (= Hierogl. Texts, part 7, pI. 28) and Brit. Mus.
80 Cf. also Pap. Turin no. cat. 2081 + 2095, Il, 6*, of a year 2 [unpubl.]. stela 1515 (= op. cit., part 8, pI. 45).
81 Cf. graff. 1162, where Nakhtamiin is found together with ldnw l;lay, the father 84 The daughter of Nofretere, the sister of An\:ierkhew the younger (cf. BRUYERE,
of Amennakhte. Rapport DeM. /930, 38 and 56: these texts are from the latter's tomb no. 359).
56 SOURCES OSTRACA 57

Nb-nbtw Ramesses IV. In the present instance tERNY renders the determinative
Pn-d-wrt as Jl , so that Ra'ia is possibly the mother; neither of the other
These names are also found on a stone basin in Turin,85 Nebnakhte examples is clear on this point. Two other chief policemen Nebsmen
and Pentwere (together with a Pshedu) being the sons of the couple. occur during the same period, namely the son of Pkhore (cf. O. Cairo
Nebnakhte, the son of Nakthmin, is dated by O. Cairo 25 782, 10 and 25 588*) and the son of Penbasi (Cf. Turin strike papyrus 2, 19 =
vs. 19, of year 3 of Amenmesse, and O. Cairo 25 522, I, 4, probably RAD. 55, 17). I do not see that it is possible to identify these two
of the reign of Siptab. The name occurs several times in this period, ("the Syrian" and "the Nubian" cannot very well be the same person),
but since at least one other Nebnakhte, the son of Penniib, is but one of them may be the Nebsmen of this text. Whether anyone
contemporary (e.g., O. Cairo 25 783, 7 and vs. 3-4) it is impossible to of them is identical with the chief policeman of O. Turin 9753*,
distinguish between them unless the father's name is recorded. For or O. Gardiner 143, vs. 2, of year 2 of Ramesses IX [unpubl.] is not
Nakhtmin cf. O. Cairo 25 583*. The district officer Pentwere, son of certain. For Penpyom cf. O. Brit. Mus. 29 555*, and for the policeman
Nakhtmin, who is mentioned in the will of Naunakhte (Doc. I, 6, 5) Amenkhew O. DeM. 369*. Note that a Nebsmen occurs together
and in O. Gardiner 181 * may belong to a younger generation of the with Penpyom and Amenkhew in O. Cairo 25 588*. For the water-
same family.86 The present Pentwere seems not to be mentioned in carrier Amenkhew cf. O. Colin Camp bell 16*. The last three names
dated ostraca. suggest a date under Ramesses III or in the mid XXth Dynasty,
O. Gardiner 158 [unpubl.] while the first would rather indicate a somewhat earlier period.
No date mid XXth Dyn. ? O. Gardiner 163 : see Hier. Ostr. 58, 3
Names: Nfr-/:I!pw .
O. Gardiner 171 [unpubl.]
Hr;
Dated: year 2 (?)88 mid XXth Dyn.
The same combination occurs in O. Varille 5*. Since no workman
Names: rml-1st '/mn-pi-/:I'py
I:Iori is mentioned in dated ostraca from the XIXth Dynasty, it may
w'b (in line 12 called SS) 'Imn-/:Itpw
be that our text is to be ascribed to the period of Ramesses III or
~ny-Mnw
one of his successors, when the name was common. For Neferbotpe
For Amenpeba'py cf. O. DeM. 223*, for the scribe Amenbotpe
cf. Hier. Os!r. 58, 3*. The use of the word msr (vs. 1) as well as the
O. Cairo 25362*, and for ~enymin Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*.
prices point to the mid XXth Dynasty.
O. Gardiner 172 [unpubl.]
O. Gardiner 162 [unpubl.]
No date late XXth Dyn.?
No date Ramesses III
No names
Names: rml-ist ffnm-msw
The prices may indicate the later reigns of the XXth Dynasty.
/:Iry-m't}iy Nb-s[mn, son of] R'B (t)
Pn-pi-ym O. Gardiner 181 [unpubl.]
m't}iy 'Imn-b'w Dated: year 7 Ramesses VI/VII
In-mw 'Imn-b'w Names: w'b ~d-ibtwf
For Khnemmose cf. Hier. Os!r. 52, 2*. The chief policeman Neb- In-mw Piy- 'n
smen, son of Ra'ia, occurs also in O. DeM. 37, 8,87 of year 31 of ss'Imn-/:Itpw
Ramesses Ill, and in O. DeM. 401, vs. 6, of a year 2, perhaps of itw Pn-[ti-wrt]
w'b iny-nbtw
85 BRUYERE,Rapport DeM. 1929, 22 = Mert Seger, 230.
/:Im-nlr Nfr-/:Ir
86 Also in O. DeM. 204, vs. 5, of a year 4. Cf. also a Nakhtmin, the son of ss-*d Ifr-Mnw
Pentwere, in Giornale dell'anno 17, A, 1,6 (pI. 8) and in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10053,2,11.
87 CERNY is not certain of the reading. It looks like 04~.
88 tERNY seems not to be certain about the year.
58 SOURCES OSTRACA 59

For ~edakhtef cf. O. Berlin lO 665*. The water-carrier P'an is Name: Nfr-I:ztpw
mentioned in the Turin strike papyrus, vs. I, 4 (= RAD. 45, 4), in The name Neferbotpe is too common for any conclusions.
Hier. Ostr. 48, 2, vs. 8, of year 3 of Ramesses IV, and in several other
O. Gardiner 231 [unpubl.]
ostraca of this period. For the scribe Amenl:lOtpe cf. O. Cairo 25 362*,
No date XIXth Dyn.?
and for the district officer Pentwere, the son of Nakhtmin, O. Gardiner
No names
157* (he is well known in the ostraca). For the priest Anynakhte,
The use of the 'piece' may point to the XIXth Dynasty.
probably the same as the w0rkman Anynakhte, cf. O. DeM. 593*, for
Neferbo O. DeM. 213*, and for the draughtsman Harmin O. DeM. 434*. O. Gardiner 238 [unpubl.]
The whole group points unmistakably to the mid XXth Dynasty, and No date ?
the year 7 may therefore be that of Ramses VI or VII. No names
O. Gardiner 183 [unpubl.] O. Gardiner 247 [unpubl.]
No date XIXth Dyn. 89 No date left Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
Names: rmJ-Ist pj-R'-/:ltpw Names: .... . msw
'Imn-m-di.i-hrw-nb rmJ-Ist Mnw-b'w
I know of no other instance of the beautiful name Amenemteherneb Pn-Rnwt, son of Nbt-Mnw
("Amiin is with me every day"), nor any close parallel, either within For Minkhew cf. O. DeM. 241*. Penerniite occurs with his father
the Village or from outside. The name Pra'i).otpe is known from all and other members of his family on Bankes stela no. lO and on the
periods, and no conclusions can be drawn from it. fragment of a base (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1930, 3). He is
O. Gardiner 190 [unpubl.] mentioned in O. Cairo 25 804, I, 5 and 11, 6, of a year 6, of the mid
No date XXth Dynasty. Whether the iry-spt of Hier. Ostr. 20, 1, 1-2, of a
Ramesses VII
Names: [sms] n t3 /:zwt Sjkt year 5, probably also of the mid XXth Dynasty, is the same person
'n-Mwt (t) appears doubtful. The Penerniite of the XIXth Dynasty 90 is clearly
..... ·b'w another.
Ny-sw-['Imn] O. Gardiner 252 [unpubl.]
In O. Strasbourg H 84 there appear a sms n tj hwt Sike an 'Anmiit No date Ramesses III
and an Amenkhew-and like this ostracon it contains pri~es of coffins Names: ldnw 'Imn-b'w
and other funerary furniture. Since O. Strasbourg H 84 is dated to rmJ-ist ij'[-m-w3st]91
year 7 of Ramesses VII the present text will be of the same year. For the deputy Amenkhew cf. O. DeM. 399*, and for the workman
Nesamiin is also known from the mid XXth Dynasty; he was perhaps Kha'emwese Hier. Ostr. 54,2*.
the son of Amenkhew (cf. O. Cairo 25 597*). The first two persons O. Gardiner 264 + O. Cochrane 92
are not known from other texts. Dated (older text) : year 1 mid XXth Dyn.
O. Gardiner 204 : see Hier. Ostr. 50, 1 (later text): no date
O. Gardiner 222 [unpubl.] No names
No date ? Since the older text, so far as is legible, seems once to contain the
No names words m I:zswt n R'mssw-I:zlf;'-'Iwnw, "in the favour of Ramesses Ill",
O. Gardiner 226 [unpubl.] 90 Cf., e.g., O. DeM. 606.2, 5, and vs. 2.
No date ? 91 The restoration of the name is very probable.
92 O. Cochrane is published by GARDINER, lEA. 3, 1916, 194f. This ostracon is

89 tERN)' in a private letter: "This ostracon is certainly XIXth, but Pra";lOtpe almost completed by O. Gardiner 264. It is a palimpsest, and contains fairly clear
might have lived into the XXth Dynasty". traces of the first text.
60 SOURCES OSTRACA 61

and once m I:zswt n 07...., which may be the name of Ramesses IV, For Kha'emniin cf. Hier. Ostr. 58, 3*, and for the water-carrier
this part will date from the mid XXth Dynasty. It seems unlikely Pentwere O. Berlin 1121 *. The latter occurs from year 28 of Ramesses
that the second text is very much later. III (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 71, 1, 2; cf. also vs. 2 and 7) until year 4 of
O. Gardiner 272 [unpubl.] Ramesses V (0. Cairo 25 598, 2). In the Turin strike papyrus (vs. 3,
Dated: year 14 6 = RAD. 46, 10) he is called 'chief water-carrier'.
Ramesses III
Names: 'i-n-ist ...... . O. Gardiner 296 [unpubl.]
his wife Wbbt No date Ramesses III I mid XXth Dyn.
idnw Ifsy-sw-nbf Names: Nb-'/mn
'[mn-b'w Pn-['n]~a
The name Webekht is known as that of the wife of the chief For Nebamun cf. O. Cairo 25 725*, and for Pen'anuke O. DeM. 255*.
workman Neferi).otpe, and of the wife of Nekhemmiit the elder. 93 If the O. Gardiner fragment 3 95 [unpubl.]
first is meant, the ostracon will have to be dated under Merenptai)., No date mid / late XXth Dyn.
the reign of Ramesses 11 being too early. But the last two names Names: m'rjiy Sd-sw-ljnsw
would indicate an even later period. l:Iesysunebef is well known at the ss [Nbw-]m-Mwt
end of the XIXth Dynasty, though not elsewhere called idnw; it is very The policeman Shedsukhonsu occurs only in O. DeM. 672, 3,
probable that he received this position only at the close of his of a year 8, probably of one of the later reigns of the XXth Dynasty.
career. 94 Amenkhew is not known before year 15 of Ramesses III (0. The name itself also suggests this period. There are, e.g., a scribe
DeM. 406, 11). The chief workman of line I was certainly therefore Shedsukhonsu in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053, 4, 3 and in the Giornale
Nekhemmut, and the reign that of Ramesses Ill. dell'anno 17, B, rt. 3, 16 (pI. 19), an incense-roaster in Pap. Brit. Mus.
o. Gardiner 285 [unpubl.] 10 052, 2, 4 and passim, and two other men of unknown profession
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. in O. Cairo 25 598, 5-6, of year 4 of Ramesses V, and O. Cairo 25 762,
Name: Tnwr-Mntw 6, of the XXIst Dynasty. The scribe Nekhemmut who quarrels with
For Tenromont cf. Hier. Ostr. 85, 2*. his workmen in O. DeM. 36, I, of year 31 of Ramesses III, is
O. Gardiner 286 [unpubl.] possibly the chief workman Nekhemmut the younger before he rose to
No date this office~which may have happened in year 2 of Ramesses IV (cf.,
second half of XIXth Dyn.
Name: Ifwy, son of Ifwy-nfr e.g., O. Cairo 25 562, 8; O. DeM. 433, 10). If the present scribe
Nekhemmiit is the same, the ostracon is to be dated under Ramesses Ill,
For l:Iuy, the son of l:Iuyniife, cf. O. DeM. 50*. He is mentioned
but graff. 1082 mentions a scribe of the temple (ti I:zwt-nlr), the
under Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 782, 21; 25 783, 3-4, both of
brother of 1:16ri, son of the deputy Amenkhew,96 with whom he may
year 3), under Seth6s 11 (0. Cairo 25 512, 8, of year 6), and under
also be identified, and who probably lived later.
Siptai). (0. Cairo 25 519, vs. 5; 25 521, 16, of years 1-2), as well as at
the end of this Dynasty or at the beginning of the next (Hier. Ostr. O. Gardiner fragment 4 [unpubl.]
51, 1, vs. I, 5). No date XIXth / early XXth Dyn.?
No names
O. Gardiner 288 [unpubl.]
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
Names: lj'-m-nwn 95 This indication is used for 140 fragmentary ostraca formerly belonging to the

late Sir Alan Gardiner, and deposited by him at the Institut franc;ais d'Archeologie
in-mw Pn-ti-wrt
orientale in Cairo.
96 Cf. too graff. 305-6. It is worth noting that the workman Nekhemmut of

93 Cf. p. 70, n. 127. O. DeM. 41, vs. 6 (cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*) was the son of Anberkhew. The identity
94 Like Anynakhte; cf. o. DeM. 593*. of neither is certain.
[1
~
62 SOURCES OSTRACA 63

The use of the 'piece' suggests the XIXth or early XXth Dynasty. contemporary references to a Menna as 'workman' or without pro-
O. Gardiner fragment 8 [unpubl.] fession indicate the same person-e.g., Hier. Ostr. 77*, both rt. 2,
No date mid XXth Dyn. in year 17 of Ramesses Ill, and rt. 9, in year 4 of Ramesses IV.
Name: ss-Is:d lfr-Mnlr O. Gardiner fragment 123 [unpubl.]
For the draughtsman I:Iarmin cf. O. DeM. 434*. No date Ramesses III
O. Gardiner fragment 11 [unpubl.] Names: Wsr-m'lt-R'-nbtw
No date ? ['!n-lJr-]b'w (?)
No names For Usima're'nakhte cf. O. Colin Campbell 16*. Khew, if this is
indeed to be read, is the usual shortened form for Anl)erkhew (cf.,
e.g., Hier. Ostr. 67, 3* and O. DeM. 593*). The use of the name
O. Gardiner fragment 22 [unpubl.] without any designation may mean 97 that the text dates from the
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. period before his appointment as chief workman, i.e., not later than
Names: '!Pll'Y year 22 of Ramesses III (cf. O. DeM. 593*).
rmJ-ist Ijlmw
For Ipuy cf. O. DeM. 214*. Khamu is known as a workman from the Hier. Ostr. 16, 2 (= O. Petrie 26)
reign of Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 782, 18 and passim; 25 783, Dated: year 6 Ramesses IV
3 and passim) until the beginning of the following Dynasty (e.g., Hier. Names: (sS} n pl br lfri
Ostr. 26, 3, 2 and 51, 1, vs. 11, 17). ss-Is:d lfri-sri
Pl-'gd
O. Gardiner fragment 25 [unpubl.] TJ-blsw (t)
No date ? The scribe of the necropolis I:I6ri is well known. He is mentioned
No names from year 23 98 of Ramesses III (Hier. Os!r. 72, 3, vs. 2*) until year 17
O. Gardiner fragment 33 [unpubl.] of Ramesses IX (Giornale dell'anno 17, B, rt. 1, 8 = pI. 14). The
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn. draughtsman I:Iar-shire is known from year 28 of Ramesses III (Hier.
Name: ss n pl br lfri Os!r. 63, 2, 5) until year 4 of Ramesses IV (Hier. Ostr. 77, 12*); he
For this I:I6ri cf. Hier. Ostr. 16,2*.
O. Gardiner fragment 62 [unpubl.]
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
I is probably also the man of the same name mentioned frequently in
the duty roster from year 29 to year 2, but without any designation.
He is, moreover, to be identified with the scribe I:Iar-shire, son of the
scribe Amennakhte the son of Ipuy,99 his father having been also a
Name: iry- '1 Pn-pl-ym
draughtsman before he reached the rank of scribe of the necropolis
For this doorkeeper cf. O. Brit. Mus. 29 555*.
(cf. O. DeM. 232*). In the present ostracon, of a year 6, I:Iar-shire is
O. Gardiner fragment 83 [unpubl.] still a draughtsman, while in year 3 of Ramesses V 100 he is called
No date ? 'scribe of the necropolis'; the ostracon will therefore belong to the
No names
O. Gardiner fragment 104 [unpubl.]
9, Since the text is fragmentary, one cannot be certain that the designation was not
No date Ramesses III written in the lost portion.
Name: ss-Is:d Mnnl 98 Possibly even from year 15 (0. Michael. 42, 5 = pI. 66), though only the
The draughtsman Menna occurs in Hier. Ostr. 45, 1, 2, of year 28 title ss is there used, so that another person may be intended.
99 Cf. graff. 886.
of Ramesses Ill, and in O. Ashmolean 1933.810, vs. 4 [unpubl.] and
100 Cf. lEA. 31, 1945, pI. 8: the will of Naunakhte, Doe. I, I, 9 (SS); Doe. I, 6,
Hier. Ostr. 71, 1, vs. 4, both of year 30. It may be that some 3 = pI. 9 (ss n pi br).
64 SOURCES OSTRACA 65

reign of Ramesses IV.lol Of the two remaining persons, Tbese is not be mentioned in O. DeM. 106, vs. 3, as the policeman Sdt (without
datable, while the name P'adjd appears also in Hier. Ostr. 52, 2, 1*, pS).104 The workman Penne is probably to be distinguished from the
O. DeM. 412, 2, of a year 2, and in O. Cairo 25 800*. The first of water-carrier of the same name. He was the son of Khnemmose (0. DeM.
these texts is probably older, but the others belong to the mid XXth 254, 2; O. Brussels E 301, passim; O. Brit. Mus. 8510),105 and in O.
Dynasty. DeM. 204, vs. 3, a certain Pen ne is called the son of Mose,t°6 which
Hier. Ostr. 16,3 (= O. Petrie 3) could be the same, if Mose were here a shortened form of Khnemmose.
Dated: year 4 mid XXth Dyn. All these occurrences of Penne belong to the mid XXth Dynasty, from
Names: rml-1st Pn-'/mn a year 1 (0. DeM. 254) to a year 5 (0. Brit. Mus. 50 744 [unpubl.]).107
m't}sy '/mn-msw Hier. Ostr. 18,5 (= O. Gardiner 39)
The policeman Amenmose occurs in the mid XXth Dynasty, e.g. in Dated: year x + 1 ?
O. Cairo 25 588*, O. IFAO. 1298* and Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, Name: rml-1st Ifwy-nfr
vs. 1,4 102 (to be dated to the 6th year of Ramesses IV). The workman There were several persons of this name, which occurs from the reign
Penamiin is less easily identifiable. The most famous person of this of Ramesses 11 (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 84, 1, of year 40) until the time of
name, the son of the chief workman Baki, lived under the XIXth Ramesses III (in the duty roster only to year 27: O. DeM. 34, 6 and
Dynasty, but a Penamiin is also mentioned in at least two unpublished vs. 9, but again in year 1 of his successor: O. DeM. 160, vs. 4a). It
ostraca (0. Turin 2167 and O. IFAO. 1293), both of which are to be seems impossible to date this ostracon.
dated to the mid XXth Dynasty. It would therefore appear that the
present date, year 4, belongs to one of the successors of Ramesses Ill. I 03 \ Hier. Ostr. 19,3 (= O. Petrie 19)
No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
Hier. Ostr. 18,3 (= O. Gardiner 33) Name: rml-1st Wsr-~st
No date mid XXth Dyn. There were certainly other persons of this name in the Village, but
Names: rml-ist Pn-nlwt it seems possible that the dated ostraca in which Usil;1e appears, and
m't}sy Ps-sdt which constitute one long series from year 14 of Ramesses III (see
The policeman Psad is found in Hier. Ostr. 69, 2, 3, of year 2 of O. Berlin 1268*) to year 1 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 160, vs. 6), are
Ramesses V, and, without a title, in O. DeM. 297*, O. Cairo 25 588*, referring to one and the same man. In some graffiti an Usil;1e is called
and O. Cairo 25 532,2, all from the mid XXth Dynasty. He may also the son of the sculptor Amennakhte (graff. 280, 285, 307, 1217, 1297),
but it remains uncertain whether he also is the present man.
101 Whether it also follows that every reference to the 'scribe' I:Iar-shire is to be

dated after the reign of Ramesses IV (e.g., O. DeM. 403, I, of a year 2; the Hier. Ostr. 20, 2 (= O. Gardiner 6)
'dipinto' no. 6 in BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. /933-34, 76, of a year 3; O. DeM. 133, 7, No date XIXth Dyn.?
of a year 4) remains uncertain. It is necessary to bear in mind that the designation
ss is sometimes - and particularly in graffiti and letters - applied to persons who No names
were never professional scribes (cf., e.g., O. Michael. 79, 2 = pI. 42, where a sandal- From the use of the 'piece' this ostracon may belong to the XIXth
maker Maanakhtef is called ss). An important argument in the case of I:Iar-shire is Dynasty.
his title ss n pi br in O. Brit. Mus. 5625, vs. 2 (cf. lEA. 12, 1926, pis. 36 and 41), the
ostracon being dated to a year 4, which is always understood to be of the reign of 104 The article is sometimes omitted and sometimes included in names, the most
Ramesses IV. Is it that the text was not written until some years afterwards, and the famous example being Pra'l:lOtpe (cf. Hier. Ostr. 62, 1*). Cf. also, e.g., GARDlNER,
wrong title therefore used, or does it prove that, for a time at least, I:Iar-shire was Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., 26, n. 5; O. Cairo 25 609, vs. I, 1 (Pi-'Imn-nbt for 'Imn-nbt) and
referred to as both scribe and draughtsman? However this may be, I do not believe ibid., rt. 11, 1 (Pi-msw for Msw).
that in a hypothetical year 6 of Ramesses VI (his predecessor not having reigned this 105 Cf. BRUYERE, Mert Seger, 109, fig. 47.
long) I:Iar-shire could still have been called a 'draughtsman', and the date of the 106 According to DARESSY also in O. Cairo 25 052 (cf. DARESSY, Ostraea (Cat.
present ostracon is therefore fixed. gen.), Index, 105).
102 Cf. MASSART, MDAIK. 15, 1957, 182.
107 O. Brit. Mus. 50 744 mentions, besides workmen of this period, the vizier
103 HELCK, Materialien Ill, 485, dates this ostracon to the end of the XIXth Dynasty,
Neferronpe (11), who held this office under Ramesses IV, V and VI, and possibly
though without producing any proof. even later; cf. HELCK, Verwaltung, 333 ff.
66 SOURC ES OSTRAC A 67

IV
Hier. Ostr. 21, 1 (= O. Petrie 16) through this reign and that following, until year 6 of Ramesses
time of
No date late XIXth ! early XXth Dyn. (Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, VII, 10) 113_an d even later, in the
Names : rml-1st Nb-smn Ramesses V or VJ.!14
'nb-n-niwt '!wnwr
Hier. Ostr. 24, 4 (= O. Gardin er 9)
her daught er W'b
No date late XIXth Dyn.
rml-1st [.{Iwy-]nfr
Names : '!wny
rml-1st S3- W3gyt
P3-Mw
'nb-n-niwt B-nl;zsy, his mother
luny Occurs also Hier. Ostr. 51, 1, 11, 10, of the late XIXth - early
For this ostraco n cf. JESHO . 11, 1968, 153ff. and
XXth Dynasty, and in O. DeM. 290, 4, O. Cairo 25 793, 6,
Hier. Ostr. 22, 2 (= O. Gardin er 3) 25 746, 3, of the same period Y5 It may be that luny is a short form
No date early Ramesses III for lunami in, the name of the son of the draugh tsman Maana khtef,
Names : Rwti 116 The name Pshedu was extremely
who had a brothe r called Pshedu.
/:tmww R'-mry commo n in this period.
[Sny-M nw
Hier. Ostr. 26, 4 (= O. Leipzig 1)
Ruti is known from the group of ostraca belonging to the late Dated: year 2 of Ramesses III Ramesses III
es
XIXth - early XXth Dynast y (and not before), from year 13 of Ramess Names : /:tmty Pt/:t-p3-/:t 'py
2),
III (0. IFAO. 1285 [unpubl.]), from his year 17 (0. DeM. 176, rml-1st Nb-nlr
and from the group of ostraca in Turin (0. Turin 5649; 5651; 108 5677
ss Pn-[t3-]wrt
[unpubl.]) of years 23-4 of the same king. He is the father of ~enna,
who first appears at the end of the reign (0. Cairo 25 242*,
of Hier. Ostr. 26, 5 (= O. Petrie 15)
occurs with the No date ?
year 29).109 The name Ra'mer y is commo n, but
in
designation 'carpen ter' only in Hier. Ostr. 58, 3* and 86, 3*, and No names
O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E*. ~enymin, who is also a carpen ter (cf.
O. Hier. Ostr. 28, 1 (= O. Petrie 51)
Brussels E 303, 2),110 is known from year 15 111 of Ramess es III No date Ramesses IX ! X
574 Names : '!mn-m -lnt
(0. DeM. 253, vs. 3) until year 2 of his successor (0. IFAO.
[unpubl.]). I;zry-m 'g3y'!m n-m-lpt
ss n 13 snwt Pr-'3 'Imn-b' w
Hier. Ostr. 24, 1 (= O. Gardin er 44)
I;zry-m'g3y 'Imn-w3f:z-sw
No date Ramesses III ! mid XXth Dyn.
ss n p3 br .{Irl
Names : ss n p~ br .{Irl
.{Iwnwr, daught er of B-wsrt
I;zry-m'g3y Mntw-m sw
For the scribe of the necropolis I:I6ri cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*. The III which Mentmo se appears as a member of the same court)
belong to the end
chief policeman Mentm ose occurs in year 6 of Seth6s (Hier. Ostr. n of the XIXth Dynasty. Though l:Iay is still chief workman under Ramesse s Ill, Pneb
Year 6 of SethOs If
Ostr. 77, 2) is not likely to have outlived the XIXth Dynasty by very long.
46,2, vs. 6) 112 and from year 17 of Ramesses III (Hier.
from the accession
would thus be the only possible date, unless Twosre dated her years
of O. DeM. 594 is
of SiptaQ (cf. VON BECKERATH, lEA. 48, 1962, 72, whose dating
Publishe d by SCHIAPARELLI, Relazione I, 169 and 175.
108 not, however, correct), in which case year 6 could also belong to
her reign.
109 cr. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34,
76 ('dipinto ' no. 5), possibly of the reign 113 cr. MAssART , MDAIK. 15, 1957, 173.
of Ramesse s IV. 114 Cf. CERNY, CAH2. vo!. 11, ch. 35,
10 (Pap. Turin 2044 [unpub!.]).
110 However , in O. Berlin 10663, of year
28, a ~enymin is called 'sculptor '. 115 In O. Cairo 25 746, 3 called 'Iwnn.

111 Not year 25, as proved by HELCK, ZDMG. 105, 1955, 33. 116 cr. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1929,
40. On the Hilton Price stela no. 2006
query to this date (cf. Hier. Ostr., p. 14). ted as a boy and
112 CERNY and GARDINER added a (cf. BRUYERE, Mert Seger, fig. 42 on p. 99) this son is represen
I * and O. DeM. 225,
All the persons occurring in this text (and in Hier. Ostr. 47, called Iuy(nami in ?).
.68 SOURCES OSTRACA 69

For the scribe of the necropolis I:Iori cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*. The Hier. Ostr. 33, 3 (= O. Gardiner 119)
chief policeman Amenwai).su occurs also in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, No date mid XXth Dyn.
vs. 3, 20 (the house-list),117 of a year 12, probably of Ramesses XI,118 Name: 'Imn-nl)tw, son of RS-ptr f
and in Pap. Brit. Mus. 9997, V, 5 [unpubl.], dated in the 14th and 15th This workman belongs to the group enlisted in the duty roster in
years of what is probably the same reign. His colleague Amenemope the first year of Ramesses IV, and occurs in several ostraca from the
is not, however, known from elsewhere, nor is the scribe of the granary time of that Pharaoh.
of Pharaoh Amenkhew. Amenemone and I:Iunero (the pet name for Hier. Ostr. 36, 1 (= o. Gardiner 36)
I:Iati).or) 119 are too common to furnish any clue. Since Hori is not (Recto) : no date Ramesses VI I VII
mentioned after the reign of Ramesses IX the most probable date for (Edge) : year 7
this ostracon is some time before the end of the Dynasty. Name: rml-ist Sti, son of 'Imn-m-int
Hier. Ostr. 28, 2 (= O. Petrie 17) This is not the fisherman Sety, who was the son of Kha'(i).i)meter
Dated: year 2 of Ramesses V Ramesses V (cf., e.g., Hier. Ostr. 24, 3, 1-2 and 11; O. DeM. 397, 2), but the
Names: bmww Pi-Mw workman of Turin stela no. Sup. 7358 (= TOSI-RoCCATI, Stele,
his brother Mry-msw no. 50032}--where the chief workman Ani).erkhew is also mentioned. 120
Hier. Ostr. 28, 4 (= o. Petrie 42) Since these names point to the mid XXth Dynasty when only Ramesses
No date late XIXth Dyn. VI and VII may have reigned seven years,121 the text is to be dated
No names surviving under one or other of them.
tERNY and GARDINER (Hier. Ostr., p. 9) date this text "probably Hier. Ostr. 45, 1 (= 0, Petrie 14) 122
not later than Dyn. XIX" on account of the use of the 'piece'. Dated: year 28 Ramesses III
Hier. Ostr. 31, 4 (= O. Petrie 48) Names: ss-~d Mnni
No date Ramesses III ? In-mw Ti-'i
No names Hier. Ostr. 47, 1 (= O. Nash 2 = O. Brit. Mus. 65956) 123
tERNY suggested in a letter that, from the writing, this ostracon Date lost Sethos 11 I Sip tab
may be of the reign of Ramesses Ill. Written in the same hand as Hier. Ostr. 46, 2 (cf. tERNY and
Hier. Ostr. 31, 5 (= O. Gardiner 8) GARDINER, Hier. Ostr., p. 14) and containing roughly the same names
No date Ramesses III ? (e.g., the chief policeman Mentmose, the chief workmen Pneb and I:Iay,
No names the scribes Psiiir and Pentwere), the text clearly belongs either to the
Written in the same hand as the preceding (cf. tERNY and GARDINER, time of Sethos 11 or to that of Siptab. 124
Hier. Ostr., p. 10), and therefore of the same period. Hier. Ostr. SO, 1 (= O. Gardiner 204)
Hier. Ostr. 32, 2 (= O. Petrie 1) No date mid XXth Dyn.
No date XIXth I early XXth Dyn. Names: rml-ist Pn-nlwt
No names sm'yt n 'Imn Sdyt-m-dwit
Since the prices are mainly expressed in khar it may be that the text 120 Cf. lEA, 49, 1963,70.
dates from the XIXth or perhaps the early XXth Dynasty. 121 For the doubtful nature of the seventh year of Ramesses VI cf. lEA. 52,
1966,9lf.
122 Translation: HELCK, Materialien HI, 499 and THEODORIDES, Acta orientalia
117 cr. PEET, Tomb Robberies, 95. belgica (mai 1963 - juin 1964) = Correspondance d'Orient no, 10 (1966), 189f.
118 Cf. WENTE, Late Ram. Letters, 2, note 4. 123 Translation and discussion: GUILMOT, Acta orientalia belgica (mai 1963 - juin
119 Cf., e.g., the wife of Amenemope of Theban tomb no. 215 (= PORTER-MosS2, 1964) = Correspondance d'Orient no, 10 (1966), 67-78,
l.i, 311). 124 Cf. p. 66, particularly n. 112.
70 SOURCES OSTRACA 71

For Penne cf. Hier. Ostr. 18, 3*. The name of the woman is not drawn from it. The writing of the text may indicate the reign of
known to me from this period. The chantress of Amiin of the same Ramesses Ill.
name who occurs in the correspondence of Dl).utmose (CERNY, Late
Hier. Ostr. 54, 1 (= O. Gardiner 123)
Ramesside Letters, Index, p. 79) will be another person.
Dated: year 3 XIXth Dyn.
Hier. Ostr. 52, 2 (= O. Gardiner 103) 125 Name: rml-ist lny
No date late XIXth I early XXth Dyn. The name is frequent in the XIXth Dynasty (cf. O. DeM. 50*), not
Names: rml-ist !Jnm-msw only under Ramesses 11 (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 83, 15, of year 40; O. Turin
rml-ist Klsl 5941, vs. 1, of year 47 [unpubl.]), but also under Merenptal). (0. Michael.
The first text on this ostracon is more or less datable from the name 13, 8*), Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 782, vs. 23 and 25 783, vs. 11),
of the scribe Wenniife, who is known from the reign of Ramesses III Seth6s II (e.g., O. Cairo 25 512, 14) and Siptal). (e.g., O. Cairo 25 521~ 9).
(0. Cairo 25 555, 2, of years 13-14, to O. Turin 5651, 5 and 9,126 The Any known from the late XIXth - early XXth Dynasty is the son
of year 24). He is sometimes mentioned together with the chief work- of Nakhy according to O. Cairo 25 796, 11, 20. The name Any is not
man Nekhemmiit the elder (0. Cairo 25 555; graff. 1273) and with attested under Ramesses III and later. 128 The use of the 'piece' also
the scribe of the necropolis ~enl).ikhopshef (graff. 851; 1114). The points to a date in the XIXth Dynasty.
association with the latter strongly suggests the XIXth Dynasty, that
Hier. Ostr. 54, 2 (= O. Gardiner 126)
with the former points to the XXth. 12 7 Since, from the nature of the
No date Ramesses III
material, the second text on this ostracon is not likely to have been
Names: rml-ist Pn-tl-wrt
written very long after the first, it is to be dated to the end of the
H'-m-wlst
XIXth or the early XXth Dynasty. This is confirmed by the names.
The na~e Pentwere is common under the XXth Dynasty (cf. Hier.
The workman Khnemmose is known from the time of Sethos 11 (0. '1, Ostr. 59,4*). Kha'emwese is the name of a workman under Ramesses
Cairo 25 510, 6) until year 24 of Ramesses III (0. Turin 5651, 9 126
III and IV, from year 15 (0. DeM. 253, vs. 2) 129 until year 2 (Hier.
and 5666, 7 [unpubl.]). Kasa is a common name, particularly at the end
Ostr. 73, 1, vs. 11) and even a year 5 (0. Berlin 9897, 4 [unpubl.];
of the XIXth Dynasty (e.g., the sons of Opal).te and of Ra'mose); but
O. Brit. Mus. 50744,10).130 It may be that the doorkeeper Kha'emwese
it is also found from year 15 of Ramesses III and onwards (0. DeM.
is meant (though the designation is rarely omitted), but he too belongs
253, vs. 1; 406, 9) until the end of the reign of Ramesses VI or VII
to the same period-from year 18 (0. Turin 9584, 2*) until year 6
(0. Turin 6361, 3, of a year 7 [unpubl.]), in all probability for different
of Ramesses IV (Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, vs. I, 4).131 The use of
persons. All the arguments, as far as they are decisive, point to the
the word snOw) in line 3-if indeed the reading is correct-points to
end of the XIXth Dynasty or the first years of the XXth.
an early date in the time of Ramesses Ill. For the latest known date
Hier. Ostr. 53, 1 (= O. Gardiner 105) of the use of the 'piece' cf. O. Berlin 1268*.
No date Ramesses Ill? 1, Hier. Ostr. 56, 2 (= O. Nash 3 = O. Brit. Mus. 65 935)
Name: rml-ist 'Imn-m-ipt
No date Ramesses 11 / Merenptal).
The name is too common in all periods for any conclusion to be 11 Names: rml-1st Pj-nb
~mty 'Imn-m-wB
125
126
Translation: HELCK, Materialien lII, 341.
Cf. SCHIAPARELLI, Relazione I, 175.
!I Pneb, here called a workman, is very probably the later notorious
127 Nekhemmut the elder is the father of the chief workman Khonsu, and the

grandfather of Nekhemmut the younger. He occurs as a workman at the end of the 1 128 In O. DeM. 164, I, 4, of year 24 of Ramesses lII, Any is certainly a miswriting
XIXth Dynasty and as chief workman from year 12 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 ;or Anynakhte, as is clear from the position in the duty roster.
553, 3) until year 15 (Hier. Ostr. 39, 2, vs. 8) and perhaps even until year 22 (0. DeM. 129 Only Kha· ... remains, but it cannot very well be any other name.
222, IV, 11: 'j-n-[ist] Nb ..... ). For the genealogy cf. BRUYERE, Mert Seger, 14f. and 130 See p. 65, n. 107.
fig. 10 (the stela from chapel A). 131 Cf. MAssART, MDAIK. IS, 1957, 173.
72 SOURCES OSTRACA 73

chief workman. He is mentioned as a simple workman from year 64 It is interesting to note that for some unknown reasons a Neferi)otpe
of Ramesses 11, through the reigns of Merenptai) and Amenmesse, (the father?) replaces a Ra'mery in the duty roster on IV smw 17 of
until the time of Seth6s 11,132 while from year 5 of the last he acted year 25 of Ramesses III (0. DeM. 32, 10), so that for a certain time
as chief of the crew (e.g., O. Cairo 25 542, 13). No coppersmith he did double duty (e.g., O. Colin Campbell 2, of year 25, 11 prt
Amenemuia is known from elsewhere, the name occurring, however, [unpubl.]). Ra'mery, however, reappears in year 27 (0. DeM. 167,6),133
under both Ramesses 11 (Hier. Ostr. 84, 2, of year 40) and Merenptai) and in the position formerly occupied by Neferl).otpe, so that they
(0. Gardiner 197, 7, of year 9 [unpubl.]), as well as in several undated have in effect changed places. It seems impossible to determine which
(Jstraca from this period. of these persons are intended in the present ostracon, the more so since
Hier. Ostr. 57, 1 (= O. Nash 4 = O. Brit. Mus. 65 941) the relationship between them is not indicated. The title w'b is of little
No date XXth Dyn. ? assistance, since more than one Neferl).otpe is called w'b; the office
Names: Pl-R'-I:ztpw may have been hereditary within the family. The carpenter Ra'mery
Nfr-I:ztpw occurs, however, in Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*, in Hier. Ostr. 86, 3*, and in
Pra'i)otpe and Neferi)otpe are both extremely common names in all O. Brooklyn 37 1880 E*. The first of these texts I have dated to
periods. The writing of the text may point to the XXth Dynasty. 'early Ramesses 111', while the other two, which contain versions of the
same transaction, are dated 'late XIXth Dyn.'.
Hier. Ostr. 58, 3 (= O. Gardiner 163)
Kha'emniin may be the second husband of Naunakhte (cf. lEA. 31,
No date late XIXth / early XXth Dyn.
1945,47 f.), known from the time of Sip tal). (e.g., O. Cairo 25517, y, 17),
Names: w'b Nfr-I:ztpw
and almost continuously from year 21 of Ramesses III (Pap. Berlin 10
I:zmww R'-mry
496,4) until year 2 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 46, vs. 8). Although the
Ij'-( m-)nwn
range of possibilities is very wide it seems to me that the 'carpenter'
Both Neferi)otpe and Ra'mery are common names, occurring in the
Ra'mery suggests either the end of the XIXth Dynasty or the beginning
same family, whose genealogy can be reconstructed from several
of the XXth.
graffiti (e.g., nos. 61, 774, 885, 889, of a year 20, 1207), a number of
stelae (Cairo 43656 = BRUYERE, ASAE. 25, 1925, 81-2 and pI. I, 2; Hier. Ostr. 59, 1 (= O. Gardiner 91) 134
Louvre CM 19 = former Bibl. Nat. 50 = BRUYERE, Mert Seger, 247, No date Ramesses 11
fig. 124; Hilton Price coll. 2006 = same work, 99, fig. 42; BRUYERE, Names: TJry
Rapport DeM. 1935-40, 11, 120) and some later texts (0. Gardiner 143, 'I:z]wtw 135
vs. 2, of year 2 of Ramesses IX [unpubl.]; O. DeM. 398, 2, of a year 3; Pl-b5kl
Giornale dell'anno 17, A, rt. 1, 5, of year 17 of Ramesses IX). The ....... . mwt
family tree seems to be as follows: The name E'l).owte is known from O. Or. Inst. Chicago 17 007, 16
Ra'mery and 21, of years 35-37 of Ramesses 11 [unpubl.], and from O. DeM.
333, 5 and 8, again of year 37. In both ostraca there also occurs a
I certain Baki, identified in the first as the son of Amenemone, who is

A
Neferl).otpe Ra'mery
known in several other instances down to the reign of Amenmesse (cf.,
e.g., O. Cairo 25 784, 8, of year 4), and who may be the same as the
present Pbaki 136-though the name was 'Common at that period.

I
Ra'mery
133

134
Two weeks earlier NeferJ:!otpe still occupied his place (cf. O. DeM. 653, vs. 8).
The recto contains a receipt of grain etc., but no prices.
135 Probably not AJ:!anakhte, a Middle Kingdom name (cf. R.ANKE, Personennamen I,
44, no. 11).
132 Cf. CERNY, JEA. 15, 1929, 252ff. (Pap. Salt 124). 136 For the use of pi cf. p. 65, n. 104. Pbaki occurs in O. DeM. 328, 1, dated by
74 SOURCES OSTRACA 75

Tjaroy appears to be unknown; the name occurs only in the tomb of from year 21 of Ramesses III (Pap. Berlin 10 496, 10) until year 2 of
Sennudjem (Theban tomb no. 1) as that of the father of Rema'.137 Ramesses VI (0. Berlin 12 654, 8).142 Bekenseti is mentioned in
[ ..... ] mut may be Bekenmut (the traces on the facsimile do not rule O. Turin 6628, 3*, of year 19 of Ramesses Ill, as a chantress of Amun.
out this reading); he is mentioned in Hier. Ostr. 84, 16, of year 40 of 'An is unknown apart from these ostraca.
Ramesses 11 (cf. O. DeM. 113*). Hier. Ostr. 61, 2 (= O. Aberdeen 1317)
Hier. Ostr. 59, 4 (= O. Gardiner 66) No date mid XXth Dyn.
No date mid XXth Dyn. Names: rml-1st '/mn-m-lpt
Names: rml-1st Mjj-nbtwj bmww ~nnj
rml-1st Pn-tj-wrt Nbw-(m-)Mwt
Maanakhtef, probably the son of Kha'emnun and Naunakhte, appears Mntw-pj-b'py
in the duty roster in year I of Ramesses IV, as does a workman '/mn-msw
called Pentwere. 138 The latter is the son of Amennakhte, the son of Mentpet1a'py occurs in Pap. Geneva MAR IS 274, vs. Ill, 2, of
Ipuy,139 and is still mentioned under Ramesses IX in the Giornale year 6 of Ramesses IV, and in O. Gardiner 246, 4 [unpubl.J, of two
dell'anno 17, A, rt. 1, 8 (pI. 8). Re may not be the same as the years 2-3, no reign being specified, though from the other names it dates
workman Pentwere, who occurs very frequently from year 14 of from the mid XXth Dynasty. On the Bankes stela no. 10 he is called
Ramesses III onwards (0. Cairo 25555,5). Amennakhte was appointed the son of 1:lay,143 and this l;lay occurs in the same period (cf.
to the position of scribe of the necropolis by vizier To in year 16 O. Gardiner 134*). Nekhemmut is either the later chief workman of
(graff. 1111 and 1143), and called a son of his after him (To-shIre) that name, the son of Khonsu (cf. p. 70, n. 127), before his appointment
-who will thus have been born after year 16. 140 This To-shIre also to this position,144 or his nephew, the son of his brother the ldnw
enters the duty roster at the same time as his brother Pentwere, and Amenkhew (cf. O. DeM. 41, vs. 6). In the former case the text would
it therefore seems improbable that Pentwere was so much older as to date from the reign of Ramesses III or the first years of his successor,
be a workman from year 14. since this Nekhemmut the younger occurs as chief workman at least
from year 4 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 133,7; O. Brit. Mus. 5625,
Hier. Ostr. 60, 5 (= O. Gardiner 136)
vs. 6), and possibly even earlier (0. DeM. 433, 10; O. Cairo 25 562, 8,
No date mid XXth Dyn.
both of a year 2). The other Nekhemmut is mentioned for the first
Names: Bikl-n-wrnwr
'n (f) 141 time among the new members of the duty roster in year 1 of Ramesses
IV,145 and, therefore, possibly younger than his namesake. Since the
!flvty (f)
other names in the ostracon all occur in this later period I would
Bikl-(n-)St! (f)
prefer the latter alternative.
With the exception of I:Iuty the same persons occur in O. Berlin
12 343*, which also contains prices of coffins. Bekenwernero is known Hier. Ostr. 62, 1 (= O. Nims)
No date Ramesses 11
tERNY to the second half of the XIXth Dynasty, to which belongs also the ss-*d Names : ss-~d Pj-R'-btpw (in line 7 : R'-btpw)
Maaninakhtef. mentioned in line 2 (cf. O. DeM. 49*). "his wife" Ti-ist
137 cr. tERNY, Repertoire onomastique, 7. Cr. also Tjar in O. DeM. 220, 3,
Rbt-nw (f)
of the XIXth Dynasty according to tERNY.
138 Cf. tERNY, ZAS. 72, 1936, 116. Tiw-(n-)jny
139 cr. Hier. Ostr. 16,2*.

140 'Little To' has been confused with the vizier, e.g. by EDGERTON in his study 142 Cf. tERNY, CAH 2 ., voI. n, ch. 35, 10.
on the Turin strike papyrus (JNES. 10, 1951, 138), a mistake often repeated 143 cr. tERNY, Egypt. Stelae in the Bankes Collection, pI. 10, and JESHO. 11,
elsewhere. 1968, 150.
141 Not Na'. as given in the publication. Cr. Hier. Ostr. 17, I, I, 13; O.DeM. 570, 144 cr. O. Berlin II 254, 2, of year 19, where he is mentioned without designation.

4 (T'anu); O. Cairo 25 660, 17 O:len'an). 145 It is probably he who is referred to in Pap. Ch. Beatty XVI, vs. 4, of a year

5 (GARDlNER, Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., 129 and pI. 71).


OSTRACA 77
76 SOURCES

The draughtsman Pra'i).otpe, also called Ra'i).otpe, the son of Pay, 146 Hier. Ostr. 65, 2 (= O. Louvre 3263)
No date Ramesses 11
is well known from the time of Ramesses 11 (cf., e.g., O. Gardiner 133,
1*, of year 36, and Hier. Ostr. 84, 17, of year 40). In Theban tomb Names: bmww Pn-nwb
no. 5 he occurs as the 'brother' of Neferronpe, whose wife was called rml-1st ~nni
Tese. 147 Possibly she is the woman mentioned here. Tjaunany, possibly Pennub occurs in Hier. Ostr. 83, 11, of year 40 of Ramesses 11, and
the son of the sculptor ~en of Theban tomb no. 4,148 is not known in several undated ostraca of the XIXth Dynasty, but not in the group
from other ostraca, except O. DeM. 670, I ; for a policeman of this name of ostraca from the time of Amenmesse-though his sons, Nebnakhte,
cf. Hier. Ostr. 66, 1,4 and 8. For the name Rekhnau cf. Pap. Wilbour, Pshedu and Nebnufe are found in this period (cf., e.g., O. Cairo 25 779,
A, 82, 15 (Prekhnau). Rekhnau is possibly another writing for 9 and 11, and Rapport DeM. 1948-51, 134). Nowhere other than here
Rekh'anau (cf. RANKE, Personennamen, I, 226, no. 7) or Prekh'anau is the designation 'carpenter' added. The Pennub of Hier. Ostr. 51, 1,
(Hier. Ostr. 39, 2, vs. 5 and 63, 2, 2}-these texts, however, being 11, 8 (late XIXth - early XXth Dynasty) may be another person'. In
from the XXth Dynasty. the case of ~enna it is impossible to distinguish which of the many
men so named is intended. One at least, the son of Bul5:entef, belongs
Hier. Ostr. 62, 3 (= O. Liverpool 13626) to the reign of Amenmesse and later (cf. O. Cairo 25 780, 7), but
No date XXth Dyn.? several men called ~en are known from the time of Ramesses 11, the
No names name having been a fairly common abbreviation of~enna.151
The use of the words mn-'nb (lines 1 and 2) and mrb (line 9)
points to the XXth Dynasty (cf. Part. 11, § 16). Hier. Ostr. 65, 4 (= O. IFAO. 389)
No date Ramesses III
Hier. Ostr. 63, 1 (= O. Colin Camp bell 5 = O. Hunterian Mus., Name: Ijiy, son of Ijwy
Glasgow, D 1925.70) This man is known from year 13 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo 25 555,
No date mid XXth Dyn. 4) until year 29 (Turin strike papyrus, 2, 14 = RAD. 55, 9), and also
Names: Nbw-m-Mwt in a year 3 (0. DeM. 398, 4), but is not found in the duty roster.
Ijrl, son of Ijwy-nfr The use of the word snny (= snlw) points to an early date in the
ss Niby reign of Ramesses III (cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2).
'i-pi-liw
I:Iori, the son of I:Iuyniife, is mentioned from year 10 of Ramesses Hier. Ostr. 67, 3 (= O. Gardiner 68)
Dated: year 31 Ramesses III
III (0. Michael. 1, 4 = pl. 51) until year 4 of Ramesses V (0. Cairo
25 598, 7).149 He is possibly also the I:Iori who occurs in the duty Names: Nfr-br
roster from year 24 until year 2. 'Opatjew is known only from the B3k-n-wrnwr
mid XXth Dynasty.150 For Nekhemmiit cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*. No 'i-n-ist ['In-b r-] b'w
scribe Nakhy is known from elsewhere. ss ' Imn-nbtw
'i-n-ist Ijnsw
146Cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, 124. That the reign is that of Ramesses III is clear from the names of
147Cf. CERN)" Repertoire onomastique, 52 (paroi B). The indication 'brother' in the chief workmen Khew (= Ani).erkhew) 152 and Khonsu.
the tombs does not mean that these persons were really brothers, but only that they
belonged to the same generation. Hier. Ostr. 72,1 (= O. Ashmolean Museum 1945.39)
148 Cf. CERN)', op. cit., 44 and 50. No date late XIXth I early XXth Dyn.
149 The verso on this ostracon mentions year 4 (?) of Ramesses V and year 1 of
his successor.
151 The son of Bukentef is himself called Ken on a stela in Stockholm (No. 28 =
150 He occurs in the tomb of the chief workman Anl:Jerkhew (Theban tomb
MOGENSEN, Stl!ies egYPt. au Musee nat. de Stockholm, p. 46). Cf. also O. Berlin 10
no. 359); cf. BRL:YERE, Rapport DeM. 1930, 69. See also Tosl-RoCCATI, Stele, 110 (here
665*.
he IS called Aapanefu). The addition 'brother' may indicate that he is of the same
152 Cf. O. DeM. 593*.
age as Anl:Jerkhew.
78 SOURCES OSTRACA 79

Names: lfnm-msw Ramesses III (0. Turin 5651, 2 155 and 5666, 7 [unpubl.]). It is doubtful
Rwti whether he is to be identified with the Tenromont of O. Gardiner 127,
Nb-wnf 5, of year 29 [unpubl.], and even more so whether he is the man of
(the house of) Mnn3 the same name who occurs in the will of Naunakhte (Document I, I,
For Khnemmose cf. Hier. Ostr. 52,2*, and for Ruti Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*. 11). An adult career spanning the period from Sethos Il to Ramesses V
In common with the others, the name Menna is known from the late would be rather long, though not impossible; it may be therefore that
XIXth - XXth Dynasty, though recurring under Ramesses III and IV there was a second Tenromont, the son or grandson of the first. The
(e.g., Hier. Ostr. 77, 2 and 9*). It probably belongs to more than one name does not occur in the duty roster.
person (cf. O. Gardiner fragm. lO4*). Nebwenef occurs otherwise only The name Amenembab is fairly common, but one identified as the
in O. DeM. 205, 1, dated by CERNY to the XIXth Dynasty. son of Tenromont occurs in O. DeM. 262, 4. This latter dates fr.om
Hier. Ostr. 72,3 (= O. Petrie 4) 153 a year 2, probably of Ramesses IV or one of his successors, and since
Dated: year 23 Ramesses III the same text also mentions a Menna, one would be inclined to date
Names: m'(]3y 'Imn-!J'w the present ostracon also to the mid XXth Dynasty-suggested too by
ss n p3 !Jr 1frl the use of the word mn-'n!J (line 5).
The reign is certain from the mention of the scribe of the necropolis Hier. Ostr. 86, 1 (=0. Brit. Mus. 5633)
Hori. No date late XIXth I early XXth Dyn.
Hier. Ostr. 77 (= O. Or. Inst. Chicago 12073) 154 Names: 'n!J-n-nlwt Wb!Jt
Dated (first part) : year 17 of Ramesses III I:zry-m'(]3y Mntw-msw
(second part): year 4 of Ramesses IV Tnt-nlwt (f)
Names: rml-1st Mnn3 'n!J-n-nlwt M'nwlwl:zwtl
I:zry-m'(]3y Mntw-msw For the chief policeman Mentmose cf. Hier. Ostr. 24,1*. Webekht
ss n p3 br 'Imn-nbtw was the wife of the well known chief workman Neferbotpe (cf. O.
idnw 'Imn-!J'w Prague H 22*), who lived until the reign of Sethos II, but the wife of
Rwt3 Nekhemmiit the elder (cf. O. Gardiner 272*) also bears the same name
s3wty /j'wy (cf. Bankes stela no. 9), as do some other women. No certain dates
..... Pn-p3-ym for Tentne are known to me/ 56 and the apparently foreign name
ss-~d 1fr-sri M'antjubute is without parallel elsewhere. 157

Hier. Ostr. 85, 2 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5643) Hier. Ostr. 86, 2 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5649)
No date No date mid (?) XXth Dyn.
mid XXth Dyn. ?
Names: Tnwr-Mntw Names: 'Imn-msw
Mnn3 'Imn-b'w
'Imn-m-I:zb The names are too common to allow precise dating. According to
tERNY (Grain Prices, 175) the ostracon belongs to the XXth Dynasty,
For Menna cf. Hier. Ostr. 72, 1*. A Tenromont occurs from year 5
of Sethos Il (0. Berlin 11 241,5 [unpubl.]-the reign is virtually certain and this is supported by the name Amenkhew, which may point more
from the mention of the chief workman Pneb) until year 24 of specifically to the middle of that period. 158
155 ef.
SCHIAPARELLI, Relazione 1,175.
156 She occurs in O. IFAO. 1340, 2 [unpubl.J, dated to a year 19, of either
153 Translation: HELCK, Materialien Ill, 494. Ramesses 11 or Ill.
154 Translation: THEODORIDES, Acta orientalia belgica (mai 1963 - juin 1964) 157 Could it be a queer writing of Mntw-J:zwti (for Mntw-J:ztpti)?
Correspondance d'Orient no. 10, 1966, 189. 158 HELCK, Materialien Ill, 485 and IV, 618, dates this ostracon to the reign
SOURCES OSTRACA 81
80

Hier. Ostr. 86,3 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5644) called Pkhore-the son ofTunero, 161 is frequently mentioned in ostraca
No date late XIXth Dyn. of the mid XXth Dynasty (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 32, 3, 2; 42, 2, 2).
Names: ~mww R'-mry O. Hunterian Mus., Glasgow, D 1925.70: see Hier. Ostr. 63, I
'Imn-m-ipt
O. Hunterian Mus., Glasgow, D 1925.82: see O. Colin Campbell 16
P3-~ry-pdt
For the carpenter Ra'mery cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2* and 58, 3*; the O. IFAO. 292: see O. DeM. 105
name Amenemope is common, Pebrypide is rare, occurring only in O. IFAO. 359 162 [unpubl.]
O. Or. Inst. Chicago 17007,8 and passim, of years 35-37 of Ramesses 11 No date ?
[unpubl.], and in Hier. Os!r. 83, 21, of year 40. 159 According to the Name: [rml-]lst lfwy-nfr
Bankes stela no. 2 and Turin stela no. 1609 (= TOSI-RocCATI, Stele, For I:Iuyniife cf. Hier. Ostr. 18, 5*.
no. 50069) he was the son of I:Iuy and Tenbasye and the brother of
O. IFAO. 389 : see Hier. Ostr. 65, 4
the chief workman ~aba (of Theban tomb no. 360), who also lived
under Ramesses 11. His coffin, however, is dated to the XXth Dynasty O. IFAO. 548 [unpubl.]
by PORTER-Moss 2 , I. ii, 662. No date Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
This ostracon contains a partial version of the same transactions as Names: '3-nbtw
in O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, where these same names are found, though ~mww 'Imn-b'w
with the addition of a carpenter Siwadjy. The latter name is known There were at least two persons called 'Onakhte, one known from
from the time of Ramesses Ill, but occurs also in the list of year 40 of the time of Amenmesse (0. Cairo 25 779, passim; 25 783, 4) and
Ramesses 11 (Hier. Ostr. 83, 4), and frequently during the period of during the reigns of Sethos 11 (Pap. Salt 124, 2, 12) and Siptab
Amenmesse, Sethos 11, and Siptab. But nowhere else is his occupation (0. Cairo 25 519, vs. 4 and 25 521, vs. 9; O. Gardiner Ill, 2, of
mentioned, except in O. Berlin 10 626*, which again is inconclusive. year 4 [unpubl.]), and another from year 14 of Ramesses III (0. Cairo
I would suggest, however, that the whole group is to be dated to the 25 703, 2), through the reign of Ramesses IV (graff. 839, of year 1;
end of the the XIXth Dynasty. Pap. Geneva MAH 15 274, vs. Ill, 1, of year 6), and later (Pap.
Turin 1907/8, vs. n, 2*, of year 7 of Ramesses VII). It may even be
Hier. Ostr. 86, 4 (= O. Brit. Mus. 5636)
that they are three different people, since the name is absent from the
No date mid XXth Dyn.
duty roster (it occurs, however, in O. DeM. 410, 5*, of year 26, and
Names: rml-1st 'Imn-w' in O. Gardiner 127, 4, of year 29 [unpubl.], as well as in several
in-mw ij3ni', son of Twnwr
ostraca of the years 23-25).
Amenwa' was the son of the draughtsman I:Iori and the brother of
The carpenter Amenkhew is unknown from elsewhere. The name
the draughtsmen I:Iarmin and Nebniife (cf., e.g., O. Cairo 25 120;
belongs to the XXth Dynasty and he may therefore pe one of the men
graff. 839 and 1082). He is mentioned in year 1 of Ramesses IV (graff.
referred to without designation under Ramesses III and IV.
839) and in year I of Ramesses VI (0. Brit. Mus. 50 730, 6 [unpubl.]),
as well as in a year 6 of one of these Pharaohs (0. DeM. 434, n, 2* O. IFAO. 764 163 [unpubl.]
and O. Berlin 12 652, 2*).160 The water-carrier Khore-sometimes No date mid XXth Dyn.
Names: '3-n-ist Nb[-m-Mwt]
of Ramesses IV. He goes too far, however, in stating that Amenkhew occurs (only)
161 Cf., however, O. Cairo 25 598, vs. 5 (si Pi-mr ...... ).
in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV, and Amenmose (only) in that of Ramesses IV. 162 This notation indicates the unpublished ostraca of the Institut fran<;ais d'Archeo-
In some instances later reigns are also possible. logie orientale in Cairo, found during the excavations at Deir el-Medina.
159 Another man of this name occurs in O. DeM. 672, 5, of a year 8, possibly
163 According to (:ERNY'S notebook the ostracon consists of two parts with a big
of one of the later Ramessids. gap in between. The connecting fragment appears to have been found, since (:ERNY
160 Possibly also in O. Strasbourg H 84, 2*, of year 7 of Ramesses VII, though the
added some words in pencil in the gap. He did not, however, copy it completely,
text is extremely difficult to read at this point.
perhaps for want of time.
SOURCES OSTRACA 83
82

Pl-iry (?) O. IFAO. 1020 [unpubI.]


'gd-rujm No date
?
Mrwt-'!mn-dwl (1) No names
Tl-l:ifnw O. IFAO. 1237 [unpubI.]
Pr-'l-m-tl-bJt ?
No date
B5ki-ffnsw No names
The chief workman Nekhemmiit may be either 'the elder' or 'the
O. IFAO. 1261 [unpubI.]
younger' (cf. p. 70, n. 127 and O. Gardiner fragm. 3*). The latter is still ?
known in the Giornale dell'anno 17, B, rt. 9, 2 (pI. 25), of Ramesses No date
No names surviving
IX.164 Bekenkhonsu may be the often mentioned distributor of rations
(cf. O. Desroches 6*), but there were also other people of this name, o. IFAO. 1286 [unpubI.]
e.g., a scribe of Amiin in Pap. Brit. Mus. 9997, I, 2, of years 14-15 No date late XXth Dyn.
of Ramesses XI [unpubI.]. An 'Adjedniidjem, the son of Kharoy, Name: [m'g)ly '!mn-I}tpw
occurs under Ramesses IX (Giornale dell'anno 17, B, rt. 6, 8 = pI. 23), For the policeman Amenl).otpe cf. O. Berlin 12405*.
and a woman called Meramendwa among the family of Anherkhew O. IFAO. 1298 [unpubI.]
the younger (BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1930, 38 and 58), in the latter No date mid XXth Dyn.
instance called the wife of the draughtsman l:Iarmin (cf. O. DeM. 434*). Names: ['1-] pJ-1Jw
The names Tl).efnu and Per'oemtl).e are not known to me from m'dJy '!mn-msw
elsewhere. There were several men named Peroy,165 but CERNY'S Ifri, son of Ifwy-nfr
reading is uncertain. [Hr]w-nfr
O. IFAO. 1008 [unpubI.] Mnw-h'w
No date XXth Dyn. For 'Opatje~ cf. Hier. Ostr. 63, 1*, where l:I6ri, the son of l:IuynUfe,
Name: Pn-tl-wrt is also mentioned. The policeman Amenmose is found in Hier. Ostr.
For Pentwere cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*. The most that may be said is 16, 3* , while for Minkhew cf. O. DeM. 241*. All four occur in the
that the name points to the XXth Dynasty. mid XXth Dynasty. [Her]nUfe (probably thus) may be the builder of
O. Cairo 25 597*.
O. IFAO. 1017 [unpubI.]
O. IFAO. 1373 [unpubI.]
No date mid XXth Dyn. ? Ramesses III
Dated: year 24
Names: [{(n]nJ
Names: ss Ifri
PJ-blrw
'J-n-lst ['!n-I}r-]b'w
For ~enna ef. Hier. Os!r. 65, 2*. This name is appropriate to any
The last name establishes the date beyond dispute.
period, and the same applies to Pkh6re = KhOre; cf. Hier. Ostr. 86,
4*, but also Hier. Ostr. 84, 6, of year 40 of Ramesses 11. In O. Brit. O. IFAO. 1393 [unpubI.]
Mus. 5625 (BLACKMAN, JEA. 12, 1926, pis. 35-36), of year 4 of No date ?
Ramesses IV, both names are found together (rt. 2 and 4); the present No names
ostracon may perhaps date from the same period. O.IFAO. 1397 [unpubI.]
No date mid XXth Dyn.
Name: I}mww Sbk-msw
Cf. also Pap. Abbott 6, 5, of year 16.
164
This name occurs, without designation, in O. DeM. 398, vs. 5, of a
E.g., Merysakhme, the son of Menna; cf. graff. 445 and CERNY, JNES. 14,
165

1955, 162f. year 3, in O. Ashmolean Mus. 1949.335, 3, of a year 6 [unpubI.],


84 SOURCES OSTRACA 85

and in O. IFAO. 593, vs. 2, of a year 32 [unpubl.]. The period of the Karo is mentioned in the duty roster from the second year of
second instance is uncertain. The year 32 of the last may be of the Ramesses IV (first occurrence: O. DeM. 44, 15). CLERE has identified
reign of either Ramesses Il or Ill, though the second is the more the name Karo with Kenero, both being transcriptions of the Libyan
probable. The appearance of the same name in Hier. Ostr. 25, 1, vs. I, name Kel (cf. BIFAO. 28, 1929, 183-4, n. 1), and this would be
2 and in O. DeM. 94, 4, points to the mid XXth Dynasty, to which all the more probable since a Kenero is said to be the father of
the year 3 of O. DeM. 398 also is to be ascribed. Cf. also O. Cairo l:Iuy and Pashedu, 171 while Karo, son of Simiit, is the father of a son
25588*.166 l:Iuy and a daughter Pashed. l72 This Kenero was not, however, the
O. IFAO. 1402 [unpubl.] son of Simiit, but of l:Iuy, and the two men are not therefore identical,
No date ?
though possibly belonging to the same family. Both their names may
No names very well have been Kel.
O. IFAO. 1501 167 [unpubl.] O. Michaelides 8 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pIs. 60-61)
No date mid XXth Dyn.? No date Ramesses III f mid XXth Dyn.
Name: bmty Mntw-nbtw Names: .t;;.ny-Mnw
The name is very rare, and the Mentnakhte of Hier. Ostr. 48, 2, 8 iny-nbtw
and vs. 1, of year 3 of Ramesses IV, may therefore be the same person. , Imn-nbtw, son of Rs-ptr f
!Jiy, son of (?) !Jwy
O. Leipzig 1: see Hier. Ostr. 26, 4 \ For ~enymin cf. Hier. Ostr. 22, 2*, and for Amennakhte, the son
O. Liverpool 13 626: see Hier. Ostr. 62, 3 of Reshpotref, Hier. Os!r. 33, 3*. Whether l:Iay and J:luy are two
O. Louvre 3263 : see Hier. Ostr. 65, 2 independent persons, or l:Iay is described as the son of l:Iuy (as
transcribed in the publication),173 is not certain. For l:Iay, the son of
O. Metr. Mus. 09. 184.725 + 714 [unpubI.] l:Iuy, cf. Hier. Ostr. 65, 4*; no l:Iuy occurs in the dated ostraca of
No date mid XXth Dyn. the mid XXth Dynasty, which may perhaps confirm the reading with
Name: ['i-n-]lst 'In[-br]-b'w
si.
For this chief workman cf. O. DeM. 593*.
O. Michaelides 10 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pI. 79)
O. Michaelides 6 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pIs. 56-7) 168 XIXth Dyn.?
No date
Dated (recto): year 1 mid XXth Dyn. No names
(verso, Text B) : year 4 The use of the 'piece' may point to the XIXth Dynasty.
Names: .t;;.s
Mnni O. Michaelides 13 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pIs. 46-7)
Kir Dated: year 2 MerenptaQ
The first name, transcribed by tERNY as ~ Ir"
'Kes',169 is only known Names: ss-If-d Nfr-btpw
!Jr-m-wi)
to me from the Village in O. Brussels E 301, vs. Ill, 14 and 20,170 of
the mid XXth Dynasty. For Menna cf. Hier. Ostr. 72, 1*. bry lryw- 'i ij'-m-trl
iny
166 In O. Michael. 2 (pI. 52), of year 16 of Ramesses Ill, there is mentioned a
water-carrier Sebkmose. who is not perhaps the same.
167 This piece was probably used as a weight.
171 Cf. CLERE, loc. cit. = CERN'\', BIFAO. 27, 1927,202 = BRUYERE, Mert Seger,
168 H. GOED!CKE and E.F. WENTE, Ostraka Michaelides (Wiesbaden, 1962). I have

also used CERN'\"S transcriptions, which sometimes differ from those of the publication. 10 (stela then in possession of the antiquities dealer Mohasseb).
169 Cf. RANKE, Personennamen I, 336, no. 26. The stroke is missing in the 172 Cf. Turin stela 1636 (= Tos!-RoCCAT!, Stele, no. 50012).

publication. 173 In which case the name I:Iay is written either without ~. which would be

170 A not entirely reliable transcription by SPELEERS, Recueil, 48-49. unusual, or, more probably, without the determinative.
86 SOURCES OSTRACA 87

R'-msw O. Nash 4: see Hier. Ostr. 57, 1


Pi-M, son of ij~[-nbtw]
O. Nims: see Hier. Ostr. 62, 1
The publication misreads the name of the father of Pashed, who is
certainly the well known l:Iel:makhte, whose name is sometimes O. Or. Inst. Chicago 12073: see Hier. Ostr. 77
shortened to l:Ieb. Pashed, the owner of Theban tomb no. 292, occurs O. Petrie 1: see Hier. Ostr. 32, 2
under Amenmesse (e.g., O. Cairo 25 779, 3 and passim), Sethos 11
O. Petrie 3: see Hier. Ostr. 16, 3
(Pap. Salt 124, 2, 11; Hier Ostr. 46, 2, vs. 10-11) and Siptab
(0. Cairo 25 520,,5 and passim). O. Petrie 4: see Hier. Ostr. 72, 3
Of the five names, Kha'emtore and Ra'mose do not occur in the O. Petrie 14: see Hier. Ostr. 45, 1
lists of the time of Amenmesse and later, while only Pashed is not
O. Petrie 15: see Hier. Ostr. 26, 5
known before Amenmesse. Since the absence of the first two in the
numerous lists of this period is hard to explain if they were then O. Petrie 16: see Hier. Ostr. 21, 1
still alive, it seems that the ostracon is to be dated earlier, i.e., in the O. Pt:trie 17: see Hier. Ostr. 28, 2
reign of Merenptab.
O. Petrie 19: see Hier. Ostr. 19,3
O. Michaelides 14 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pis. 48-9)
O. Petrie 26: see Hier. Ostr. 16,2
Date: year lost late XIXth Dyn.
Names: Niby (called s§-Ir-d in vs. 3) O. Petrie 42 : see Hier. Ostr. 28, 4
Nfr-J:ttpw O. Petrie 48: see Hier. Ostr. 31, 4
'flt-m-wiw (f)
Ngmt (?) (f) O. Petrie 51 : see Hier. Ostr. 28, 1
O. Prague H 15 [unpubJ.]
For the name Yeyemwau cf. CERNY, lEA. 15, 1929, 248, n. 21. No
No date XIXth Dyn.?
woman called Niidjme, if this is correct, is known from elsewhere.
No names
For a draughtsman Neferbotpe cf. the preceding ostracon. He occurs
From the use of the 'piece' probably of the XIXth Dynasty.
from year 8 of Merenptab (0. DeM. 594, 2) until the reign of Siptab
(e.g., O. Cairo 25 521, 10, of year I; O. Gardiner Ill, 6, of year 4
O. Prague H 21 [unpubJ.]
[unpubJ.]). During the same reigns there occur also instances of the Ramesses Ill/IV
No date
name without any designation, which may indicate another person (cf.,
Names: rml-ist ijri, son of ijwy-nfr
e.g., O. DeM. 621, vs. 11, of year 2 of Merenptab; O. Cairo 25 784,
iry-'i /j'-m-wist
3, of year 3 of Amenmesse; O. Cairo 25 521, 3 and passim, of year 1
For this Hori cf. Hier. Ostr. 63, 1*, and for the doorkeeper
of Siptab); it is impossible to choose between them. To the same period
Kha'emwese Hier. Ostr. 54,2*.
belongs Nakhy, the son of BuJs:entef.

O. Michaelides 28 (= GOEDICKE-WENTE, pI. 75) O. Prague H 22 [unpubJ.]


No date No date Merenptab
XXth Dyn.?
No names Names: [B-]wrt-nfrt
According to the publication (p. 21) the writing is of the XXth Nb-nfr
Dynasty. 'i-n-ist Nfr-J:tt[pw]
The chief workman Neferbotpe, the son of the chief workman
O. Nash 2: see Hier. Ostr. 47, 1
Nebniife and the husband of Webekht (cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 1*), i.s
O. Nash 3 : see Hier. Ostr. 56, 2 mentioned from year 66 of Ramesses 11 (0. Cairo 25 237, 3) until
88 SOURCES OSTRACA 89

year 4 of Amenmesse (0. Cairo 25 784, 2 and passim) and the accession Names: rml-ist Ifr-m-wU
of Sethos 11 (Hier. Ostr. 64, 1, 8-12). In the first years of Sethos 11 m'(jjy .... M
he is dead, having been succeeded by Pneb (cr. Pap. Salt 124, 1, 2). For the name Haremwia cf. O. eerny 5*. The second name seems
Nebniife is an extremely common name under the XIXth Dynasty. In to end in .... nakhte, though I know of no policeman whose name is
the time of Amenmesse there are at least three men who are so called, suitable. Haremwia points to the XIXth Dynasty, but the prices are
viz. the sons of Wadjmose, Penniib and Nakhy. Whether one or more like'those of the XXth; perhaps, therefore, the later l:Iaremwia
another of them is intended here remains uncertain. Though several is meant (cr. Hier. Ostr. 49, 3, 4, of year 20 of Ramesses Ill), in
names compounded with Twer occur in this period I do not know of a which case the date may be year 14 or 24 of Ramesses Ill.
TwernUfe. O. Turin 9584 [unpubl.]
O. Strasbourg H 84 (= 1256) [unpubl.] Dated: year 18 Ramesses III
Dated: year 7 of Ramesses VII 174 Ramesses VII Name: iry- 'j Ij'-m-wjst
Names: ss-/fd Ifri-Mnw For this name cf. Hier. Ostr. 54, 2*; it proves that the. reign is that
rml-ist '!mn-w' (?) of Ramesses Ill.
sms n !J hwt SJkt
O. Turin 9586 [unpubl.]
'nt-Mwt Cf) mid XXth Dyn.
TJ-dit-tJ-wrt No date
Names: I;ry-m'(jjy Sbk-msw
sbti Mry-'Imn-nbtw
m'(jjy ['Imn?-]b'w
kJwty'Imn-msw
Wsr-m'jt-R'-nbtw
Sdy-sri (?) (f)
SJl;ty-nJrt (?) (f) Ifri
Some of the persons here mentioned occur also in o. Gardiner 190*. Sti
in-mw pj-wbd
O. Toronto B 14175 mki-n-Ijnsw
No date ? 'Imn-h'w
No names For a Sebk~ose cf. O. Cairo 25 588*, where Amenkhew also occurs
O. Turin 6628 [unpubl.] (note that there Sebkmose is not qualified as policeman), The policeman
Dated: year 19 Ramesses III Amenkhew is again mentioned in O. DeM. 369*. Both ostraca date
Names: iry-'J '[3- 'J from the mid XXth Dynasty, and to this same period or somewhat
'!mn-m-lpt earlier belong also Usima're'nakhte (0. DeM. 592*; O. Colin Campbell
sm)! n 'Imn mkw-St (f) 16*), Pwakhd (0. DeM. 69*), Seti (Hier. Ostr. 36, 1*) and Bekenkhonsu
For the doorkeeper Tja'o cr. o. Col in Campbell 16*, and for (0. Desroches 6*).
Bekenseti Hier. Ostr. 60, 5*. The name Amenemope occurs frequently
O. Turin 9599 [unpubl.]
under Ramesses Ill.
No date Ramesses III I mid XXth Dyn.
O. Turin 6672 [unpubl.] Name: ss n pj br Ifri
Dated: year (x + ) 4 XXth Dyn.? For this I:I6ri cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*.

O. Turin 9609 [unpubl.]


This ostracon proves definitely that Ramesses VII reigned at least seven years.
174 No date XIXth Dyn. ?
175 Published in Theban Oslraca, now mainly in the Royal Ontario Museum 0/
Archaeology, Toronto, and the Bodleian Library, ed. by A. H. OARDlNER, H. THoMPsoN No names
and 1.0. MILNE (London, 1913), p. 12. The use of the 'piece' may point to the XIXth Dynasty.
90 SOURCES OSTRACA 91

o. Turin 9611 [unpubl.] No names


Dated: year 18 Ramesses III A very small fragment.
Names : ~ry-m'giy Mntw-msw O. University College London 176
ss 'Imn-nbtw Dated: year 2 of Sethnakhte Sethnakhte
ss 'b-pt Names: lfs-sw-nbw.f
The reign is undoubtedly that of Ramesses Ill. For Mentmose cf. 'nb-n-niwt lfwnwr
Hier. Ostr. 24, 1*, and for ~he scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy, lfiy, son of Si-WNyt
O. DeM. 232*. The scribe 'Akhpe does not occur many times, but cf. Nwb-m-wsbt (f)
Hier. Ostr. 34, 4, 3, of year 17, O. IFAO. 1030, 3, of year 18 TJ- 'it-mrwt (f)
[unpubl.], and Pap. Berlin 10 496, 16, of year 21.
o. Varille 4 [unpubl.]
O. Turin 9616 [unpubl.] Dated: year 2 mid XXth Dyn.
No date Ramesses III Names: ss [-*d?]lfr-Mnw
Name: lfiy iny-nbtw
For I:Iay cf. O. Cairo 25 655*. . .... . Ist (f)
O. Turin 9618 [unpubl.] fj'w (- ..... ?)
No date late XXth Dyn. ( ..... ?)-b'w
Name: ss fj'-m-~gt ~d-ibtwf
The scribe Kha'emhedje is the son of the scribe of the necropolis [Bw-]*ntwf
I:Iar-shire (cf. Hier. Ostr. 16, 2*); he lived at the end of the XXth The draughtsman I:Iarmin is well known (cf. Hier. Ostr. 86, 4*),
Dynasty (cf., e.g., Giornale dell'anno 17, B, rt. I, 2 = pI. 14, of but not a scribe of this name; perhaps therefore ss is a mistake for
year 17 of Ramesses IX; graff. 1109, of year 18 of Ramesses XI). ss-*d. To the mid XXth Dynasty belong also Anynakhte (cf. O. DeM.
593*) and ~edakhtef (cf. O. Berlin 10 665*), all three occurring in
O. Turin 9753 [unpubl.]
O. Berlin 12 654 [unpubl.] of a year 2, probably of Ramesses VI. 177
Dated: year 5 mid XXth Dyn.
The first fj'w either stands for Anberkhew (cf. Hier. Ostr. 67, 3*),
Names: lfiy
in which case the chief workman may be meant, or else it is the
~ry-m'giy Nb-smn
beginning of a name such as Kha'emnfm or Kha'emwese. The second
For the chief policeman Nebsmen cf. O. Gardiner 162*, and for .... khew is only the end of a name and may represent Anberkhew.
I:Iay O. Cairo 25 665*. In view of the scarcity of ostraca from the To the mid XXth Dynasty belongs also a Bu~entef (e.g., O. Brit. Mus.
early reign of Ramesses III it seems more probable that the year 5 is 50 730, vs. 4, of year I of Ramesses VI [unpubl.]), a namesake of the
of one of his successors. son of Nakhy from the XIXth Dynasty,178 and perhaps the same as
O. Turin 9765 : see O. DeM. 105 the 'brother' of Anberkhew the younger, mentioned in his tomb (no.
O. Turin 9781 + 9801 [unpubl.] 359), where I:Iarmin too occurs (cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1930,69).
No date XXth Dyn.? I know of no Tese at this period, if this is indeed what is intended.
Name: TJ-bikw (f) O. Varille 5 [unpubl.]
This name is not known to me from dated ostraca. CERNY, Grain No date XXth Dyn.?
Prices, 175 (no. 15) suggests that the text is «very probably XXth
Dynasty», apparently from the writing. [76 Published: SPIEGELBERG, Ancient Egypt, 1914, 106[, and KRI. V, 1·2,
[77 cr. tERN)', CAH2 " vo!. 11, ch, 35,10,
O. Turin 9783 [unpubl.] [78 Cr. Stockholm, stela 28 = MOGENSEN, Steles egypt, au Musee nat, de Stock·
No date ? holm, 45r. He is well known from ostraca, Cr. also Hier. Ostr. 65, 2*.
92 SOURCES OSTRACA 93

Names: Ifrl O. Vienne H 2 180


Nfr-~tpw Dated: year 3 mid XXth Dyn.
Both names are extremely common in the XXth Dynasty, and Names: '!mn-Iy'w
NeferQotpe also in the XIXth; no more than a very tentative ascription m'gJy'!mn-Iy'w
to the XXth Dynasty is therefore possible. Cf. O. Gardiner 158*. For Amenkhew cf. O. Colin Campbell 16*, and for the policeman
O. Varille 11 [unpubl.] Amenkhew O. DeM. 369*.
No date XIXth Dyn. ?
Name: TJ-tlyy 180 Published: GOEDlCKE, WZKM. 59/60, \964, pI. 11.
The name is unknown from the ostraca and stelae, but this is not
surprising since it is probably preceded by ~mt, 'female slave'. The use
of the 'piece' points to the XIXth Dynasty.
O. Varille 13 [unpubl.]
Dated: year 3 Merenptal::t/Amenmesse
Name: rml-lst PJ-nb
For Pneb as a workman cf. Hier. Ostr. 56, 2*. The ostracon may
date from the reign of MerenptaQ or that of Amenmesse-or possibly
even from that of Seth6s ll, during which Pneb became chief workman
(though in what year is unknown).
O. Varille 18 [unpubl.]
No date ?
No names
O. Varille 25 [unpubl.J Ramesses 11 I MerenptaQ
No date
Names: ... . m~yw (f)
... . R' (f)
Nfrw (f)
Nji-[-~tpw ?]
A second text on the verso has:
kJry Nfr-~tpw
. PJ-nb, son of Nfr-snwt
For this last cf. Hier. Ostr. 56,2* (also O. Varille 13*). The gardener
NeferQotpe appears not to be known. The woman's name ending in
.... emQeye may be I:lenemheye, quite common during the XIXth
Dynasty, while ..... re' may be Sherere'. To the same period belongs
the name Nofre (e.g., O. DeM. 209, 4, of year 2 of Amenmesse;
O. Varille 26, 9 [unpubl.J, of a year 2, probably-from the occurrence
of the chief workman NeferQotpe-of MerenptaQ or Amenmesse).179
All the names point to a date in the second half of the XIXth Dynasty.
179 Pneb is also mentioned. again without designation.
PAPYRI 95

viziers Nebma're'nakhte, who held office under Ramesses IX and XI


respectively.2 No workman called Maanakhtef is known later than
CHAPTER THREE year 3 of Ramesses V,3 and the papyrus may therefore have to be
dated to the earlier vizierate. The contents, as far as they survive,
PAPYRI seem to be related to those of Pap. DeM. no. 7 verso.

Pap. DeM. no. 23 [unpubJ.] ?


Pap. Ashmolean 1945.95: see the will of Naunakhte A palimpsest, written on one side only and partly illegible. No date,
Pap. Ashmolean 1958.111 [unpubJ.] Ramesses II no names.
This papyrus was formerly in the possession of Sir Alan Gardiner, Pap. Leiden I 352 XIXth Dyn.
and was presented by him to the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 1 The Published in transcription by CERNY, lEA. 23, 1937, 186ff., under
recto contains a text about bee-keepers and is dated to a year 36, the title "Restitution of, and Penalty attaching to, Stolen Property in
which from the writing cannot be other than of the reign of Ramesses lI. Ramesside Times". The text is not dated, but belongs to the XIXth
The verso contains a list of prices. Dynasty.4 Its provenance is unknown, though like the majority of the
Pap. Berlin 10 485 [unpubJ.] ? papyri in the former Anastasi collection it may have come from
Dated: year 3 Memphis. Whether it contains prices or merely weights is not clear.
A short text of only six lines, fragmentarily preserved. Pap. Mallet (= Pap. Louvre no. E 11 006)
Pap. Bulaq X (= Pap. Cairo 58 092) late XIXth / early XXth Dyn. Ramesses III / mid XXth Dyn.
For this text see lESHO. 11, 1968, 137 ff. Published in facsimile by MASPERO, Rec. Trav. 1, 1870, pis. I-IV.s
Col. I, which only contains prices, is dated to the period from year 31
Pap. Cairo 65 739 Ramesses II until year 3, i.e., from the last years of Ramesses III until those of
Published by GARDINER, lEA. 21, 1935, pis. 13-16 and pp. 140-146 Ramesses IV. The text was probably not written at Deir el-Medina,
("A Lawsuit Arising from the Purchase of Two Slaves"). The text is but elsewhere at Thebes.
dated to year 15 of Ramesses n.
The Mayer Papyri A and B (= Pap. Liverpool Nos M 11162 and
Pap. Chester Beatty I verso mid XXth Dyn. M 11186) A: Ramesses Xl
Published by GARDINER, The Library of A. Chester Reatty (London, Published in facsimile with transcriptions and translations by
1931). On the verso some business memoranda are jotted down, one T. E. PE ET (1920). Pap. Mayer A is dated to year 1 of the Wbm-mswt
of which (numbered 'section D' by GARDINER; cf. pI. 27 and § 14) era, i.e., year 19 of Ramesses XI. Pap. Mayer B, a fragment consisting
contains the record of the sale of an ox. The text is dated to a year 4 of one sheet inscribed only on the recto, is of unknown date. Both
of either Ramesses V or one of his successors. texts belong to the tomb robbery papyri.
Pap. DeM. no. 7 [unpubJ.] XXth Dyn. The Will of Naunakhte (= Pap. Ashmolean 1945.95 + .97 and Pap.
This papyrus, like the two following, was found by the French DeM. 2 A+B) Ramesses V
excavators at Deir el-Medina. It contains neither a date nor names. Four documents, published by CERNY, lEA. 31, 1945, pis. VIII-XII.
CERNY places it in the XXth Dynasty on palaeographical grounds. Documents I and IV, which contain some prices, are dated to year 3
Pap. DeM. no. 14 [unpubJ.] Ramesses IX of Ramesses V.
The papyrus has no date, but the verso, of which only three lines
survive, contains a letter to (?) a certain Maanakhtef from one of the 2 Cf. HELCK, Verwaltung, 335f. and 342ff. See also tERN)', BiDr. 19, 1962, 143b.
3 Will of Naunakhte, Doe. J, 3, 2 and IV, 2; cf. Hier. Dstr. 59, 4*'
4 Cf. tERN)', op. eit., 186, n. 2.
5 The letters of this papyrus now in BAKIR, Egyptian Epistolography, pIs. XXVII-
I Cf. tERN)', Prices and Wages, 911.
XXX.
96 SOURCES PAPYRI 97

Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1880 Ramesses III Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1885 vs.
(usually known as the Turin strike papyrus) A facsimile of this text is published by PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus
Published in facsimile by PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus de Turin, de Turin, pI. 72. Verso col. I contains the division of the property of
pis. 35-48, and transcribed by GARDINER, Ramesside Administrative the scribe Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy (cf. O. DeM. 232*), and is
Documents, 45-58. The verso contains some memoranda, of which the dated to a year 7, which may be of either Ramesses VI or VII.12
payment to a doctor and the distribution of property by Usibe (RAD. The first line of this col. I is, however, a separate entry, and mentions
47, 15 - 48, 8) contain prices. The date of the text is year 29 of the price of a gJwt given to To, probably the son of Amennakhte
Ramesses Ill. (cf. Hier. Ostr. 59, 4*) who is usually called To-shire. Although the
Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1881 Ramesses IX exact date of this separate entry is not specified, it will not have been
A rather long papyrus contammg, m its present state (it is a far removed from the same year 7.
palimpsest), a great variety of texts. 6 Some parts are published in Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1906 + 2047 + 1939 [unpubl.] late XXth Dyn.
facsimile by PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus de Turin, pis. 1-10, but of The verso of this text contains a price of what may be a bed (only
some columns only half the lines are given. Three memoranda contain a few signs are still legible). The papyrus is dated to a year 7 (recto),
pnces: and to three years 7, 8 and 9 (verso). The names, including a scribe
a) a long line in small characters written above cols. I-Ill of the of the mat I:I6ri,13 point to the reign of Ramesses IX or XI, or the
recto; 7 W~m-mswt era.

b) recto col. Ill; Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1907/8 Ramesses VI-VII
c) recto col. IV. Published by me, lEA. 52, 1966, pIs. XVI-XIX. Dated from year 5
The first and last of these texts are dated to a year 7 of a Pharaoh of Ramesses VI to year 7 of Ramesses VII.
whose name is not specified, but who was probably Ramesses IX, Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2003 14 Ramesses XI
since the names mentioned, e.g. the scribes 'Ankhefenkhonsu and Published, except for the beginnings of some lines of col. I, by
Amenbotpe,8 the chief workman I:Iarmose 9 and the chief policeman PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus de Turin, pI. 91. The occurrence of the
Khonsembab, are known from other documents of his reign. lo name of the scribe Dbutmose 15 shows that the text dates from the
Pap. Turin no. Cat. 1883 Ramesses IX very end of the XXth Dynasty, the year 3 in 1. I being therefore of
Published in facsimile by PLEYTE and ROSSI, Papyrus de Turin, pI. 29. either Ramesses XI or the W~m-mswt era.
The verso contains some prices (11.2-4), the text being dated to a Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2077 + 2024 + 2052 [unpubl.]
year 8, probably of Ramesses IX.II The chief workmen Nekhemmut (the No date Ramesses IX
younger; cf. Hier. Ostr. 61, 2*) and I:Iarmose (cf. Pap. Turin 1881*) Names: idnw PJ-'n[-~n]
occur on the recto. ['J-n-]lst Wsr-bps
ss n PJ [br] Ifrl
6 Cf. PEET, Griffith Studies, pis. 10 and 11 (a publica ton of two letters from the SJwty ~31[-g'rt]
papyrus). [ldnw] '[mn-b'w
7 Quoted by CERN)" Prices and Wages, 905 and n. 13; partly translated by PEET,
op. cit., 124f. lry- 'J 'n[ -~tpw ?]
8 Cf. O. Cairo 25 362*. B-n!J'my (f)
9 Known, e.g., from the Giornale dell'anno 17, A, rt. 3, I. Harmose was the son PJ-nbtw-rsy
of the chief workman Ani)erkhew the younger. .
10 Cf. also GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise., p. xx. 12 Cf. JEA. 52,1966,91 and n. 4.
11 Cf. PEET, BIFAO. 30, 1930, 490. Year 8 can only belong to the reign of 13 He also occurs in Pap. Turin 1881 *.
~amesses IX - unless Ramesses VII also reigned more than 7 years, which is not 14 Translated, incompletely, by HELCK, Materialien V, 846f.
Impossible. l5 Cf., e.g., CERN)" Late Ramesside Lellers, passim.
98 SOURCES

Several of these persons are mentioned in the Giornafe deII'anno 17,


of Ramesses IX---e.g., the scribe of the necropolis l:I6ri,16 the deputy
P'an\<en, the woman Tniidjme and the guard ~aydore. The deputy
Amenkhew 17 is not known to me later than a year 7, probably of
Ramesses VII. Usikhopesh, whose title is lost, is probably the chief
workman; cf., e.g., Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2007 (= PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 83 A),
of year 16 of Ramesses IX, and Pap. Abbott 5, 13, of the same year.
Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2081 + 2095 [unpubl.] Ramesses IV ?
The verso, col. 11, line 5, contains the price of an 'nb, the first
line of the col. being dated to a year 2. Names on the recto, e.g., those PART 11
of the scribe of the necropolis l:Iar-siJIre 18 and the deputy l:Iay, 19 point
to the mid XXth Dynasty, probably the reign of Ramesses IV. PRICES
Pap. Turin no. Cat. 2104 [unpubl.] mid XXth Dyn. ?
This papyrus contains on the recto three columns with the Calendar
of Lucky and Unlucky Days; on the verso at the left are two columns
of accounts (cols. 11 and Ill), and at the right, written at right
angles to the lines of the accounts, a long letter (col. I).
Col. 11 is dated, in line 1, to year 1 of a Pharaoh, whose name is
not specified. The next lines read: "To make known all the money
(bf!), which the scribe Amennakhte gave to the chief of the stable
..... ". This is not sufficient to indicate the reign, since there were
several scribes called Amennakhte; if he was the famous son of Ipuy,
the period may be the mid XXth Dynasty.
Pap. Turin, Giornale
This form of reference is used for the texts published by BOTTI and
PEET under the title If giornale della necropoli di Tebe (Torino, 1928).
The book contains three texts, one of year 13 and one of year 17 of
Ramesses IX, and the third of year 3 of Ramesses X. All three are
composed of several pieces, each of which bears a separate number in
the catalogue of the Turin Museum. For further information the reader
is referred to the publication.
Pap. Vienna no. 34 Ramesses 11
Published in facsimile by BERGMANN, Hieratische und hieratisch-
demotische Texte, pI. I, and dated to a year 13, which from the
writing is of the reign of Ramesses Ipo
16 cr. Hier. Oslr. 16, 2*'
17 Cf. O. DeM. 399*'
18 cr. Hier. Os/r. 16,2*.
19 cr. O. DeM. 146* and O. Gardiner 13S*'
20 cr. tERNY, Prices and Wages, 905.
CEREALS 113

different. For confirmation one may, however, refer to Hier.


Oslr. 22,2 (probably of the same time), where in line 5
CHAPTER TWO four mats are sold for 2 deben, to which 1/2 sniw will have
been roughly equivalent.
CEREALS No. 5) Hier. OSlr. 65,4 (Ram. Ill). The total of line 6 gives 1 sniw
and I khar 3 as the value together of 5 khar of emmer,
i.e. I khar = 1/4 sniw.
§ 6. Emmer (bdl) Although 1 deben per khar (or 1/4 sniw, which is about the same)
In 1934 tERNY published an article dealing with grain prices during may seem rather cheap, it is in agreement with two dated texts from
the Twentieth Dynasty. I Since then, of course, fresh data have become the later years of Ramesses Ill.
available, and it is also possible now to derive information from other No. 6) Hier. Oslr. 45,1,5 4 (year 28): 1 khar = 1 deben.
texts in which corn is mentioned, though without specific notation of No. 7) O. Cairo 25 242, 6 5 (year 29). In a partly illegible entry we
its price. We shall start with the prices of emmer (bdt), the grain used find: " ...... emmer, 1 khar, §bn sn 3 oip~, makes 1 deben" ,
for making bread. which means either 3 oip~ = 1 deben (as tERNY) or 1 khar =
From the late Nineteenth and early Twentieth Dynasty there are 1 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 1 or 1 1/3 deben.
five references from which a price can be calculated four times in
sniw and once in deben, though none of them, u~fortunately, IS
From the texts of the mid Twentieth Dynasty, a period including the
completely certain. reigns from Ramesses IV to VII-in which it is also possible, owing
to the difficulty of dating, that one of the texts assigned above to the
No. 1) ? Cairo 25 725 (late XIXth Dyn.). In line 5 a sgy-garment later years of Ramesses III should in fact be placed-we have a series
IS valued at 1 + 5 khar of emmer, while in the next line 2
of prices between 1 1/4 and 2 deben.
sgy-garments are exchanged for a calf at 4 + 2 sniw. The
No. 8) O. Cairo 25 606, 2-3. 6 A kbs-basket filled with emmer =
conclusion would seem to be that 6 khar are equivalent to
2 deben, which would mean, since the usual price of a kbs
1/2 X 6 sniw, i.e. 1 khar = 1/2 sniw.
was 1 deben and its capacity 1/2 khar,7 that the price of
No. 2) O. DeM., Gr. Puits, b 2 (XIXth / early XXth Dyn.). In a
1 khar = 2 deben.
broken text we find: "2 1/2 khar of emmer (the word bdt
No. 9) Pap. Turin 2104, vs. Ill, 10: 4 khar of emmer 8 = 5 deben,
is lost, but the number is written in red) costs 1 sniw", i.e.
1 khar = 2/5 sniw.
i.e. 1 khar = 11/4 deben.
No. 10) O. DeM. 223, 6-7 9 : 1 1/2 khar of emmer = 2 deben, i.e.
No. 3) O. DeM. 552 (XIXth / early XXth Dyn.). In 11. 6-7 two khar
1 khar = 1 1/3 deben.
of emmer and two khar of barley are together valued at
No. 11) O. Cairo 25 585 10 : in line 4 three oip~ of emmer cost
4 deben, 2 which means-assuming both kinds of grain to have
been the same price (for which there are several proofs; cf.
p. 130)--that 1 khar = 1 deben. 3 Cf. p. 103.
No. 4) O. DeM. 553 (early Ram. Ill?). In line 3 a khar of emmer 4 Grain Prices, 174, no. 2.
5 Ibid., no. 3; cf. CERNY'S transcription, BIFAO. 27,1927, 180.
and 4 mats are together valued at 1 snlw. Since 4 mats may 6 This text is vaguely dated above either within the reign of Ramesses III or
have cost 1/2 snlw (cf. O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 5 and pp. slightly later.
155 ff.) there would then remain 1/2 sniw for 1 khar of emmer 7 Cf., e.g., O. DeM. 213, 5; for the price of the kbs, cf. ch. III, § 12.
8 Although the first sign of this word is lost in the original, the restoration bdt is
though with another price for the mats the result would b;
certain.
9 Grain Prices, 175, no. 4.
10 Ibid., no. 5. The text is vaguely dated in the XXth Dynasty, but probably
1 Archiv Orientdlni 6, 1934, 173 ff., quoted below as Grain Prices.
2 Cf. p. 102, note 8. belongs to this period.
114 PRICES
CEREALS 115

deben, but in the next line one khar costs 2 deben, i.e. No. 20) Pap. Tl.Jrin 1907/8 (Ram. VII). In four entries 16 the price is
1 khar = 1 1/3 or 2 deben. 4 deben per khar, while in two others 17 an even higher
No. 12) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, col. Ill: 3 khar of emmer = 5 deben, price is mentioned.
i.e. 1 khar = 1 2/3 deben. No. 21) Pap. Turin 1881 18 (year 7 of Ram. IX): 30 khar of emmer
No. 13) O. DeM. 195, 3: 3 khar of emmer = 5 deben, i.e. 1 khar appear to be the equivalent of 80 + 10 (or 20, or 30)
= 1 2/3 deben; in vs. 2 one khar of emmer and a kbs- deben of copper, which means that 1 khar = 3, or 3 1/ 3, or
basket are together valued at 2 deben, which means that 3 2/3 deben.
1 khar = 1 deben. No. 22) Pap. DeM. 14, 2 (Ram. IX): six khar cost 24 deben, i.e.
No. 14) Hier. Ostr. 18, 3 11 : according to the total, the 2 oipe of 1 khar = 4 deben.
emmer in line 7 are valued at 1 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben. No. 23) Pap. DeM. 7, vs. 3 (Ram. IX?): two khar cost 24(?) deben,l9
No. 15) O. Berlin [C], 3 12 : 2 oipe of emmer = 1 deben, i.e. 1 khar i.e. 1 khar = 12 deben.
= 2 deben.
No. 24) Pap. Turin, Giornale 17 B (year 17 of Ram. IX). In four
16 No. 16) O. Berlin 10 6S5, 3 : 5 khar of emmer and 2 mats = 10 deben, entries, vs. 8, 30 and 39, vs. 9, 22 and 25, the price is
which, since a mat usually costs 1/2 deben, would mean that consistently 4 deben per khar.
the grain is 9 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 1 4/ s deben. No. 25) Pap. Turin 2003, I, 4 20 (year 3 of Ram. XI): one khar of
No. 17) Pap. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 2: 10 khar and 3 1/2 oipe (of emmer costs 2 deben, while in line 7 five and a quarter
emmer, as shown by the red ink) cost, from the total of \ khar cost 10 1/2 deben, i.e. in both instances 1 khar = 2 deben.
line 3, 10 deben, and since it is possible that the small No. 26) O. Berlin 12405,6 21 (late XXth Dyn.): 1 khar = 2 deben.
quantity of 3 1/2 oipe was virtually neglected, 13 this means
that 1 khar = c. 1 deben. There remain four other examples of emmer-prices, which are not
datable with any certainty. One of them may belong to the reign of
No. 18) Hier. Ostr. 36, 1, vs. I, 5 14 : 1 kbs-basket filled with emmer
Ramesses III or the mid Twentieth Dynasty.
= 2 deben, i.e. (see above, no. 8) I khar = 2 deben.

The arrangement of the nos. 8-18 is rather arbitrary, except for the
No. 27) O. Gardiner 238, 5: 1/2 khar 22 of emmer = 1 deben, i.e.
1 khar = 2 deben.
last, since this ostracon marks the end of the period. No conclusions
may therefore be drawn about any gradual rise in the price of emmer, Two of them seem, by comparison with other prices, to belong to
as is clear from the fact that even the first example, no. 8, which could the latter part of the mid Twentieth Dynasty.
still belong to the reign of Ramesses Ill, incorporates the higher price No. 28) Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, 8 23 : 1 1/2 khar of emmer = 8 deben, i.e.
of 2 deben per khar. For the time from Ramesses VII onwards , on the 1 khar = 5 1/3 deben.
other hand, the indications of a steep rise in the price are fairly
conclusive, as the following instances show.
would mean I khar = 2 617 deben. However, from the facsimile (pI. XLVI) one
No. 19) O. Cairo 25 588, 7 (mid XXth Dyn.): 1 oipe in exchange could as well read 1/4 instead of 3/ 4 , which would give the same price as in line 7.
for 1 deben, i.e. I khar = 4 deben. ls That emmer is meant in both instances is clear from the statement in line I (ef. p. 110).
16 Rt. 11, 7, 11, 12, 18; cf. the text in JEA. 52, 1966, pI. XVI and XVI A.
17 Rt. n, 16: 8 dehen per khar; rt. I, 15: 13/ 4 khar for 16 deben. If however,
II Ibid., no. 7. Like CERNY I would suppose that the deleted '"one" In line 6 3/4 khar is reckoned for I khar, as it is elsewhere (cf. lEA. 52, 1966, p. 93), then there
was originally reckoned into the total. again the price is 8 dehen per khar.
12 Ibid., no. 6.
IS Cf. PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. IX = Griffith Studies, pI. 11,6-8.
13 See also p. 268, no. 12. 19 Written ~ II1 ~ at the end of the line, i.e. with room for 24.
14 Dated to a year 7, which may be of either Ramesses VI or VII, though if it 20 Grain Prices, 175, no. i2.
is of the latter there is a sharp contrast with the price in no. 20 below; cf. p. 125, note 69. 21 Ibid., no. 11.

IS Grain Prices, 175, no. 9. Only this price is mentioned, but in CERNY'S transcrip- 22 Although the text is not quite clear this reading seems the most probable.
tion of the text 11. 5-6 runs '"13/ 4 khar in exchange for 5 deben of copper", which 23 Grain Prices, no. 13.
116 PRICES CEREALS 117

No. 29) Hier. Ostr. 57, 1 vs. 1-2: 3 oipif of emI\ler m exchange tor false impression of accuracy and exactitude 27 as compared with the real
5 deben of copper, i.e. 1 khar = 6 2/3 deben. uncertainty in dating most of the texts.
The fourth undatable emmer-price could equally well belong to the
early part of the mid Twentieth Dynasty as to its end, but other prices § 7. The Emmer Prices and the Season
in the same text point to the latter alternative.
It is of some importance to consider whether there are any indications
No. 30) O. Gardiner 172, 4: 2 oipif = 1 (sc. deben), i.e. 1 khar = of a seasonal fluctuation in the emmer-prices, whether, that is, the
2 deben. prices are higher before than after the harvest, which took place in
These thirty examples may be compared briefly with emmer-prices the months of April and May. Some of the thirty texts quoted above
from other places and earlier periods. In Pap. Cairo 58 071, of the are in fact dated to a specific month and day in the reign of a Pharaoh,
fourth year of Amenophis 11 24 we find (vs. 4) that 7 1/2 khar of emmer who mayor may not be mentioned, and in order to convert the Egyptian
is valued at 11/2 sniw (or sn'), and since (according to vs. 4-5) date into the corresponding one of the Julian calendar we shall
4 deben of copper = 1/2 sniw (sn'), the price of 1 khar of emmer is here follow the chronological table drawn up by HORNUNG in his
I 3/ 5 deben of copper. In Pap. Cairo 58 056, from Abusir and of Untersuchungen zur Chronologie und Geschichte des neuen Reiches. 28 The
Nineteenth Dynasty date, 25 80 deben of copper are equated with 80 khar point of departure is the day of accession of Ramesses IV, i.e. the
of emmer, which means that 1 khar = I deben. As a third example one day following the death of Ramesses Ill, namely III smw 15, for which
may refer to Pap. Berlin 9784 of year 27 of Amenophis 111,26 where HORNUNG has calculated the 17th of April, 1153 B.C. as the most

(in line 7) 6 khar of barley and 8 khar of emmer are said to cost probable date. Even if the year is not absolutely correct, the deviation
4 sniw (sn'). Since at that period the .!lID was equivalent to 8 1/3 deben can only be small and will not greatly affect any calculation of the
of copper, the price of barley and emmer, assuming their value to have season.
been the same, was about 2 deben per khar. Starting from this point we may arrive at the following approximate
From these three 'outside' instances one should conclude no more dates:
than that a price of I to 2 deben of copper per khar may be considered No. 6) Hier. Ostr. 45, 1 (l khar = 1 deben)
as normal. ~ndications of a somewhat higher level at the end of the Dated: IV smw 10 of year 28 of Ramesses III = May 13
Nineteenth bynasty (nos. I and 4, both 1/2 snlw = 2 1/ 2-3 deben) are No. 7) O. Cairo 25 242 (1 khar = 1 or 11/3 deben)
not altogether conclusive, since another text (no. 3) of about the same Dated: IV 3bt 20 of year 29 of Ramesses III = September 24
time gives a lower price of 1 deben, which seems also to be the normal No. 16) O. Berlin 10 665 (l khar = 1 4/5 deben)
value of emmer in the reign of Ramesses III (nos. 5, 6 and 7). During Dated: III 3bt 22 of a year 1, mid XXth Dyn. (± 1140) =
the following period the prices fluctuate between 1 and 2 deben, until August/September
at the end of the middle phase of the Twentieth Dynasty (Ramesses VII) No. 18) Hier. Os!r. 36, I (l khar = 2 deben)
a sharp rise brings them to 8 and even 12 deben per khar, while at the
end of the Dynasty the normal upper level of 2 deben again prevails.
These results are generally in agreement with the conclusions drawn
by tERNY in his much-quoted article. tERNY even produced a graphic 27 N0te, e.g., that his nos. 2 and 3 in the graph (p. 176) are in fact only four

diagram of these prices, but it seems to me that this might create a months apart, which would produce a far steeper line than indicated. In my opinion
some lower prices are likely to belong between nos. 2 and 3.
28 Table on pp. 108-9. It is of some importance whether HORNUNG is right in taking

24 Cf. Prices and Wages, 911. note 29. This papyrus was formerly known as Pap. 1290 B.c. as the first year of Ramesses 11, or whether RowToN is more correct in
Bulaq XII. accepting the higher date of 1304 B.c. (CAH 2 • vol. I, ch. VI, p. 19). However. a
25 Grain Prices, 173, no. 1. difference of 14 years. together with minor differences in the lengths of succeeding
26 Published by GARDINER, ZAS. 43, 1906, 27ff. Cf. also THEODORIDES, RIDA. reigns, produces only small deviations of a few days, which do not materially influence
15, 1968,61 ff. conclusions as to the season.
CEREALS 119
118 PRICES

Dated: III smw 2 of year 7 29 of Ramesses VI or VII to assume a scribal error is hardly possible, since the price of barley
(± 1130) = end March in rt. 11, 16 is also abnormally high.
No. 19) O. Cairo 25 588 (1 khar = 4 deben)
Dated between 11 prt and 11 smw of a year 2, mid XXth §8. Barley (it)
Dyn. (± 1130) = between November and March. Barley was the principal grain used for brewing beer in ancient
No. 21) Pap. Turin 1881 (l khar = 3, or 3 1/ 3, or 3 2/3 deben) Egypt, and for some reason which now escapes us the prices of
Dated: IV Jot of y~ar 7 of Ramesses IX (± 1120) = early commodities are sometimes expressed in terms of khar and oip~ of
September barley, although the consumption of emmer was certainly greater, the
No. 24) Pap. Turin, Giornale 17 B (l khar = 4 de ben) workmen of the Village, for instance, having received more emmer
Dated: I prt 3-11 of year 17 of Ramesses IX (± 1110) monthly than barley.34 One cannot in fact ignore the possibility
= September/October mentioned above that where the price is merely expressed in khar, written
No. 25) Pap. Turin 2003 (1 khar = 2 deben) in black, corn generally rather than barley may be intended (in spite
Dated: I Jljt 20 of year 3 of Ramesses XI (± 1096) = of the black ink), but since there is no proof, we shall treat the khar-
May/June prices below as barley-prices.
All the prices in these dated texts are in agreement with the usual In the ostraca and papyri when real barley is meant, and not barley
price in the relevant period. Unfortunately, one only, no. 18, dates from as a unit of value, the word is written it-m-it, "barley as barley", which
the harvest-time or perhaps just before, but its price, which is normal, makes the distinction easy. We shall therefore consider first the real
cannot indicate anything. The various entries of no. 19 are not dated barley prices, and reserve the khar-prices, from which the value of the
separately, so that no conclusion is possible. The only text from which grain itself can be calculated, to the following section.
we may look for significant information is Pap. Turin 1907/8 (no. 20) The series begins with four examples from the Nineteenth Dynasty.
of the reign of Ramesses VII,30 since here at least three entries No. 1) Pap. Ashmolean 1958.111 (year 36 of Ram. 1I): vs. 15 states
from two consecutive years are dated. that 8 khar of corn (ss) and 12 bundles of vegetables
Rt. n, 7 (l khar = 4 deben). Dated: I Jll! 10, year 4 = June (c. 10th) together cost 8 sniw, and since in vs. 18 twelve bundles are
Rt. n, 16 (l khar = 8 deben). Dated: n prt 20,31 year 4 = mid valued at 4 snlw there remains 4 snlw for the corn. The black
November ink indicates that it is barley, the price of which is then
Rt. 11, 18 (l khar = 4 deben). Dated: I or 11 smw 5, year 5 32 = I khar = 1/2 snlw.
February or March No. 2) Hier. Ostr. 56,2,4-5 (Ram. 11 / Merenpta!:t) : 2 oip~ of barley
tERN\' attempted to explain the high price of rt. 11, 16 by its date and 2 oip~ (for a pair of sandals) = 1/2 sniw, i.e. 1 khar
following the Inundation, but logically the price of 11, 18 would then = 1/2 sniw.
have to be higher still, since this entry is later in the agricultural No. 3) O. DeM. 215, 4 (year 1 of Seth6s 11 / Sipta!:t): I khar of
year.33 I can suggest no reasonable explanation of this problem, and barley 35 = 3 sniw (?).
No. 4) O. Cairo 25 543, 6 (late XIXth Dyn.?): in this abnormal
29 The verso is not dated, but while the first part of the recto is dated to x jar 3, text 36 one reads: "silver as silver, 1 deben, makes 21 (or 25) 37
line 8 contains the date III srnw (day lost). This is probably the same date as that
oip~", which if the siIver:copper ratio is 1:60 means that I
mentioned on the edge of the ostracon, namely III srnw 2 of a year 7, and one may
assume that the verso also refers to this day. khar = ± 10 (± 12) deben of copper.
30 Grain Prices, 177f.

31 Cf. lEA. 52, 1966,87, note hh.


34 Prices and Wages, 917[f. and below, p. 460.
32 Ibid., note ii. That the month has to be I or Il srnw is certain from the next
35 According to CERNY'S transcription, the signs for barley are uncertain and ft
entry, which mentions III srnw 3. is lost. Since the price is also unusual there is ample room for doubt.
33 CERNY did not refer to this date, since he failed to recognize that only I or II 36 Cf. p. 102, note 6.
37 Uncertain; cf. CERNY'S transcription.
srnw are possible.
120 PRICES CEREALS 121

The last two prices seem extraordinarily high, and one would be No. 14) O. DeM. 411, 2: 2 khar of barley = 5 deben, i.e. 1 khar =
inclined to doubt their correctness or to assume some unusual 2 1/2 deben.
circumstances, particularly when comparing them with the succeeding No. 15) O. Turin 9781 + 9801,5: 46 1 khar 47 of barley = 5 deben.
examples from the same period. Whether they can be explained in The remaining instances all date from the second half of the
relation to the particular period in the agricultural year will be
Twentieth Dynasty.
considered below.
No. 16) Pap. Turin 1907/8 48 (Ram. VII): in four entries the price
No. 5) O. DeM., Gr. Puil.s, a, 2 (XIXth/early XXth Dyn.) : 2 khar of barley is 8 deben per khar, but higher prices also
of barley = 1 sniw, i.e. 1 khar = 112 sniw. OCCUr.
49
No. 6) O. Michael. 14,2-3 (late XIXth Dyn.) : 1 khar of barley and No. 17) Pap. DeM. 7, vs. 8 50 (Ram. IX ?): "1 oiptr 51 of barley as
3 hin of fat 38 = 1 sniw, which if the three hin are valued barley makes 1 deben", i.e. 1 khar = 4 deben.
at 1/2 sniw 39 would mean: 1 khar = 1/2 sniw. No. 18) Pap. Turin 1881 (year 7 of Ram. IX): in the line over
No. 7) O. DeM. 552,6-7 40 (XIXth/early XXth Dyn.): 2 khar of cols. I-Ill we read that 1 kittr of fine gold is equivalent
emmer and 2 khar of barley = 4 deben, which if barley and to 5 khar, 4 kittr of silver to 6 khar, and 20 deben of copper
emmer are of the same value means: 1 khar = 1 deben. to 5 khar,52 which means that I khar 53 = 4 deben of
No. 8) O. Gardiner fragm. 123, 5 (Ram. Ill): 2 oiptr of barley copper.
= 1 (sc. deben), i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben. No. 19) Pap. Turin, Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 29 54 (year 17 of Ram. IX) :
No. 9) Hier. Ostr. 19, 3, 3 (Ram. III / mid XXth Dyn.): "2 kbs- 2 khar of barley = 7 deben, i.e. I khar = 3 1/2 deben.
baskets filled with barley as barley, makes 4 deben"; as No. 20) Pap. Turin 2003, I, 5 55 (year 3 of Ram. XI): 1 khar of
stated above,41 1 kbs costs 1 deben and contains 112 khar, barley = 2 deben.
i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben.
No. 10) O. Cairo 25 606, 3_442 (Ram. III / mid XXth Dyn.): 1
kbs-basket filled with barley, makes 2 deben", i.e. 1 khar =
46 Grain Prices, 175, no. 15.
2 deben. 47 Thus (:ERN), : for "one" the original text has only a short, thick, oblique stroke,
No. 11) O. Gardiner 296, 1 (Ram. III / mid XXth Dyn.): 2 khar which might also stand for "one oipe'", though I khar appears more probable; the
of barley = 5 (sc. deben), i.e. 1 khar = 2 1/2 deben. sign for khar is missing.
48 Grain Prices, 175, no. 16; cf. emmer, no. 20, above.
No. 12) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, col. III 43 (mid XXth Dyn.): "barley a~ 49 Rt. II, 12: 8 2/ 3 deben per khar; rt. n, 16: 24 (!) deben per khar: note that
barley, khar, 44 makes 2 (sc. deben)", i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben. in the latter entry the price of emmer too is extraordinarily high. In rt. I, 14 a
No. 13) O. Berlin [C], 2_3 45 (mid XXth Dyn.): 21/2 khar of price of barley may also be mentioned. There 3/ 4 oipe is valued at 2 deben, which
would mean \0 2/ 3 deben per khar, unless 3/ 4 oipe is reckoned as I khar (cf. p. 115,
barley = 6 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 2 2/5 deben. note 17), in which case I khar is again 8 deben.
50 Cf. emmer, no. 23, above.
The next two instances are not datable, but it may be that they 51 Written exceptionally ~.,o, it-rn-it. The number is I (not.), but since the word
belong here, as the prices appear to indicate. oipe is specifically used (and not the usual writing ft) I take it that I oipe IS meant
and not 1 khar.
52 From these data (:ERN), calculated the ratio between gold, silver and copper
38 The transcription of GOEDICKE and WENTE does not make sense: read ~?t at the end of the Twentieth Dynasty; cf. Prices and Wages, 905f., and above, p. 106.
instead of !:: i>1 (see the facsimile). 53 Since the type of grain is not mentioned, barley will be meant.
39 Cf. § 104 below. 54 Giornaie, pI. 41; cf. Grain Prices, 176, no. 17, and above, emmer, no. 24. In the
40 Cf. em mer, no. 3, above. same papyrus, vs. 4, 24 = pI. 34 (of the first months of year 17) we find the strange
41 P. 1l3. entry iw 11 + 3/ 4 + [/8 ss iri.n dbn 850, "entered 11 7/8 (x of] corn, makes
42 Cf. emmer, no. 8, above. 850 deben". It is clear that the unit with which the corn is measured cannot be the
43 Ibid., no. 12. khar, since one unit costs c. 711/2 deben - more than twenty times the value found
44 Sic! One khar is certainly meant. above. I cannot suggest what may be the explanation of this entry.
45 Grain Prices, 175, no. 14; cf. above, emmer, no. 15. 55 Cr. Grain Prices, 176, no. 19, and above, em mer, no. 25.
11I!!II!III!JJ!I

122 PRICES CEREALS 123

No. 21) O. Berlin 12405, 6 56 (late XXth Dyn.): 4 khar of barley For the sake of clarity we shall identify these examples by letters.
= 8 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 2 deben. a) Hier. Ostr. 20, 2 (XIXth Dyn. ?). In 11. 7-8 a large irgs-basket
No. 22) O. Gardiner 172, 8 57 (late XXth Dyn.?): I oipe of barley costs 1 3/4 khaT and an '*w (whatever that may be) 1 oip~, and
= 1 deben, i.e. 1 khar = 4 deben. the two are valued together at 2 sniw, i.e. 1 khaT = 1 sniw.
No. 23) Pap. Mayer A, 9, 16-17 (year 2 of Repeating of Births): b) O. Turin 9609 (XIXth Dyn. ?). The beginning of line 7 is lost, but
3 khar of barley for 2 kit~ of silver, 58 i.e. (at a silver:copper from what remains it appears that an object valued at 11/2 khaT
ratio of 1:60) 12 deoen of copper, which means 1 khar = costs 1 sniw, i.e. 1 khaT = 2/3 sniw.
4 deben. c) O. Gardiner 286 (second half of XIXth Dyn.). Three bJiw-bags
No. 24) O. IFAO. 1286, 3 (late XXth Dyn.): "(barley) as barley, are exchanged for a dnit-basket, a mat, and a combined mndm
2 khar, makes 2 (+ x) 59 deben " , i.e. 1 khar = 1-2 deben + n*r, all valued together at 2 1/2 khar. The dnit is said to
(probably 2 deben). cost 1/2 (sniw), and the other two entries are valued at 11/4 and
1/4 khaT, which means that 1 khar is equal to 1/2 snlw.
The conclusions that may be drawn from these twenty-four barley
d) O. DeM. 50 (late XIXth Dyn.). In 11. 3-4 a mat and a kbs-basket
prices agree with those from the emmer prices, as far as the Twentieth
are valued together at 2 Oip~,61 and a piece of rope at 1 oip~,
Dynasty is concerned. One recognizes a steady price of 2 deben under
making in all 1/2 sniw, i.e. 1 khar = 2/3 sniw. This is shown
Ramesses Ill, a rise afterwards, a period of inflation in the reign of
by the total of 3 1/2 sniw, made up of 3 sniw + 1 hin (= 1/6 sniw)
Ramesses VII and immediately following, and a return to lower prices
at the end of the Dynasty-although the low prices seem then to have
+ 2 oip~, which means that 2 oip~ = 1/3 sniw.
e) O. Cairo 25 572 (late XIXth Dyn.). Unless the deleted line vs. 11
been less constant than those of emmer. The situation during the
was intended to add anything, the total of vs. 14 (4 1/2 sniw +
Nineteenth Dynasty appears, however, confusing (cf. nos. 1-7), very
1 hin) is the equivalent of 3 1/2 sniw + 9 oip~, which means
high prices occurring side by side with lower ones. 60 Whether seasonal
that 1 1h sniw = 9 oip~, or 1 khar = c. 1/2 snlw. If in the same
fluctuation may be involved will be considered below. In the following
text the last uncertain sign of rt. 4 means 2 oip~, then the 2 sniw
section we shall find indications of an analogous situation when barley
of the total (rt. 9) are the equivalent of 1 sniw + 8 oip~, i.e.
is used as unit of value, and as in the case of emmer I am inclined to
1 khar = 1/2 snlw. A third indication of this value is found by
see in the barley prices also some proof of inflation at the end of the
comparison of vs. 5 (4 mats = 1/2 snlw) with rt. 6 (1 mat =
Nineteenth Dynasty, although less obviously than during the reign
1 oip~), i.e. I khar = 1/2 snlw.
of Ramesses VII and his successors.
Rt. 3, however, states that 2 oip~ of barley as barley (+)
3 oip~ (of emmer) 62 (+?) 1 mat = 1/2 snlw, and if the mat is
§9. Barley as a Unit of Value
again valued at 1 oip~ (of barley), then 3 oip~ of barley + 3 oip~
When grain is used as a unit of value the type of grain is never of emmer = 1/2 sniw, which-given approximately the same value
expressed, but only khar and oip~ are mentioned. In these instances for either grain-means that I khar = 1/3 snlw. Such reasoning
the value of the khar has always to be calculated, since by the very is, however, so full of uncertainties, that it cannot outweigh the
nature of the entries the price of the grain is never indicated. three other instances.
f) Hier. Ostr. 86, 3 and O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E (late XIXth Dyn.).
56 Cr. Grain Prices, 176, no. 18, and above, emmer, no. 26. Since both texts relate to the same transaction it would appear
57 Cr. above, emmer, no. 30. that the 'nb, which according to the first costs 2 deben, is also
58 Cf. PEET, Pap. Mayer, 15; tERNY, Prices and Wages, 913, note 35; BAER,
JARCE. I, 1962,37, note 79. the one valued in the Brooklyn ostracon at 1 khaT, and that
59 X may be either 0, I, or 2. consequently 1 khar = 2 deben.
60 There is one piece of evidence that in earlier times the 'normal' price of barley
was also, like that of emmer, 2 deben per khar, namely Pap. Berlin 9784, 7 (year 27 61 The same price, 2 oipe, appears for two khs-baskets in line 5.
of Amenophis IIJ); cf. p. 116. 62 3 oipe, written in red ink.
124 PRICES CEREALS 125

g) Hier. Ostr. 54, 2, 3-4 (Ram. Ill). A quantity of wood is valued between the khar and the snlw is, however, less clear. While bearing
at 1 snlw, and-if my interpretation is correct-the counter-value in mind that the Egyptians were less exact in these matters than one
of this, consisting of I pair of sandals, I beam (siy) , and I kbs- would expect, the values of 1/2 sniw (c and e) and 1/3 sniw (d) would
basket, is 10 oip~, so 1 khar = 2/5 snlw. seem to be more or less equal to 2 deben, while even allowing a ratio
h) O. Cairo 25 602 (Ram. Ill?). The total (verso) is 25 1 / 2 deben, of 4 deben of copper to I snlw the khar appears in b C/3 snlw) to be
which is obtained by adding together 24 deben 1 hin of rnrht and the equivalent of 2 2/3 deben. Example a, which is not readily datable,
2 oip~, and since 1 hin of rnrl:zt usually costs 1 / ~ deben (see below) provides an even higher value of at least 4 deben.
this means that 24 1/2 deben + 2 oipe = 25 1/2 deben, i.e. I khar = The conclusion must surely be that, except at the end of the
2 deben. Nineteenth Dynasty, one is entitled to reckon 1 khar as equal to 2 deben,
i) Hier. Ostr. 72, 3 (year 23 of Ram. Ill). The hire of a donkey when the khar is used as unit of value. 67 Whether this may also have
from I prt 24 until IV prt 15, i.e. for a period of 80 days, costs been the case in circumstances where the value of an actual khar of
20 deben (vs. 1). But HELCK (Materialien Ill, 495ff.) has pointed barley was higher than 2 deben-in other words, whether the khar as
out from O. DeM. 69, 2 (mid XXth Dyn.) that the daily rent for a unit had a fixed value, quite independent of the fluctuation of grain
a donkey was probably 1/2 oip~(see also line 7). Combining these prices-cannot be proved owing to the absence of texts in which barley
the result would be: 1 khar = 2 deben. as grain and as a unit occur together. 68 A possible indication that
j) Pap. Turin 1880 (the Turin strike pap., dated in year 29 of such was the case may be seen in example rn, since here the khar is
Ram. IJI). The total of vs. 5, 12 gives 22 deben of copper, the equivalent of 2 deben, while we know that during the reign of
obtained by adding 20 1/ 2 63 deben and 4 oip~, which would mean Ramesses VII the price of barley rose to 8, and even to 24 de ben
that I khar = 1 1/2 deben. If, however, the curious sign in line 7 per khar (cf. no. 16), though it should be noted that these exceptional
indicates that for some reason no price was reckoned for this barley prices do not, like example rn, belong to the seventh year.
entry, then the total is 20 deben + 4 oip~, meaning that 1 khar Shortly afterwards, however, in the reign of Ramesses IX, prices of 4
= 2 deben. and 3 1/2 deben per khar are mentioned, which are still double the
k) .0. DeM. 195 64 (mid XXth Dyn.). The total of line 6 amounts present 2 deben or nearly SO,69 and I should therefore prefer, albeit
to 10 1/2 deben of copper, while from the text it appears that _ with some hesitation, to see in example rn a suggestion that the khar as
1/2 deben is equivalent to 1 oip~ (the price of 1 hin of fat), i.e. a unit was not in fact influenced by the real barley prices of the year,
1 khar = 2 deben. and was therefore purely a unit of account.
I) O. Berlin 10655 65 (mid XXth Dyn.). The total of vs. 3 amounts
§ 10. The Barley Prices and the Season
again to 10 1/2 deben,66 obtained by adding 10 deben (rt. 5-
vs. I) and 1 oip~, i.e. I khar = 2 deben. We shall now attempt to establish the season of the various price-
m) O. Strasbourg H 84 (year 7 of Ram. VII). The total in line 13 quotations for barley, so far as dates are mentioned, in order to see
gives 83 deben, while all the entries together amount to 82 deben whether high or low prices may be in this way explained. The same
and 2 oip~ of barley (line 9), which means that 2 oip~ = I deben, method will be followed as for the emmer prices above.
i.e. I khar = 2 deben.
67 Thus also CERNY ; cL p. Ill.
In comparing these data one sees that the value of one khar when 68 The only instance known to me is O. DeM. 215, where in line 5 a kbs is
used as standard of value, is the equivalent of 2 deben. The relation valued at the usual price of 1/2 khar, while the barley itself (line 4) costs 3 sniw per
khar. though the reading is not completely beyond doubt (cL p. 119. note 35). If,
63 1/2 deben is questionable for the price in line 7; GARDINER transcribes ~. however, it is correct, this ostracon constitutes a proof of our hypothesis.
Elsewhere a §bd costs I or 2 deben (see p. 383). 69 It may here be useful to draw attention to the low emmer price of no. 18,

64 CL emmer, no. 13, above. which is dated to a year 7 of either Ramesses VI or VII. If the latter reign is intended
65 CL emmer, no. 16, above. there are then two instances in which the grain price was low during the very years
66 The publication has 15, but see the facsimile. which are supposed to have been a period of inflation.
126 PRICES CEREALS 127

No. 3) O. DeM. 215 (1 khar = 3 sniw ?) exceptionally high, the ordinary prices at the end of the Nineteenth
Dated: 11 smw 30 of a year 1 of either Sethos 11 or Siptab Dynasty were also well above the normal level of 2 deben per khar.
(± 1200) = mid April Of barley used as a unit of value we possess four examples where
No. 6) O. Michael. 14 (1 khar = 1/2 sniw) dates are mentioned.
Dated: III or IV jot 29, late XIXth Dyn. (± 1190) = mid i) Hier. Ostr. 72, 3 (1 khar = 2 deben)
September or mid October Dated: I prt 24 to IV prt 15 of year 23 of Ram. III
No. 19) Pap. Turin, Giornalc 17 B 70 (1 khar = 3 1/2 deben) October 30 - January 19
Dated: I prt 3 of year 17 of Ram. IX (± 1110) = end of j) Pap. Turin 1880 (1 khar = 1 1/2 or 2 deben)
September Dated: IV jot 30 of year 29 of Ram. III = October 5
No. 20) Pap. Turin 2003 71 (1 khar = 2 deben) I) O. Berlin 10 665 73 (1 khar = 2 deben)
Dated: I jot 20 of year 3 of Ram. XI (± 1095) May/ Dated: III jot 22 of a year I, mid XXth Dyn. (± 1140)
June August/September
No. 16) Pap. Turin 1907/8 m) O. Strasbourg H 84 (1 khar = 2 deben)
The significant data from this text are like those for Dated: 11 smw 16 of year 7 of Ram. VII = mid March
emmer 72 :
If example j in fact would contain the unusual price of 1 1/2 deben,74
Rt. 11, 8 (1 khar = 8 deben). Dated: I jot 10, year 4
= June (c. 10th) the cheapness of the barley cannot in this case be explained by the
Rt. 11, 16 (1 khar = 24 deben !). Dated: 11 prt 20, year 4 season, since there appears to be no reason for an exceptionally low
= mid November
price in October. 75 As for m, it is clear that its 'normal' price does
Rt. 11, 18 (1 khar = 8 deben). Dated: I or 11 smw 5, not reflect the season, since this would require a high one. The
year 5 = February or March contrast with the data obtained from Pap. Turin 1907/8 must surely
strengthen our conclusion 76 that, when used as measure of value, the
If the value of 1/2 snlw may be equated with 2 deben, nos. 6 and khar was regarded as the equivalent of 2 deben, whatever the true
20 both correspond to what is expected, 2 deben being the 'normal' price of barley at the appropriate season.
price. The rise in the prices during the mid Twentieth Dynasty does
not appear to be the result of seasonal fluctuations (nos. 16 and 19), § 11. Emmer and Barley Prices Compared
and, as we have seen with the emmer prices, the exceptionally high In some texts both the price of emmer and that of barley are
value in Pap. Turin 1907/8, rt. 11, 16 remains unexplained. The high mentioned or can be calculated, and it may therefore be useful to
price in no. 3 (3 snlw per khar) may, however, be due to the season, compare these in order to see if there was any difference and, if so, of
since mid April is just in the middle of the harvest-time, and so perhaps what kind. By studying prices from a single text one may exclude the
before any new barley was available. Whether the other high prices of possible unknown influence of any peculiar circumstance that may be
this period (nos. 4 and a, and to a lesser degree also b) might be involved in comparing prices from different texts though from the same
explained in the same way remains unknown, since these are not period.
dated; it would, however, be very remarkable if all four belonged to Some of the instances cited here do not occur in the lists above,
the harvest-time, since this is so seldom encountered in other periods. since the actual price of the grain is not stated, although conclusions
It therefore seems more probable that, even if the price of 3 sniw was as to the relative value are possible.

73 Idem, p. 117.
74 Idem, p. 124.
70 cr.emmer, no. 24, above. 75 Cf. the normal price of emmer (I to 1 1/3 deben per khar) in September of the
71 Idem, no. 25. same year; p. 113, no. 7, above.
72 Idem, p. 118. 76 cr. p. 125.
128 PRICES
CEREALS 129
I) Hier. Ostr. 28, 4, 4 (late XIXth Dyn.): 3 kbs-baskets and
X) Pap. Turin 1907/8 83 (Ram. VI-VII): the normal prices are
1 1/2 khar of emmer (clearly the contents of the baskets) are
1 khar of emmer = 4 deben, 1 khar of barley = 8 deben.
valued at 3 khar (sc. of barley}--i.e., since a kbs contains
emmer = 1/2 X barley
1/2 khar, I 1/2 khar of emmer cost I 1/2 khar of barley.
Entry rt. 11, 16 (em mer = 8 deben, barley = 24 deben)
emmer = barley
emmer = 1/3 X barley
11) O. DeM. 552, 6_7 77 (XIXth/early XXth Dyn.): 2 khar of
Entry rt. I, 15 (emmer = 8 deben, barley = ± 8 deben)
emmer and 2 khar of barley = 4 deben. Since nothing more
em mer = barley
is said it seems probable that: emmer = barley
XI) Pap. DeM. 7, vs. 84 (Ram. IX ?): I khar of emmer = 12 (?)
Ill) O. University Coil., rt. 7~vs. 3 (year 2 of Sethnakhte): I khar
deben, 1 khar of barley = 4 deben. emmer' = 3 x barley
of emmer and I oipe and I oipe (both apparently barley) = XII) Pap. Turin, Giornale 17 B, vs, 8 85 (year 17 of Ram. IX):
I 1/2 khar (sc. of barley). emmer = barley
1 khar of emmer = 4 deben, 1 khar of barley = 3 1/2 deben.
IV) O. DeM. 213, 3-4 (Ram. III/IV): I 1/2 khar of emmer = I 1/2
emmer :f. barley
khar (sc. of barley), and 1 khar of barley = I khar (sc. of X!II) Pap. Turin 2003, 1 86 (year 3 of Ram. XI) : I khar of emmer =
barley). emmer = barley 2 deben, as also 1 khar of barley. emmer = barley
V) O. Cairo 25 606, 2_4 78 (Ram. III/mid XXth Dyn.): a kbs- XIV) O. Berlin 12 405, 6 87 (late XXth Dyn.): 1 khar of emmer
basket filled with emmer = 2 deben, the same price as for a = 2 deben, the same price as for I khar of barley.
kbs-basket filled with barley. emmer = barley
em mer = barley
VI) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, col. III 79 (mid XXth Dyn.): I khar of XV) O. Gardiner 172 88 (late XXth Dyn.?): 1 khar of emmer
emmer = I 2/3 deben, while 1 khar of barley = 2 deben. If, = 2 deben, 1 khar of barley = 4 deben.
as so often, the small fraction 1/3 is here neglected, then: emmer = 1/2 x barley
emmer = barley (?)
VII) O. DeM. 195 80 (mid XXth Dyn.) : it appears from line 3 that From these fifteen instances it may be seen that the prices of emmer
and barley were as a rule the same, or almost so, allowing for the
I khar of emmer = I 2/3 deben, but from vs. 2 that it was
2 deben, while from the total it can be calculated that I khar
Egyptian neglect of small fractions. In three instances only (nos. VIII,
X and XV) was the price of barley distinctly higher,89 while in one
of barley (as a unit) = 2 deben. For the neglect of 1/3 see
(no. XII) it was slightly lower than that of emmer. No. XI, where
above. emmer = barley (?)
VIII) O. Berlin [C], 2_3 81 (mid XXth Dyn.): I khar of emmer = emmer seems to be no less than three times as expensive as barley, is
doubtful, the marked difference being perhaps the result of an error,
2 deben, I khar of barley = 2 2/5 deben emmer +- barley
either on the part of the writer or in our reading. It is noticeable that
IX) O. Berlin 10 665 82 (mid XXth Dyn.): I khar of emmer =
when the difference in price is small (nos. VI, VII, VIII and IX) it is
I 4/5 deben, while from the total it appears that I khar of
always emmer which is the cheaper. Again one may cite in particular
barley (as a unit) = 2 deben. Neglecting the fraction:
Pap. Turin 1907/8, where barley is in most cases double the value of
emmer = barley

83 Idem, no. 20 and no. 16.


84 Idem, no. 23 and no. 17.
85 Idem, no. 24 and no. 19.
77 Cf. emmer, no. 3, barley, no. 7, above. 86 Idem, no. 25 and no. 20.
78 Idem, no. 8 and no. 10.
87 Idem, no. 26 and no. 21.
79 Idem, no. 12 and no. 12.
88 Idem, no. 30 and no. 22.
80 Idem, no. 13 and no. k.
89 Note that there seems to have been a difference throughout the time of Ra-
81 Idem, no. IS and no. 13.
messes III and shortly afterwards (cf. Table I), and that here too the emmer is the
82 Idem, no. 16 and no. I. cheaper.
130 PRICES CEREALS 131

emmer, and once three times as expensive, while in one entry the price
Emmer Barley Barley as a unit
is more or less equal.
The conclusion will be that either the prices of barley and emmer are XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 3) O. DeM. 552 7) O. DeM. 552
Id. Id.
equal, or emmer is somewhat cheaper,9o the obvious exceptions being early Ram. Ill? 4) O. DeM. 553
unexplained. Whether the lower price of emmer is due to the higher 1/2 S.

rations distributed monthly to the workmen,91 or whether it is in Ram. III 5) H.O. 65, 4
'/. s.
accordance with prices thf0ughout the country is a question which Ram. III g) H.O. 54,2
cannot be answered for want of information. '/, s.
Ram. Ill? h) O. Cairo 25 602
2 d.
TABLE I Ram. III 8) O. Gard. fragm. 123
2 d.
Emmer yr. 23, Ram. III i) H.O. 72, 3
Barley Barley as a unit
2 d.
yr. 36. Ram. II yr. 28, Ram. ill 6) H.O. 45, I
I) P. Ashm. 1958.111
Id.
1/, s.
Ram. II/Mer. yr, 29, Ram. III 7) O. Cairo 25 242 j) P. Tur. 1880
2) H.O. 56,2
I - I 1/, d. I 1/, - 2 d.
1/, s.
yr. I, Seth. II/Sipt. Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 9) H.O. 19,3
3) O. DeM. 215
2 d.
3 s.?
XIXth Dyn.? Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 8) O. Cairo 25 606 10) O. Cairo 25 606
a) H.O. 20, 2
2 d. 2 d.
I s. Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn.
XIXth Dyn.? 11) O. Gard. 296
b) O. Tur. 9609
2 '/, d.
'/3 s. mid XXth Dyn. 9) P. Tur. 2104
2nd half XIXth Dyn.
c) O. Gard. 286
I '/4 d.
1/, s. mid XXth Dyn. 10) O. DeM. 223
late XIXth Dyn. ? 4) O. Cairo 25 543
I 1/3 d.
± 10-12 d.? XXth Dyn.? 11) O. Cairo 25585
late XIXth Dyn. \) O. Cairo 25 725
1/, s.
1'/3 - 2 d.
late XIXth Dyn. mid XXth Dyn. 12) H.O. 50, I 12) H.O. 50, I
d) O. DeM. 50 1 2
/, d. 2 d.
'/3 s. mid XXth Dyn. 13) O. DeM. 195 k) O. DeM. 195
late XIXth Dyn.
e) O. Cairo 25 572 I- I 2/3 d. 2 d.
1/, s. mid XXth Dyn. 14) H.O. 18, 3
late XIXth Dyn.
f) H.O. 86, 3+0. 2 d.
Brook!. 37.1880 E.
2 d. mid XXth Dyn. 15) O. Berlin [C] 13) O. Berlin [C]
late XIXth Dyn.
6) O. Michael. 14 2 d. 2 'I, d.
1/, s. mid XXth Dyn. 16) O. Berlin 10665 I) O. Berlin 10 665
XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 5) O. DeM. Gr. P. a 1 4 /, d. 2 d.
1/, s. mid XXth Dyn. \7) P. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D
XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 2) O. DeM. Gr. P. b Id.
'/, s. mid XXth Dyn.? 14) O. DeM. 411
2 '/, d.
mid XXth Dyn.? 27) O. Gard. 238
90 Note that in the XIth Dynasty 2 khar of barley is the equivalent of 3 khar of
2 d.
emmer (cf. JAMES, The l:fe~anakhte Papers, III, 8 = pI. 8 and p. 46), and that the
yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII 18) H.O. 36, I
same ratio occurs in year 49 of Sheshonq III (Pap. Brooklyn 16.205, col. 4, 4 =
2 d.
PARKER, A Saite Oracle Papyrus, pI. 19 and p. 51), whereas in the Persian and Greek
mid XXth Dyn. 19) O. Cairo 25 588
periods the ratio is reversed (cf. MALlNINE, Kemi XI, 1950, 14f.).
91 Prices and Wages, 917, and p. 460.
4 d.
132 PRICES

Emmer Barley Barley as a unit

mid XXth Dyn. ? 15)0. Tur. 9781+9801 CHAPTER THREE


5 d.
Ram. VII 20) P. Tur. 19()7(8 16) P. Tur. 1907/8
4 d. 8 d.
BASKETRY AND MATTING
yr. 7. Ram. VII m) O. Strasbourg H 84
2 d.
§ 12. kbs, 'grain basket'
mid XXth Oyn.? 28) H.O. 86. 2
Since the grain basket has been mentioned several times above, it
5 '/3 d.
mid XXth Oyn.? 29) H.O. 57, I seems appropriate to commence this chapter with it. The word kbs
6 '/3 d. occurs almost exclusively in ostraca. 1 Besides the normal written form
Ram. IX 22) P. DeM. 14
4 d.
vile 'Er lA we sometimes also find with metathesis ul'B'd <!A(frequently;
Ram. IX? 23) P. OeM. 7 17) P. DeM. 7 cf., e.g., Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 8 and 86, 3, 3) and defectively VI'EnA
12 d.? 4 d. (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 58, 3, 7 and 62, 1, 9). Other variants are vddcA
yr. 7, Ram. IX 21) P. Tur. 1881 18) P. Tur. 1881
(0. DeM. 233, 5) and VdPA (0. DeM. 299, 6).
3 - 3 '/3 - 3 '/3 d. 4 d.
yr. 17, Ram. IX 24) Giorn. 17 B 19) Giorn. 17 B The word kbs is translated by the Wb. (V, 118,9-10) as 'geflochtener
4 d. 3 Il, d. Korb'. That this is nearly correct is indicated by the word nbd, 'coiled?
yr. 3, Ram. XI 25) P. Tur. 2003 20) P. Tur. 2003
which precedes it in many instances. 3 One, unfortunately very dubious
2 d. 2 d.
late XXth Dyn. 26) O. Berlin 12 405 21) O. Berlin 12405 text, O. Gardiner fragm. 104, 3, seems to have dhri VI~ 2, lri.n A:,
2 d. 2 d. which may mean "2 kbs-baskets ofleather, makes 1/2 khar".4 Since this
late XXth Dyn.? 30) O. Gard. 172 22) O. Gard. 172
seems to be the only instance where this material is mentioned it
2 d. 4 d.
yr. 2, Rep. of Births 23) P. Mayer A remains dubious. S Moreover, a price of 1/4 khar per kbs would be
4 d. exceptional.
late XXth Dyn. 24) O. IFAO. 1286
The capacity of the kbs was always 2 oipi', as indicated above. 6
2 d.
The exact shape of the object is uncertain. Possibly the well known grain
basket, which is seen in so many pictures of agricultural scenes,7 is
meant, but KEIMER 8 thought that this was the lIJY (Wb. I, 122, 12).
However, it would not be the only instance of a word for a common
object in the workmen's village differing from that used for it by the
rest of the Egyptians.

1 In Pap. Harris I, 18b, IS it is found as a container for fruit.


2 For nbd, see § 13.
3 HELCK, Beziehungen, 572, no. 248, translates it as 'FuBschemel', and connects it

with fti!l~ . Although the connection may be correct, the translation is not. Nowhere,
so far as I know, is it anything other than a container, while the footstool is invariably
called hdml.
4 It is also possible that what CERNY hesitantly read as ki... was in fact the

beginning of the word msti (see § 151).


5 In the Cairo Museum there are kept the remains of a leather grain-sack (lnv.

t~o. 31 609: cf. WRESZINSKI, AI/as I. pI. 97a, fig. 2).


6 P. 113. Proof of this is found in O. DeM. 2\3, 5 and Hier. Oslr. 28, 4, 4.
7 Cf., e.g., WRESZINSKI, Atlas 1,14; 19a; 112. In a satirical scene, Rapporl DeM.

/930, frontispiece.
s OL2. 30. 1927.84.
BASKETRY AND MATTING 135
134 PRICES
'-'
sc The price of a kbs is mentioned in no less than 27 instances (see
'"
~ Table I1). Most of them are clear in themselves, but some require an
<2
5 ""'.§
explanation. The addition of '3 in both entries of no. 4 explains the
...,
-'<
- high price. In no. 14 two full (mb) baskets are valued at 1 snlw. Since
M +
usually 1 khar (the contents of two baskets) cost 1/2 sniw it may be
::: .~
assumed that the kbs also cost 1/2 sniw, i.e. 1/4 snlw each. No. 17
"
-<:: ~~
remains doubtful since the facsimile in the publication by GOEDlCKE
~ =J and WENTE (pI. 60) is faint. CERN\' transcribed it in his notebook,
~ ~

~c2
,., ,., in contrast to the publication, as kbs [1] iri.n dbn 2, but possibly two
-c ""
-'<-'<
instead of one kbs were mentioned, which would make the price accord
'" '"
with all the other instances. Another possibility is that the kbs was
filled with barley (for another example, cf. p. 120), in which case the
-~---:::.:-----
price is better omitted (see below). However, nothing is stated about
this matter.
No. 21 is doubtful again. There remains only ~Je-A-II~II::: (sic!).
Since the context is also only partly legible it is possible that the price
+N
was 'six' (i.e., de ben) , and that the second 'two' is only repeating the
number of the baskets. However, the price of 3 deben each would
constitute an exception.
C'. C'. C' • ". . The last no. (27) is undated. One would be inclined to ascribe it to
.: .:
;>, ;>,
.:;>,
Cl
-5
Cl
..c a Cl
..c
the Nineteenth Dynasty, since the price is expressed in khar. However,
" ~ the fact that most prices stated in khar are earlier than those in
x 8x
~ 0::
X
d ;>,
;>,
d deben,9 however striking this may be, may be quite coincidental. We
Cl Cl
-5 -5 shall see below that some texts definitely dated later than Ramesses III
x ~
contain khar prices, while on the other hand, deben prices occur even
.:
;>,
d d
;>,
;>,
.:;>, ~ ~
Cl Cl Cl Cl "Cl'"
during the Nineteenth Dynasty.
~ ~~ ~
-5 ..c ..c -5
~ ~ ~ x ;» We have raised above the question of whether the khar, when used
XXX X a. a a aa
1l 1l 1l in connection with baskets, was really meant to express a price and
.E" ,.!l ,.!l ,.!l 0:: " "
0:: 0:: " "
0:: 0:: "..
not a capacity.lo Even if one is inclined to doubt this in some
instances (e.g., nos. 2 and 3), it follows from instances such as nos. 7
and 10, and above all no. 15, that also the value and not only the
capacity was 1/2 khar. I see no reason why this should not be so in
00-
.... ~
the other instances as well.
0. III From the Table it appears that the value of a kbs-basket was 1 de ben
ll
throughout, which is equal to 1/2 khar or 1/4 sniw. The only real

9 Doubtful with noS. is and 16.


10 Pp. 109f.
II If for the Egyptians 1/4 snlw could be equal to I deben and to 1/2 khar, which
seems to be the inference to be drawn from the data of this Table, the value of
I snlw here is reckoned at 4 deben instead of 5 or 6 as calculated above (pp. 107 f.). As
136 PRICES BASKETRY AND MATTING 137

~xception, no. 17 being too doubtful, is no. 11, where twice a price of The word nbd is also used with other words than baskets. The most
/ 4 k~ar occ~rs. I can offer no explanation for this exception. important one is that indicating the coiffure of women. In the Story
. I did n~2t ~nc1ude in~tances in which a kbs filled with grain is valued of the Two Brothers there occurs a passage,19 for instance, which tells
In deb~n In the serIes, since I have used these above to calculate us that the younger brother came home and found his sister-in-law,
th.e prIce of the grains. In some instances 13 a kbs is valued together iw.tw hms hr nbd.s, which is usually translated as "while she was sitting
with other commodities, mostly also baskets; these will be studied and d~ing 'her hair". Clearly this is correct, but does not explain what
below. Here, too, I shall assume a price of 1 deben per kbs. exactly she was doing.
The only instance left aside until now is Hier . Os!r.65
," 4 4 wh~"",re From the verb nbd is derived a substantive, written as 'T~ , which is
we find the word kbs followed by the word 'two' written in red ink sometimes translated as 'tress' and in other instances as 'braid'.20
~ence ~eaning "2 [khar of emmer]". It seems improbable that here: A special expression is wnb pi nbd,21 usually rendered as 'to put on
l~ the time of Ramesses Ill, such a high price should occur for a a wig'. 22 Again, though this may be its general meaning, it does not
SIngle basket. Possibly the number of kbs meant is 'four', since that seem to render exactly what is meant by nbd.
number would be required to contain the 2 khar of emmer of the Another passage in the Story of the Two Brothers 23 says that a girl
preceding line. was fleeing for the sea, but an 's-tree took her nbd m snty and
brought it to Egypt. In most translations we find here 'braid', 'Flechte',
§ 13. nbd, bnd and skr while the German scholars in particular seem to have had the impression
The word indicating the manufacture of baskets, which is used for that the girl was wearing pigtails like those worn by so many German
all different kinds of these, is nbd. Usually it is translated with 'to girls. A study of Egyptian women's hair styles,24 shows, however that
plait'.14 In one instance it is used for a bed 15 and once even for a during the New Kingdom most women wore their hair in two broad
16
diiw-garment. In its Coptic form N OyBT it is rendered as 'to weave' 17 tresses flowing down to the shoulders on both sides of the head. The
which seems to fit the latter instance, but looks to be impossible for tresses themselves mayor may not have consisted of small plaits
basketry. including only a few hairs, but it seems improbable that it was to
The main prob~em here is that Egyptian baskets are never plaited. these plaits that the word nbd referred.
Mostly the techlllque used for them is coiling, while twining is also There may be a simple explanation, namely that nbd has the basic
used for some bags and mats, and different forms of matting are meaning of 'to wind around', 'to twist'. With baskets this would mean
18 'to coil', with hair 'to curl', and as a substantive 'curl'. Indeed, the
known. !he. latter technique is much akin to weaving, so that one
would be mchned to suggest that this is the meaning of nbd were it general impression created by Egyptian women's coiffures is that of a
not for the fact that it occurs seldom for actual baskets, in co~trast to mass of curls; and the meaning 'curl' would also fit the above
the usual technique of coiling. mentioned passage in the Story of the Two Brothers where a curly
lock of the girl's hair, possibly of her wig, is taken away.

stated the~e, the, difficulty may not have existed in the Egyptian mind, since for him 19 Pap. d'Orbiney, 2, 10. See also, e.g., Pap. Anastasi Ill, 3, 2-3.
I hm (= /6 smw) apparently could be more or less the same as 1/4 sniw The con- 20 E.g., Pap. Koller, 2, 9; NAVILLE, Totenbuch, 172, 11 (= BUDGE, Book of the
clusIOn that /4 sniw is e~ual to I deben can also be drawn, although less 'clearly so,
1
Dead, 445, 14); the litany of Re', 53 (NAVILLE, Lo litanie du solei!, pI. 5 = PiANKoFF,
fro~ th~ prices of other kmds of basketry which shall be studied below. The Litany of Re, 26 and pI. 6). Cf. Coptic N H BT€.
13 Hler.Ostr. 19, 3, 3; 36, I, vs. J, 5; O. DeM. 195, vs. 2; O. Cairo 25 606, 2-4. 21 Pap. Harris 500, 6, I; Pap. d'Orb., 5, 2. .. .
14 Hler. Ostr. 20, 2, 5-6; 24, 4,3; 54, 1,9; O. DeM. 51, 6. 22 Note that WILSON, ANET., 24b, translates it with 'curls', explammg m a note
Wb. n, 246, 4 and 9. that the wig of the woman's festive attire is meant. In the love-song of Pap. Hams 500
15 Pap. Salt 124,2, 19. the girl says to her lover that she will wnb her nbd 'in a moment'. This would be
16 O. DeM. \31, vs. I (ndb for nbd). impossible if the complicated hairstyle was meant, but qUIte posSIble m the case of
:: CRUM, Copt. Diet., 222b. Cf. also ERICHSEN, Demot. Glossar, 215. a wig.
Cf. SINGER, HOLMYARD and HALL, History of Technology I, cf. 16 (by G.M. 23 Pap. d'Orh., 10,7.
CROW FOOT) and LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 132. 24 Cf. Mme. GAUTHIER-LAURENT, Melanges Maspero I, 673ff.
138 PRICES 139
BASKETRY AND MATTING

A third use of nbd fits this latter explanation. In the Ritual of from the O.K. and renders it as 'Stiibe kriimmen\34 but it occurs
Embalmment 25 there occurs a passage where hands and feet are said also with wreaths (mbw) at least in one literary text,35 and several
to be nbd m 'it nw ssr, "wrapped in linen".26 The same basic meaning times in ostraca. Once it is found metaphorically for the Nine Bows
appears also, though used metaphorically, in the expression nbdw kd under the feet of Pharaoh,36 probably referring to their arms. It is this
used for foreign peoples,27 which is correctly rendered by WILSO~ 2~ word hnd which occurs once with reference to a skr'-basket 37 and
with "those twisted of nature". once ;0 a pallet,38 though it should be noted here that in another
More difficulties are presented by passages in Urkunden IV 29 where text 39 a skr' is referred to as nbd.
doors are described, which are adorned in some way with copper. The The word skr' or skr 40 may be related to the Semitic verb '::lIU, 'to lay
verb n~d here used is translated by the Wb. 30 with 'beschlagen sein', crosswise', while CERNY connects it 41 with the Coptic word '9 K1A ,
but thIS seems too far removed from the basic meaning of 'to wind which CRUM translates 42 as 'curl'. If indeed 'curl' (and not 'plait')
around'. Th,e sam~ use of nbd is also found with reference to flagstaffs,31 is what is meant, there appears to be a contradiction between these
and there to WInd around' looks to be appropriate. FAULKNER two connections. On the one hand bnd may mean 'to twine', which
translates 32 nbd, when used for doors, with 'to band', and it is indeed would be likely if skr was by its nature a basket the technique of
possible that strips of copper were fastened around the doors though making which was 'to lay crosswise'. On the other hand, skr could
the technique is not clear to me. ' not in that case possess the same basic meaning as '9K1A, if this was
So much looks certain, that nbd means 'to coil' when used with 'curl'. The latter would agree rather with what we have found in the
referenc~ to b~sketry, as this was in fact the technique used in making case of nbd. I am inclined to doubt CRUM'S translation, but fear that
baske.ts I~ anc~ent Egypt. Afterwards, it will have been interpreted as I have insufficient material to support this opinion. However that may
meanIng makIng baskets', and when in the Roman period plaiting be, it seems to me that bnd cannot mean anything other than 'twined'.
became the usual technique for this the word was retained as the Its rare occurrence corresponds too well with the scarcity of twined
Cop tic NOyBT proves. ' basketry-though this was in point of fact found in ancient Egypt-for
There remains, however, the problem of the two texts mentioned at us to doubt the likelihood of this.
the beginning of this section in which nbd is used for a bed and for a That a skr' was in one instance referred to as nbd is no reason to
ga~ment: For the former the explanation may be that the stringing was doubt that by nature it was, at least originally, a basket made by
tWIsted In order to give more elasticity. For the use of nbd for a dilw placing the fibres crosswise. Just as nbd is used in Coptic for plaited
I ca~not offe: a satisfying explanation, though we may suggest that a baskets, since it was understood to be the word denoting the making
spe.CIal techmque, not of weaving, but of cutting the dress, was meant, of baskets in general, the word skr' may have been used for baskets
WhICh may have made the impression of something being wound of a particular shape, which were originally always twined, but
around. What exactly it could have been, however, I do not know. afterwards occasionally coiled.
. Ap~rt from nbd there occasionally Occurs another word for the way Summarizing the above, it would appear that nbd with reference to
In WhICh baskets were made, namely bnd, which may be related to the baskets should be translated as 'coiled' and bnd as 'twined', while skr'
Cop tic '9 W NT, translated with 'to plait'.33 The Wb. knows bnd only was a basket of a particular shape.

~: Pap. Bulaq Ill, 3,15 (= SAUNERON, Rituel d'embaumement, 9, line I). 34 Wh. 11, 312,15.
27 See also CAMINOS, Literary Fragments, pI. 7, fragm. 4, and p. 21. 0; Pap. Sallier IV, vs. 15,6; ef. CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 363.
E.g., Urk. IV, 84, 3; 613, 16. Cf. Wb. 11, 247, 5, with references. 36 Pap. Anastasi 11, 2, 7; cf. CAMINOS, op. cit., 42.
28 ANET., 374a.
37 O. IFAO. 1017, vs. I.
29 Urk. IV, 168,5; 387, 3; 766, I; 1709, 16. 38 Ibid., vs. 6.
30 Wb. 11, 247, I.
39 Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, 5, 17.
31 Belegstellen to Wb. 11, 247, 2.
40 See §25.
32 Cone. Diet., 130. 41 In a private letter of 10.11.1964.
33 CRUM, Copt. Diet., 572b. 42 Copt. Diet., 556b.
140

§ 14. dnlt
PRICES
f BASKETRY AND MATTING

...
141

..i!
The second type of basket of which a large number of price ""
quotations is known is called 2: 40 C ~. It was used as a container for "+
incense, fruit and suchlike (cf., e.g., Pap. Harris I, 19a, 2; 36a, IO; N ~ ~
... ""~~"'"
Urk. IV, 770, 8; Med. Habu HI, 133-134). Several times it is referred <2
E ....
to as nbd, 'coiled', or as srn', which may mean either that it was made 1· :§ ~

~~
~

of 'sedge', or, more probably, that it was of 'thin' or 'fine' material. 43 ~


::: :"'" ('f") N N

In two instances (0. Turin 9609, 5 and O. DeM. 423, 3) a dnit is said
to belong to a woman.
""~ , . "",. , ""'""'"'"
.,~.~~.~.~~~~ ..;
-<:, "''""" I"
!~""~
A special kind of this basket was described as bt or bt.tl (0. Cairo 25 1111- ' •
585, 6; 25 624, I, 6; O. Michael. 6, vs. 5 = pI. 56; Hier. Ostr. 32,
1, 2; 61, 3, vs. 16; O. DeM. 420, 2; 673, 5). bt is also used with
reference to other baskets, e.g., O. DeM. 304, 3 (lr ksb [sic] l.lr.k sw
I I
~
{j
M N
" V)v)v)N':--
N
<0:1' CNt""iN_

~.:: m nbd, "as for the kbs-basket which you made, it is bt of


$ ~

.~ ~+
1:0" ::;,
~
I~I" i~
-'

coiling") and O. Gardiner 151, 5 (krJ;t bt.d), as well as to mats (0. ... I . . ____ .+ ..·: :
- {j
Cairo 25 619, vs. 3),44 and once to a d31w-garment (0. Cairo 25 612, 1
N N N
4).45 From the determinative::; 46 it appears that a special kind of .~ ~~~

technique is meant,47 more or less in contrast to n" and srn'. The


prices of a dnit bt.ti seem to be lower than the usual price (see below).
All in all one would be inclined to regard the verb bt as a word "-I ,..,c ,..,c . d,.., ,..,
C ;.,C
..J
~ ~ Cl Cl ~ Cl Cl Cl
describing a technique producing an object of rough. quality or « ,..,
c .s:: .s:: Cl
'"
;., ..c:..c.<:

appearance, which may be related to the M.K. verb btt (Wb. Ill,
E- Cl X
-
x.s
- X
Cl
..c
XXX
><XX
.<: X X X X
403, 2), meaning 'to pluck' (e.g., flax); cf. also Cop tic ~AT€ (CRUM, X >, X g. g, '"'E C C g,
Copt. Diet., 629a). >1.
"- C
.
t::
-.::
~ ~S
'" Cl Cl
;>,;.,
Cl Cl -Cl
..c. >.. C.c
- - --
0 >, ..c: ~~
13-5 ..c ..c
The shape of the dnlt is unknown: From the prices, which are
'""-Cl
o..~..c:
t:: ..c ....
Cl
..c:
_
~::::::::::::
""
>< . . . . .
XX
X X
Xx
X><
>X
.><
sometimes quite high as compared to those of the kbs, though in other ~ '" X X _0> 6
ro 6 6 6
~ ~ ~
6 '" '" "'0>
.- .... 6",
Cl:! ._
~ c -
::E N X
-
X ~~~I:(~ ~SS 6 ~ ". ". ". ~ 6
~
N M N r--:-.;
43 CERNY, Hier. lnscr . ...... Tut"ankhamun, 10, note 3, states that srn', When used ,..,~ ,..,
'""'~
!i, ~~
for garments, means 'thin', and not 'of Upper-Egyptian cloth', as it is usually
translated. This seems to be also correct when it is used for baskets, although
'sedge' would perhaps be a suitable material for them (cf. LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg.
Materia/s, 131). In one instance (Hier. Ostr. 57, 2, 11, 2 and 5) a distinction seems ~
r.!.
to be made between a 'smooth' (n") and a 'fine' (srn') dnit. Since both words are .... V')

used also for garments the parallel strengthens the suggestion that in the case of c:i .;
;:::
.,.r:-
baskets srn' means 'fine' or 'thin'.
~ '"'>:: + 0.
44 Cf. line 4: n" tm3, and lines 8 and 10: srn' tml. - @r-"9 11 ~
45 In lines 3-4 srn' dliw and bt dliw after eachother. 0.. .ri-.::t-D ":V1o- :; -"\0
46 In some instances, however, determined by TT. ~M ~ ~~i~ ~~~ ~ ~~ ~~~~
~ -.0"': ..f5 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~oo~~~
47 Wb. Ill, 359, 7, supposes hesitantly that bti, determined by the sign for rope, ~ ~ ~ ~ 0:: ':J:: o..~ . M cS v) ~~~ ~~a;~:Q-6""
means 'bark'. Similarly, HELCK, Materialien V, 917, bottom, for the present bul.
v
~.,.

~ ~
0
- ~ :g~~~~-.::t ~ ~bo ~~NotN~~
.5 ci c o · ci i:i .5 0 ~ '"
~ ~ ~
::E.5 U '.5
This btl of the Wb. might be meant in O. Michael. 6, vs. 4 (note that it follows
an entry with 'sycamore'), but probably an abbreviated form of br is intended; cf.
.fi C
'§ 'E ~ c5 .~ ~ b .~
0
~ ~ <: ~ .~ ~ -< ~ ~ <C C ~
~ 0": ~ E- ~OuuCl~ ~ ClO:::~u::E==E-O==~::E
Who Ill, 385, 13 and Drogenll'b. 415 f. A dlill'-garment of bark would be most strange, cici:ii"
at least in Egypt.
- N ('f")
ci
~
ci
VI
cicicicicici
-- -.----- --
\Of'-. 000\0-
--
0.:
N ------------
cicicicicicicicicici:tci
M<o:f"Vl...or--'OO\O-N,....~
-------NNNNN
142 PRICES BASKETRY AND MATTING 143
instances equally low, it would seem to have been of various sizes,
a third group, where the low price may be explained as being due to
possibly also of varying quality. The word dnlt had several meanings,
the quality. Whether this is also correct for the other two groups I do
e.g., 'dam' or 'dyke', 'share', and 'registry of real property' (cf. Wb.
not know. The different prices may also be a result of differences in
V, 465ff.), which may all be mutually related (cf. HAYES, Ostraka and
size. 50 It is clear that from this Table no conclusion concerning the
Name Stones, 40 f.). Whether this is also the case with the present word
fluctuation of prices may be drawn.
remains uncertain. A relation to the dnlt which is determined as a vessel
One text mentioning the word dnl has been intentionally omitted.
of bronze or stone (Wb. V, 467, 9-10) is possible. But all this offers
no solution for the problem as to its shape.
It is O. Gardiner 183 vs. (XIXth Oyn.). Here the word dni, qt: ~ I, s::
which according to the determinative does not indicate a basket, occurs
As for the prices, only a few instances in Table III require comment.
twice (lines 1 and 2). It is written the same as the dni which HA ~ES
The price of 1/4 oipi! in no. 5 is far from certain, since a dot is all
(Ostraka and Name Stones, 40) translates as 'section', 'area', and which
that is left and there is no trace of~. The price of no. 7 is equally
denotes a unit of measure and not an object. Nevertheless, there occurs
uncertain, since according to CERNY's notebook originally only 1 dnit
in line 2-3 the entry: "72 dni irw (sic) 4 deben of silver". In the
was mentioned, the other two strokes having been added afterwards,
ostraca from the tomb of Senmiit dnl is used to indicate the work
and the price itself is partly broken off, only the signs for 'two' being
done on a wall, 5 dni being probably a day's work. If the dni here
left. In no. 9 the number of dnit is missing, while it is not completely
under discussion means the same, it may be the work of 14 to 15 days,
certain that line 7 contains the price, since the word deben is missing.
which is valued at 4 deben of silver or 240 deben of copper. This
Nevertheless, it seems probable at least that the value of one dnlt was
would imply wages of over 16 deben of copper a day. The explanation
stated. In no. 10 where the pUblication states the price (l deben)
is very uncertain, however.
between brackets, there may originally have been more than one
48
stroke. Whether the exceptionally high price of no. 18 is correct I
have not been able to check. § 15. kr/:It

The nos. 23 and 24 are not very clear. In the former the value of Another container for fruit is the kr/:It; cf., e.g., Pap. Anastasi IV,
1 dnlt (called nb[d]?) is stated together with that of 6 other baskets 7, 5 and 14, 6; Pap. Harris I, 40a, IS. For different ways of writing
called b'w. It seems impossible to read this word as ~ , while further the word, namely either as k/:It or even as kM, cf. JEOL. 19, 1965-66,
the number 'six' would also be inexplicable in that case. For the 447. The addition of nbd, 'coiled', points to some kind of basketry, as
b'w-basket see below, §22. The price of the dnlt is clearly very low, does the use of the qualification bt.ti, 'rough', in O. Gardiner 151, 5. 51
whatever the value of the six b'w was. The last no. also states a very The Wb. (V, 135, 11-12) states that the object is used "als ein
low price. Mats usually cost at least I oipi! or 1/2 deben each, which Hausgeriit" and "als Mass", which fits the meaning of 'basket'. Possibly
would leave us with a value of I deben for 3 dnit bt.tl. This may there is some connection between the present word and the word kr/:It
constitute further proof that bt should be translated with 'rough'. written with the plant determinative 52 (cf. Wb., loco cit., 10, and CAMI-
On studying the Table one can distinguish two groups of prices, NOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 158), although the exact meaning of the latter is
namely one of 2 or 3 deben or 1/2 snlw 49 per dnlt, and one of 5 deben equally unknown. Both words may have been derived from a verb
or 1 snlw, with only no. 16 with a price of 4 deben in between, while meaning 'to bind', 'to entwine', or suchlike. There is, however, no
no. 18, if correct, is an obvious exception. Nos. 17, 22 and 24 form connection that we know of with the word krt, which is also sometimes
written as khrt or kht but always determined with the wood sign. 53
The writing 'as k/:Irt ~~y have been influenced by the kr/:It here under
48 Note that the total in vs. 3 is too high when the figures in the publication are
added together.
49 There is a possibility that in Hier. Ostr. 20, 2, 1 (XIXth Dyn.?) a dnit-basket
50 No. 6, however, although described as 'j, 'large', costs only 2 deben.
was also meant by the lost word for basket. In that case here, too, the price was 51 Cf. p. 140.
1/2 sniw each (4 at 2 sniw). 52 E.g., Pap. Harris I, 21a, 7; O. DeM. 551, vs. 3.
53 Cf. JEOL. 19. 1965-66, 447f.
144 PRICES BASKETRY AND MATTING 145

discussion. The nature of th'IS woo d en object remains completely seems very large nbbt are known to be cheap, so that as much as
unknown. 54 1-2 deben are probably left for the krbt.
The word ~rbt is never used, so far as I know, before the Twentieth The data are insufficient for the establishment of any price-
Dynasty, which ma~ or may not provide a clue as to its shape when fluctuations. All we are able to say is that the krbt is somewhat more
the basketry of Delr el-Medina is studied. For the time being the expensive that the kbs and less so than the dnit, though whether this
shape of the krbt remains unknown. may be due to quality or to size remains uncertain.

TABLE IV § 16. m(t)rbt, 'strainer' or 'sieve'

krhl
Two words for types of basketry objects, one written as ~ e oft, 5 7
the other as .}. G oA or ~~,q, 58 both indicate, according to the Wb.
khar deben (11,112,10 and 174, 15), one and the same object. Definite proof of
their identity is found in the word kjt-mrbt (Hier. Ostr. 86, 1, 5),
I) Hier. Oslr. 53. I,~ Ram. III?
2 ?
I nbd which is elsewhere written kjt-mtrbt (Wb. V, 94, 3-4). Moreover, both
2) O. Cairo 25 602, 5 Ram. III?
3) O. Cairo 25 682, vs. I
2 words never occur in one text. O. DeM. 102, an extensive list of fibre
Ram. III? 2 written as kiJI
4) Hier. OSlr. 19,3, 5 Ram. IIJ/mid XXth Dyn. 2" a)
articles, mentions only mtrbt (line 6), and so does Hier. Ostr. 87, 2.
written as kM
5) Hier. OSlr. 50, I, 9 mid XXth Dyn. I written as kiJI Probably mtrbt is the earlier form. It occurs exclusively in texts of
vs. I
6) O. Berlin 10 665,
vs. 2 yr. I, mid XXth Dyn. I,
I the Nineteenth and early Twentieth Dynasties, while at least some of
I.
7) O. Gardiner 151,5 mid XXth Dyn. 1/.
the occurrences of mrbt belong to the mid Twentieth Dynasty. This
bl.tl
8) Hier. OSlr. 26, 5, 5
" 3/4 written as kiJt agrees with t"e conclusion that mrbt and not mtrbt survived in
9) O. Gardiner 141,2 ? 4"a) nbd Demotic texts (ERICHSEN, Demot. Glossar, 169) and probably also in
a) See commentary. the Coptic word M PWZ€ (CRUM, Capt. Diet., 184a), although in the
latter instance the object is said to be of metal, like kjt-mrbt in Hier.
The price of the krbt fluctuates between I and 2 deben b t 6b Ostr. 86, I, 5 and kjt-mtrbt in Pap. Ebers, 66, 19. 59 The present object,
d 7' T ' u nos. however, was made throughout of basketry, as indicated by its
an m able IV, expressed in khar, both contain a krht to th
value of. onl~ 1/2 deben, which is explained in the latter in~tance b; determinative and by qualifications such as nbd (0. Cairo 25 677,
the q.uahficatIo~ 'ro~gh'. In no. 6b nothing is said about the quality, vs. 5; Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 10) and sm' (0. DeM. 318, 10).
but sm.ce t~ere IS a dIfference in price between this and the krht of the Both ERICHSEN and CRUM translate the Demotic and Coptic word
precedmg Ime the same may be the case . 55 The pr'Ice 0 f th e fi'Irst entry with some reserv:ltions as 'strainer'. If we suppose that in earlier times
f
o no. I appears to be ~bo:e normal, 2 khar being usually equivalent the object, when made of metal, was called kjt-m(t)rbt, and m(t)rbt
to 4 deben: ~hether. thIS dIfference is due to some particular qual it y when made of fibres, and that the addition kjt was due to its
formerly' mdlcated characteristic shape in metal-the word kjt meaning 'vagina'-then
. m the first words of the en try, now I ost 'IS it may be argued that the well-known type of metal strainer 60 provides
un~ertam. N~. 4 IS a doubtful price, since it is possible that ano~her
object .precedmg the krb~ (~nd now lost in the text) was included in
th~ pnce of 2 deben. ThIS IS almost certainly so in no 9 h 31 57 The feminine ending is mostly dropped.
'stIcks' ( hbt) 5 6 ' . ,were In Hier. Oslr. 65, I, 6 and O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, 6 (without (1); the parallel
n. are mentIOned before the krbt , for though the number 58

----- text to the latter, Hier. Oslr. 86, 3, 5, has 'j, G ft·
59 Cf. Wb. Med. I, 413. ~0
54 Cf. tERN)', lEA. 31, 1945, 38. 60 Cf. SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta, fig. 52 (p. 84) and CARTER, The Tomb of
55 Note that the price of the more expensl've k r.1
h IS expressed in deben and TUI-ankh-Amen nI, pI. 65A - described on p. 61 as an object used in the process
t hat of the cheaper one in khar; see p. 520. of brewing. For a picture of this strainer in the hand of Queen Nefertiti, cf. DAVIES,
56 Cf. § 139.
The Rock Tombs of El Amarna n, pI. 32.
146 PRICES 147
BASKETRY AND MATTING

suggestive support for this translation. If m( I) rbt is indeed 'strainer' No. 6) O. Gardiner 151, 3: I mrb = 2 oip~, which is the equivalent
or 'sieve', it is in all probablility the object of which several examples of 1 deben.
have been discovered at Thebes and elsewhere. 61 No. 7) Hier. Ostr. 28,2, 10: nbd mrb 1 = 1 oip~, i.e. 1/2 deben.

TABLE V The prices are lower than those of the krbt, which would be
m(tjrbt expected for a simple fibre strainer. Converted into deben prices nos. 1,
3 and 6 amount to 1 deben, and nos. 5 and 7 to 1/2 deben, while
snhr khar dehen
only one (slightly uncertain) example, no. 2, amounts to about 2 deben.
I) O. Gardiner fragm. 4. I, 3 XIXth;early XXth Dyn."
2) Hier. Ostr. 24, 4. 3
'I, This does not constitute evidence for a fluctuation in price.
late XIXth Dyn. 1/2 ?
3) O. DeM. 51, 6 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 1/4
4) Hier. Ostr. 65, 4, 5, Ram. III I § 17. mndm and n~r
(emmer)
5) Hier. Ostr. 62, 3, 9 XXth Dyn.?
These two quite common words are usually found together. ~r,
'I,
6) O. Gardiner 151, 3 mid XXth Dyn. ,I, also written ng5 65 or ng5r,66 is known as a word for 'sieve'; cf. Wb.
7) Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 10 yr. 2, Ram. V
'I. 11, 344, 11, and Wb. Med. I, 486f., but the combination of n~r with
mndm is so frequent that HELCK'S suggestion 67 that the n~r is here
int~nded to be the lid of the mndm seems very plausible. The difference
Most of the instances in which the price of a m (t) rbt is mentioned
require some explanation, as follows: between the n~r and the m(l)r!Jt, which we have supposed to be a
'strainer',68 will then have been that the m(t)r!Jt was concave and the
No. I) O. Gardiner fragm. 4, I, 3: 2 mtrbt for I khar, i.e. 1 mtrht nkr flat. The mndm alone occurs as a basket for fruit in the Eighteenth
= 1/2 khar. Since in this text, as usual, the kbs also costs Dynasty (Urk. IV,
762, 5 and 763, 8), the oldest occurrence in any
1/2 khar, which is equal to I deben, it may be said that context being apparently Eloquent Peasant B 1, 133.
I mtrbt = I deben.
No. 2) Hier. Ostr. 24, 4, 3: from the total, I kbs '5 and 1 mtrht
cost 1 sniw. The price of a normal kbs is 1/4 snlw, but in TABLE VI

O. Prague H 15 two large ones are 1/2 and 1/3 sniw


respectively.63 If on this basis one reckons 1/2 snlw for the
kbs there will remain 1/2 sniw also for the mtrht. sniw khar

No. 3) O. DeM. 51, 6: 1 mtrbt and 1 kbs for 1/2 sni~, i.e. 1 mtrht
I.?
= 1/4 sniw. • I) Hie'.. Oslr. 54, 1,8 yr. 3, XIXth Dyn. 1

2) o. Gardiner 286, 5 2nd half of XIXth Dyn. ' I.


No. 4) Hier. Ostr. 65, 4, 5: 1 mrbt (=) I (khar, of emmer, according 3) O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 6 late XIXth Dyn. "I .
to the red ink), and from the total it appears that 1 khar = 4) O. Michael. 14, 4 (= pI. 48) late XIXth Dyn. 'I. ?
1/4 snlw. 64 5) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 4 Ram. Ill? 'I.
6) Hier. OSlr. 53, 1,6 Ram. Ill? 1/.
No. 5) Hier. Ostr. 62, 3, 9: I mat and 1 mrb = 1 deben. The 7) P. Turin 1880, vs. 5, 8 (= RAD. 47, 18) yr. 29, Ram. III 'I.
normal price of a mat is 1/2 deben, i.e. 1 mrbt = 1/2 deben. 8) O. DeM. 213, 7 Ram. IIIIIV 'I.

61 Cf. CARNARVON-CARTER, Five Years' Exploration at Thebes, pI. 22, 2, k and

I, and p. 31; PEET-WOOLLEY, The City of Akhenaten, I, pI. 22, 2 and p. 74 (now Brit. 65 Hier. Ostr. 61, 3, vs. 4 and passim.
Mus. no. 55 130). 66 O. DeM. 423,4.
63 Cf. Table 11, p. 132.
67 Materialien V, 917.
64 See p. 113, no. 5.
68 Cr. the preceding section.
148 PRICES BASKETRY AND MATTING 149

Prices of the mngm and n~r are known in the following instances: pair would be 1/2 deben, which is equal to 1/4 khar, the
No. I) ~ier. C?st:-. 5~, 1,8: nbd mngm 2 + n~r 2 + skr 1 = 1/2 (snlw). usual price of a mngm + n~r.
Smce It IS difficult to fix a price for the skr (see § 25) the No. 10) O. IFAO. 1402, 3 (of unknown date): 1 mngm = 2 oip~
:alue of the two units mngm-n~r remains uncertain; possibly of barley, which is well above normal.
It was about 1/4 snlw, i.e. about 1/8 snlw for each. No. 11) O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, vs. 3 (late XIXth Dyn.). The text
No. 2) O. Ga~diner 286, 5: sm' 69 mngm 1 + n~r 1 = 1 oip~. is not clear, but the entry means either that 1 mndt (cf.
No. 3) O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 6: nbd mm/m 1 + n~r 1 = 1 oip~. no. 9) + 1 ngr = 2 khar, which would be very expensive,
In the same ostracon, vs. 8 : nbd n~r 3 and 30 handfuls of or, more probably, that the total includes the value of the
swy 70 = 1/2 snlw. It seems probable that in this case each preceding commodities, 3 bundles of vegetables and one
n~~ contained 10 handfuls and cost, with contents, 1/6 snlw, pair of fowl. The latter suggestion gives prices for the
which, though the price of swy is completely unknown, might basketry which are less in contrast with what is usual, since
mean about 1/8 snlw per n~r. the vegetables and fowl together could hardly have cost less
No. 4) O. Michael. 14, 4 (= pI. 48): a pair of sandals and 1 mndm than 1 1/2 khar, leaving at most 1/2 khar for the mngm +
+ 1 n~r = 1/2 (snlw).71 If the sandals were cheap they ~ill n~r.
have cost at least 1/4 snlw, though usually they were more No. 12) O. Gardiner 231,3 (XIXth Dyn.?). Only the first signs are
expensive; 3/8 snlw would be a reasonable guess thus leaving left, which certainly contain the word mngm; the word n~r
1/8 snlw for the basketry. ' is possibly lost in the lacuna following. The price of these
No. 5) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 4: 1 mngm + 1 n~r = 1 oip~. two (?) pieces together appears to be 1 sniw, though 1/2 snlw
No. 6) Hier. Ostr. 53, 1, 6: 3 n~r + 1 mngm = 2 oip~. If each is also possible: CERNY'S transcription reads:::: =,, which
object cost 1/2 oip~, the price of the mngm-n~r was 1 oip~. does not seem quite correct.
No. 7) Pap. Turin 1880, vs. 5, 8 (= RAD. 47, 18): 1 mndm + 1 nkr = These four examples undermine confidence in the validity of the
1 oip~. - .
conclusion reached above that the combination of mngm-n~r always
No. 8) O. DeM. 213, 7: 1 mngm + 1 n~r = 1 oip~. costs 1 oip~, though it is none the less clear that the objects were cheap
The data derived from these eight instances are shown in Table VI as compared with other kinds of basketry.
and though ~everal. entries are caJculated and subject to incertainty:
~he ~eneral picture IS clear: the combination of mngm-n~r costs 1 oip~, § 18. lrgs/lr~s
I.e. /2 deben or 1/8 snlw.
For the different writings of this word (irgs, lr~s, l~s, irs) which
Four other instances, each doubtful in some respect, give higher seems not to be known outside the ostraca and is not noted in the
prices.
Wb., cf. JEOL. 19, 1965-66, 446. Its occurrence in O. DeM. 102 and
No. 9) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, 10 (mid XXth Dyn.). Although the text O. DeM. 229, two lists of basketry, and the qualification nbd in
~eems to say "1 mndt (!) and 1 '~rf, 2 " makes 1 deben " , O. DeM. 261, 2-3 and Hier. Ostr. 63, 1, 7, confirm that is was of
It may be that mndt = mngm 72 and '~rf = 'its n~r'. 73 this genre. 74 Some indication as to its nature may be provided by
The price of 1 deben is above normal when 2 ' means O. Cairo 25 678, 2, if indeed the abbreviated form irs represents lr~s.
'2 pieces', but if it would mean '2 pairs' the price of each The ~entence runs, "a fine mat, makes 1 irs", which might suggest
that in this case an ir~s was made out of a mat.
69 'thin'; cf. p. 140, note 43.
70 Possibly 'hay'; cf. HELCK, op. cit., 807.
~: SO CERN'\' (~), instead of what stands in the publication (:); see the facsimile.
73 The same wrItmg occurs in O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, vs. 3 (no. 11). 74 If the word was of Semitic origin it may have been derived from the verb
These readmgs are discussed in JEOL. 19, 1965-66, 447.
b~" , 'to bind'.
150 PRICES BASKETRY AND MATTING 151

TABLE VII No. 2) Lady Franklyn Hier. Inscr., 5 (mid XXth Dyn,): ., ..
irgs / ir~s J'tt-l..~IAiri.n 4 (dbn).
The second instance, though the signs are partly 10st,78 cannot well
khor deben
be anything other than the present word. The price of 4 deben proves
I) Hier. Os!r. 20, 2, 7 XIXth Oyn.? 1 3/. that the 'nbr was a fairly expensive object, something like the dnit.
'$ (= 1 3/. sniw?)
2) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, 9 XIXth Oyn.? 3
3) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 1-2 Ram. Ill? 2
4) Hier. Os!r. 63, I, I, 7 mid XXth Oyn. 1 '/2 §20. kskst
Another rare word for some kind of basketry object is kskst.
There are four instances in which a price is mentioned. Of these That it is made of basketry is clear both from the determinative A and
nos. 2 and 4 (see Table VII) give a price of 3 deben, the latter by from the qualification nbd in O. Berlin 12343, vs. 5_6,79 and that it is a
calculation, and no. 3 a price of 2 deben, whereas no. I (a large lrgs) container is shown by Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 052, 3, 20 and 4, 4, where
indicates the exceptionally high price of 1 3/4 snlw (calculated from the a kskst is said to be "full of gold". The word is clearly an iterative
total; cf. pp. 122ff.), i.e., about 7 to 8 deben. If, however, the khar is form of ks, 'to bow', 'to bend' (Wb. V, 139, 7 ff.), but the verb ksks
reckoned to be equivalent to 2 deben, the price would be only slightly itself is known only with the meaning 'to dance' (Wb. V, 141-142),
above normal (3 1/2 deben). The data are of course insufficient to like the Coptic6oc6c(cf. CRUM, Copt. Diet., 832b)-though the form
justify any conclusion.
KOCKcseems to have kept the original sense of 'to entwine' (CRUM,
\
§ 19. 'nbr Copt. Diet., 121b).
Two prices of a kskst are known:
An unknown type of basketry, the only occurrence of which apart
from the present two instances 75 seems to be Eloquent Peasant B I, No. I) O. Berlin 12343, vs. 5-6 (mid XXth Dyn.): nbd kskst 80 (l?)
115. In his commentary to this text VOGELSANG (p. 106) proposed = 4 (deben).

that it should be read instead as 'nb, but since 'nbr is now no longer No. 2) O. DeM. 146, 7 (late XXth Dyn.): kskst 1 = 3 deben.
a hapax legomenon there seems to be no need to do so; nor is there The only conclusion that might be drawn from this is that the kskst
any more reason to follow the Wb. (I, 192, 5) in dOUbting the 'was probably rather large, since it was also expensive, and this would
correctness of its reading. The nature of the 'nbr is completely unknown, agree with the sense of Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052,3,20, where the accused
the word being possibly of foreign origin. 76 It is worth noting, however, is induced by 'examination' to exaggerate the theft and so speaks of
that. both texts mentioned hereafter contain lists of funerary equip-
ment. 77 ~ (even) "a kskst full of gold".

I:
The two occurrences of the word are: §21. 'r~, 'sack' (?)
No. I) O. Gardiner 139, 4 (mid XXth Dyn.): pi::~ 1~ ].~IA ,, There are some words about which it is to be doubted whether they
(irl.n) dbn 4. indicate basketry, or whether they are used, either in some cases or
always, to indicate containers made of some other material. The first
75 Unless it is found in O. Cairo 25 553, vs. 2, in the phrase transcribed by of these is the 'rk, also sporadically written '~r (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 87,
CERNY as \\'-;;;,:, l~ \.~ lA, and/or in O. DeM. 589, 4, where SAUNERON
le
reads bibr for what may be .j.:: =IA .
2, 5-6). The Wb. ~alls it a 'measure for fruit' (Wb. I, 213, 8), but PEET
76 A bold guess would be that 'nbr was derived from '-n-br (cf. '-n-b'w, §22),
and that br was the origin whence the Cop tic 81 P derived (cf. CRUM. Copt. Diet.,
41 b f.). See also the suggestion by SETHE (Die Bau- und Denkmalsteine, SPA w., 78 The faint traces on the facsimile may very well be 'n.
1933, 888f.) that o.lIcf.fJa(JTpo~ was derived from '-n-B5st, 'vessel of the goddess Bast'. 79 Also Hier. Os!r. 58, 3, 5, where the word is written ksksr. W ~. .
77 In both texts the I;tp (see §24) is mentioned either before or after 'nbr, but whether
80 Although the upper part of the group is lost, leaving only .....:: ~;; , there IS
there is any connection remains uncertain.
little doubt that kskst is meant.
152 PRICES BASKETRY AND MATTING 153

states. 81 that th"IS IS on Iy a denved


. meaning. In Hier Ostr 87 2 't . The most obvious conclusion is that the value of an 'rlf, when made
m~ntlOned among o.ther kinds of basketry,82 while' in the e'ntr Y I i~ of basketry, was about I deben or 1/2 khar (nos, I, 2 and 6), but
Hler. Ostr. 44, 4,.4 It appears to be an object made of some kin of that, when the price was 1/2 sniw, i,e. at least 2 deben, the material
fibre. Moreover, It seems that the word is derived from th bd, k was leather, as explicitly stated in no. 5 (though there filled with
'to w'In d aroun d' ,wh"Ich may POInt to basket ever r .' barley, so that the value of the 'rlf itself was somewhat less than
o n the other hand, in O. DeM 299 3 an ry.
83 . " ' rk'IS sa!'d to be made of 1/2 snlw). This is probable in the case of no. 3,86 but uncertain (yet
Iea th er, as IS probably alsJ the 'k r wh'IC h IS : part of h' . not impossible) for no, 4.
O. Edinburgh 916, vs. 8.84 In Pa
'k f '1 . .
H . a c anot In
p. arns I, 13b, 12, there occurs an A very doubtful instance may be Hier, Ostr. 20, 2, 7-8 (XIXth Dyn, ?),
r. W0 .SIh'ver, but It IS doubtful
. whether this is the same k'In d 0 f object
. where an object the exact writing of which is uncertain is valued at
elg ~ng up all the. eVidence it would seem to me that 'basket' i' I oip~, i.e. 1/4 sniw, tERNY and GARDINER tentatively transcribe the
too
1 speCificl a translatIOn.
I Perhaps
e 'sack' is b tt er, 85' . coulds
SInce thiS word as Ll~ _% (?), but the determinative is almost lost. The object
a so app y to eather containers. The difference bet 'k d is mentioned in connection with the basket irgs, so that 'lfr for 'rlf
leather mstl remains obscure, however. ween r. an the seems not improbable, and in this case the price would be as low as
in nos, I and 2 above.
TABLE VIII
§22, b'w
'rk
The word b'w indicates different kinds of instruments, tools and
sniw khar deben weapons; cf. Wb. Ill, 243. In two instances in price ostraca it seems
I) O. DeM. 49, 3-4 Ram. III to denote a basket, according to its determinative ft. In one other
2) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, vs. 13-14 XIXth Dyn.?
' 12
instance, however, it is a bronze vessel, 87 stated to be used "to pour
3) O. Gardiner 231, 4-5
' 12
XIXth Dyn.? '12 ? water over the hands". Apart from the two examples with prices I do
4) Hier. Os/r. 52, 2, vs. A, 12 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. '/2 not know of a single certain instance 88 of b'w with the meaning of
5) O. DeM. 299, 3-4 lateXIXth/earlyXXth. Dyn.? ' 12 dlJr; full of barley
6) P. Turin 200 3, I, 11
yr. 3, Ram. IX basket. 89
(= PLEYTE-ROSSI, pI. 91) 'I. 4 for 3 deben In O. Brit. Mus, 29 555, 12 (XIXth Dyn,?) the word is written
=S'\.A The first signs are meant to be:::, lit. 'a piece Of,90 which
the scribe botched. The price of this b'w is 1/2 (deben) , In Hier. Ostr.
I Of
th'theI six examples
' in Table VIII only no . 3 nee d s any commentary 36, 1, vs, I, 11 91 (year 7 of Ram. VI or VII) one dnlt-basket and six
n I~ mstl an~ 3 '~If are together valued at 2 snlw, and althou h b'w are together valued at 3 (deben), which leaves a price of less than
;he pnce ,of ~ mstl vanes considerably it may be assumed that 1/ ~ 1/2 deben for each b'w, since the cheapest known dnit costs at least
tor each rlf IS not unreasonable. 2 smw
1 deben,
There are possibly another two occurrences of the price of a b'w.
81 Tomb Robberies 167 note 88
82 " .
Note, however its absence fr th r
83 In O. Gardine: 231 4-5 threeo~k a e Ists of basketry in 0., DeM. 102 and 229.
8b Cr. note 83 above.
87 Giornale dell'anno 17 A, vs. 4, 7 (= pI. 46). Cf. also '-n-b'w (§ 156),
msti is sometimes said to 'be made of iea:: m(entlOned together with a msti, Since the 88 In O. Michael. 7, 2a (= pI. 62) '-n-b'w occurs after some basketry articles, but
for the 'rk here er see § 151) the same probably holds true
without a determinative. That it is a basket here, too, is only probable, In O. Cairo 25
84 Cf.'JEA.,'19, 1933, pI. 28 and p, 172. Wb I 2 " 624, I, 7 and 18 '-n-b'w is determined with the wood sign,
the determinative for wood a d t I . " 13, 9, transcnbes thiS word with 89 Cr., however, O. DeM. 434, n, 2, which reads bt.tl b'w 4. In spite of its deter-
. , n rans ates It as 'Teil d W ' '
cnptIon with 't
is to be preferred I ,es agens. Even If the trans- mination with the wood sign the use of bt,tf (cr. p. 140) may point to basketry.
seems strange that in O. DeM 318 o~ pa ;eograPhlcal grounds, as I think it is, it 90 Cf. tERN'\', BIFAO. 27, 1927, 180, note 5. For '-n in Demotic and Coptic
followed by the word ht 'w d" , an vs. 10, there should occur a word 'rk
85 ~, 00. • . ( HI) er. SPIEGELBERG, ZA'S. 37, 1899, 27.
So PEET, Pap. Mayer A, 2, 4. 91 Cf. p. 142,
154 PRICES
BASKETRY AND MATTING 155

In O. Cairo [154], 3 92 a careless scribe wrote :;:' :::::: 1 (or 5?). This as sm' n nw/:z, which definitely plvves that sm' indicates not the material
may mean '-n [-[l"w], though '-n [-sod], 'log', is equally possible. In the but the technique.
other instance, Hier. Ostr. 59, 4, 8 (mid XXth Dyn.), the entry begins A special kind of mat is called 'n (e.g., O. DeM. 51, 5). This word,
with the signs9~, the rest being lost up to " ... 2 (?), makes 1 deben". which seems to be absent in the Wb., should be distinguished from
Since I do not know of any other priced item the name of which 'nb, which again indicates material 97 and is found in Pap. Harris I,
begins with b' it seems possible that the basket here under discussion 65b, 7 and 72, 11 and in Pap. Gurob, vs. la, 2 (= RAD. 17, 3). In
is meant. In the somewhat large gap between h' and the number Pap. Harris I, 19b, 2, 'nb is determined with::, possibly under the
more than the mere name of the basket is lost: while the numbe: influence of on, but certainly as an error for the plant determinative.
itself is doubtful. However, there seems to be a slight possibility that The word 'n, on the other hand, is used for several objects. Some
2 b'w cost I deben, implying a price of 1/2 deben for each. references are: tm5 'n.li (0. DeM. 293, 5); tm5 'n (Hier. Ostr. 18, 5, 5;
The only conclusion which can be drawn from these data is that O. DeM. 295, 5); isbwt 'n.ti (0. Cerny 1, 3; O. DeM. 402, 7);
th~ bOw-basket was most likely very cheap. iSW(?)98 'n (0. DeM. 285, 7); iptgr.ti 'n.ti (Hier. Ostr. 50,1, vs. 1_2).99
The determinative is mostly ~, var. ~, but also «:> (clearly derived
§23. tm5, 'mat' and sgr, 'pallet' from 'n, 'beautiful'), twice followed by <t (0. DeM. 51, 5 and 285, 7)
To the categories of objects dealt with in this chapter also belongs derived from 'n, 'baboon'; in the latter instance it is also followed
the mat, a common object in every Egyptian household and therefore by the wood sign (derived from 'n, 'wooden tablet'?). All this points
frequently mentioned in the texts. In several instances it is said to be to uncertainty on the part of the scribes. From the most usual
sm', which may mean either 'fine' or 'made of sedge'. Above 93 I have determinative ~ it would appear to be an in,?ication of a particular
decided on the former meaning when used for a dnit-basket, and there technique used for all these objects. 100 Prof. CERNY has suggested to
are reasons strengthening this suggestion here. In other instances mats me either the meaning 'ornamented' (because of the eye determinative)
are described as rdmt (e.g., Pap. Harris I, 53a, 14; O. Cairo 25 572, or 'mended'. The latter seems more probable/o l , since the prices of
vs. 5; O. DeM. 31, 3), this being a definite indication of the material the isbwt 'n.li are certainly not above normal (cf. §36), although this
as rdmt probably is the Cyperus esculentus L. 94 If, parallel to this, on~ may be the case with the mat of O. DeM. 51, 5 (see below).
is inclined to interpret the word sm' also as an indication of the Some of the twenty-two instances in which the price of a mat is
material, there are further instances in which mats are stated to be of mentioned (see Table IX) require some explanation. In nos. 2 and 5
swy (cf. O. Cairo 25 678, 41-42; O. DeM. 123, vs. 1). HELCK a tm5 is valued together with a kbs. The usual price for a kbs is
suggests 95 that swy means 'hay', and although it is difficult to imagine
a m~t made of hay, it may be that the Egyptian term is not completely 97 For 'nb, halfa-grass, cf. KEIMER, OLZ. 30, 1929, 146ff.
98 I doubt whether the word isw is correct here. It is not the word is, 'tamarisk
eqUIvalent to ours and that in this case 'dried grass' is a better wood', since this is always written with ~ in ostraca. One is tempted to suppose an
96
rendering. However that may be, it is clear that swy, like rdmt, erroneous writing for isbwt, but another solution may be suggested. In Hier. Ostr.
indicates the material. Now in the entry quoted, O. DeM. 123, vs. 1, lIS, I, II we find the word sbiw, which tERNY and PEET (JEA. 13, 1927, 38) took for
a writing of sbJ, 'door'. If this is correct, the same word may be meant in O. DeM.
a mat is referred to as sm' m swy, and in the next line another one 285 and in O. Gardiner 226, 4, where what is left is only .... Gc.- ('nw). However,
the word for door is elsewhere in the ostraca always, as far as I know, written with
the star, so that it would seem to me that the instances of sbiw are rather errors for
92 Of unknown date. isbwt. Note that in Hier. Ostr. lIS, I, II it follows the word for footstool.
93 P. 140. 99 In a private letter Prof. CERNY mentioned to me another example with msti
94 Cf. KEIMER, OLZ. 30, 1929, 145ff. which I am unable to find.
95 Materialien V, 807.
lOO That it cannot possibly be any kind of material appears from O. DeM. 293,

96 For mats of grass, cf. LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 136 f. In several instances 5: rdmt tmJ 'n.ti.
we find the expression WJt-swy 'runner' (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 56, 1, 4; O. Cairo 25 677 101 'n occurs also in the J:l.elf.anakhte Papers, Ill, 6, where a corn measure (ipt)

vs. 6; O. Berlin 10 631, 9). swy cannot mean 'straw', as this is rendered with dhJ or rII'; is said to be 'ntC::: ~......,) m IJnt kmt. lAMES (p. 46 and 49, note 13) translates it with
and there is a clear difference between them (cf. O. DeM. 131,2-3). . "decked with black hide", but 'mended' seems to fit better.
156 PRICES BASKETRY AND MATTING 157

1/2 khar, which in no. 2 leaves 1/2 khar for 2 mats, i.e. oip~ per
mat. In no. 5, however, another entry (line 5) has the unusual price
of I oip~ per kbs, so that again the value of the mat may be 1 Ol'p~.
In no. 7, the only example described as 'nw, the price of 1/2 sniw for
] a mat is higher than normal, being the equivalent of at least 2 deben,
N " "
~~ but the same price occurs again in no. 1, described as rdmt, so that
+ + ~~
N _
the value of no. 7 cannot be taken as any proof for the translation of
] ~

S~
~

'nw as 'ornamented'.
"'N
In no. 10 the value is expressed, judging from the use of red ink, in
khar of em mer. Since 1/4 khar is the usual price this entry constitutes
further proof for the equality in value of barley and emmer. The
exceptional price in no. 11 remains inexplicable. The first price in no. 14
-----------
N N

is written, as usual, as /Cb., 'one oip~', but the other as ,Cb I. Although
this seems at first sight to mean 'one khar', I think that it is simply
an error for 1 oip~, since I khar is III the preceding line correctly
written as A I.
In no. 17b the transcription by tERNY and GARDINER states the
price to be 7 deben, though with a query. However, 9 would seem
more probable in comparison with the other two mat prices in the same
text. Moreover, the transcription seems to me uncertain on comparing
-". the other signs for 'seven' in the facsimile with the present one, while
the sign is not unlikely to stand for 'nine'.
The price of no. 18 is calculated from the total in line 3, in which
/ .is included an equally exceptionally high price of 2 oip~ for a mngm. 102
Even if 2 khar is above the normal price for a mat, there seems to be
==
no reason to doubt its correctness. Nos. 20, 21 and 22 are discussed
above. 103 Since all three are used to calculate other prices, it would be
methodologically incorrect to reverse the argument here. l04
On studying these prices 1/4 khar or 1/2 deben appears to be found
most frequently (in IS out of 25 instances), to which may be added
the price of 1/8 sniw in nos. 6b and 22. In five instances I deben is
found, three of them in one ostracon, and in four others the price is
higher, being either 2 deben or 1/2 sniw, or, once, 4 deben. The higher
prices are not correlated with any indication as to any special quality
'f
t'-' .
'" on
.;
or material, any more than that there is a possibility to explain them
<'\ ;. <'\
00
or. by current market trends. The highest of all, namely no. 11 (4 deben),
on
N
fi~~
~ Qj V')

2 ~-5~
';;j
u .-
..: :2 0"
102

103
Cf. p. 149.
Cf. pp. 146. 142 and 112.
o ~OO 104 In the light of these prices it is clear that in Hier. Osrr. 18, 5, 5 the transcription

of the last sign should be Ft (and not 40), The scribe forgot the numeral.
158 PRICES BASKETRY AND MATTING 159

belongs to the reign of Ramesses Ill, which certainly was not a boom so that the translation with 'pallet' would be not too farfetched. Since
period. We shall have to resign ourselves to not being able to explain the price of the combination srir-tmJ exceeds the average value of two
these price differences. tmJ, it would seem that the quality of a srir was better than that of an
ordinary mat, as one would expect.
The word tml sometimes occurs together with other words for
basketry, but frequently in combination with the word stjr, the meaning TABLE X
of which is not completely clear. Of course it is derived from the verb
stjr, 'to lie down', 'to pass the night', but that does not explain what sgr + Imf

object is meant. The Wb. (IV, 392, 11) seems to see no problem here
snilf khar deben
and translates it as 'bed', but for this piece of furniture the inhabitants ,
I) O. DeM. 49. 4 Ram. 11
of the Village used the word /:I'tl (see § 32). CERNY translates 105 the /2
1i
7 /2
combination tml-stjr as 'mat and blanket'. 106 Neither of these 2) o. Michael. 14, 8 (= pI. 48) late XIXth Dyn. 1/2
translations seems to me to be quite satisfactory. 3) O. Prague H 15.4 XIXth Dyn. o '/
'2
3 hill
early Ram. lIP 'I 0
The material of which the stjr is made seems in most instances to 4) O. DeM. 553. 5 '2'

5) O. DeM. 183.5 Ram. 1Il? '/2


be basketry. This is apparent from the use of the determinative A- and (emmer)
from the occurrence of srir in lists of baskets such as O. DeM. 102. 6) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 2-3 Ram. lIP 2
7) O. Berlin 10 665, 7 yr. I. mid XXth Dyn. 2
In two texts, O. Berlin 14 260, 7 and O. Cairo 25 677, vs. 2, the
8) O. Brit. Mus. 50 736, vs. 2 yr. 4. mid XXth Dyn. o 2
srir is said to be made of rwy, 'straw',107 while in O. IFAO. 1017, vs. 6 9) O. Gardiner 139.8-10 mid XXth Dyn. J
4

a srir is said to be bnd, 'twined', 'twisted'. lOB Moreover, the sdr and 10) O. Michael. 6, vs. 6 (= pI. 57) yr. 1. mid XXth Dyn. 3
4 3gr alone!

the tml belong together, since the former is nearly always me;tioned
together with the latter-tml, on the other hand, frequently occurs There are nine occurrences of a price of the combination and one
without stjr-and twice a text even says "srir and its (!) tmJ" (0. in which a srir alone is valued (see Table X). For no. 2 the publication
DeM. 183, 5 and O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 2-3). / by GOEDICKE and WENTE transcribes in the case of both entries 2 oipe
However, one badly preserved text, O. DeM. 344, seems to state (:) in stead of 1/2 snlw ~ =), but see the facsimile; moreover, 2 oipe
that seven skins are made into a srir, while the latter word is here would have been written Ft:, the khar sign being seldom forgotten. In
also determined with the skin sign. Even more puzzling is O. DeM. 183, no. 4 the price is added to that of 3 hin of fat, together coming to
5, where we find a "srir n ~,~ (and) its tmJ". The word lrw looks 1 snlw. Since 2 hin of fat can be assumed to be the equivalent of 1/2
as though it were the name of some kind of wood, 109 but, whereas snlw (see § 104), there remains 1/2 snlw for the two articles of basketry
the substitution of basketry with skins is possible, I fail to see how together. For no. 5, the explanation of which presents considerable
wood could have been used. difficulties, see above. No. 9 is rather illegible: CERNY notes that both
In spite of these two occurrences it seems to me that usually the sdr and tmJ are followed by badly written additions, which I cannot
srir was a 'sleeping-mat', which was used on the top of another mat, i~terpret. 11 0 In no. 10 again the transcription is not quite correct, '40'
105 Prices and Wages, 913. being a mistake for Ft .
106 In O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 2 and O. Berlin 10 665, 7 sgr is determined with l!' , The price of tmJ + srir is fairly constant; seven out of the ten
which may have been the reason for this translation. These are, so far as I know, the
only instances. instam:es give either 1/2 snlw or 2 deben, which is about the same.
107 Possibly this is also what is meant in the somewhat illegible entry in O. Gar- One price, no. 5, is very low, the more so since it is expressed in khar
diner 139, vs. 9. of emmer, which during the reign of Ramesses III was sometimes cheaper
108 See p. 139.

109 HELCK, Materialien V, 919, suggests the reading "for making a mat", but I fail
than barley. It is to be noted that this is the text of which the translation
to see how this can be combined with the word sgr. For irwt as a kind of tree(?)
cf. Wh. I, 114, 16. 110 For a guess, see p. 158, note 107.
BASKETRY AND MATTING 161
160 PRICES

presents difficulties. The two instances of a price of 3/4 khar are also TABLE XI

below normal, but the first, no. 9, may perhaps be explained by the
hIp
illegible addition, and in the other a sgr alone is valued. If a mat of
I oipe is added the total price (I khar, i.e. 2 deben) would be in sniU' khor deben
agreement with the seven other instances.
1 3. i}IP n 'm'm n" 6 1 hill
vs. 5
yr. 36. Ram. 11 i}lpn ..... . .... = 1 hin
§24. ~tp
0
I) O. Gardiner 133. vs. 11
Ram. III IV 1/. i}lp n m;wl 1 = 1 oipl'
2) O. DeM. 231.4
Another well-known article of basketry is the ~tp, which occurs mid XXth Dyn. o
11I .
3) Hier. OSlr. 85. 2, 3
mid XXth Dyn. 1/, 2 i}lp for 1 "ehen
frequently in Pap. Harris I. In this text it is clearly meant to indicate 4) O. Gardiner 139.3
i}lp iri.n 2 (?)
5) L. Frank!. Hier. Inser., 6 mid XXth Dyn. 2"
a container, hence a basket. However, the original meaning of the
hieroglyph ~tp (.b) is 'a loaf on a reed mat", 111 and it is probable
that in the New Kingdom the meaning 'mat' was still retained. As is apparent from Table XI the few available .data are full of
Therefore HELCK 112 translates the word as 'mat' rather than basket, queries. No. 1 is discussed above; it remains u~certam whether 6. ~tp
but I do not think that this is correct in our price ostraca. In the all valued at 1 hin in the second passage, smce the relevant signs
will of Naunakhte (Document 11, vs. 10 and 11) there occurs twice were , 117 1 5 t h
are lost. In no. 2 the ~tp is called n mlwt, 'new. n no. e
the word ~tp, written once with the wood sign and once with the number of ~tp does not appear to be written, so far, at least, ~s the
basket sign. The first object is also explicitly stated to be made of facsimile is legible. To suppose that 'one' was intended would give an
wood. In spite of this CERNY supposes in his commentary 113 that both unusually high price, but any other guess is equally unfo~nded;
words indicate the same kind of container, the difference being due to The prices of nos. 2-4 are more or less in agreement,. smce /4 khar
the material. If that is correct, the ~tp cannot be a mat. is equivalent to 1/2 deben, each being the lowest possible pnce that
The only texts which add something to our knowledge are O. Varille 13, could be expressed in this way. This proves that the ~tp, whatever
5-6 and O. Gardiner 133, vs. 5. In the latter six ~tp n 'm'm n" type of basket it may have been, was very cheap, an~ so perhaps
(;::; S\s. ........ ~e 'U I 01f """) are mentioned. Since 'm'm is 'mud' 114 this may / c.orrespondingly small. Whether the extremely low ~nce of ~o. 1
mean that these objects were '(covered with) a smooth layer of mud', reflects either quality or size, or is proof of a lower ~nce level m the
which brings to mind the basket found by BRUYERE in the Eastern time of Ramesses 11, cannot be determined; more eVlde~ce would .be
necropolis of Deir el-Medina and described by him as "confectionne required to support the latter conclusion. The question will be studied
non plus en vannerie mais en cartonnage stuque et peint".u 5 If
below.
cartonnage was the material used for this kind of basket it is obvious
why the Egyptian scribe was at a loss as to the determinative, neither
§25. §kr
wood nor basketry being quite correct.
One kind of basketry presents special difficulties. It is i~dicated by
In O. Varille 13, 5-6, there is mentioned a ~tp with the qualification
the word §kr and determined with Ft, and occurs several tlf~es among
k~t 1 n §ndt ~r 'tf, "with one k~t C:r~o_) of acacia wood on its
other kinds of basketry (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 20, 2, 5-6; O. Cairo 25 619,
body". The difficulty is that we do not know what a k~t might be.
That the kr~t-basket is what was meant, as I have thought previously,116 5a). Since it is also said to be nbd, 'coiled' (Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, 5,
now seems to me less probable. 17 and 6, 12) or bnd (0. IFAO. 1017, vs. 1),118 there ca~ be no
doubt about its nature. The word is not listed in the Wb., which does,
111 GARDINER, Grammar 3 , 501 (R 4). however, mention a particular form of it, namely §kr' (Wb ..I~, 550,.8).
112 Materialien V, 920.
113 lEA. 31,1945.39.
This may be either a variant or even a more complete wntmg of skr,
114 Cf. GARDINER, Dnom. I, 10· fT.
115 Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 56. 117 Cf., e.g., lEA. 49, 1963, 34.
116 lEDL. 19, 1965-66,447. 118 All three written as skr'.
162 PRICES BASKETRY AND MATTING 163

or it may mean 'a large Skr'. For a parallel for the unusual position of is referring throughout to skrw of basketry cannot be excluded. The
the word 'i ('::) before the determinative, cf. O. Michael. 10, II, I price of 2 oipi! (with the sack?) which is mentioned for the skr (.-) in
(pI. 79), where we find ~ G"!"A, which can only mean mtrb srit. rt. 7 may be too low for a s~r. The price of 6 deben mentioned in rt. 6
There is, however, a greater problem still with regard to the skr, represents the value of the sky' together with an unknown number of
namely its confusion with the word s~r or sgr, designating a fairly hin of mr/:l and is unusable. I am unable to draw any well founded
common object made of wood. The Wb. 119 connects the latter with conclusion from all this.
.,lTV and translates it as 'verschhessbarer Kasten1'. That this bears any With the exception of this doubtful text there are six instances 120
relation to the present skr is not likely, but even the Egyptians in which the price of a skr is given (see Table XII). For no. I cf. p. 148,
themselves sometimes mixed up the two words, so that it becomes no. I. No. 2 is misread in the publication (pikir instead of skr, and
hard to decide which one is meant. So, e.g., in O. DeM. 223, vs. 4, 2 oipe instead of 1/2 snlw); the text states that 1 khar of emmer and a
which has s~r (with Ll ), although it is determined with Ft , while on the skr together cost 1/2 snlw. It was calculated above 121 that in this text
other hand in Hier. Ostr. 54, I, 10 a wooden object skr (with =-) is 1 khar of barley cost 1/2 sniw, which proves that the price of emmer
mentioned determined with the wood sign. In O. Cairo 25 800, I, 5 a sgr was lower than that of barley-of which there are other examples. 122
with Ft occurs, which is said to be made of wood. In my opinion the The price of the skr will therefore be about 1/4 sniw or less.
determinative is decisive in most instances-where found, also the No. 4 has the variant sky'. The price is low, since 1 oipi! is the
qualification-to solve the question of what kind of object is meant. equivalent of 1/2 deben, which seems to contradict the suggestion that
In one text, however, the confusion is so great that I see no way sky' was 'a large skr'. In no. 5, although the writing is s~r (with Ll),
out. In O. IFAO 1017 (mid XXth Dyn.?) two persons are said to the reference is certainly to a skr, from both the determinative and the
exchange some objects, one of them being called [~enlna. Since the price; in fact it is the making of a skr that is valued, but the price
name of the other is lost with the beginning of the text we do not of the material was in all probability included.
know who gave the objects to whom. For the sake of clarity we shall
call them A and B. A is said to have given to B (rdlt nj) "in exchange TABLE XII

for a pair(?) of coffin(s?) (' n wt), which he (B) carved (s'nb)": a


skr
dnlt-basket, some hin of mr/:l (the number is lost) and a skr' (determined
with ft ). The text continues: "given to him in exchange for the sniw khar deben
.!J.!.'i\.u\\.~,~ (sic). I gave to him (lw.l /:Ir art nj) 2 oipi! in a sack
1) Hier. Os/r. 54, 1, 8 yr. 3, XIXth Dyn. 'I. ? 2 mnqm + 2 nl,r + 1 skr =
(biiw)". The problem is: who are 'him' and 'I' in this sentence. If it 'I, (sniw)
refers to a different transaction from the first one and 'I' again is A, 2) O. Michael. 14,3-4 late XIXth Dyn. 'I. ?
and 'him' is B, then B probably made the skr (= s~r?; made of (= pI. 48)
3) O. DeM. 556, 7 Ram. III 1
wood?) just as the coffin(s), and this would strengthen the supposition 4) O. Cairo 25 602, 4 Ram. Ill? ' I. skr'
that skr (= s~r) and skr' are different objects. However, vs. I mentions 5) O. DeM. 223, vs. 4-5 mid XXth Dyn. 1 bikw-qrt m pi sl,r Un\' n.f: db" i
6) Hier. Os/r. 36, 1, vs. I, 8 yr. 7, Ram. VIIVII 1
2 skr' (without any determinative, but said to be hnd 'twined' hence
basketry), while vs. 3 states "given to him in exchan~e for th~ other
(pi ky) rul.Ll)\.~'''''''''' etc.". Since parts of the ostracon have disappeared
From the Table it is apparent that the skr (or skr') is a cheap
the connection between the entries is not clear. The possibility that, in
object, its usual price being 1 deben (= 1/4 sniw). Its exact nature
spite of all the determinatives and different ways of writing, the text
120 In Hier. Os!r. 20, 2, 5-6 too many commodities are valued together for any

119 Wb. IV, 550, I and 10. The word written as s*s
(Wb., loco cit., 3) should also conclusion to be drawn as to the price of the skr.
121 Cf. p. 120, no. 6.
be read as s*r, since it occurs according to the Belegstellen in O. Petrie 17 6 =
Hier. Os!r. 28, 2, 6. ' 122 Cf.p.130.
164 PRICES

remains obscure, since no text provides any clue. We have tried


above 123 to show that the word skr is connected with ~::lt' and '9 KI.h.,
and has the same basic meaning as I;nd. Since only 'hamper' -like CHAPTER FOUR
coffins and bags are of twined work 124 it may be that ,<;kr was a
basketry bag. ANIMALS
123 See §13.
124 Cf. LVCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 132. §26. 'nI;, 'small cattle'
The word 'nl; is usually translated as 'goat', but while this may be
correct for older periods, it is noticeable, as HELCK has pointed out,1
that in Pap. Harris I it is the only word that appears as an indication
for small cattle. The same is indeed true of the ostraca, from which
both sr, 'sheep', and the older generic word 'wt, 'small cattle', are
almost completely absent, 2 and it would therefore appear that from
the Nineteenth Dynasty the word 'nl; replaced the older 'wl as the
generic term for 'small cattle', 3 at least in the spoken language.
Most of the twenty-two instances of 'nb-prices (Table XIII) are clear.
In no. 4 the editors have again made the mistake of reading 1/2 khar
(the sign for khar being missing) where 1/2 snlw is meant. The meaning
of no. 16 is doubtful, since it is not clear where the entries begin or
end. One might understand 4 that the 300 (bundles of?) firewood
mention~d after the 13/ 4 khar are also exchanged against the three
'nI;, but nowhere is there a price for firewood,s so that it would be
·impossible to calculate the value of the small cattle. If, however, one
takes the 13 / 4 khar as the value, this means that each animal costs
7/12 khar-i.e., about 1/2 khar (of emmer, according to line 1), which

would be in agreement with the usual price of the 'nI;, since emmer in
this text costs 4 deben per khar. Only if 300 bundles ·of firewood are
assumed to have cost no more than 1/2 khar or 2 de ben (which is not
impossible), can the price of the 'nl; be otherwise kept within the ordinary
range, being then 3/ 4 khar, i.e., 3 deben per 'nb. It seems on the whole
impossible to decide between the two alternatives.

1 Materialien Ill, 488 .


.2 Among the non-literary ostraca I know of sr only from Hier. Ostr. 81, 7, where
it occurs in a technical list of types of cattle, and is clearly used in contrast to the
preceding 'nbw, which in this case has still the older meaning 'goats'.
3 The Wh. seems to have understood something similar, since it translates 'nb

(1,205, 11) as 'Ziege? (oder allgemeines Wort fiir Kleinvieh?)'.


4 As HELCK, Materialien Ill, 490.
5 There is one exception, but there the firewood is measured in 'ass-loads'; see p. 450.
166 PRICES ANIMALS 167

TABLE XIII six 'wt are valued at 3 snlw, i.e., 1/2 snlw each, and since the snlw
(or whatever the proper transliteration of 11.1<=> may be at this period)
'nh was then the equivalent of 8 1/3 deben, this means that they cost about
4 deben each. GARDINER could not, unfortunately, decipher the signs
sniw khar deben
immediately following 'wt, which could perhaps indicate a particular
I) O. Berlin 10 626, 14 XIXth Dyn. 2 kind of animal, and therefore explain the highness of the price as
2) Hier. Oslr. 86, 3, 4 }
late XIXth Dyn.
2
} the same 'nb
compared with those from later periods. It seems in any c~se too
O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, 4 I
3) O. DeM. 50,6 late XIXth Dyn. 1'/, (= I snlw)
doubtful an instance to cite in support of any theory that in the
4) O. Michael. 14, 8 late XIXth Dyn. ' /, Eighteenth Dynasty prices were relatively high, the more so in that
5) Hier. OSlr. 58, 3, vs. 5 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 3 this seems to contradict the data relating to grain 8-though one should
6) O. DeM. 73, vs. 3

7) Hier. OSIr. 72, 3, 4


yr. 20, Ram. III
yr. 23, Ram. III
U?
3
doubtful
also compare the cattle prices below (p. 176).

8) O. Gardiner 252, 6 I
vs. 4 §27. '3, 'donkey'
2
Ram. III
vs. 6 1'/, The word '3, 'donkey', occurs frequently in the texts from Deir
vs. 7 3 'j
9) Hier. OSlr. 31, 4, 10-11
el-Medina, and considerable numbers of ostraca were used to record
Ram. Ill? 2
10) O. DeM. 183,2 Ram~ Ill? 2
disputes about donkeys,9 which the workmen hired one from another,
(emmer) either to carry water from the river or from some well in the
11) P. Turin 2081 + 2095, vs. n, 5 Ram. IV? 3/.
12) Hier. OSlr. 85, 2, 7
neighbourhood, or to cart wood for cooking.lo Sometimes a donkey
mid XXth Dyn.? I
13) O. Michael. 28, 5 XXth Dyn.? 2
died during the work, and the hirer had then to replace it, while in
14) Hier. OSlr. 61,2,5 mid XXth Dyn. 3 other instances donkeys were sold, and in either case the price of the
15) Hier. Oslr. 86, 4, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 2
O. Cairo 25 588, 4-5
animal is mentioned, providing us with most of the data below.
16) yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. 7/12 ? cc. commentar y
(emmer) / Whether a male or a female donkey is meant is sometimes difficult
17) O. Berlin [C], 3 mid XXth Dyn. 2 two instances' to. determine. Instances where it is called p3, p3y, or t3, t3y present
18) O. Berlin 14 365, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 2
19) O. Berlin 14260,5
no problem, but where these words are absent only the manner of
mid XXth Dyn. }1/2
20) O. Gardiner 151,4 mid XXth Dyn. 4 writing can be of help. One would expect of course '3 to be the male,
21) P. DeM. 14,2 Ram. IX 5 and '3t the female donkey, but in several cases '3t is used when the
22) O. Gardiner 172, II late XXth Dyn. ? 5 article or the possessive pronoun shows that a male is meant, and
there are also examples of the reverse. It is therefore doubtful whether,
It appears from the Table that the value of small cattle fluctuated for instance, '3t in O. Varille 25, 9 and O. Berlin 12 405, 3 is a she-
betwe~n 1 and 3 deben, with signs of a rise towards the end of the donkey, and '3 in O. Gardiner fragm. 3, 4 a male animal, though it is
Twent~eth Dynasty, That the variations in price are not in the main a clear on the other hand that w' '3t in Hier. Ostr. 45, 1, 3 and 6 refers
reflectl~n of. the economic situation is shown by O. Gardiner 252 (no. 8), to a male, as witness line 7.
where m a smgle text four 'now are valued respectively at 1 1 1/ 2 d
3d b h' . ' 2, an In Pap. Vienna 34, 6 the signs for '3 are followed by ~, which is
.e en, t IS difference being due clearly to size 6 and/or quality of the
anImals.
One further price for small cattle may be compared with those 8 Cf. p. 116.
9 Cf. HELCK, Materialien Ill, 492 ff.
tabulated above. In Pap. Berlin 9784, 8 7 , of the Eighteenth Dynasty, 10 Particular workmen were responsible for this transport, namely the 'water-

carriers' ar.d the 'wood-cutters', who seem with the fishermen and the gardeners to
have been classed as smdt (cf. RAD. 46, 7) or smdt (n) bnr (cf. JANSSEN, Ship's Logs, 23).
6 The last 'nb is called '3. These people probably lived outside the walls of the Village; cf. BRUYERE, Rapport
7 Cf. GARDINER, ZA·S. 43, 1906,28. The text dates from year 27 of Amenophis rn. DeM. 1934-5, Ill, 17.
ANIMALS 169
168 PRICES
as the price. Thus, this instance may point to a rather early
also found in both instances in Pap. Turin 1881 (see below, no. 10),
date for the depreciation of silver. I 2
though this time preceding '31 and following 11". I I The group ~ is
No. 3) Since the first part is slightly damaged, the exact date of
discussed by GARDINER in Onomastica n, 258* tT., where he quotes
this ostracon is uncertain. 13 It contains the record of a
some other instances in which it undoubtedly means 'female', and the
legal proceeding concerning a donkey, which is exchanged
same will here be the case.
for two pieces of cloth but valued in deben. The donkey
TABLE XIV
is called ply! '3l (!).
" No. 4) The text contains a dispute about a hired donkey that had
died. The owner states that he bought it for 40 deben,
snlw deben which he claims from the man who was using the animal
1) P. Vienna 34. 6 yr. 13. Ram.II 25 fem. 2 '/2 kill' of silver when it died.
2) O. Varille 25, 9 Ram. II/Merenptal) 7 fem.? No. 5) A bill of sale for a donkey, paid for in different commodi-
3) O. Turin 6672,2-3 yr. 14.24. Ram. liP 26 m.
ties making a total of 27 deben; the rest of the text records a
4) O. Berlin 1121, vs. 1-3 yr. 28, Ram. JII 40 m.
5) Hier. Os/r. 45, 1, 6 yr. 28, Ram. III 27 m. dispute about the donkey.14
6) O. DeM. 62, 3 yr. 28. Ram. III 3D? m. No. 6) As ALLAM 15 has recognized, this ostracon contains a bill
7) O. Edgerton 1, 2 Ram. JII 20 fem. of sale for a donkey, the price, now barely legible, being
8) O. Gardiner, 181. 3-5 yr. 7. Ram. VI/VII 30 m.
9) O. Gard. fragm. 3. 4 mid/late XXth Dyn. 30 ? in line 3. The facsmile suggests '30', with any possible units
10) P. Turin 1881 = PL.-R .. X.
yr, 7, Ram. IX 30
and the word deben lost in the lacuna.
fem.
6-9
No. 7) Another dispute about a donkey, for which on this occasion
11) P. DeM. 7, vs. I Ram. IX? 30 m.
(2) O. Berlin 12 405, 3 late XXlh Dyn. 40 fern.? 20 deben is said to have been paid.
No. 8) Yet another dispute, in front of the ~nbl sqmyw. An oath
is sworn promising the repayment of "the 10 deben of
Since most of the donkey-prices require some explanation it will be copper for the donkey, < completing? > its 30 deben"-a
convenient to discuss them aiL word such as that added in brackets being necessary to
No. 1) There is a gap in the papyrus in front of the number 'one',
make the text intelligible, since it seemf. unlikely that the
10 deben are to be added to "its 30 deben". In vs. 1, which
so that 'two' would also be possible, though this seems
is the following line, an ox valued at 20 deben is said to
unlikely in relation to the price. This value is expressed in
kite of silver, 2 1/2 being the equivalent of 25 deben of have been handed over in the presence of some officials
who may have constituted the ~nbt, and this strengthens the
copper, since at this period the silver:copper ratio was still
supposition that the debtor has handed over 20 deben
1:100.
No. 2) Since part of the ostracon is broken away, it is uncertain
already and is now adding another lOin order to pay for
whether a female donkey is in fact meant, though the word the donkey in full.
is clearly written '3t. A price of 7 snlw would correspond No. 9) A donkey is one of the items which are being paid for an
either with 35 deben or with 58 1/3 deben of copper, ox.
depending upon the ratio between silver and copper in the No. 10) A female donkey is bought for 30 deben, 20 of which are
period of the text. The latter indeed seems rather high by provided immediately in the form of two vessels. The
comparison with the other donkey-prices, whereas 35 deben
12 cr. p. 107.
of copper, although still high, would be more acceptable 13 Cr. ALLAM, lEA. 53, 1967,48.
14 cr. AlLAM, Orientalia 36, 1967, 417r.
15 BiOr. 24,1967,16.
11 'it ~ in Hier. Ostr. 47. 1, vs. 11.
170 PRICES
ANIMALS 171

reason for this transaction is not quite clear; perhaps the


chariot by Amenteynakhte .... 3 [deben]". The loss at the beginning
donkey was meant to replace one stolen.
of each line may be quite considerable, and there is thus some reason
In another text in the same papyrus (Pap. Turin 1881),
to doubt whether 3 deben (of silver, as is clear from elsewhere in the
also published by PEET,16 there is again a reference to a
text) was really the price of the animal. If, on the other hand, 3 kiti'
she-ass, this time with its foal, the two being offered in
could possibly be read, it would be a normal price, this being the
payment for a quantity of grain the value of which is put
equivalent of 30 deben of copper-but the photograph is clear and
at 80 deben. The other party will not, however, accept the
shows only the co of deben, without a trace of a t above (~) as
offer, and a further sum is therefore added to it-either
required for kiti'. If 3 deben of silver was really intended here, the :ery
10,20, or 30 deben (the text is illegible here). If what was
high price might conceivably be explained by the type of ammal
written originally was 30 deben, the donkeys would then
involved-whatever one is to understand by a 'chariot-donkey'.
have been valued at 50 deben together, which seems a high
The second instance is found in O. Berlin 1268 (year 14 of Ramesses
price, though not beyond all bounds. Since, however, the
Ill). The first lines refer to the "Record of the money for the female
whole transaction seems rather curious-the 80 deben
donkey of Usibe, which the water-carrier Usibenakhte bought from the
appear to be due as payment for an original loan of 10
workman Usibe", 18 after which follow two columns of objects, the first
khar of emmer, to which has been added two years' interest,
without prices, and the second, which probably gave them, now so
thus tripling the debt 17_ it is possible that the two animals
damaged that almost all are lost. The last line contains a reckoning:
were priced above their actual value. This would be so if
"total, silver, 2 deben, 1 snlw and 1 khar", but it is by no means
only 20 deben had to be paid in addition, and a fortiori certain that this is the price of the donkey. If it were, the animal
if the amount was as little as 10 deben, the price then would have been quite unbelievably expensive, the total amounting to
being put at 60 or 70 deben. In view of the difficulties in about 127 deben of copper (with the khar at 2 deben). Although there
explaining the text, I prefer not to include the price in the is no means of proving that this is not correct, the significance of the
Table. In the last sentence there is a reference to a male total seems to me too uncertain to incorporate in the Table. No
donkey, and one is inclined to wonder whether this animal / explanation for an excessively high price can be found in the text so
was the form in which the remaining 30 deben (if that is far it is preserved. 19
the meaning) were handed over. If so, this would represent The third instance is in O. DeM. 73, the verso of which is interpreted
another 'normal' price for a donkey. by HELCK (Materialien III, 499) as specifying the price of a d~nkey
No. 11) The relevant sentence runs "the (ps) donkey which he killed mentioned on the recto. It seems, however, that he has made a mistake
makes 30 deben", the signs for 'makes' and 'deben' being in construing the first line of the verso, namely "given to him r gbS ps
written twice by a scribal error. In the next line there is wt", since without a resumptive pronoun r gbS cannot very well refer
mention of the price of a killed 'no
(the actual figure is back to the donkey on the recto. Moreover, in the following line we
lost), and in vs. 3 of the theft of some emmer, the theft find "copper, 8 1/2 deben; again, copper, 5 deben", which certainly
itself being the subject of the recto. indicates two amounts of copper (HELCK omitted "again" in his
No. 12) This is a simple price, followed by that of an ox. (translation}-and since the word iri.n is missing the 8 1/ 2 deben are
Three possible references to donkey-prices require some explanation. not the price of the coffin, but actual copper produced as part of its
In O. Cairo 25 543, which is also difficult in other ways, there occurs price. Nor is the total of the verso (25 1/2 deben) at all decisive, since
(lines 4-5) the sentence "given in exchange for the female donkey of a
18 Cf. p. 504.
19 Although from the price one would be apt to expect the sale .of an ox (ef.
16Griffith Studies, pI. 11. Table XV), and the wording of the text resembles the formula used With the sale of
1780 deben for 30 khar would be not impossible as a price, though rather low by cattle (cf. pp. 503 f.), the words tJ '3t in line 2 are quite clearly written. To alter them, as
comparison with the usual 4 deben per khar in the time of Ramesses IX; cf. above, Table I. being due to a scribal error, seems to me unwarrantable.
ANIMALS 173
172 PRICES

this could equally well be the value of a coffin as of a donkey, and TABLE xv
there is thus no reason to follow HELCK in combining the recto and
verso. sniw deben
From the Table it is apparent that the price of a donkey oscillates
between 25 and 40 deben. There is no proof that it became higher after 1) O. Prague H 22. vs. 4 Merenptal) 6
2) o. DeM. 302, 3 late XIXth Dyn.? 6
the middle of the Twentieth Dynasty, nor does there seem to be any late XIXth Dyn. 4 calf
3) O. Cairo 25 725. 6
difference between the price of a male and that of a female. So far as 4) O. DeM. 700, 2-3 XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 6 male
one can see the price is determined by the quality of the animals and 5) O. Berlin 1268. vs. 6-10 yr. 14, Ram. III 120 bull
6) O. Turin 9611. vs. 3-5 yr. 18, Ram. III 110 male
the particular situation of the seller and buyer. The prices of O. Cairo yr. 19. Ram. III 45 male
7) O. Turin 6628. 2-8
25 543 and O. Berlin 1268, if they are really to be understood as 8) O. IFAO. 1373, 3-vs. 4 yr. 24, Ram. III 141 male
donkey-prices, may be due to exceptional circumstances. 9) O. DeM. 56, 3-4 yr. 25, Ram. III 50 male
10) O. Cairo 25 684, 5 Ram. lll? 100
11) O. Gardiner 247. 2 Ram. lll/mid XXth Dyn. 100 male
§28. Cattle 4 100 il;
12) O. Turin 95?9. 5 Ram. lll/mid XXth Dyn. lOO? 1/.1
In most of the instances where cattle occur in the ostraca the word Ram. III/mid XXth Dyn. 127 male
13) Hier. Os/r. 24. 1. 1-5
is written only as an ideogram, so that its reading remains in doubt. 14) O.DeM. 113, 1-9 120 male
yr. I. Ram. IV? 40 small
However, when written phonetically it seems in every case to be lb, 3
15) Hier. OSlr. 77. 9 yr. 4, Ram. IV 30 young
which is used both for the male animal (e.g., Pap. Turin 2077 etc., 6) 44 male
~6) O. Vienna H 2, I-vs. 2 yr. 3, mid XXth Dyn.
and for the female (Pap. Ch. Beatty 1, vs. D, 2; 20 Hier Ostr. 33, 2, 17) Hier. Oslr. 16,3, I-vs. 2 yr. 4, mid XXth Dyn. 50 male
120 male
2 and vs. 2).21 In some of the instances noted below it is possible 1-3
18) P. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 2 yr. 4. mid XXth Dyn. 20 i/.r. female
from the masculine article to see that an ox is meant, but whether yr. 5, mid XXth Dyn. 120
19) O. Turin 9753, 3
this is so when the article is not written is open to question. In only 20) O. DeM. 655, 4 mid XXth Dyn. 20
20 male
one case is the animal called a bull, k3 (0. Berlin 1268, vs. 6). 2i) O. Gardiner 181, vs. I yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII
22) Hier. Oslr. 86, 2, I-vs. I mid (?) XXth Dyn. 119 male
In three examples a calf is valued, namely O. Cairo 25 725, 6, where 23) I). Gardiner fragm. 3, 1-6 mid/late XXth Dyn. 47 male
the animal is called b~s, Hie/". Ostr. 77, 9, where it is called i~ wM, 6 20 lit. male
24) P. Turin 2077 etc., Ram. IX male
'a young ox', and O. DeM. 113, 3, where we find ib sri, 'a small ox'. vs. 5-6 40?
25) O. Berlin 12405,3 late XXth Dyn. 30
The sex of all three is unknown, though the first is most probably 26) P. Brit. Mus. 10053, vs. 3, 13 yr. 9, Ram. XI 60 5 kill' of gold
male since it is said to be w' n b~s.
Several of the cattle-prices occur in records of sales, e.g., O. Turin Only a few instances in Table XV require some commentary. No. 4
6628, O. IFAO. 1373, Hie/". Ostr. 24, 1,22 which is not surprising, since occurs in a broken ostracon, and it is therefore not quite certain that
cattle were relatively expensive, so that one might expect a change of the price of 6 sniw in line 3 relates to the male animal mentioned in
ownership to be noted down rather more often than in the case of
line 2.
cheaper commodities.
No. 6 is not quite clear. The text of the recto mentions no animal,
though it may be lost in line 2, of which only half is left. The value
of the commodities mentioned in vs. 3 is 57 deben, to which in vs. 4
20 i~ -=; for this expression, cf. p. 168. is added another 35 I! 2 deben, "together 92 I! 2" (the 2 is lost), while
21 Cf. also O. Turin 9599, 4 and 5, where i~ is used without the article, so that the
gender cannot be established.
a 'remainder' in vs. 5 is 17 1/2 deben, so that the total value was
22 These instances can be recognized in the Table by the fact that the two lines 110 deben. That this was the price for an ox may perhaps be deduced
cited are not consecutive. In the first we find something like "given to N in exchange from the next lines: "the court sentenced him for me to the food which
for the ox", after which follows a list of commodities, the value of which is then added
up in the last line; cL e.g., Hier. Ostr. 86,2.
his ox ate (while it was) with me", and if there is indeed any
174 PRICES ANIMALS 175

connection between this sentence and what precedes it, which at least is possible that the man who sold the ox knew that the gold was
is possible, then 110 deben will be the price of the animal. stolen, and as a 'receiver' he would not of course pay the real value
No. 10 occurs on a small piece of an ostracon, and although the for it-in which case 5 kit~ of gold, i.e. 60 de ben of copper, would
price itself is clear, the numbers preceding and following it are not so, not be a genuine price. There is, however, no hint in the text that the
owing to the condition of the remainder of the text. theft was known to the seller of the ox.
In no. Il, a poorly legible text, there appears to be a word written One further reference to the sale of an ox should here be mentioned.
between the words pi il.z and n 100, and whether the n is what remains In O. DeM. 194 (of the XXth Dyn.?) several objects are listed, each
of iri.n is not clear from CERNY'S transcription, since he was unable with its price, the second column then reading: "I said: give (sell) an
to read the signs in between. However, the price itself seems certain. ox, (but) you did not give (sell) it". The value of the commodities in
In no. 12 the first price is clearly written, and the second is at least the first column is 89 deben, but this was presumably not considered
probable according to my collation. enough by the seller, since he refused the transaction. As usual nothing
In no. 13 the publication does not transcribe the word lb, but the is known of the circumstances, and even the names of the persons
facsimile seems to me in favour of this interpretation, and the price of involved are not mentioned. One can only say that a price of 89 deben
127 1eben suits it well. would be unusual, since 100 deben is the lowest known figure in
No. 20 is not altogether beyond doubt, since the ostracon is broken, instances where the animal is valued at more than 50. 24
with 20 written at the very end of the line, so that another number From a comparison of the prices in Table XV it appears that there
from 1 to 9 might perhaps be lost. Since 20 deben is not without are two series. One ranges from 20 to 50 deben, and embraces the few
parallel this seems, however, to be the most probable price. prices for young cattle (nos. 3, 14b and 15), while the other goes from
In no. 23 the name of the commodity is lost, but its value is 47 100 (nos. 10, 11 and 12) up to 141 (no. 8). There seems no possible
deben. The formula here used: hrw pn inl pi ..... (n) X n (for In) Y, way of explaining this difference. It is not connected with the sex of
occurs only twice elsewhere, namely in O. Vienna H 2 and in Hier. the animals (which, so far as indicated, were mostly male) since oxen
Ostr. 16, 3, both of them records of the sale of an ox, and slightly are valued both at 20 deben (nos. 21 and 24) and at 100 or more-though
different formulae in which the word inl, 'to sell', is also used, e.g. it may be noted that no cow is included among the more expensive
in O. Turin 6628 and Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, again relate to ox-prices. 23 / ~nimals. Nor does it seem to have anything to do with their age, since
It therefore seems probable at least that O. Gardiner fragm. 3 too there are many animals that are not described as young but are still
contains the price of an ox. comparatively cheap. The young cattle in fact belong all three to the
In no. 24, where the papyrus is not very legible, the first price seems cheaper group, though no. 14b at 40 deben is rather high in it. Nor
to me certain, although in the sentence "this ox, copper deben 20" again is there any indication whatever of fluctuation in the prices of
the word iri.n is omitted. The second price, however, remains in doubt. oxen,2s high and low prices being found at all periods, the highest
I read "the ox of Pnekhteresy ..... 40; total, copper, 60 1/2 deben ", occurring in year 24 of Ramesses III (no. 8), which was certainly
but the first part of all the lines is lost, so that it is uncertain whether
the 40 or the 60 1/2 deben is meant as the price of the ox, though the
24 In Hier. Oslr. 31,4. 5 (Ramesses HI?) there occurs an obscure entry which runs:
former seems the more probable. nty pi ~ D 1,;, dbn 2, it being perfectly clear that 2 deben of copper cannot be the
In no. 25 the price itself seems to have been quite clear to CERNY, price of an ox. The context provides no clue and there seems also to be an omission,
though I am unable to read it from a photograph of the ostracon. possibly <n> pi i~(?). The i~ in question is clearly known to the auth?r, since
the artde is used, but the only suggestion that I am able to offer is that ..01", is here
The meaning of no. 26 is difficult to assess. It occurs in the record the determinative of ~(in place of D, as sometimes with metal vessels), and that
of the thieves' trial, where a man confesses that a further 5 kit~ of a copper object is meant; cf. O. Cairo 25 677, 12, which according to the determinative
gold were stolen, and given in exchange for (payed for) an ox. Now it mentions a vessel. One would be inclined to suggest a weight in the form of an ox
(cf., e.g., HAYES, Seepter H, 220), but this is perhaps too speculative.
25 The opposite conclusion as reached by HELCK (Materialien Ill, 289) is based
23 See p. 504. on too little evidence, some of it incorrectly arranged.
176 PRICES
ANIMALS 177

not a period of inflation, while under Ramesses VI or VII (no. 21) an ox


Sheshonq,29 line 14, where we read: "10 oxen, making in silver 5 30
is sold for the lowest value of 20 deben. The only possible explanation
deben". This would mean that each ox cost 1 / 2 deben of silver, which
would seem to be that the price was largely determined by the quality
will have been the equivalent of 30 deben of copper, a low but not
of the cattle, as indeed was concluded above in the case of donkeys.
impossible price. 31
It may be worthwhile to compare these data with a few examples
known from the Eighteenth Dynasty at Kahun. 26
§29 . .mw, 'pig'
a) Pap. Gurob H, 1, 6-7 (year 33 of Amenophis Ill) : 1 head of cattle Only one of the words for 'pig' seems to occur in the texts from the
for 8 sniw; 27 Village, namely .mw. This is always translated simply as 'pig', though
b) Pap. Berlin 9784, 17 (year 2 of Amenophis IV): 1 cow for the Coptic equivalent €'!}o is rendered as 'sow' by CRUM (Copt. Diet.,
1/2 deben (of silver); 63),32 and from the five examples of pig-prices in the ostraca it is
c) Pap. Berlin 9785, 6 and 11 (year 4 of Amenophis IV): 2 cows impossible to determine whether a sow or a boar is meant. The
(idt) 28 for 16 sniw; occurrence of these five prices shows that the animal was not so rare
d) ibId., 11-12: 2 calves (blJst) for 1 deben (of silver). as is sometimes assumed,3 3 although in fact these are almost the only
references in the ostraca as a whole.
Since according to indications in the same text the value of a ~lt:I was
TABLE XVI
1/12 deben of silver, and since at the time the silver:copper ratio was
1: 100, it appears that the animals in examples a) and c) cost 66 2/3 deben
of copper, the cow in b) 50 deben, and the calves in d) also 50 deben
each. It is noticeable that the value of the one cow in b) is equal to sniw deben

that of the calves in d), while the cows in c) are more expensive. 1) o. terny 5, vs. 2 XIXth Dyn. 1 2 for 2 sniw
Whether a cow or an ox is meant in a) cannot be deduced from the 2) O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 13 late XIXth Dyn. 1/2 2 for 1 sniw
writing with an ideogram. 3) O. Michael. 14, vs. 4 late XIXth Dyn. 1/2
4)"0. DeM. 73, vs. 3 yr. 20, Ram. /lI 5
Comparing these prices with those from the late Nineteenth and 5) O. Berlin 12 405, 6 late XXth Dyn. 7
Twentieth Dynasties we find that the latter are distinctly lower, 50 deben
for a calf or 66 2/3 for a full-grown cow being unknown in later times. The
reason is not easy to understand. Differences in the kind of cattle a The small number of instances does not permit conclusions as to the
lowering of the price level, or local circumstances (the earlier pri~es price-level, and the most that can really be said is that no. I with
are from Middle Egypt) might be involved, and further alternative I snlw is more or less equal to no. 4 with 5 deben. The reading of the
explanations could be suggested, but without any proof. However, the texts presents no difficulties except in the case of no. 3, where the
fact already mentioned above Cp. 167) that in these texts the price of e
publication as usual transcribes; /2 khar) where 1/2 (snlw) is to be
small cattle was also relatively high might point to a difference in price
level.
29 Cf. BLACKMAN, JEA. 27, 1941, pIs. X-XII.
A price from a later period is to be found in the famous stela of 30 For som.e reason BLACK MAN doubted this number and read tentatively 2 (see
op. cit., 90, note 59).
31 If the number is to be read 2, each ox costs only 12 deben, which s,~ems

26 Published by GARDINER, ZAS. 43, 1906; Pap. Gurob II is also in GRIFFITH


improbable.
32 Cf. also demotic i& (ERICHSEN, Demo!. Glossar, 44). But the use of .131 ~ in
Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob, pI. 39. Cf. also THEoDoRIDEs RIDA. 15 1968'
39-104. ' " Pap. Cairo 58 071 (= Pap. Bulaq XII; cf. SPIEGELBERG, Rec. Trav. IS, 1893, 142f.) is
27 The transliteration of ~/r:, in this period is of course doubtful.
against such a translation in pharaolllc contexts.
28 For ~ cf. GARDlNER, Onom. n, 258* ff. 33 Cf., e.g., DAWSON. JRAS. 1928, 599. For the greater importance of the pig
ef. HELCK. Materialien Ill, 509.
178 PRICES ANIMALS 179

read. The meaning of the last lines on the verso of this ostracon remains in Beni Hasan 11, pI. 4. wnsw were sometimes tamed, as appears from
doubtful, owing to a lacuna, and it is not clear whether in fact 2 portions Pap. Anastasi IV, 13, 1-2, where a small one is said to be "in the
of a pig are valued at 3 oipe-or indeed what exactly is meant by house", and to accompany the author as a guard against his wild
"2 portions". No. 5 is now illegible, but seems to have been much brothers.
clearer when CERNY transcribed it. The price of the wns in O. Berlin 12 652 is 1 deben, which seems
rather low. This may perhaps have been due to the youngness of the
§ 30. ipdw, 'fowl' animal.
There are only three instances in which the price of birds is
indicated. In none of them is the kind of bird specified, all three
using only the general word ipdw. 34 That the birds were cheap can
be seen from Table XVII, and the price is therefore indicated twice in
oipe and in the third instance as a quarter of a deben, this being the only
text in which to my knowledge it occurs. Although 1/4 deben is the equiv-
alent of 2 oipe, and not of one, it seems to me pointless to lay stress on
the difference in price between nos. 2 and 3, since in either case the
lowest price that could be expressed is used. That the price of no. 1 is
only half that of no. 3 appears to be accidental, and due merely to
the fact that two birds were available. One may here compare the use
of the halfpenny or the Dutch cent.

TABLE XVII

Jpdw

khar deben

I) O. DeM. 556 Ram. III I;


,8 2 for I oipf
2) Hier. Os!r. 86, 4, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 1/.
3) O. Gardiner 151, 3-4 mid XXth Dyn. I;
<4

The rarety of fowl in price-ostraca is certainly no proof that birds


were rare in the Village. Their very cheapness was probably the reason
for their being so seldom sold.

§ 31. wns, 'jackal'


In one instance, O. Berlin 12 652, vs. 4 (a year 6 of the mid XXth
Dyn.), the price of a jackal is mentioned, with the addition "said to
be one year (old)". That wns means 'jackal' is clear from the picture

34 For the meaning 'ducks' cf. JEA. 38, 1952, 128.


FURNITURE 181

holds true for the second bed in this text, althoug h here only
pieces
of wood are mentio ned.
CHAP TER FIVE In one text. O. DeM. 428, 4, we fmd the sentence "I filled (m~.i)
for him one bed, makes I khar". The same express ion occurs
FURN ITUR E in
O. Michae l. 13, vs. 4-5 (pI. 47), where we read: "He filled for
me
one bed with thread" .6 From the latter words it appear s that what
is
§ 32. b'd, 'bed' meant is the matting 7 and not 'inlay work', as the word m~ also
may
be transla ted. Mattin g will also be meant in O. Cairo 25 612,
The bed was by nature a commo n object in the workm en's houses. 2 (h'ti
mh m ..... ) and in Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, 4, where a ~'ti m~ costs
The excava tions have yielded several origina l objects of this kind
BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, II, 45 f. and figs. 81 and 92).
(cf. 25 deben, as against anothe r one in the next line, simply called b'ti,
They which costs 12 deben. Whethe r differences in price in other instanc
are all of the angareb type, which is the usual type of bed in modern es
are to be explain ed by the presenc e or absence of matting
Egypt, made of a straigh t wooden frame with four straigh t legs seems
I and
provide d with matting for 'spring s'. 2 doubtfu l, howeve r.
That it is this object that was called b't! was proved by GRAF TABLE XVJll
VON
CALICE (L·fs. 52, 1914, 130).3 There exists some doubt, howeve
r, as
to the correct reading of the word. We usually find writing s such h't!
as \
-+OQ _, or variant s, but in some texts the word occurs as
~~~ . sniw khar deben
CERNY seems to read this as bty' (Hier. Inscr. .... Tut'ankhamun,
Index, p. 20). The overwh elming majorit y of writing s contrad icts 1) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555.5 XIXth Dyn.? 15
this 2) Hier. Ostr 24, 4, 5 late XIXth Dyn. a woman's bed
reading , while a graphic transpo sition of the ~ from the second positio 3
n 3) Hier. Ostr. 53. 1, I. 1·6 Ram. Ill? 6 a woman's bed
to the last square above ~ is easily explain ed by aesthet ic conside
ra- 4) O. Berlin 1268,
v,. 9
yr. 14, Ram. III
25
tions. Hence I prefer to adhere to the usual reading b'ti. 4 / 10 15
vs.
It can be argued that O. Brookl yn 37.1880 E, 8-11 mentio ns 5) O. Turin 6628,4 yr. 19, Ram. JII 15
the 6) O. Gardiner 162, 10 Ram. Jll 15
pieces of wood used for the constru ction of a bed,5 since it enumer
ates 7) O. Gardiner 142, vs. 3 Ram. III IS
two quantit ies of 5 pieces of wood each, as well as one piece 8) O. IFAO. 1373, vs. 3 yr. 24. Ram. JII 10+x
of 9) O. Cairo 25 242. 5
sycamo re wood (bt nhi), and one piece of mn*-w ood, 12 pieces yr. 29, Ram III 12
in all. 10) Hier. Ostr. 24, I, 3 Ram. JII/mid XXth Dyn. 12
Howev er, in the openin g lines of the same text (and in its paralle 11) O. DeM. 579,4
l, Ram. Ill/IV 20
Hier. Ostr. 86, 3) there occurs the price of a bed, consist ing of 20 pieces 12) O. DeM. 1086, vs. 6 Ram. Ill/IV 20
of lsy-wood, one piece of mn*-w ood and (in Hier. Ostr. 86, 3 only) 13) O. Brit. Mus. 50737,2- 7 mid XXth Dyn. 19
one vs. 3 15 small
piece of acacia wood, but also of a kbs-bas ket with barley and 14) O. Berlin 12 343, vs. 4 mid XXth Dyn.
three 20
bundle s of vegetables. Since the two latter items are clearly 15) O. Gardiner fragm. 8, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 20 large
not 16) O. Berlin [Cl, 2-4
materia ls for making a bed, and hence aJJ these commo dities represe mid XXth Oyn. 17"
nt 7 12
nothing other than the exchan ge value, it would seem that the 17) O. Gardiner 171'8 mid XXth Oyn.
same 15
1~) Hier. Os!r. 18, 3, 3 mid XXth Oyn. 18

6 O. DeM. 107 6 mentions a hdmli' (footstool) mb m nli't. tERN)', lEA. 31,


For beds see BAKER, Furniture, 142f.
1945 39 note 1 t~kes this as proof that hdmw was a box, here
1

Cf. Pap. Salt 124, 2, 19 = lEA. 15, 1929, pI. 44: ~t·ti nbd; cf. pp. "filled with thread':'
but ;ud~i.!g by ~he use of the same expression mb for beds it
2
136 and 138. seems to me that It
3 See also GARDINER, Onom. I, 67f.
4 Cf. also the cuneiform transcription palJatum (lEA. 11, 1925,238 , means also "with a matting of thread".
no. 10). 7 For a picture of manufac turing the
matting of a bed cf. DAVIES, The Tomb of
5 Remains of the same entry in Hier. Ostr. 86, 3, 7.
Menkheperrasonb etc., pI. 30.
182 PRICES FURNITURE 183

sniw khaT dehen


(e.g., O. DeM. 49, 2; O. Cairo [181], 2) and a If.nlw (Hier. Os!r. 59.
4, 6),11 always with prices below the normal. 12
19) Hi('/". OSlr 50. I. 4 mid XXth Dyn. 20
20) o. Berlin 12 652, vs. 2 yr. 6, mid XXth Dyn.
The price of no. 8 is uncertain since the ostracon is broken; only 10
15
4 25 miJ is visible. Of the two beds of no. 14 the first is said to be 'small'.
21) Hier. Ostr. 86. 2, mid(,') XXth Dyn.
5 12 The second is more expensive, probably because it is adorned with
22) o. DeM. 105,2 mid(") XXth Dyn. 25
23) Hier. OSlr. 85, 2, 3 mid XXth Dyn?
ebony. The bed of no. 15 is described as 'large'. In no. 16 a number
10
24) Hier. OSlr. 28, I, vs. I Ram.IXiX 15 of different commodities constitute the value of one bed, valued
25) O. DeM. 146,4 late XXth Dyn. 20 according to the text at 10 deben, while the actual value, when the
26) O. Gardiner 172, vs. 4-5 late XXth Dyn? 20? 2 for 34 deben + 6 aeben
27) P Turin 1906etc., vs. 11, 15 yr. 7, late XXth Dyn. 15
items are added, is 13 deben. Moreover, there is stated to be a
for the wood?
28) P. Berlin 10485, 3 yr. 3, ? 20 'remainder' (wqJ) of 4 deben, so that the total price will have been
29) O. DeM. 194, I, 2 XXth Dyn.? 20 17 deben. The difference in price of the two beds in no. 21 is explained
30) O. Varille 18, 3 ? 25
31) O. DeM. 428, 4 Ram. IIlIIV
above.
I for "filling" I bed
32) Hier. OSlr. 65, 4, 2-6 Ram. III
In O. Gardiner 172, vs. 4-5 (nos. 26 and 34) the price of two beds,
I '/. a small bed (its wood?)
33) Hier. OSlr. %, 4, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 2 ';,2 for the wood 34 deben, is followed by the words nJywJ .... ht iri.n dbn 6. The word
34) O. Gardiner 172, vs. 5 late XXth Dyn.? 3 for the wood; 6 deben fo ht has been added afterwards between the lines and was possibly preceded
2 bed, by another word now lost. It would thus appear that the wood for
35) O. Varille 13,2-3 yr. 3, Merenptal)l Amenmesse c. 5 recompense for makmg
a woman's bed
two beds cost 6 deben, 3 deben each, so that the total price of the
36) Hier. OSlr. 24, 4, 6 late XIXth Dyn. 1'/2 for the decoration of a beds may have been 20 deben each.
woman's bed No. 27 is not quite certain; only parts of the name of the object are
left, namely the ending ..... L .. This could well be the word b'ti, but
there is room for doubt. In no. 35 four different articles of basketry,
Several more instances of Table XVIII require comment. In Hier. namely a large kbs, a mat, a n~r and a mnqm, are said to have been
Ostr. 24, 4 (nos. 2 and 36) two woman's beds are mentioned. In the given for the mtnw of a woman's bed. Together these may be valued
second entry the price is not that of the bed itself, which would be / at about 5 deben, which is far below the value of a bed. Therefore
extre~ely cheap (l 1/2 khar), but that of its decoration (SS).8 In two ~tnw will not indicate the price of the object itself but rather the
other lllstances (nos. 32 and 33) not the price of the bed but that of 'recompense' for making it. 13 mtnw occurs several times in the ostraca,
its wood or its manufacture will have been meant. The latter text e.g. with reference to the making of a ~bn (Hier. Ostr. 56, 2, 2) or a
says b'.tl m. ht 1 dbn 2 1/ 2, This again would be unusually cheap for rhdt (Hier. Ostr. 67, 3, 2-4). An unequivocal use of the word can be
the object itself. The expression m ht occurs also in no. 32, where a found in O. DeM. 233, 3-4, where a workman is stated to give a
small bed-with the qualification ink sw m ht, "it belongs to me as regards number of commodities to a colleague r t3 mtnw of the qbJt which he
th~ wo~d"9--costs only I sniw and I khar of emmer,lO, together varnished. 14 Here obviously not the construction of the object but its
1 /4 smw, which is cheap even for a small bed. The words m ht are embellishment is rewarded.
also found with reference to other wooden objects such as a ~offin There are two instances of what appears to be a price presenting

11 Since the whole of this ostracon deals with the price of a If;niw, which is at
least. 20 deben (see p. 191), it is clear that the 2 deben of this entry cannot refer
to the price of a ~niw, but rather to that of its material.
8 Although BRCYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 11, 45, states that the beds which
12 See, however, O. Berlin 12 343 vs. (no. 14), where of both beds there is said:
he ~ound ::vere ?ever painted it is very probably that this was not always so.
ink SII' m bt, apparently without much influence on the price.
Cf. CERNY, BIFAO. 27, 1927, 180, note 6, for ink sw, a common expression in
13 For mtml"(t) , cr. CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 31.
these ostraca.
14 For the expression ir sw m mr~ '3t, see p. 245.
10 cr. pp. 103 and 113.
184 PRICES FURNITURE 185

difficulties. On the verso of O. Berlin 12 405 tERNY noticed (vs. 2) §33. krk(r), 'couch'
the entry /.I'ti 2 iri.n 7. This would be most unusual. However,
In one price-ostracon, O. Gardiner 158, 6 (mid XXth Dyn.?) there
since the ink of the text seems to have almost disappeared since
is mentioned a wooden object called 'i:' -=>I~ n srjr, which seems to be
tERNY transcribed it, I have been unable to identify these words in
a particular kind of bed or couch. The same word, written with the
the photograph. Particularly what is read by tERNY as 'two' does not
determinative of wood, is found, e.g., in O. Vienna HI, 6. 18 It is
appear to me to be so. If, however, he was correct, the 7 deben may
certainly an abbreviated writing for krkr, which occurs, e.g., in O. DeM.
not have been the price of the beds, but either the recompense for
434, 11, 4 and O. Cairo 25 679, 12. krkr is translated in Wb.,
their construction or the price of the wood.
Belegstellen V, 136,6 19 as 'bed' on account of Urk. IV, 667, 2, where
The first column in Hier. Ostr. 52, 2, vs. A (late XIXthjearly XXth
a I:z'ti "like a krkr of this foe" is referred to. In O. Cairo 25 679, 12-13
Dyn.) contains a list of items exchanged for a bed. Some of them are
a large krkr is called n sbtiw. All this points to a foreign type of
together valued at 4 1j 2 khar (i.e., c. 9 deben), one mtrb (1 to 1 1 j 2 deben),
couch, and it is probable that the word itself is also foreign. Whether
and 'the wood' (for the bed?), which may come to something like
krkr is the origin of the Coptic 6;\,06 (CRUM, Capt. Diet., 815a)
12 deben + the wood. This price, however, is too hypothetical to be
included in the Table. Even more uncertain is Hier. Ostr. 86, 3, 1-4 seems to me doubtful.
The price of the krk, 2 deben, shows it to be a far simpler object
(= O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, 1_3),15 since in it several pieces of wood
are mentioned about the value of which nothing is known. than the /:I'tl.
Prices of beds fluctuate between 12 and 25 deben, with only one
§ 34. hdmw, 'footstool'
instance of 10 de ben (no. 23). Whether this fluctuation is a result of
the quality 16 remains uncertain. No marked difference can be found The word hdmw, which occurs frequently in the ostraca, is usually
between women's beds (nos. 2 and 3) and other kinds, though the size translated as 'footstool' (e.g., Wb. 11, 505, 17-18). It is derived from
(cf. nos. 14a and 15) may have had some influence on the price. As it the Semitic 0"1;' , which has the same meaning. However, tERNY
is to be expected in the case of manufactured objects, there is no pointed out (lEA. 31, 1945, 39, note I) that in fact hdmw is a box.20
clear indication of any regular price fluctuation during the period, The Semitic word 0"1;' is, as he notices after GUNN, always joined to
although at least two out of three more expensive beds (nos. 21a and / C'''l." which corresponds with the Egyptian expression hdmw rdwy. 21
22) date from the mid Twentieth Dynasty, while during the reign of So it appears that hdmw by itself may mean only 'box'. Proof of a
Ramesses III 15 deben was the usual price. difference between hdmw and hdmw rdwy is found in O. IFAO. 1020,
Only in one instance, O. Cairo 25 242, 5 (year 29 of Ramesses Ill) 7-8, where we find both used after eachother. In most price-ostraca
are the four legs of a bed valued, namely at 3 oipl!, i.e., I 1j2 deben. hdmw occurs without rdwy, so that here the box will have been meant,
Another text, O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 10 (late XIXth Dyn.) states that the but since there is perhaps no fundamental difference in shape between
wooden mrt (~.::..) of a bed costs 2 oipl!, i.e., 1 deben. Since mrt the two objects 22 and since as a footstool it occurs several times
means 'board' (Wb. 11, 108, 2) probably the footboard of the bed is together with If:niw (see next §) we shall discuss them both together
meant. 17 there.
As for the gender of the word, although it is usually written hdmw,
there are sufficient instances of hdmt to suggest that in fact it is

15 We are struck by the fact that in the first text one item (a piece of acacia
18 C~. GOEDICKE, WZKM. 59/60, 1964, pI. I.
wood of I cubit) occurs, which is not found in the other. 1.9 The original translation 'Stab' is here altered IQ 'Bett'.
16 For the difference between a 'matted' bed and another kind in no. 21 see above.
20 For CERNY'S proof of this, O. DeM. 107,6, see p. 181, note 6.
17 The word mryt, 'river bank', may have influenced this meaning. For a bed
21 InO. Berlin 11260, 3: ru<>\.\.~~..ro-.
with a footboard, cf., e.g., the miniature models of beds in BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 22 The footstool from the tomb of Kha' (SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta, 122,
1934-35, 11, 132. fig. 73, and the bed of Kha' (SCHIAPARELLI. La tomba intatta, p. 121, fig. 106) is definitely not a box, so that at least sometimes there exists a considerable
fig. \04). difference between them.
186 PRICES FURNITURE 187

feminine. The ending .ti of bs.ti in Pap. Turin 2104, vs. Ill, 3 would The text of no. 11 is partly lost, so that only the word hdmw before
seem to prove this. On the other hand, there are also instances of the the lacuna and ...... c after it are left. Whether it was a box or a
article pi occurring before hdmw (e.g., O. DeM. 105, 3; 255, 1; footstool is uncertain, as is also the question of whether the low price
O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, vs. 10), so that we must conclude that the can be explained by a qualification in the original text.
gender varied. One might suggest that O. DeM. 255 contains another price. Here
the object is said to have been made by Merimose, while in the next
-:-ABLE XIX two lines two amounts of deben are mentioned, together coming to
15 deben. However, these are not stated explicitly to be the price of
hdmw the hdmw, and since the price would be abnormally high for it I prefer
khar deben to leave this instance aside as too doubtful. 2 5
The value of the hdmw fluctuates between 2 and 3 deben, with some
I) O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E. vs. 10 late XIXth Dyn. I 1/, to 2? I small hdmw for ,
exceptions. Nos 2 and particularly 10 are more expensive, while nos. 3a
bundles of vegetable,
2) O. DeM. 592. 3·4 Ram. I11lmid XXth Dyn. 5 (and 3b ?) and 11 are cheaper. These differences are not explained in
3
3) P. Turin 2104, vs. Ill, 4 yr. I. mid XXth Dyn.?
I ~s./i the texts. Like the beds, the hdmw are not as manufactured objects
I; ?
-4 .
very suitable for indicating price fluctuations due to the time element,
4) O. Gardiner fragm. 8, 4 mid XXth Dyn. 1 'I,
5) O. Brit. Mus. 50736, vs. 1 yr. 4, mid XXth Dyn,? 2 although if a boom round about the reign of Ramesses VII was
6) O. DeM. 105,3 mid(?) XXth Dyn. 2 pJ hdmw rdwy established no. 8 could be used in support of the argument. The quality
7) O. Gardiner 158,5 mid XXth Dyn.? 2 11, 2 hdmw for 5 dehn
will suffice to explain the price difference, however.
8) Hier Os/r. 36, I, 7 yr. 7. Ram. VI/VII 3
9) O. Gardiner fragm. 3, 5 mid/late XXth Dyn. 2 hdmw rdwy
10) Giornale 17 B, vs. 9,16 (= pi: 43) yr. 17, Ram. IX 10 hdmw rdwy § 35. Ifniw, 'seat'
11) P. Berlin 10 485, 4 yr. 3, ? I
The Egyptian language as used by the necropolis workmen included
two words for 'seat', namely If.niw and isbwt. The latter, indicating a
No. 1 in Table XIX is valued at 3 bundles of vegetables, which will folding-stool, will be discussed in the next section. But what exactly
be something like 1 1/2 to 2 deben. The first hdmw of no. 3 is referred was a Ifniw?
r
to as i rj ~ q::. The same word-not mentioned in the Wb.-written GARDINER (Onom. I, 67 f.), although translating /f.nlw by 'palanquin',
in a slightly different way, occurs in the broken text of Hier. Ostr. 49, admits that it could also be 'arm-chair'. 26 In the light of what will
2, 8, where a man is said to open 'it' (probably some kind of box or follow here, and in view of its position between b'ti and hdmw rdwy
shrine, in which stood the three statues mentioned in the preceding in the University College Writing-board it seems to me to be certain
line) "it being bs"Y One is inclined to suppose that hs means 'closed'. that even there it is not palanquin but a seat. That in the ostraca of
The verb may be related to the Demotic bsjs (ERICHSEN, Demot. the workmen's Village no palanquins should occur, being a typical
Glossar, 332), which has the same meaning and appears to be the object for kings and high officials,27 is obvious. So If.niw in the price-
origin from which is derived the Coptic 2wC (CRUM, Copt. Diet., 710a). ostraca must be 'seat'. The question is, what kind of seat it was.
It may also be connected with hsi, 'cord' (Wb. Ill, 166,4), so that its GARDINER's translation of Ifnlw as 'arm-chair' does not seem to me
exact translation should be 'closed with a string'. 24 quite correct. It was prompted by its relation to the verb If.ni, 'to

25 For this ostracon see p. 290.


23 IJs may also occur in O. Gardiner fragm. 30, 4, but the preceding word(s) is 26 In its third meaning, 'shrine', it is determined with L-I. Cf., e.g., Giornale
(are) lost. dell'anno 17 B, 4, 2 (= BOTTl-PEET, pI. 20) and Pap. Leopold 11, 2, 3 (= lEA. 22,
24 The same translation seems probable for ERICHSEN'S first example (I Kh. 6, 1936, pI. 13). For this word, cf. §57.
19) where a door of a tomb is IJsjs. We are reminded here of the way in which the 27 VANDIER, Manuel IV, 354, states that the palanquin had gone out of use for

door of Tut'ankhamun's tomb was closed. officials in the New Kingdom, it being used exclusively by the king.
188 PRICES FURNITURE 189

embrace'; but as far as I know no arm-chair is ever found to have lattice bracing is replaced by grille-work. 36 Both lattice-work and
been used by Egyptian commoners of the New Kingdom, either in grille-work occur also below the seats of a number of more
pictures or as an actual object,28 although chairs with a back but magnificent chairs.
without arms are very numerous. Chairs with arms seem to have been 2) Stools with crossed supports, which are mostly, though not always,
used exclusively as royal seats.29 folding-stools. On them see the next section.
On the other hand, most seats, even those found in the excavations 3) Stools with carved legs, either turned or carved like lions' feet. 37
at the Village, have no back at all, 30 let alone arms. The seats which 4) Simple working-stools, either three- or four-legged and with a
occur during the New Kingdom either as actual objects or in pictures mat~ed or a wooden seat. 38
can be divided into the following categories: 31 For all these different types, type B 2 excepted, there seems to have
A. Chairs. been only one word, /fnlw, so that the generic term 'seat' seems to be
1) The usual type for this period is a chair with a slanting back- the best translation. Since the idea of 'to embrace' is not derived from
rest, which forms an open triangle with the vertical bracing the presence of arms, it may possibly have been suggested by the
member and the seat. 32 curv~d shape of the seat, consisting either of a single or a double
2) The chair with a straight back and a broad, low seat. Although cove. However, some of the above types, particularly A 2 and 3 and
less common, it was by no means rare. 33 B 4, usually or sometimes have straight seats. But since no other
3) What may be called kitchen chairs. Two examples of this type word for seat occurs in the ostraca it is possible that /fnlw was also
are found in the Eastern necropolis of Deir el-Medina,34 one used for these types. We do not know, admittedly, of any example
with a low seat. of type A 1 or Bland 3 from the Village, but on the other hand
there also seems to be no other word for seat in literary or religious
B. Stools. texts from the New Kingdom, while there at least one would expect
1) The most usual type is the simple, elegant stool with lattice-work a name for these common objects if one existed.
rungs between the legs. This type was found in the tomb of That ~nlw designates not only a stool but also a chair is proved
Tut'ankhamiin as ell as in that of Kha', while it occurs frequently by Hier. Ostr. 24, I, 3-4, where we read ot /fniw iw tly! mryt
in wall pictures. 35 A fairly rare sub-type is the stool in which the C~qq~l) br 't.s. The word mryt is the same as mrt which occurs in
connection with a bed, where it indicates the footbC'ard (see p. 184).
The '/ 39 of the mryt may be the upright supporting stiles of the back,
28 Cf. NORA SCOTT, BMMA. 24, 1965-66, 135f. in which case we have a description here of the chair with the
29 Apart from the well known throne of Tut'ankhamiin I point to the two chairs
slanting back-rest (type A I). In another text, O. Cairo 25 800, Il, 4,
depicted in the tomb of l;iuy (DAVIES, The Tomb of /fuy, pI. 24), which were a
tribute to the Pharaoh, and to the arm-chairs from the tomb of Yuia and Tjuia a ~niw is described as sriw 'If Here the 't of the ~niw itself is
(Cairo nos. 51 Ill-51 113; QUIBELL, The Tomb of Yuia and Thuia, pis. 32-43), which meant,40 not that of the back, so that it will indicate a stool or
definitely came from the palace.
30 In the pictures there are depicted also chairs with a very low back; cf., e.g.,
chair with a low seat. 41 The high price (30 deben) may point to a chair.
WRESZINSKI, Atlas I, 258 and passim; DAVIES, The Tomb of Two Officials, pI. 21.
So far as I know no actual objects of this kind have survived. 36 E.g., in a stool from the tomb of Tut'ankhamiin: BAKER, Furniture, colour

31 For a discussion of chairs under the New Kingdom, cf. BAKER, Furniture, pI. VII.
127ff. See also NORA Scon, Our Egyptian Furniture, BMMA. 24, 1965-66, 129ff. 37 Numerous examples of this occur in BAKER, Furniture, e.g., figs. 201-203 and

32 Several examples of this are found in BAKER, Furniture. See also SCHIAPARELLI, 207-208 .
La tomba inlatta, 113, fig. 93. . 38 See BRUYERE, Rapporl DeM. 1934-35, I1, 48, fig. 21.

33 See, e.g., BAKER, Furniture, figs. 182-184. 39 Probably 't is here used for 'wt, like in other instances.

34 BRuYERE,Rapport DeM. 1934-35, I1, 48, fig. 21 = BAKER, Furnilure, fig. 214. 40 'I (or '\I.t) may be synonymous with Q'w; cf. VANDERSLEYEN, RdE. 19, 1967,

35 See BAKER, Furniture, figs. 100 and 101 (Tut'ankhamiin), and 154 (Kha'; cf. 131, who points to parallel passages in Pap. Anastasi V, 23, 5 and Pap. Lansing 5, 3.
also SCHIAPARELLI. La tomba intatta, 97). In DAVIES, Two Ramesside Tombs, pI. 36. 41 The word 't is also used in an obscure entry about an 'fdl, O. Berlin 14 214.

we find several types of seats together. vs. 14; 'idt iw.s Qr 't.s, as well as with reference to a Qlp-basket, O. Varille 13.
190 PRICES FURNITURE 191

TABLE XX however, lines 2 and 3 are partly lost the connection of the sentences
remains uncertain.
kniw The price of no. 5 presents some difficulty. In the ostracon it is
sniw
said that a number of commodities, enumerated each with its own
deben
price, are given "in exchange for a seat", but since line 10 is broken off
I Hier. OSlr. 52. 2. vs. A. 8 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 3 the total of 20 deben, although approximately correct, is not quite
2) o. DeM. 195,2 mid XXth Dyn. 15
3) O. DeM. 105,5 mid(?) XXth Dyn.
certain. That the two prices of the verso should be included in it,
20
o . Cairo 25 800, 11,
1,4 II however, seems certain beyond doubt. 42
4) 4.5 mid XXth Dyn.
30 ~nlw srlw 'If In no. 14, which is one of the entries of no. 5, we find the words
5) Hier. Os!r. 59, 4, 4 • vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 20(?)
pj ~niw m bt (see p. 183, note 11), from which it is clearly apparent
6) O. Gardiner fragm. 3, 4 mid/late XXth Dyn. 12
7) O. DeM. 146, 3 late XXth Dyn. 15 2 for 30 deben that the wood only, and not the seat itself is meant.
8) O. Berlin [D], 2 XXth Dyn.? 20 In one instance, O. Gardiner 134, vs. 2, we find the words knlw J,
9) P. Berlin 10 485, 4 yr. 3, ? 20
bt gswt 1, iri.n 10 (dbn). One might interpret this as the price 'of one
~nlw and one gJwt combined, but in that case it would be far below
~nlw + hdmw the usual prices for these articles since a gJwt alone usually costs
10) O. Col. Campb. 16, 5 Ram. III 35 10 deben. It seems more probable that the seat was mentioned without
11) Hier. Osrr. 24, I, 9-4 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 15
any price 43 and that 10 deben here, too, is the price for a gJwt.44 The
12) O. Berlin 14214, 3-4 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 20
13) O. Berlin 11 260, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 13 for the decoration? use of the word bt before g5wt-not before ~nlw--confirms this
14) Hier. Osrr. 59, 4, 6 mid XXth Dyn. 2 wood for I ~nlw
supposition.
As is apparent from Table XX the price of seats varies from 11 to
30 deben (both occurring in one text !), but is usually 15 deben
In some instances (nos. 10-13 in Table XX) a ~nlw is valued together (4 instances) or 20 deben (5 instances), that is, about the same as the
with its footstool. Although, as we have seen, the price of a hdmw price of a bed. Whether the more expensive ~niw in no. 4 was a chair,
was 2 to 3 deben, the combination ~niw+ hdmw rdyw is not valued 'or even whether this was the case in all instances of 20 deben, while
substantially higher than the ~niw by itself. No. 10 is the only one those costing 15 deben were 'stools, is uncertain. The first supposition
with a higher price, while nos. 11 and 12 are normal. In no. 12 a appears attractive, whereas the second is very doubtful, since in
woman is sentenced to a payment of 20 deben "for the kniw and its Hier. Ostr. 24, 1 the ~niw, which, as we were able to infer from its
footstool". Later on, as the text informs us, she was sent~nced again, description, is a chair, costs, together with its footstool, only 15 deben.
now to a fine of 30 deben. It is not certain that the 20 deben were in
Together with beds the seats appear to be the most valuable articles
fact the price of the seat, but I would interpret the text-of which
of furniture evidently found in most, if not all houses of the Village.
the beginning is lost-in such a way that the woman had at first to
pay only for the object; failing to do so, she was sentenced to a
§ 36. isbwt, 'folding-stool'
heavier fine. So 20 and not 30 de ben was the price of the seat.
No. 13 may also state the value of a seat and footstool-the latter The second word for seat is isbwt, which also occurs several times
word here being written with two signs for sandals instead of those in the ostraca. It appears in the Egyptian language around the time of
for legs-though it seems more probable that their decoration (ss-kd)
is meant, which is referred to at the beginning of the text. Si~ce,
42 I fail to see how HELCK, Malerialien V, 910, could have arrived at "more

than 16 deben".
43 T1-!e same holds true for a door in vs. I.

5-6 : pJ I;lp kl;l J n sndt I;r 'If, "the I;lp-basket with one kl;l of acacia wood on its body" 44 On the recto of this text a ~niw is said to cost 5 deben, but since here the

(cf. p. 160). word ~niw is determined by CJ probably not a seat was meant. See §57.
192 PRICES FURNITURE 193

Amarna and is also found a designation for a throne. 45 Probably it TABLE XXI

was derived from the Akkadian u§bu with the same meaning. 46 In the
isbwl
workmen's language, however, it was used slightly differently.47
CAMINOS devoted a lengthy note to it (Late-Eg. Mise., 266ff.), which sn;w khar deben
is only partly relevant to the object in question here. He quotes one
1) Hier. Om. 54, 1,9 yr. 3, XIXth Dyn. 1/. I coiled kbs + I isbw = 1/2 snil,
important reference, viz. DA VIES, Amarna VI, pI. 30 (Tomb of Ay), yr. 6, Sethos I1/Siptal) 3
2) O. DeM. 260, 6
where a boy is stated to say to his comrade: "Look, the ishw! and the 3) O. DeM. 553, 9 early Ram. Ill? I a woman's isbr
sack (In.fi)'' etc. Now, we see depicted between the boys a folding-stool, 4) O. Cairo 25 800, I:, 7-8 mid XXth Dyn. 30 a large isbw + a footstool

while one of them is holding a sack over it. 5) O. Cairo 25 588, 12 yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. '11
(emmer)
If this does not suffice to identify the isb~vt as a folding-stool, there 6) Hier. OSlr. 57, 1,6 XXth Dyn.? 8 I isbwl(?) made of isy-wood
is an entry in O. Vienna HI, 6,48 reading: "an isbwt with duck's head 7) O. IFAO. 1020, vs. 1 " 4-8 I isbw exchanged for: \ kbs +
I dnil + I Imf
legs (~rw n spdw rdwy). On studying the furniture of the period it
appears that sometimes folding-stools have legs carved in the shape of
duck's heads,49 which never is found to be the case with any other or c, 1 deben, which seems extremely low even for a roughly made
kind of furniture. This does not mean that every folding-stool has duck's object of this kind, The price of no, 2, 3 khar, will be something like
heads; in point of fact, most do not. 50 But the meaning of lsbwt is 6 deben, while that of no. 3, a woman's isbt, is I sniw or c, 5 deben.
certain. No, 4 is described as a large ('s) isbw bry hdmw rdwy, "with a
As for the gender of the word, most texts write isbw, some however, footstool under it",52 In no. 5 the price of 1 oipi! (of emmer, as
isbt, while Pap. Harris I, 75, 9 has isbwt. But even when written as everywhere alse in this text), which is the equivalent of 1 deben, again
ishw the gender is feminine judging from the article (Hier. Ostr. 53, 1, is extremely low, No. 6 is far from certain, since of the word isbwt, if
vs. 2; O. IFAO. 1020, vs. 1) or from its qualifications (0. Cerny 1, 3 that is what is intended, only ", bwt is left. 53 The lsbwt(?) is said to
and O. DeM. 402, 7, both with ·n.ti). In Hier. Ostr. 49, 2, 5 an isbt be made of bt lsy. This isy will be a not unusual writing for isr,
is called ~lS.ti, which means 'inlaid', pointing to a type of decoration 'tamarisk',54 This kind of wood is also used in one instance for a
found in the finer examples, namely an inlay of ebony (in this text) coffin (0. Turin 9599, 2) that is very expensive, so that one is inclined
and/or ivory. 51 to suppose that use of lsy-wood was responsible for its price. In the
Many of the prices of folding-stools in Table XXI present some present instance the price is also rather high.
difficulty. No. 1 reckons together the value of a kbs-basket and of an In no. 7 a folding-stool is exchanged for three articles of basketry,
isbw, stated to be 1/2 sniw. Since the kbs usually costs 1/2 khar or namely a kbs, a dnit and a tmS. The value of the kbs is c. 1 deben,
1/4 snlw, this would mean a price for the folding-stool of only 1/4 snlw that of the dnit 3 to 5 deben, and that of the mat I to 2 deben, hence
together between 4 and 8 deben.
45 Cf., e.g., Pap. Ch. Beatty I, vs. B, 7, where it is said of the Pharaoh:

"whilst thou sittest on the isb»·t of Pre'''. See also JEQUIER, BIFAO. 19, 1922, 219.
51 For this use of bry cf. O. Cerny I, 3, which mentions an isbw 'n.ti (,mended',
46 Cf. WARD, Orienlalia, 32, 1963,418.

47 Whether this was usually so in colloquial Egyptian I do not know.


cf. p. 155) bry hn. For hn, a box, and its possible connection with hr, which is used
48 These words were not recognized by GOEDICKE, WZKM. 59/60, pI. I. He left for a footstool, cf. lEA. 31, 1945,39.
the first half of the line a blank. 53 CERN), and GARDlNER transcribe it as ~I)\,.J(';:.., with a query above J
49 Cf. HERMANN, ZA·S. 68, 1932, 86ff. and the comment 'prob.' above the m. The scanty remaining traces in the facsimile
50 Among the folding-stools from the excavations at Deir el-Medina there is one
indeed seem to point to m rather than to s, but since there is no word known ending
e~ample with duck's head legs: BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, pI. V, 3, and one with ... mbwt the reading lsbwt seems more probable. So too, HELCK, Marerialien V,
without: Rapport DeM. 1928, 67, fig. 33. See also, e.g., KAISER, Agyptisc!zes Museum 910. For a possible reading sbiw, cf. p. 155, note 98.
54 ef. KEIMER, Garlenpjlanzen, 155!'. HELCK, loCo cit., translates this as 'aus altem
Berlin, nos. 643 and 644.
51 E.g., Brit. Mus. nos. 2477 and 29284, and SCHIAPARELLl, La tomba intat/a, 114,
Holz', but this would have been written as isw, not isy. Moreover, what is the
fig. 94. meaning of 'old wood'?
194 PRICES FURNITURE 195

The price in Hier. Ostr. 54, 2, 2-3 cannot be established, since here point. If, however, it is connected with'e", 'straight', 'smooth', ~nd
a headrest (wrs) together with an isbw are exchanged for some items its derivative ";e"~ 'plain', this might point to an object charactenzed
about the price of which not enough is known. A doubtful instance by a plain surfa~e. Now we have seen that the word *niw was
occurs in O. Gardiner 226,4 (of unknown date), where we find qc-- probably used for seat because of its curved surface. By analogy msr
'nw 1, iri.n A 1. For the combination isbwt 'n.ti see p. 193, note 52 may have been used for a table.
above; for the possibility of a door (sbiw) being meant-which would Even though tables from ancient Egypt are less numerous than seats,
explain the masculine form 'nw-, see p. 155, note 98. The low price there are many pictures which testify their rather frequent use, and at
(I khar, i.e. the equivalent of 2 deben) may be explained by the word least some actual objects have survived. 56 BAKER suggests as one of
'nw, which indicates that it was of poor quality. the reasons for their relative rarity that "the simple tables intended to
From the Table it is apparent that the price of folding-stools varied receive offerings for the dead person were of necessity placed outside
from I to 30 deben. Such a wide range seems suspicious, since there the inner burial chamber and consequently have desintegrated or were
would appear to be not much scope for variety in the quality of the destroyed long ago", whereas the seats and beds were placed inside
object. Even if we were to ascribe the expensiveness of no. 4 (in the the burial chamber and have survived. Since from some wall pictures
sam~ text a *niH' also costs 30 deben) to unusually high quality 55 we know that tables together with beds and seats were carried in
there still remain four out of seven prices ranging from 4 to 8 deben. funeral processions 57 this suggestion may be correct.
Two instances of I deben (nos. I and 5) mayor may not both be due In fact all ancient Egyptian tables are rather small, and there is no
to exceptional circumstances not mentioned in the text. Although this difference in principle between them and the stands on which vases etc.
argumentation smacks of the German adagium "wenn die Tatsachen were placed. 58 Dining tables to seat a number of persons were quite
nicht stimmen mit der Theorie, urn so schlimmer fUr die Tatsachen", unknown. Since, as we have seen, small tables were frequently used,
I fail to see any other solution to explain the fact that, where a *niw there is no reason why they should have been absent from the Village,
costs at least 11 deben, an isbwt is sold for 1 deben-unless (and I have although no actual objects appear to have been found there. 59
no evidence to support this) the word isbwt was also used for a very
TABLE XXII
simple object, e.g., the stool of the workmen mentioned above as
type B 4 (cf. p. 189). msr
,
§ 37. msr deben

The word msr, written as "j]..!.U].~ --, with variants such as 1) Hier. Ostr. 19, 3, 7 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 15
15
)..w.\.= __ (0. Gardiner 158, vs. 1) and !.~L) ___ (0. DeM. 105, 2) O. Cerny 1, 5 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn.
3) Hier. Ostr. 33, 3, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 15
3) or j1\.mlQc".- (0. Gardiner 134, vs. 1) so far as I know occurs 4) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, 5 mid XXth Dyn. 15
only in price-ostraca. It is not mentioned in the Wb. Its occurrence 5) O. Gardiner 171,6-7 yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. 15
6) O. Gardiner 158, vs. 1 mid XXth Dyn.? 7
among articles of furniture (0. DeM. 105; O. Gardiner 134) is an mid(?) XXth Dyn. 20
7) O. DeM. 105. 3
indication that it designates some article of furniture too, which 8) O. Gardiner 134, vs. 1 mid XXth Dyn. 11 or 12 for the manufacture only
seems to be confirmed by its prices.
HELCK (Materialien V, 912) connects msr with the Semitic verb
56 Cf. BAKER, Furniture, 150ff.
.,.,~, 'to wind', but I fail to see to what kind of furniture this could 57 Cf., e.g., DAVIES, The Tomb of the Vizier Ramose, pis. 26-27.
58 Whether the light tables and stands of reed construction were also known
1
'J as msr seems doubtful. msr is always determined with the wood sign, and sometimes
55 I prefer to leave aside at this stage in our study the possibility that this may explicitly qualified as 'wooden' (ut), but this may not be conclusive. For the light
be due to a boom. The series of prices of isbwt is not long enough and the dating tables cf., e.g., SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta, figs. 101-102.
59 The wooden tables from the tomb of Kha' (SCHIAPARELLI, op. cit., fig. 100)
of no. 4 too vague to allow of any conclusion. Moreover, in the same text another
/f;niw is unusually cheap (11 deben). I date from the XVIIlth Dynasty and are not from the workmen's village.

1
196 PRICES

Of the eight instances listed in Table XXII (all those of the word
msr known to me) no. 2 was read by tERNY as [Sj~]ir, but
the
price points much rather to [mis1ir, which from the traces seems equally
CHAP TER SIX
possible. No. 5 tERNY transcribed tentatively as misitlr , but even
if
this is correct it will have been the same object. The numbe r of
the
msr here is lost, but it can hardly have been anything other than WOO DEN CONT AINE RS
'one'. Why the price of no. 6 is so low is not stated, but it may
be
due to size or quality. In no. 8 the price is followed by lw ink sw m
bt,
"it belongs to me as regards the wood".60 This probab ly means §38. idt
that
only the manufa cture, not the material of the msr is valued -the Althou gh called i4t under the Old Kingdom, the usual writing in
text
begins with the words "the carpentry which he did for me"-s o that the ostraca is with 0.. The idt is a box, but its exact shape
the is
total value of the msr could again be 15 deben. 61 unknow n. The 31 'fdt with lids in Pap. Harris I, 13 b, 11, which were
The most frequent msr price is 15 deben, that is, slightly less than made of silver, weighed only 74.4 deben, i.e., 2 2/s deben or c.
215
that of an average bed or seat, which, as was said above, easily places grammes each; so they were rather small. MONTE T states 1 that during
it into the same group ofobjec ts. 62 Only in one instance, O. DeM. the Old Kingdo m small boxes were called 'f4t, while larger ones were
105,
is the price higher. It is interesting to note that in this text a designated hn, but JEQUIER 2 seems to suggest that 'fdt was also used
bed
costs 25 deben and a seat 20 de ben , which is also above the normal for larger boxes. The stone box of Pap. Westcar 9, 4 again points
. to
Whethe r this was due to special circumstances or to a boom remain small dimensions. In Hier. Ostr. 75, 9 an idt is said to contain papyri,
s
unknow n, since unfortu nately it has been impossible to date this ostraco which also points to a small object. 3
n
more accurately. That the low price of no. 6 (7 deben) implies The 'fdt prices confirm these suggestions as to its size, since they
that
this particu lar table was not a woode n object but made of reed appears never exceed 3 deben. Since good wood was rare in Egypt, definite
ly
to be incorrect since it is explicitly qualified as bt. more so than the material for basketry, it is of import ance to note
/ that the value of an idt is the same as or lower than that of
a dnlt
60 See p. 182. or an irgs, which are the most expensive baskets.
61 However, see the beds in O. Berlin 12 343, vs. 3-4, where the same
words occur Of the eleven instances listed in Table XXIII, no. 2 contains the
but the prices are normal.
62 Boxes, which also occur together with qualification lw.s hr 't.s, lit. "while she is on her body", the meanin
furniture, are always cheaper than a msr. g
of which is obscure to me. 4 No. 3 is not altogether beyond doubt;
the
word is partly lost, and what remains looks like ~'5\.;:;". I would
suggest a reading ~a....;;.., i.e., a combin ation of 'f4t and 'fdt
(cf.
below, no.lO). Ahypo thehca l writing~i;;';;", which is palaeographica
lly
possible, would be against the norm of beginning a word like this with
the group ~. In no. 5 the word after 'fdt is lost, but it was perhap
s
an indication of the particular kind of wood, as in no. 6, where
the

I Scenes de la vie privee, 309.


2 BIFAO. 19, 1922, 60f.
3 I would tentatively suggest that the small box which is found
in SCHIAPARELLI,
La /Omba in tatla , 123, fig. 107, lower right hand corner, may
be an jdt. Cf. also
BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 11, 57, fig. 29. Most of the boxes
from the tomb
of Kha' seem too large or too ornately decorate d to be valued at 3
deben or less.
4 cr. p. 189, note 41.
198 PRICES WOODEN CONTAINERS 199

TABLE XXIII (Q~4cf{~), as other boxes sometimes are, though this seems to be
exceptional.
:tdt In contrast with other boxes the glwt occurs several times in lists
deben
of furniture such as Hier. Ostr. 24, I, O. Gardiner 134 vs. and O. DeM.
105. This may mean that it is a larger object than all other boxes,
I) Hier. Ostr. 31, 5. 7 Ram. Ill" 2 more like a chest than a box, but there are many types of chests and
2) o. Berlin 14214. vs. 14-15 Ram. I1I/mid XXth Dyn. 3 ht,.s ~r tt.s
3) O. Berlin 1I 260. 4 mid XXth Dyn. I
I know of no exact indication as to what type is meant. There is
4) O. Berlin 12343. vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 2 definitely insufficient evidence for us to suggest that glwt designates
5) Hier. Ostr. 36. I. 8 yr. 7. Ram. VI/VII 2 the chest with legs, like a small cabinet in appearance. 5
6) O. Gardiner fragm. 3. 5-6 mid/late XXth Dyn. 3
7) O. Turin 9618. II late XXth Dyn. I .fr;
In some instances a glwt is referred to as s~b (Pap. Harris I, 71a, 4;
8) O. DeM. 194.1. 4 XXth Dyn." 2 Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, 6, 11), a word also used with other boxes
9) O. Cairo 25 771, vs. I XXth Dyn." 3 such as a dbt (0. Berlin 12 343, vs. 2) or a mns (Pap. Harris I, 15b,
10) O. Turin 9783. I ? 2
11) O. Gardiner 171. 8-9 yr. 2? mid XXth Dyn. 3 uncertain!
10). Si.Gce s~b is also used for stone, PE ET 6 supposed it to mean
'stuccoed', while LEFEBVRE 7 translated it (Horus and Seth, 13, 6) as
'plastered'.8 Probably a glwt s~b was a box covered with gesso. That
tree sign survived at the end. No. 7 is qualified as 'small', which a glwt could be plastered does not, however, solve the problem, since
explains the low price. No. 10 is written ~'?~...- (cf. no. 3). Whether other boxes could be plastered as well.
no. 11 in fact contains the price of an 'idt seems doubtful, the text,
as transcribed by CERNY, having bt ~C [5cqq .. l. I cannot suggest TABLE XXIV

any better reading than 'Idt for what looks like 'tbwf, especially since
g5wt
it is also a wooden object, but what tpwy means I have no idea.
It is notable that all prices of 'idt are in deben and belong to the deben
Twentieth Dynasty, though the object itself had a much longer history.
I) O. "IFAO. 1373. vs. 2 yr. 24. Ram. III 5+x 2 g5wt for 10+ x deben
The same, however, is more or less true for all kinds of furniture, and Ram. Ill? 10
2) Hier. Ostr. 31.4,9
this may therefore be incidentaL The usual price was 2 to 3 deben, 3) Hier. Ostr. 24. I, 3 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 10
no. 7 (l deben) being described as 'small', and no. 3 being doubtfuL 4) L. Franklyn Hier. Inscr., 10 mid XXth Dyn. 10
5) O. Gardiner 134, vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 10
6) O. Berlin 10 665, 5 - vs. 3 yr. I. mid XXth Dyn. 10 1/2
§39. gJwt 7) O. DeM. 105,5 mid(?) XXth Dyn. 10 gdw
8) P. Turin 1885, vs. I. I yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII 10 gNt isy (?)
The type of box called glwt occurs fairly frequently in the ostraca. 9) P. Turin 1907/8, I1I, I yr. 5, Ram. VII 20
Usually the word is written Q].ft1\..;;.. or 7i.l~L...... In O. Berlin 10 655, 10) P. Berlin 10485.3 yr. 3, ? 10

5 it occurs with the determinative of the falling wall (see also Pap. Brit.
Mus. 10 068, 6, 11), which is derived from the verb gJW (Wb. V, 153,
13). In O. DeM. 105, 5 we find a peculiar writing, namely!.].e ........ The price of no. 1 in Table XXIV is uncertain: CERNY saw n just
That the same object was meant is proved by the identity of griw where the text breaks off, but '20' cannot be excluded. In no. 5, where
a ~niw and a wooden glwt are mentioned one after the other, I take
(Wb. V, 181, 6) with gJit (Wb. V, 150, 1 fO and by the different
ways of writing gJwt in the will of Naunakhte (JEA. 31, 1945, 38). the price, 10 deben, to refer only to the gJwt (see above, p. 191).
A gJwt is used as a container for silver (Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053, 5,
5 See BAKER, Furniture, 91 f. and figs. 106-108.
6 and 14) or garments (Pap. Mayer B, 13; even for 35 items !). So it 6 Tomb Robberies, 101, note 25.
was of a larger type than the 'id!, which is confirmed by its higher 7 Romans et contes, 198.
8 Cf. HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 205 f. For plastered walls, cL Admonitions, 11, 3.
price. In O. Cairo 25 612, 3 it is indicated as if it were a footstool
200 PRICES WOODEN CONTAINERS 201

The price of no. 6 is misread in the publication, the facsimile showing of furniture, but elsewhere it occurs among boxes, chests, etc. The
clearly 10 1/2 and not 15. 9 No. 8 is called g5wt qr,,+CI:, , but the price, usually 2 to 3 deben, points either to smallness of size or to
transcription of the latter word, very faint in the original, is not beyond roughness of quality. A connection between s~r/sgr andW KI)\., as was
doubt. It might indeed be an unusual writing for isy = isr, 'tamarisk supposed in the case of skr, is of course out of question. The Wb. 12
(wood)'.10 c0nnects it with the Semitic verb 'lti 'to close'; HELCK 13 with the
The price of the g5wt is fairly constant at 10 deben. The exceptions Akkadian sigaru. These connections, however, remain hypothetical and
are no. I (uncertain) and no. 9, no. 6 being only slightly over; for do not enlighten us as regards the nature of the object. 14 The qualifica-
no. 9 I can offer no explanation. From the consistency of the prices r
tion li ~ in O. Gardiner 172, vs. 7, if this is understood as a variant
one might perhaps deduce that the g5wt was an object without much of bs, 'closed with a string',15 may point in the direction of a type of
variety. box. However, O. Varille 13, 8 reads s~w n ur~~~, which looks like
's~r of a singer', and I see no reason for emendating it into a form
§40. s~r/sgr of bs, 'closed'.
Above we discussed a type of basketry called skr (§25) and stated In D. Michael. 71, 8 (= pI. 69) a sgr is described as mh m ht. In view
that it was sometimes confused with a wooden object called s~r or of the use of mb for 'matting' for a bed, this expressi~n ~ay signify
sgr. The alternation ~!g is quite usual in the ostraca (cf., e.g., lr~s!lrgs, the closing of the opening of the sgr with wood, or putting a lid on
§ 18), while k never alternates with g, so that s~r/sgr certainly indicates the box or suchlike, though the more likely explanation is that sgr
a different object from skr. There occur, however, what appear to be here is used to indicate a container for wood.
very oddly mixed forms of these words. Although unable to solve the problem as regards its nature I have
Usually the word under discussion is written as JlJ. ].Ll1~1--- or provisionally included s~r/sgr under the heading 'wooden containers',
.ill],~ ].':;"I~' In a somewhat careless text, O. DeM. 105, which also
for which reason it is treated in this chapter.
displays some unusual variants for the names of articles of furniture. The following numbers in Table XXV require some explanation.
the writing ill ~lA\].'-' definitely indicates the present object, as does No. la lists a doubtful price, since over the stroke for 'one' there is
probably also lll]./lc.- in O. Varille 13, 8 and Hier. Os!r. 19, 3, 8. / a sign which mayor may not mean 1/ 2, If the price is 11/2 khar it
and .ill],Ll].......... in O. Berlin II 260,5. The writing .ill],~LI].~I"'- in would be double that of the other s~r in the same text; therefore,
the Turin strike papyrus, vs. 5, II is even more markedly deviant, while I khar seems to be more probable. In no. 6 the standard of value in
in the same text, vs. 5, 16, what is tentatively transcribed by GARDlNER which the prices are expressed is not mentioned. In such cases usually
as nb5r may also be in fact s~r or sgr. the deben of copper is meant, but vs. I says" .... 1 irl.n M 87".
Confused writings are found in O. Cairo 25 800, I, 5, where a Nevertheless, 'silver' looks to be impossible, so that bd may mean
wooden object sgr is determined with A, and in Hier. Os!r. 54, I, 10. 'price'. Whether no. 8 contains in fact a price is not quite certain;
possible only '2 s~w' is meant, but all other entries in this ostracon
where another wooden object is called skr, like the basket, but is
contain prices, while in the preceding line the word irl.n, the usual
determined with __ . In both instances the use of bt proves that not a
indication that a price is meant, is missing after msr.
basket but the present container was meant. 11 The difficulties of
In no. 15 a s~r is exchanged for I khar of barley and 2 bundles of
O. IFAO. 1017 are discussed above (p. 162).
As for the nature of s~r/sgr, I am unable to offer any suggestion.
In some texts, such as O. DeM. 105, it appears to be a particular kind
12 Wb. IV, 550, 10; cf. also ibid., 1 and 3 (which contains a mistaken reading

for s~r in Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 6).


9 Cf. p. 124, no. I. 13 Beziehungen, 571, no. 230. Cf. BiOr. 23, 1966,27, however.

10 Cf. p. 193. 14 S.i~K·, determined with the wood sign, in Pap. Harris I, 13a, 8 indicates part

11 In O. Berlin 14 214, vs. 11 a s/v determined with the wood sign occurs in a list of a column and will be another word.
15 See p. 186.
of types of basketry.
202 PRICES WOODEN CONTAINERS 203

TABLE XXV giwt, and more like the 'fdt, though with wider variations. From the
frequency of the prices it appears to have been a common object which
may have been present in most houses.
snilr khar dehen
§41. dbt
6 I?
I) Hier. Ostr. 65. 2. 8 Ram. 11 3/4- }(<r
Although the name of this type of box is written as oJ.;!... with
la 'I. variants in the price ostraca,17 the correct writing will have been dbt.
2) O. Varille 13. 8 yr. 3. Merenptah/Amenmesse 1 I. S«1t" n /.Is.\'
3) Hier. Ostr. 54. I. IO yr. 3. XIXth Dyn. /2
Both writings are used alternatively in the will of Naunakhte (cf.
J skr (sic)
4) O. Gardiner fragm. 4. I. I XIXth'early XXth Dyn? 1/
'2 s«r lEA. 31, 1945,38). As for the basic meaning, tERNY (loc. cit.) tentatively
5) O. Gardiner 142. vs. I Ram. III 5 s«r suggested 'cage'. 18 In two instances in which something is said of its
vs. 2 5
6) O. Cairo 25 655.
vs. 3
Ram. III
2
} .igr use, however, it is clearly a box. In Pap. Lansing, 5, 5 ff. the dbt 19
11 2 st«r (sic)
seems to contain the tools of a carpenter, while in an inscription from
7) P. Turin 1880. vs. 5. 16(= RAD. 48) yr. 29, Ram. III
2 s« 'r the tomb of Tut'ankhamiin 20 it is said to contain garments. Therefore
8) Hier. Ostr. 19. 3. 8 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 2? .f!<1I" the translation with 'cage' does not seem to be plausible, though
9) O. Gardiner 288, vs. 2 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. I .fgr CAMINOS' 'tool-box' 21 is again too specific. The db! will have been
la) O. Berlin 14214. vs. S Ram. lII/mid XXth Dyn. 3 s«r
11) O. Berlin 11 260,5 mid XXth Dyn. 2
used in different ways, so that a non-committal rendering with 'box'
s!<
12) O. Cerny 20, 12 mid XXth Dyn. 2 skr!< (sic) seems the best solution. 22
13) O. Gardiner 134, vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 2 s!<r In Hier. Ostr. 65,2,2-3 there is mentioned a miwg of a dbt. 23 Since
14) O. Cairo 2S 800, I, S mid XXth Dyn. 2 sgr (A)
IS) Hier. Ostr. 61, 2, vs. 2-S mid XXth Dyn. c. 3
miwg is a carrying-pole, its combination with a box is quite possible,
s«r
16) O. DeM. lOS, 4 mid(?) XXth Dyn. 3 sg; I sg(r) + I the more so if dbt could indeed also indicate a cage. In O. Berlin 12
hdmll" = S debe 343, vs. 2 the dbt is described as s~l;, 'plastered' ;24 in Pap. Turin
17) Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 6 yr. 2, Ram.V 2 s!<r
18) Hier. Ostr. 36, I, vs. I, 3 yr. 7. Ram. VI/VII 2
2104, vs. 11, 11 it is said to be I;bsw (1JPe~), possibly 'with a lid'.
s!<r
19) Hier. Ostr. 62, 3, 6 XXth Dyn.? I "Cl sgr; 2 for 3 debe n O. Turin 9618, 10 gives in addition to db! the word wnmtt,25 which
20) O. Gardiner 172, vs. 7 late XXth Dyn.? I '/4? s!<r /.Is occurs also with miwg (0. DeM. 434, I, 4; O. Berlin 10 626, vs. 7).
While a carrying-pole for the right hand may eventually appear to be
vegetables. 1 khar of barley cost at least 2 deben, while a bundle of
vegetables was valued at 1/2 deben, together probably coming to 3 deben
for the s~r. No. 16 adds the value of a footstool and a sgr, together 17 O. Brussels E 6339, 7 has DJ ::' . . . . .
~ (--for bt).
1B This may be defended on the basis of the determinative ft, e.g., O. DeM. 569,
coming to 5 deben. Since in the preceding line a footstool costs 2 deben,
I and 4.
the price of the sgr will have been 3 deben. 19 Here written the same as in O. Brussels E 6339, but with the wood sign also

The last price, no. 20, is not absolutely clear, /~ being written over added. The block sign is derived from gbt, 'brick' (cf. tERNY, JEA. 31, 1945, 38).
the dot of A I.. This .. '*'
itself means that the value is expressed in 20 tERNY, Hier. Inscr . ... Tut'ankhamun, no. 46 and pp. 7f.

21 Late-Eg. Mise., 384f.


khar of barley,16 as usual, but whether 5 oipi! or only 1 khar IS 22 See also VANDIER, Pap. Jumi/hac, 73f. In O. DeM. 569, !ff. '-[n-)tbw (sic)

meant, the dot being an original error, is uncertain. seems to indicate a fairly large box or basket since it contains various kinds of loaves
and suchlike.
The prices of s~rlsgr vary between 1 deben or even 1 oipi! (no. 2) 23 Note that dbt and mlwg as separate objects are mentioned one immediately
and 5 deben (nos. 5 and 6a), being in Il10st instances 2 deben. This after the other in Hier. Ostr. 85, I, 14; here, as in two instances in the will of
difference points to a variety either in shape or quality. Clearly the Naunakhte, dbt is determined with the basket sign.
24 Cf. p. 199. From this instance, as well as from that from the tomb of Tut'an-
s~rlsgr, if it was a kind of box, was altogether different from the
khamiin, it is apparent that GOEDICKE'S suggestion (JARCE. 7, 1968, 128) that
dbt would mean 'work-bench', or even 'sawing-post', cannot be correct.
16 See p. 110, note 44. 25 Prooably not imntt, despite the writing~: ~with ~-.
WOODEN CONTAINERS 205
204 PRICES

possible, I fail to see what dbt wnmtt could mean. The only suggestion made either of wood or of fibres. 26 Instructive in this respect is the
I have to offer is that a dbt with a carrying-pole (for the right series of entries in O. Cairo 25 677, vs. 12-14. The first one runs:
hand?) is implied. ht n fly sri ([ly with the wood sign); the second: ht n fly (with f\ );
the third: fly sri VJY with f\ ). While in the second entry A seems to be
TABLE XXVI incorrect, the last one clearly refers to a kind of basketry.
Sometimes the material of a fly is fairly expensive, as, for example,
dbl in Pap. Harris I, 34a, 13 and 71a, 5 : mry-wood and ebony.27 mry-wood,
which is possibly red wood of a foreign tree-either the cedar or the
khar deben
cypress~is also used for the fly in the Giornale dell'anno 17B, vs. 9, 9. 28
I) O. Berlin 12 343, vs. 2 mid XXth Dyn. 8 slfb We find it used also for other boxes (Pap. Harris I, 64c, 3: glwt and
2) O. Cerny 20, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 8 fly), for a coffin (0. Cairo 25 504, n, 8-9) and for a statue (Pap.
3) Hier Oslr. 33, 3, 2-3 mid XXth Dyn. 10
4) P. Turin 2104, vs. 11, 11 yr. I. mid XXth Dyn. ? 10 bbsw
Brit. Mus. 10 053, vs. 4, 20), for example.
5) O. Gardiner 158, 4 mid XXth Dyn. ? 2 1•
/2 2 for 5 deben
6) O. Turin 9618, 10 late XXth Dyn. 7 wnmtt TABLE XXVII
7) Hier. OSlr. 57, 1,2 XXth Dyn.? 10
8) O. Brussels E 6339, 7 ? 1/
'2 uncertain
9) O. Gardiner 252, 11 Ram. III 1 uncertain

sniu.! khar deben

Table XXVI includes seven clear instances, of which only no. 5 has I) O. DeM. 553, 11 early Ram. Ill? 1
4 10
a very low price (and prices in this particular text are generally low, 2) Hier. Oslr. 31, 5, Ram. JII?
5 IS
except for that of a coffin). The last two nos. are uncertain. No. 9 is 6
3) Hier. Oslr. 18, 3, 4 mid XXth Dyn.
only partly legible, owing to a lacuna between dbt and the words 4) O. Berlin 12343, vs. 5 mid XXth Dyn. 2
" ... , } iri.n dbn }", and it seems that a reason for the exceptional 5) P. Turin, Giornale 17B, vs. 9, 9 yr. 17. Ram. IX 5 n mry
(= pI. 42)
price may have been given. No. 8 mentions 2 dbt nt ht, which are valued /
? 3{ determined with ft
6) O. Gardiner 141, 3 /4
at 1 khar, i.e. about 2 deben, which is far out of line.
Six out of the seven clear instances show that 7 to 10 deben was the
usual price for a dbt. This means that it was not a particularly cheap The exact size and shape of the fly, whether a box or a basket, are
object, being far more expensive than either a s~r or an idt, although unknown. It may be the shrine-shaped chest (cf. note 27), though
somewhat less than a glwt. The fact that it is once referred to as boxes with a gabled top like that from the tomb of Senniidjem
'plastered' (no. 1) suggests that it was something more than a common (BAKER, Furniture, colour pI. IX) or with a round top may have been
object for rough work, like a carpenter's tool-box. It seems likely that designated with the same name. The wide variety of prices, from 2 to
the high price relates to its quality and decoration rather than to its 15 deben, may point to a variety in size and quality, but no more can be
size, since it was carried on a pole. said of it.

§42. fly
Another word the meaning of which seems to vary between basket 26 A curious writing is found in O. Gardiner 141, 3, where it is introduced by
and wooden container is f3y. Usually determined by the wood sign bf, but determined by fl· .
One is reminded here of the pair of shrine-shaped chests of dark reddlsh~brown
27
and several times described as ht, 'wooden', it is also in some instances wood inlaid with strips of ivory and ebony from the tomb of Tut'ankhamun; cf.
determined as basketry, particularly in Pap. Harris I (18a, 16; 19a, 7; BAKER, Furniture, 95 and fig. 118.
28 BUTTI-PEET, pI. 42.
etc.). Therefore one is led to suppose that the same type of object is
206 PRICES WOODEN CONTAINERS 207

§43. bs §44. lpt, 'corn-measure'


The word J~~'1~h-, which does not occur in the Wb., is known to The lpt is a wooden container shaped thus: CD, and used as a corn-
me only from price ostraca. CERNY 29 connected it with the Coptic measure, its capacity being 40 hin, i.e. 19.22 litres. 32 From this object
BHC€ (CRUM, Capt. Diet., 44b), meaning 'pail', 'well-bucket'. Such the oipe measure received its name. It is several times depicted in wall
an object could well have been made of wood. In some instances bs paintings 33 and was always made of wood. 34
is determined with ~ as well, but this may be due to the influence of There are four instances of a price:
the name of the god Bes. CRUM (Capt. Diet., loco cit.) connects BHC€
with the Greek f3f)atS', but possibly the latter word was derived from No. 1) O. Gardiner fragm. 62, 4 (Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn.): 1
wooden lpt makes 2 (deben).
the Egyptian.
The only text which may help us in the identification of the object No. 2) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, vs. 1-2 (mid XXth Dyn.): 1 wooden lpt,
strong and (or: though?) mended ('nw.tl) 35 makes 1 oipe.
is no. 5 of Table XXVIII, which reads: ' n(?) bs n cj3rj3; but I am
No. 3) O. Turin 9586, vs. 6 (mid XXth Dyn.): 1 lpt makes 2 deben.
unable to explain these words. Nor do I know of any real object in a
No. 4) O. Cairo 25 588, 8 (a year 2, mid XXth Dyn.): 2 oipe (of
museum or .from an excavation which is likely to have been called a
'pail'. In the well known painting of a shadUf in the tomb of Ipuy 30 emmer) in exchange for the 3pt.
the receptable is coloured a reddish brown, which probably indicates The last word, though written }\.oo,~, will also mean the object under
that it was made of pottery.31 discussion. The text in which it occurs contains other unusual writings.
The price of no. 4 is 2 deben (1 khar in this text costs 4 deben) ,
TABLE XXVIII which is the same as that of nos. 1 and 3. That in the second instance
it is cheaper will be due to the fact that it is mended, although, as the
bs seller states, still strong!
khar deben
§45. mhn
1) Hier. OSlr. 65, 2, vs. 3-4 Ram. II 1
2) O. IFAO. 1017, vs. 4·5 mid XXth Dyn.? 2? see commentary Yet another wooden container is the mhn. This word is sometimes
3) O. Gardiiler 139, 3 mid XXth Dyn. ' /2 2 for 1 deben written with L.l and in other instances with __ or even with Q ,36 but
4) O. Berlin 11 260, 6 mid XXth Dyn. 3 all these writings are usually taken to indicate the same object. In
5) O. Berlin 12652, vs. 3 yr. 6, mid XXth Dyn. 2 • n(?) bs n g,g'
6) O. Cairo [182], 3-4 ? '/2 1;1 nh bs 2 iri.n dbn I some instances it is said to be used for grain,37 but elsewhere for
wooden shafts (of spears?) 38 or logs.39 In Hier. Ostr. 26, 5, 4 an

Of the prices in Table XXVIII no. 2 is rather doubtful. In exchange


32 For an ipt that was too small, namely only 38 hin, cf. Hier. Ostr. 34, 4.
for a bs it lists a pair of sandals, of a value of 2 deben, but since the 33 E.g., WRESZINSKI, Atlas 1,243; 261; 296. The corn-measure in ASAE. 40, 1940,
ostracon is broken it may be that more commodities were involved in pI. 13 b, which measures only 9 hin, will be Coptic.
34 In Hier. Ostr. 62, I, vs. 4, a piece of sycamore wood (bt n nh) is said to be made
this transaction. No. 6 states the object to be made of nh, 'sycamore
into an lpt.
wood'. 35 Cf. p. 155.

All in all the prices point to a cheap and hence-if in fact a pail is 36 In Hier. Ostr. 26, 5, 4 said, in spite of this determinative, to be of wood.

meant-probably rather large but rough object. Hence il, this and other similar instances this determinative seems to indicate not
so much the material or the shape as the fact that is a container; it will be the result
of confusion with the word mhr.
29 In a private letter, of 10-1-1964. 37 Pap. Geneva D191, vs. 3 = CERNY, Late Ram. Letters, 58, 12; Hier. Ostr.

30 Theban Tomb no. 217; cf. DAVIES, Two Ramess. Tombs, pI. 29. Also in tomb 75,7.
no. 49 (NeferJ:!otpe); cf. DAVIES, The Tomb of Neferhotep at Thebes, pI. 46. 38 CAMINOS, Lit. Fragments, pI. 11, 10; cf. p. 34.

31 The same holds true for the wash basin, op. cit., pI. 28. 39 O. Michael. 7, I (= pI. 62): m/:l m bt.
208 PRICES
i'
'inlaid' (mbwt) specimen is mentioned, the price unfortunately being
lost. In O. Michael. 13, 6 (pI. 46) a mhn is described as ss, 'painted',
and in O. Michael. 48, vs. 1 (pI. 72) it is said to be made of mnlf-wood. 40 CHAPTER SEVEN
All this presents insufficient material for us to identify the object.
In three instances a price is mentioned: TOMB EQUIPMENT
No. 1) Hier. Ostr. 18, 3, 5 (mid XXth Dyn.): 1 wooden mhn
makes 3 deben. §46. Coffins
No. 2) O. Gardiner 172, vs. 6 (late XXth Dyn.1): 1 wooden mhn The Egyptian language used in the texts of Deir el-Medina includes
makes 3 deben. four different words for coffin, namely wt, swbt, mn-'nb and gbJt, the
No. 3) O. Turin 9618, 12 (late XXth Dyn.): 1 wooden mhn makes exact meaning of which is not simple and clear-cut. In order to put
l(?) deben. the problem as clearly as possible these words as well as the
In the third instance the price itself is very doubtful. The two other archaeological evidence will be discussed in this section, while we shall
ones of 3 deben each make it clear that the mhn is not in fact cheap, turn only afterwards to the objects themselves and their prices.
though it is less expensive than a gJwt or a dbt. It may have been a The French excavators of Deir el-Medina found a great many
rather rough, though not too small chest, since it was used for grain. coffins, but unfortunately most of them are undatable. So for instance
those from the second chamber of Tomb no. 366,1 which are attributed
40 An unknown kind of wood; ef. Drogenwb. 248f. and LORET, Flore
2
, 62. by BRUYERE 2 either to descendants of Neferronpe, which would mean
that they date from the late Nineteenth Dynasty, or to priests of the
Saite period. On the other hand, the coffins found in the Eastern
necropolis 3 belonged to the Eighteenth Dynasty.4 They testify that in
this period two types were used, namely the anthropoid, mummiform
/ chest and the rectangular box-shaped type. 5 Since the latter disappeared
during the Nineteenth Dynasty 6 it is unlikely that we shall find its
name in the price-ostraca.
Another group of coffins found intact is that of Setau and his
family, 7 being simple Osirid chests; but they, too, date from the
Eighteenth Dynasty.
The only complete, unopened tomb discovered by the French excava-
tors is the tomb of SennUfe (no. 1159),8 opened in February 1928. It
contained, among other things, two mummies, that of Senniife himself
and that of his wife Nefertiti. Both were lying in a single mummy-
shaped coffin, while Senniife's mummy was moreover covered with a

1 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, 108ff.


2 Op. cit., 111.
3 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 11, 24ff.
4 Op. cit., 6ff.
5 See, e.g., op. cit., figs. 11 and 14.
6 HAYES, Scepter n, 414.
7 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-34, 102ff. and pI. 10.
8 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1928, 4Off.
210 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 211

painted cartonnage mask. 9 However, Senniife may also have belonged one being mummiform (Cairo Exh. no. 2002) and the inner one
to the Eighteenth Dynasty,10 since his name appears to be unknown depicting his hair and beard as he wore these during lifetime. 18
in later ostraca. No scientific description of the objects of Tomb no. 1 which remained
Another intact tomb was excavated in 1906 by SCHIAPARELLI. It is in Cairo was ever published. 19 Senniidjem himself possessed one coffin
the tomb of the architect Kha', the contents of which have been with two lids (Cairo Exh, no. 2001), the outer one being mummiform,
transferred to the Museo Egizio at Turin. 11 In it were also found two the inner one representing him with naked upper body and a long,
mummies, that of Kha' and that of his wife Merit. The former lay in white skirt. The lids and the lower part together were contained in a
a mummiform coffin, which was placed in a second one of the same type, larger sarcophagus of the naos-like type,20 to which also belonged a
the whole being placed in a box-shaped chest. There was no mask large sledge. 21
covering the head of the mummy itself. His wife, however, lay in a Another member of the same family also buried in the tomb was
single mummiform coffin, also placed in a box-shaped chest, but she Tamake, the wife of Khonsu and daughter-in-law of Senniidjem. Her
wore a mask covering her head and the upper part of her breast. 12 coffins are now in Berlin. The outer one represents her as mummy,
This tomb again dates from the Eighteenth Dynasty, since Kha' died the inner one again as she was in real life. 22 The same is true of the
under the reign of Amenophis IIIY coffins of Ese (Cairo Exh. no. 2000), who also belonged to the family.
Yet another tomb found intact is that of Senniidjem (no. I), the From the excavations at Deir el-Medina there are some other
contents of which are now for the greater part in the Cairo Museum, instances of coffins representing living persons. BRUYERE refers to
the remainder being scattered all over the world. 14 The tomb was fragments of an anthropoid woman's coffin of the Ramessid period
discovered and opened by MASPERO in 1886. Unfortunately we possess which "repn':sentait la defunte couchee, en toilette d'epoque", 23 and
no adequate contemporary description of its contents. 15 The mummies elsewhere mentions a fragment of a coffin "qui devait representer un
and coffins of Senniidjem's wife Ineferti, and-partly-those of his homme en costume civil, robe blanche plissee". 24 The latter was found
son Khonsu are now in New York.!6 Ineferti possessed two anthropoid in Tomb no. 357 of Dl:lUtl).imaktef, dating from the Nineteenth
coffins, one fitting into the other, and underneath, covering the head Dynasty.25 A third example may have been noted from pit no. 1454 26
of the mummy, a car tonnage mask. This time there is a clear difference / at the north side of Qurnet Mura'i, but BRUYERE'S description is not
between the coffins, except for a slight difference in size, in that the quite clear.
outer coffin represents the lady as a mummy, while on the inner Turning now to the pictures on the tomb walls we should first say
coffin she appears as she was in real life, clad in a long, white that the necropolis of Deir el-Medina offers very scanty material for
robe.! 7 Khonsu, the son, also possessed two coffins and a mask, and the study of daily life, most of the paintings being of a religious
here again the same difference between the coffins is found, the outer nature. One important exception is the decoration of the tomb of

18 For the inner coffin, cf. op. cit., fig. 265.


19 They are exhibited in room 17 of the Cairo Museum. For a brief survey of the
9 For a description of Senniife's coffin, cf. op. cit., 48 ff.; for his mask, 52; see
literature, cf. PORTER-Moss 2, I. i, 4 ff. Since these notes refer only to publications
also pIs. 4 and 5. Nefertiti's coffin is described on pp. 60ff.; see pI. 9.
lOOp. cit., 73. they are of necessity incomplete.
20 For this type, cf. BONNET, Reallexikon, 659 ff.
11 Published by SCHlAPARELLI, La tomba intatta dell'architetto Cha.
21 According to TODA (op. cit., 151) two sledges were placed in a corner of the
12 Op. cit., 17ff.

13 Op. cit., 188ff.


tomb and not under the sarcophagi.
22 Ausf. Verz., 174 (Berlin nos. 10 832 and 10 859). For the inner coffin, see also
14 The objects are known to be present in Moscow, Copenhagen, Berlin and
VALDEMAR SCHMIDT, Sarkofager, Mumiekister etc. (K0benhavn, 1919), fig. 732.
Madrid.
23 Rapport DeM. 1927, 90.
15 The description by TODA (a French translation in ASAE. 20, 1920, 147ff.) is
24 Rapport DeM. 1929,77.
disappointingly summary.
2' See p. 45.
16 HAYES, Seepter 11, 414ff.
26 Rapport DeM. 1948-51, 100.
17 Op. cit., fig. 264.
212 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 213

Ipuy (Tomb no. 217). Here we find depicted on the northern wall 2c that it indicates the anthropoid coffin.34 The problem here is whether
from left to right: first the catafalque of Ipuy 28 resting on a boat, both the mummy-shaped type and that representing the body as it was
then two anthropoid coffins, both bearded. 29 the left one of which is during its lifetime were referred to by this word, or whether the
slightly larger than its companion, and on the right a mummy-mask. latter type h:ld a different name. The box-shaped type, which fell into
All four objects are having the finishing touches put to them by the disuse after the Eighteenth Dynasty, will not be mentioned in any
different artisans, the larger coffin being in the process of being price-text, all of which date from later periods.
painted, while a carpenter is at work with a chisel on the The second word for coffin may be swbt. Originally meaning 'egg',
smaller one. Above the mask are depicted two scenes, one of a it is translated by the Wb. 35 as 'Name des innersten Sarges'.36 In the
sycamore the wood of which was used for the coffins being felled, the light of what has been stated above one might suppose, however, that
other showing a pot of glue used for glueing together the layers of it indicated the mummy-mask instead of a coffin. The original meaning
cloth which constituted the mask. 3D Since the tomb of Ipuy can be of 'egg' seems appropriate for both, though more so for the mask.
dated to the late Nineteenth Dynasty, this picture is of importance for However, the identity of the process of making wt and swbt,37 while
the interpretation of the names of coffins in the price-texts. 31 on the other hand that of making cartonnage masks was altogether
From this archaeological material we are able to infer that four different from that of wooden coffins,38 together with the fact that
different objects were used for the burial of the workmen, namely a in at least one instance a swbt was more expensive than its wt,39 make it
mummy-mask covering the head of the mummy; usually two coffins, very improbable that a mask was meant. 40 That the inner coffin was
both of them anthropoid, though sometimes with the difference that indicated by a different name from the outer one-or ones 41_,
the inner one represents a living person, while the outer one is although both appear usually to have differred only in size, will be the
mummy-shaped; and around all this, in some instances, a sarcophagus. result of a difference in religious meaning. To what extent the
The latter may be absent, however-possibly even in most cases, incidental difference in appearance 42-the representation of either a
especially in that of poorer persons. mumtfly or a living person-was responsible for a special name
How are these data to be related to the four words for 'coffin' originating for the innermost coffin 43 remains uncertain. In this respect
found in the texts? By far the most frequently used is wt, which is
practically always determined with the wood sign and is several times . 34 See, e.g., WINLOCK, lEA. 10, 1924, 239, note 2. WINLOCK points out that
explicitly described as bt, 'wooden'.32 In one text, not from Deir lVl originally means 'covering', the first anthropoid coffins having been "looked upon
el-Medina, wt is determined with the picture of a mummY,33 confirming simply as an 'envelope' or 'covering'''.
35 Wb. IV, 74, 4.
36 PEET, Tomb Robberies, translates it as 'shell' (e.g., Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 054, 2,

16). Why elsewhere he preferred the translation 'shroud' (Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 052,
27 See DAVIES, Two Ramesside Tombs, pI. 36, lower register. I, 18), despite the fact that it is said to be made of gold and silver, is not clear.
28 It does not appear to be his sarcophagus, since the object is almost square and For SIf~1f as a garment cf. p. 290.
too high for that; the workman is unable to reach its top. Whether it is supposed to 37 Cf., e.g., Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 13ff. (= pI. 41).

contain a sarcophagus is uncertain, but not probable. 38 See the scene depicting the glue-pot in the tomb of Ipuy (p. 212).

29 DAVIES, op. cit., 70, suggests that one of them, despite the beard, belonged to 39 Hier. Oslr. 59, I, vs. I. Usually the sw~1 is cheaper; ef. Table XXXIV.

Ipuy's wife, but it seems far more likely that both were meant for himself. DAVIES seems 40 Note, however, that so far as I know the language of the ostraea included

to have overlooked the slight difference in size. no word for 'mummy-mask'. Although in religious texts it may be indicated by lp, it
30 Cf. DA VIES, loco eit. seems improbable that no special name existed for an object that was so usual in
31 The same group of objects is depicted in other Theban tombs of an earlier the Village. That it does not appear in the texts is the more strange as all the other
date; see, e.g., the tomb of Menkheper (no. 79): WRESZINSKI, Alias I, pI. 257, kinds of funerary objects are mentioned.
where we find two anthropoid coffins on funerary beds, as well as a box-shaped one 41 Combinatior.s of two lVI and one SlV~!I are by no means rare; cf., e.g., Hier.

and a mummy-mask. Oslr. 60, 5 and O. Varille 4.


32 The only exception known to me is O. Brussels E 305, vs. 2-3, where lVI, 42 Whether the particular appearance of the inner coffin of Senniidjem and his

written ~\J\.,,},,"," referred to as n ·5t. family was usual for his time is uncertain. I do not know of any other instance apart
33 Cairo no. 42 155 = LEGRAIN, Slalues et slaluettes 11, 22 (a statue of Beken- from those mentioned above.
khonsu): ~~~. 43 Sarcophagi representing a living person were not rare during the Nineteenth
214 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 215

it seems significant that the word swlJt appears not to occur previous to same as that of wt; though not actually proving our interpretation, at
the middle or even the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty, the period to least this does not contradict it. 55
which can also be dated the burial of Senniidjem and his family as The fourth name of a coffin, db]t, is translated by the Wb. as
well as all other instances of inner coffins representing living persons. 'Schrein' or 'Sarg'. PEET took it to be the outer coffin,56 but without
The third word in this series is mn-'nb, 44 occurring, so far as I know, indicating whether he thought it to be of a different type fr~m the wt,
only in ostraca. The Wb. 45 translates it with the colourless word while WINLOCK 57 rendered it as 'sarcophagus'. The latter mterpreta-
'Sarg'. In spite of its writing with;;;:! c'!:l 46 it may originally have had tion is indicated by the writing with = 58 or ~ ,59 and the fact that
the meaning of 'place of life' (MANWNZ).47 The object seems to have in some instances the db]t was made of stone (/1 inr) 6°-though it was
been made consistently of wood. 48 also a wooden chest according to its determinative and references to
On comparing the first lines of two related texts, namely Hier. the painting of it. 61 That it does not occur very frequently in the
Ostr. 60, 5 and O. Berlin 12 343, we find that the former mentions ostraca-far less so than the wt-but on the other hand appears usual
with regard to a certain lady 'An the wt '], which is decorated for for the expensive burials which were robbed at the en~ of the
20 deben,49 while in the Berlin ostracon the mn-'nb for the same lady Twentieth Dynasty,62 is also consistent with its interpretatIOn as a
is decorated for the same price. Since in these two texts there occur sarcophagus.
more instances of persons with the same names, it seems likely that
they also relate partly to the same objects, in which case the 'large' §47. wt
wt will be identical with the mn-'nb. Our conclusion is that mn-'nb On studying the prices of these coffins one soon realizes that there
refers to one of the outer coffins, otherwise called wt ']. Besides this
are different categories of prices. Except for those stating the value of
large wt there was also a small one (sri),50 a set of coffins sometimes, the object itself, which is sometimes said to be. decorated 63 and,
as was said above, being composed of two wt and one sw/:lt,51 although though l~ss frequently so, to be varnished 64-W hlCh means that the
in other instances only one wt and its sw/:lt are mentioned. 52 Although
the word sri may in some instances indicate size only,53 the expression 55 Wb. V, 561, 8 ff.
wt sri clearly means not only a 'small' wt but also 'the smaller', that 56 Tomb Robberies, 39 (Pap. Abbott 4, 3) and passim.
/57 lEA. 10, 1924,239; followed by GARDlNER, lEA. 22,1936, 179.
is, the inner one, 54 and wt '] 'the larger', that is, the outer one.
58 Hier. Ostr. 72, 1,3; O. terny 20, 4.
Now the latter was also called mn-'nb. The price level of mn-'nb is the 59 O. DeM. 233, 4 and 10.
60 E.g., Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 054,2, 15. _
61 O. Cairo 25 521, 3a and 10; O. Gardiner 133,4; O. Cerny 20, 4. . .
Dynasty; cf. SCHMIDT, Sarkofager, figs. 646, 647 and 649. All of these are stone 62 Note that in O. Cairo 25 521 the gbil of the chief workman ~neb IS palnt~d
chests and are not from Deir el-Medina. by workmen during their working-hours, probably against the regulatIOns. Pneb Will
44 O. Berlin 12 343, 2: pi. have possessed more expensive tomb equipme~t than usual; his. tomb, . prob~bly the
45 Wb. n, 63, I. southernmost of the necropolis of Deir el-Medina, IS also more Impressive than most
46 Hier. Ostr. 85, 2, 5; O. Cairo 25 242, 4. others. The equipment may have been something like that found In the tomb of
47 Cf. CRUM, COpl. Diel., 525b. For compounds withMAN-, cf. STEINDORFF,
Senniidjem. ., , ., d
Lehrbueh der koplisehen Grammalik, § 113. 63 Either ss or ss-(m- )~d. Whether the latter means 'sculptunng or carving an
48 E.g., O. Berlin 14 366, 2; Hier. Oslr. 62, 3, 2. the former 'painting', or whether both terms are used indlscnmlnately for both kinds
49 For this price, cf. p. 224, note 92. of work is not quite clear, though a difference seems unlikely. Note that. Hler. Oslr.
50 Cf., e.g., O. Berlin 1268, 11-13, where are mentioned pi wt 'i, pi wt sri and 60, 5, 1 say~ ni ss, where its parallel, O. Berlin 12 343, I has ni s~-~d.. In GlOrna!e 17 B,
liyj SW~I one after eachother. The expressions 11'1 'i and wt sri occur by themselves vs. 8 (= pis. 40-41) we find the same alternative use: the wt 'i IS said to be ss-~d, the
in several instances. 11'1 sri and the sw~t ss (~~). The translation with 'decoratIOn' may come very near
51 See note 41. to what the Egyptian scribe meant (see further Table. XXXI). Wood-carVing .o? ~
52 O. Gardiner 134; O. Gardiner 190; O. Strasbourg H 84. 11'/, however, is called bjk-~mww. In some instances painting IS mentIOned explicitly,
53 So probably SW~I sri in Hier. Oslr. 21, 1, vs. 4. cf. O. Gardiner 183, 3-4 and O. Michael. 14, vs. 3-4 (= pI. 49), and the ClfcumstantJal
54 There is no instance in which wl sri may stand for SW~/, so that it appears description of the work on coffins in Giornale 1713, vs. 8. .
that the Egyptians made a clear distinction where usually we see only a small 64 in" (m) mrh: O. Gardiner 183, 3; Hier. Oslr. 21, 1, -vs. 3; O. Tunn 9599, 3.
difference in size. See also Hier. O;lr. 54, 4, vs. 1, though from the context it may be suggested that
216 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 217

wt is sold in a finished state-there are also other texts mentioning


the price of the wood used for its manufacture,6 5 while others again
..".
list prices of its decoration and of its construction. Ostraca listing the
E
E prices for the decoration of the wt usually mention other funerary
.S objects as weB, such as swbt or ytlt; (see §§49 and 51). They can be
...... ."
-,< •
recognized by their opening formulae, e.g., n5 ss-~d rdyt n A n (for
E $ :-- :-- ~.:""'
..:... :s
';;; .~ .~
':- ':-
in) B (0. Strasbourg H 84), n5 ss-~d Ur.; nf (0. Gardiner 151 vs.), or
"" ~ := :=

r rdyt rb.tw n5 ssw nti m-di A (Lady Franklyn Hier. Inscr., 4), in other
" or. instances abbreviated to n5 ss A (0. Gardiner 134) or n A (Hier. Ostr.
""~" ~
0
N N

60, 5), once even simply to ss A (0. Gardiner 139). In a few instances
... only one combined price for the decoration of one or two wtw and the
"
.."
-'< - corresponding swbt is stated .
+ On recognizing the difference between the notion of the price of the
"
'~ V')
on "
+ coffin and that of its decoration one is tempted to conclude that in
some other instances of low prices also not the finished coffin but its
". decoration or construction is valued, even though there is no explicit
,: ,: ,:
E '" '" Cl'"
Cl Cl reference thereto. This may be the case in nos. 4, 13 and 29 of
.0'
"
<>::
.0 .0
XX X Table XXIX, but since there are no indications of this in the text
,: ,: ,: -2 X X X
itself we have nonetheless included them in this Table.
'" '" '" ""
Cl Cl Cl
Most instances of wt prices require some commentary, some even
.0 .0 .0
XXX being very doubtful.
X X X
,:
'" ~'" ~'" -2 No. 1) The wt which on afterthought the scribe described between
,: Cl
.0 " '" "'"
?:C::2 the lines as ss, 'decorated', is exchanged for objects to a
'"
Cl
::: ::: .0 X XXX
~ ~ ~ ~ value of 4 sniw and 2 oipe. However, in the preceding line the
E E X ~ ~ ~
" <>::"
<>:: ~ E'" ~ ~ ~ wood for the wt is valued at 1 sniw, so that the total price
..; 6
-~.~N ..;
...:
M
...:
is 5 snlw and 1/2 khar, i.e. c. 26 deben .
'" '" No. 2) Note that the swbt belonging to the first wt costs 40 deben,
and that of the other only 20.
No. 3) The wt is said to have been lrw m mrb, i.e., 'varnished',
.,.s after which there follow two more expressions both of which
0. are obscure. The first was transcribed by tERNY as ~J';:"
11
~ Oe~, the second as ;:;;;:;~~~ ~ ,,!A(!,~,. The words wldw
co
~ do,
- .0
and ~niw mean 'malachite' and 'orpiment'66 respectively,
- N
on 'T VC
on ;> 00
00 0
co
"...: the former being green, the latter yellow in colour. It is
;>
'"
N
...: M ~ on '" + a-
;> ...; probable that here not these materials but the colours
~
or. -
00

il
..;

0;
cC ..;
~
0;;
0
'<>
:::: a-t- on
~ c N

<5 :;t;; '" ~ C 0


.0
<.> ~ .~ .!::

.~ 0 ~ "
E Cl'" 1-
·S
U" here the coffin is rubbed with fresh incense. The formula also occurs with swlJt (0. Gar-
::r:: 0 0 \:) 0 0 0 diner 183, 5) and gb3t (0. DeM. 133,4). For the meaning, cf. p. 245.
N ;;) ~ ::0-
N
r::: N00- Nc;
N
cs wt m bt; cf. p. 222.
66 Cf. HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 102ff. and 153f.
218 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 219

are meant, but what parts of the wt are thus coloured is be painted. This coffin is exchanged for a pig costing
uncertain. The word read above as nsi reminds us of psi, 1/2 snlw, i.e. 2 to 3 deben, which is an incredibly low price
'comb',67 but here it seems to be used as a verb. If-n/;, which for a wt. A vague indication that in fact only payment
from its determinative would seem to be a part of the body for the work may be meant is found in the remainder of
(of the anthropoid coffin ?), is unknown. In no. 26b, the verso, where the mtnw, 'recompense' for yet another
however, a wt is de<;cribed as bn/;f(?) m If-b/;. The last decorated (SS) wt is mentioned. The word mtnwj,73 here
word indicates a part of the body, possibly the foot,68 written as ~~~ll:;"; ...... , may indicate the recompense of either
while bn/; again is unknown. The word If-n/;f being painting or constructing the coffin.
discussed here, if that is what is realJy written by the No. 5) The price (pJ /;rj) is paid in the form of a group of
scribe, looks as though it is a combination of bn/; and commodities, viz. 3 khar of emmer (c. 6 deben), a kskst-
If-b/;. In the next line of no. 26b it is said about the same basket (c. 4 deben), a tunic (mss) for 5 deben, two kbs-
wt that it is msd If-bw f, If-bw being determined with::, baskets, of each 1/2 khar (c. 2 deben), a mat (c. 1/2 deben)
like bn/; above. This If-bw is explained 69 as a particular and a dnit-basket (c. 3 deben), altogether c. 20 deben.
kind of wood-work; but it is a hapax legomenon, the above No. 6) The coffin is ss-m-If-d, 'decorated', and irw m mr/;,
meaning being derived from this place only. All this is 'varnished'. Note the unusual price of 33 deben.
quite confusing. Whether in O. Gardiner 183 in fact it is No. 8) A number of objects, together costing 5 snlw, is given in
If-b/; that was written, or whether the scribe meant bn/;, exchange for pJ wt 'J, the outer coffin.
If-b/;, or even If-bw, remains uncertain, as does the meaning No. 9) The price of this wt 'J is doubtful. CERNY saw two strokes
of all these words. So much is clear, that part of the wt after SJ, "", a possible one or two being lost in a lacuna.
was coloured green and another part, possibly the hair, I think it probable from the photograph that at least three
yellow. As a result of these operations the coffin became strokes were originally written, but of a fourth one
rather expensive, 40 de ben exceeding the usual price. nothing is left. If the price was 4 snlw, i.e. 20 deben, it
No. 4) The first coffin is exchanged for objects which are together would have been a normal though not expensive coffin.
valued at 4 1/2 khar, while there is mentioned a remainder No. 10) The unusual price of 25 1/2 deben is arrived at by adding up
of 2 oipe, so that the total sum is 5 khar. The second one several items, one of which, a quantity of copper, happened
to be 8 1/2 deben instead of 8.
is exchanged for four commodities, together valued at
No. 13) Whether in fact a price is meant, and if so, whether it is
2 snlw. 70 Both these prices come to 10 deben, which is so
for a finished coffin, is uncertain. 10 deben seems to be
low as to be suspicious. The third wt is said to be ss m rr
too Iowa price for this. The entry says: 10 deben for the
(:;:,/;/),71 the latter word standing either for ryt, 'paint', or
wt which X possesses (ntl m-di X).
for rjryw, 'pigment'. 72 In both cases the coffin is stated to
No. 14) This is one of the most expensive coffins, the more so as
67 Cf. lEA. 50,1964, 178f., where a similar error is noticed. 80 deben is the price of the unfinished object, to which has
68 Cf. GARDINER, Onom. JI, 255*; cf. also LEFEBVRE, Tableau des parties du corps to be added another 65 de ben for painting and varnishing
humain,55.
69 Wb. V, 22,4.
it. The coffin is said to be made of isy-wood, 'tamarisk
70 GOEDICKE and WENTE transcribe this as '2 oipe', whereas tERNY reads 1/2 (sniw), wood',74 which may have been so expensive as to explain
as everywhere else in this text. The facsimile shows an altogether different sign from its high price.
that after A in line 5, while nowhere the '2 oipi" of the publication is preceded
by A , so that tERNY'S transcription will be correct.
71 Both the publication and tERN)' in his notebook read rr, though the facsimile

is faint. Cr. o. IFAO. 764, I, where a mn-'nb is said to be b'j m~4ql~,m kni, 'daubed(?) "3 See p. 183.
with ink and yellow pigment'. .
74 Cf. p. 193, where an isbll't made of isy-wood is also fairly expensive.
72 CL HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 157f.
TOMB EQUIPMENT 221
220 PRICES

No. 19) The word wt is written ;S, ~~ ,75 the coffin being that of from 140 to 200 deben. Unfortunately the terms in which
a woman and decorated (ss-m-/r-d). the work is described are partly obscure. The large one is
No. 21) The price of a large wt is said to be 40 deben, but there said to be decorated (ss-/r-d), its hair is carved with a chisel
follows : ~~ . This may mean that a 'balance' (mn) of (JJy snwj m mglt), this costing 5 deben, after which follow
20 deben has to be added to the 40 as the price for the the words mSdjl'1kwf, describing a work costing 10 deben.
coffin, though it seems more probable that the debtor still mSd may mean 'to hollow',77 but /r-bw is unknown. 78
.owed 20 deben after having taken delivery of the wt. The smaller coffin is said to undergo a process called
The following lines may in that case list objects to this on/:! m /r-b/:! .... 79 Then follows again msdj /r-bwf, also
value. Unfortunately the last line is lost; the four which are costing 10 deben, ss (not ss-/r-d) , the price of which is lost,
left together contain a value of 16 deben. If the verso and flyj snwj m mglt, again costing 5 deben. The total
continues with the text of the recto, we have to take into price is partly lost, but from the addition in line 19, where
account the total in vs. 4, namely 77 deben. This amount a sw/:!t-price is also added, it appears to be 200 deben,80
can only be arrived at if the price of the wt is taken to be so that the two lots of work for which the price is lost
only 40 deben, since the recto, or what is left of it, lists together cost 35 deben. If the price for the decoration was
objects to a value of 56 deben and vs. 1-3 of another the same as that for the large wt, i.e. 20 deben, a further 15
14 deben, so coming to 70 deben. The price(s?) lost at the deben remains for the work called on/:! m /r-b/:!, whatever
bottom of the recto would then (together) be 7 deben. If that may be.
this is correct, the meaning of mn 20 remains obscure, No. 28) The entry runs "entered (iw) to me: 1 wt, makes 20 (deben);
though it should definitely not be added to the 40 as the remainder (wgl) 20", which may mean either that the total
total price of the wt. value of the coffin was 40 deben, or that after producing
No. 23) CERNY transcribed this as wt ss-/r-d 2, but noted with regard a wt in payment the debtor still owed 20 deben, out of a
to the number "moins certain". The photograph 76 is too total of 40. 81
faint for us to be able to recognize anything; possibly a No. 29) The prices are again too low in comparison with the others,
small piece of the ostracon has flaked off. In comparison so that one would be inclined to interpret them as referring
with the other prices it appears to be extremely improbable either to the wood for the coffins, or to their manufacture
that 'two' is really meant, 25 deben being a normal price or decoration, although nothing is indicated. 82
for a single coffin. A final instance of a price,83 which while not specially mentioned
No. 25) Another doubtful price. CERNY did not transcribe it, but may be calculated, is found in O. Prague H 21, 2-4 (Ramesses Ill/IV).
I fancied I could see 25 on the original. This part of the
77 cr. JESHO. 11, 1968, 154, note k.
text is badly legible, so that other prices in the following 78 See no. 3 above.
lines, probably also related to coffins, are unfortunately 79 The end of the line has disappeared. For IrblJ, see no. 3 above.

80 The value of the two wt is added together in line 12, but is partly lost, the
lost. The wt in line 3 is said to be ss-/r-d.
publication transcribing only '190'. Since, however, the swlJt is said to cost 34 deben
No. 26) Two coffins, a large and a small one, are mentioned here, and the total for the three objects is 329 deben (line 19), what is transcribed as 190
the smaller one being more than double the value of the (+ xl will be 295. Of this the wt 'i accounts for 95 deben, leaving 200 deben for the
other, which is fairly uncommon. Each of them is fashioned wt !rl.
81 cr. no. 21 above. For gitl n Wl in the next line, see p. 231.
in several ways, so that the value of the larger one 82 See nos. 4 and \3 above. The other items in O. Cairo 25 601 will be discussed

increases from 60 to 95 deben and that of the smaller one on p. 232.


83 According to CERNY'S notebook there was also a price-notation for a wt in

O. Berlin 12 405, 4 (late XXth Dynasty), but the photograph no longer shows
75 cr.p. 212, note 32. any'hing. CERNY noted I',',' as the number of deben, adding the query '50?' to the
76 DARESSY, Ostraca, pI. 61. long stroke, but the price appears too uncertain to incorporate in the table.
222 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 223

where a wooden wt and a similar bed together cost 40 deben. however, division of a number over two lines would be quite unusual,
Since the price of the bed was probably 15 to 20 deben, that of the and since 14 deben would be out of line with the other wood prices,
wt will have been either 20 or 25 deben. the reading assumed by tERN\' will be correct.
In conclusion, it appears from Table XXIX that most of the coffin In no. 5 tERN\' transcribes p3 wt m lIt ~'tf The use of the word
prices 84 vary between 20 and 30 deben. A single wt is slightly cheaper 't with chairs and chests has been noted above,89 and it may be a
(no. 17), while two are only a little more expensive (nos. 6 and 15). similar expression that is intended here.
Three coffins cost 40 deben (nos. 3, 7 and 21), and three others are far
more expensive (nos. 14 and 26).85 Whether there is a difference in price In the introduction to this section 90 we indicated that a group of
level between the outer and inner wt will be considered below in wt prices is introduced in the texts by words confirming that not the
connection with the other name for wt '3 , namely mn-'nb. objects themselves but their decoration is valued. The price varies (see
It is clearly impossible from these data to deduce any price fluctuation Table XXXI) from 8 to 12 deben, with only two instances of 20 deben
during the period, the difference in quality between individual coffins and one (no. 1) of as many as 65. In some entries one or two wt and
being an overriding factor. What is clear is that all the prices in the a sw~t are included in the one price. These will be dealt with below in
Table, except for nos. 4, 13 and 29, relate to finished coffins, since connection with the sw~t.
even some of the cheaper ones (nos. 1,23 and 25) are specifically said No. 1) The ostracon states the price of two operations combined,
to be 'decorated'. Whether variation in the material or the standard namely painting (sS) and varnishing (irw [m] mrb). The price
of decoration, or some other factor determined differences in price is is higher than all the others, but that of the coffin itself
not clear. (Table XXIX, no. 14) is also unusually high.
TABLE XXX
No. 2) The text opens with the words "the work that A did for
wood for a wl
me". There follow two items, a msr and a dbt, that were
made, after which the text says: rdU nf ss p3 wt 2,
sniw deben
meaning that the author painted two coffins, clearly in
1) o. DeM. 49, 2 Ram. 11 1
2) Hier. Os!r. 28, 4. 2 late XIXth Dyn. 1
return for the wood-working. The use of the verb rdi, 'to
3) O. Berlin 10 643, vs. 1-2 yr. 1, mid XXth Dyn. 4 give', seems strange-it is better suited to the mss in the
4) O. Varille 4, 4 yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. 5 2 for 10 deben next line-but it cannot mean that he 'gave' two painted
5) O. Cairo [181J, 2 ? 5
coffins, since ss comes before p3 wt.
No. 3) Although the two wt are stated to be ss-m-If-d, which at
In five instances it is not the coffin itself but the wood used for it first sight seems to imply that the price of two finished
that is valued,86 the formula being wt m bt, parallel to that noted for coffins is meant, the first words of the verso, n3 ss-If-d Ur.l
beds 87 and chairs.88 Of these texts (see Table XXX) only no. 3 n./, indicate that the price of their decoration is meant.
presents any problem since it is partly illegible. The last signs of vs. 1 One can only wonder whether the scribe meant that the wt
are transcribed by tERN\' as dbn, though the photograph shows only a were already carved (ss-m-If-d) and that the 20 deben were
large vertical stroke, which could also be the remains of n. Since, paid for adding colours, but this seems too subtle for the
difference between ss-If-d and ss-m-lf-d. 91
Nos. 4 and 5) Both ostraca refer partly to the same objects, decorated
Sixteen out of twenty-eight items, leaving aside the doubtful nos. 4, 13 and 29.
84 by the workman Bekenwernero. In the first entry of no. 4 a
For another high price for a coffin, see p. 248.
85
86 Except for the doubtful instances mentioned above (Table XXIX, nos. 4, 13
and 29). 89 Cf. pp. 189 and 197.
87 Cf. p. 182. 90 Cf. p. 215.
88 Cf. p. 191. 91 Cf. p. 215, note 63.
224 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 225

wt 'j for the lady 'An is said to cost 20 deben,92 in the second
entry her two small wt together cost 16 deben, while no. 5a
mentions "the (sic) small wt of 'An", which costs 10 deben,
'""'\'. and 5b says "again made for her another (small wt)" for
>~ ." ." 't;;
'" '""'\'..;;;
..:c.
.~ .~ ';;;
'"...,
"'\'.
..,
the same price. So while in no. 4 two small, i.e. inner
" '"'
coffins cost 16 deben, in no. 5 they are valued at 20. Why
this difference? One might suppose that the texts are not
referring to the same objects, but the identity of the names
throughout the two makes this difficult to believe. The most
probable solution seems to be that for some reason
unknown to us two different price-quotations were made,
though I must admit that this looks like an artificial
solution. 93 Another possibility may be that the more
expensive coffins were meant for lady 'An's husband. 94
No. 5c mentions another wt which is 'given' 95 in exchange

';;
II for tj q.3y m niwt. q.3y is a garment, but the qualification
m niwt is not clear. Is it "given in the city", or does it refer to a
particular kind of q.3y?
xX "0
<0- ~ J- No. 4c states that 4 wt for lady Bekenseti together cost
X C
WCI
c
.g >- I 32 deben, hence costing 8 deben each if the decoration of
Cl
-l
Cl e ..c i each was of the same value. The next entry says that
-<
I-
0
u X
"
." X C C
>- >-
C
>-
C
>-
C
>-
C
>-
C
>-
C
>-
C
>-
2 swlJt for her together cost 6 deben, i.e., 3 deben each,
::2 Cl Cl Cl Cl Cl Cl Cl Cl Cl
~..c -5 ..c ..c ..c ..c ..c ..c ..c while she seems to have received another 'large' wt (4d)
::: X X X X X X X :; X X ~ for only 5 deben. In no. 5, however, two wt and one swlJt
X X X X X X X X X
E ." ." ."

." ." ." ." E ." ." E for lady Bekenseti cost 24 deben. So it appears that in no. 4
..:" .§ § .§ § § .§ ..:" .§ .§ ..:"
N ,.: ,.: Bekenseti receives two sets of coffins and one wt '3, and in
...: ...: ...: no. 5 only one set. The decoration of the former sets cost
>- >- >-
.J 19 deben each (twice 8 and once 3 deben), that of the
latter 24 deben. This appears to be the same difference as
that mentioned above with regard to the coffins of lady
'An, so that both texts appear to be consistent, although
00 '"00
...6' they do not state the reason for the difference .
0.
...:
i;l 11

'(
't
'"
'"
N
"-
> N
't
'" '" '" '"
.,J. ...
.::
...:
i"
N

.. ..
N
'"
..
-.0

00 N
....
00
92 The number is partly lost. CERN"\' and GARDINER transcribed n, but '20'
tallies with the total in line 6. For the identity of this wt with the mn-'nb of O. Berlin 12
...''"" - -0 cri"
vi'
'"'" -'"tl
N
:t 0( >
C ::; 343, see p. 214.
0( 0-.0 '" 300 '"
'" '"
>- N 00
~
s::! :;;; tl tl 93 The supposition that the difference is a result of the fact that in no. 4 the work
~
.:: c .:: C
c 0 c N
!::: is described as ss and in no. 5 as ss-~d seems to be unfounded. Table XXXI shows
u:" ~ ~"... ~
.>-
,§ Cl ~ Cl .S
~ c ~
1i tl
1:'"
that the price level of both kinds of work was the same; both words will point to
I- .~ 0" " >" Vi 0"
;:l
..: >- 0
.:;: Cl ." 'u S the same thing. See also p. 215, note 63 .
ci :t: ci :t: ci "
-l ci ci ci ci ci C!) <4 See p. 226.
:= N r;; 6' := N
;;) ~ G' ~ 00 C;;
- 95 For a similar use of rdi, cf. no. 2.
226 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 227

No. 6) Both prices are for a wt only, but line 9 also states a we find [P]5yfwt '5, and in line 4 [mt]nwyfsniw 4 1 / 2 . 97 Although the
price for a wt and a swht. beginnings of lines 3 and 4 are lost, we may safely assume that 4 1/2 sniw
No. 7) While on the verso of this ostracon (as in no. 5) prices of was the 'recompense' for the decoration of the wt '5.
wood-working are given, the recto opens with the words b) O. DeM. 49 vs. (Ramesses II). The recto tells us that a wt is
n5 ss. exchanged for 5 sniw and 1/2 khar (see Table XXIX, no. 1). On the
No. 8) Although the first line of the text is partly lost there is no verso a draughtsman is said to have done some work for 4 sniw, after
doubt that it refers to the decoration. which follows the statement "He said: I will paint (SS) for you one wt
No. 10) Although the text begins with only the single word ss, and r.sn". The problem is what the meaning of the last word is here. If it
mentions from line 3 onwards some baskets which hardly means "over and above these (4 snlw)", or "apart from these (4 sniw)",
can have been decorated, the first two lines will also have then it is not a price that is mentioned. There is in my opinion also a
been intended to list prices for the decoration of the coffins. possibility, however, that r is used elliptically for r gb5,98 in which
No. 11) The beginning of the ostracon seems broken off. Line case the 4 sniw constitute the price for painting the coffin.
(x +) I reads wt ss lrl.n 10, which could in itself indicate c) O. DeM. 214 vs. (late XIXth Dynasty). The first price of this
the price of the coffin. However, lines 3 and 4, though not small fragment is badly damaged, so that the meaning of t~e text is
mentioning a wt, clearly pertain to decorations, since they obscure. Verso 2 only states "1 wooden wt makes 2 snlw". CERNY 99
both begin with n5 ss. So the same will have been intended took it at face value to be the price of the wt, but since his other
in line 1~and in the identical entry of line 8~as is examples in the same entry pertain to wood for the coffins it is
confirmed by the prices. possible that here similarly not the wt itself is meant at such a lo~
No. 12) For the decoration of this wt, see p. 220, no. 26. price. Nothing is said about its wood, so that we may ask whether It
The question may arise to what cause the difference in price for the is not the painting that is valued at 2 snlw. loo 10 deben would be the
decoration of a wt sometimes found in one and the same text is to be usual price for it.
ascribed. Of course the quality may be responsible, though it may also d) O. Cairo 25 701, vs. 1 (Ramesses Ill?). This is another fragment,
be that the decoration of a man's coffin was slightly more expensive the remaining entry stating ..... ss 1 iri.n dbn 10. There is no indication
than that of a woman. In no. 8 the coffin of 10 deben is that of a man, that a decorated coffin was meant, nor that it is the price for the
the cheaper one that of a woman. The most expensive one of no. 7 decoration itself, but I know of no other expression in the price-texts
was also that of a man, though the last one, again a man's coffin, that ends with ss, while the price would suit this interpretation very
costs the same as the first one, which belongs to a woman. In no. 9 a well.
set of one wt and one swbt for a man costs 15 deben, that for a woman e) O. Turin 9611, vs. 2 (the year 18 of Ramesses III). The entry
12 deben. For the possibility of the difference between nos. 4 and 5 opens with the same signs as the preceding one, save that only
having to be thus explained, see above. ..~ is left of s.~. The price is 12 deben.
f) O. IFAO. 764, 9 (mid XXth Dynasty). The second line of this
There is a group of texts which may also refer to prices for the ostraccm runs nJ ss-~d n A, while in the left half of line 1 101 the
decoration of coffins, although in most instances this is far from painting of a mn-'nb is mentioned. In the middle of the left half another
certain. They are, in chronological order:
97 The sign for "/2' is doubtful.
a) O. DeM. 233 (early Ramesses 11). On the recto of this ostracon 98 In the case of a pronoun this would have been written r-gM.H', not r-gbi.sn,
themtnw, 'recompense',96 for a gMt is stated, but only commodities are 99 Prices and Wages, 912.
100 cr. nos, 4, 13 and 29 of Table XXIX, which are also surprisingly low,
enumerated and no price is added. The verso begins with the words 101 The ostracon appears to be broken, the two halves not joining on together
wbm ssw lrl.n A, "further, the decorations which A made". In line 3 now. In the lower half the lines may constitute two columns, but whether this
was also the case in the upper half is uncertain, The I!nes would indeed be unusually
96 See p. 183. long if both halves should be read as parts of the same line, but see p, 234,
228 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 229

text begins, according to CERNY'S transcription, opening with a date TABLE XXXII
(IV jot), after which first the price of a swbt and in the next line that
construction of a wl
of "the small wt of Bekenkhonsu", being 5 deben, is mentioned. In view
of what is said at the beginning of the text it seems more than probable sniw deben
that this is the price of the decoration. For the same low price, see -
1) o. Gardiner 252, 4-8 Ram. III II '/,?
Table XXXI, no. 4<1. 2) Hier. OSlr. 53, I, 11, 2-3 Ram. Ill? 2
The interpretation of two other texts which I offer here is very 3) o. Berlin 12 343. vs. 2-3 mid XXth Dyn. 15
doubtful: 4) Hier. OSlr. 57. I. 11-12 XXth Dyn.? 12
5) Hier. Om. 62. 3. 3-5 XXth Dyn.? 5
g) O. DeM. 31 (year 19 of Ramesses 11). Line 2 runs "This is the yr. 2. Ram. V 5
6) Hier. OSlr. 28. 2. 5
day of giving the coffins (nj n wt) to Seba". There follow several items 7) O. Varille 13. 3-4 yr. 3. Merenptal)/ Amenmesse I
valued in hin and oipi!, added up in line 8, saying: "Together, I snlw
and 3 hin; remainder (gj t) 2 sniw and 3 hin". There is not a single
word indicating that the total of 4 snlw is the price of the coffins, wife of A. . ... , total 11 1/2 deben". The price which is
or how many coffins are referred to. However, 4 snlw, i.e. 20 deben, paid in objects is doubtful, since lines 6-8 are badly damaged,
is a fairly low price for only one coffin. Therefore one may tentatively the q /2' being particularly dubious. 1 04
suggest that either the material for more coffins or their construction No. 2) The second column of this ostracon says that a kbs-basket
or decoration was valued. If in fact the price of more than one-at and a mat, together 2 deben, are given "for the works
least two--coffins was meant, however, it would be surprisingly low, (bjkw) which he did on the wt". It would seem probable
even in a text from as early as the nineteenth year of Ramesses 11. that not the construction but some repairs to the coffin are
h) O. DeM. 223 (mid XXth Dynasty). The ostracon begins with the meant, the price being lower than usual.
words "list of the 'money' CM) which I gave to carpenter 'Opatjew. No. 3) Here no doubt is possible, since the verso begins with the
Statement by 102 workman Amenpl;la'py about (? m) the coffins. Given words nj blkw-bmww 105 and enumerates several wooden
to him etc.". There follows an enumeration of a number of commodities, objects. That not the price of the finished objects themselves
continued on the verso, constituting this 'money', together valued (vs. but that of their construction only is meant is apparent
5) at 20 1/2 deben. This price again is too low for more than one from the words ink sw m ot, indicating that the person who
coffin, but from the words quoted above the conclusion need not to be ordered the wt supplied the wood for it himself.1 06
drawn that the 20 1/2 deben should necessary be conceived as their No. 4) This text is also clear, since it mentions 'handwork' (blk-grt)
price. They may equally well be what was paid for their construction carried out on the wt for 12 deben.
or for their decoration. From the designation bmww used for 'Opatjew No. 5) As in Giornale 17 B, vs. 8 IT. 107 there is a description of the
one would infer that it is construction that is meant, so that this text way in which a coffin is made, but here, too, the words are
actually would belong to the next group. It is quoted here because of obscure. A man says of a wt sri that he made s~r f me?) 108
its correspondence with the preceding text, where the price(?) of the gjbf mn, lw sgr tj[yf?] bjt-rdwy bn' tjyf=!.:~~, which
coffins (plural!) is also exceptional.

The fourth group of coffin prices mentions their construction and \04 tERNY suggests in his notebook as an alternative reading A, but the necessary

number after it is missing.


the wages paid therefor. They are listed in Table XXXII. 105 The same words are found in O. Gardiner 134 vs., but there no coffin is listed

No. 1) The text runs: "One single coffin 103 which is made for the among the wooden objects.
106 Note that the same formula in this text, when used for a 'Id! and a bed, seems

102,.!,not.1. to have little or no influence on the price.


103 The group::: usually means 'item'. The article following it is strange, however, '07 See p. 220, no. 26.

so that there is a possibility that~I"""was meant (see p.231). The price, on the 108 The ~ at the end of line 3 is doubtful. See the facsimile.

other hand, seems too high for this.


230 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 231

costs 5 deben. I do not know what this sJr-r means,109 but even without it one snl\\' would be cheap for the construction
~1J:: may be a writing for gbi, 'damage', 110 while I would of a coffin.
tentatively explain mss as being the same word as used for
A second, even more doubtful instance may occur in O. Gardiner 146
cutting up fish; I I I sq.r, though apparently a hapax
(of uncertain date), where the left-hand column reads, in very short
legomenon,l12 may mean 'to make strong' (q.r) , while
lines, it r 3 \I·t It'sy (~r~), lri.n dbn 1 (+ x). The text is broken, and
~il-rdwy 113 may mean the 'tips of the feet'. A word 'm',
up to three strokes of the number are probably lost. The verb it'S}"
finally, occurs in a d;fferent writing as the name of the
'to saw', is used in other instances for the preparation of a
throwing-stick. 114
coffin-usually written fllErl1:" 12°_and, although the connection
Although it is impossible to give an exact translation it
with the 'grain' (it) is obscure, it seems that three coffins are sawn
would appear that the text is talking about a coffin which
for 1 (or 2,3 or 4?) deben.
was damaged, part of it being broken off, and of which the
tips of the feet and the throwing-stick(?) are restored, the
Concluding this long section we must direct our attention to a
total of which costs 5 deben.
number of special words connected with coffins.121 In O. Turin
No. 6) The text states that a wl, which costs 5 deben, is part of
9781 + 9801, 4 (XXth Dynasty?) there follows after a It't of 20 deben
"all the work (bik) which carpenter Pshedu did". After the
a giti n 11'1 for 70 deben. The word gili occurs in a similar context in
price there follow the words: "ni .swyw (~44":"=) 115 which
Hier. Oslr. 62, 2, vs. 3, where it is said of a II't that it was made of
(he) made, makes 2 deben". The determinative of .swyw may
sawn wood and IS r (?) t5yf gill, and again among some wooden
suggest the meaning 'emptiness', but this can hardly be meant
objects in O. Cairo 25 670, 8. The Wb., 122 whicL gives as an alternative
here. On the other hand, the word .swt, 'feather', is feminine,
writing l;I ].~.;:;.., connects it with the word gill't, 'box', dealt with
and the so-called rishi-coffins, which have a feather-pattern
above, 123 as CERNY did with the stone giti from the will of Naunakhte
all over the lid, fell into disuse after the Eighteenth
(11, vs. 13).124 This may be correct in the latter instance, but the
Dynasty.116 What other kind of object or detail may be
gill of a II't cannot possibly be a box, for how could a II't be attached
meant I am unable to suggest, but it is possible that a
/ (Is) to its box? I would tentatively propose connecting it with giit,
particular kind of decoration is referred to. 11 7.
'shrine', 12 5 and taking it to be an indication of the shrine-like catafalque
One more instance is also included in Table XXXII. 11 8
depicted in the tomb of Ipuy.126 The high price would be in agreement
No. 7) The text states that the 'recompense' for the wt, filled with
with this suggestion.
1 inl, 119 is 1 sniw. The price of the int is unknown, but
Another object of which there is also only one price known to me
is called ~I_ 11 1\'[ s.~, which occurs in O. Gardiner 133, vs. 3 (year
109 One is reminded to s*~ in O. Berlin 12343, vs. 2 (cf. Wb. IV, 308, 5). 36 of Ramesses 11), and which costs 1 hin, i.e., c. 1 deben. The same
110 Wb. V, 162,6-7. expression appears without a price in O. Michael. 13, 6. Since the' of
111 Cf. CAMINOS, Literary Fragments, 18f. One may also suggest that it is a
variant of msd (cf. p. 221).
112 The Belegstellen to Wb. IV, 393, 8 mention only this occurrence.

113 Read (probably) ~Jt for ~Jty. The word should clearly be connected with

rdwy and is not the name of a particular part of the coffin. former t(xt it seems to be a garment. One would be inclined to connect the word
114 Wb. I, 186,2. It occurs in, e.g., Hier. Ostr.23, I, n, 8, in a list of obscure words. with IIIt't, ·yarn'.
115 tERNY and GARDINER add a possible determinative ~ with a query. From the r"""
120 Cf. Hier. Ostr. 62, 3, vs, 2 and 63, 3, vs. 8; in O. Cairo 25 772, 51Ji. again.
facsimile it looks very doubtful. 121 For ,{IlYIl'. cf. p, 230.
116 Cf. WINLOCK, JEA. 10, 1924,274 and HAYES, Scepter n, 221. 122 Wb. V. 208, 10-11.
117 For a swht sswy.ti, cf. p. 236. 123 See §39.
118 Other p~ssible mentions of prices for the construction of wt are discussed 124 JEA. 31. 194<;.38.
above, pp. 227 f., nos c), g) and h). 125 Wb.V,150,lfT.

119 For 1l ~ ~::: (not in the Wb.), cf. Hier. Ostr. 33, I, I and 5; 72, I, vs. 9. In the 126 See p. 212.
232 PRICES

a chariot is its pole,127 while by itself means 'rod', 'stick',128 it


<
" TOMB EQUIPMENT

in no case the group ~, has its own determinative. All that is clear is
233

would appear that the painted of a coffin 129 is also a wooden pole
< that it is closely connected with the wt, so that one would expect it
of some kind. If it was intended to be something to carry the coffin to be a particular kind of coffin. The element 1f3 does not, however,
with one would expect to find a sign indicating the plural or at least appear to sonnect with any of the words mentioned in the Wb. 135
the dual. It definitely does not mean the 'arm' of the person represented The wt 11'3 cannot be the mummy-mask, since in O. DeM. 556 it is said
on the coffin, since the arm could not be detached from the body. to be made of wood, nor can it be the lid of the box of the
The low price proves it to be a simple object. coffin, since it is differentiated from the wt itself (0. Cairo 25 601 and
Finally there is a vexing problem presented by an expression which O. Gardiner 151)--which would then imply that the wt was the other
occurs more than once. In O. Cairo 25 601 (XXth Dynasty?) we find half, of which there is no indication.
2 wt, one for 10 and one for 8 dehen,130 together with which there
occurs three times an object called~, rL1\..~, once for 4 deben and §48. mn-<nh
twice for 3 deben. Since the value of the 2 wt is extremely low we Above we have argued that mn-<nh was the name of the outermost
suggested above that not finished coffins but either the wood for them anthropoid coffin,136 otherwise called wt <3. 137 Therefore it seems
or their construction or decoration was valued. But this does not help worthwhile also listing in Table XXXIII the prices of coffins explicitly
us in the interpretation of wt 11'3. called wt <3, although it is probable that in some instances where only
The same word(s) is (are) mentioned in O. DeM. 556, 3 (Ramesses the word wt is used the outermost coffin was also meant.
Ill), where the object is stated to be for a woman, while the wood was
not included in the price (ink sw m ht); it is paid with several TABLE XXXIII
commodities, together costing 7 deben. 131 A third instance is found
in O. Gardiner 151, vs. 3 (mid XXth Dynasty), where the ss-If;d of some ml1- 'nb and \\'1 'j

funeral equipment is mentioned. The decoration of two coffins here


mn-'nb \1'1 'j debell
costs 20 deben,132 while that of one wt 11'3 costs 3 deben. --
No other occurrences of wt 11'3 are known to me. 133 It is not even /
a) O. DeM. 553. 1-7 early Ram. Ill' 25 5 snl",
certain whether the writing represents two words or only one,134 since b) O. Berlin 1268, 11 yr. 14, Ram. III 15+x 3+x snlM'
I) O. Cairo 25 242,4-5 yr. 29, Ram. III 15 without wood
2) O. IFAO. 764, \-3 mid XXth Dyn. 15?
127 E.g., Pap. Anastasi I, 26, 6; Ill, 6, 7; IV, 16, 11. 3) Lady Franklyn Hier. mid XXth Dyn. 50
128 CAMINOS, Lit. Fragments, 12. '-n-bt is the name of the wooden arm used Inscr., 2
as incensory; cf. JEQUIER, Les frises d'objets, 322. 4) Hier. OSlr. 85, 2, 5 mid XXth Dyn.? 20
129 Or "the < of a painted coffin". There is no way of determining whether
c) O. Gardiner 158, 3 mid XXth Dyn.? 40
ss belongs to ' or to wt. d) Giornale 17 B. vs. 8, yr, 17, Ram. IX 60/95 35 deben for the
130 See p. 221. no. 29.
7-8 (= pI. 40) decoration
131 Unless the items of the verso should be included. One of these is two birds,
5) Hier. Osrr. 62, 3, 2 XXth Dyn.? 10+x
which cost I oipl', and the other two sticks made of mn*-wood, which is without 6) o. Berlin 14 366, 2 ? 40 (+x?)
a price.
132 See Table XXXI no 3

133 There is a sligh~ p~ss;bility that R)\':~, the second half of the expression,
No. I) states that "one item ("..... I) of mn-<nh is good for (n!r r)
occurs by itself in O. Brussels E 305, vs. 5. This text speaks of a wtiw (for wt) of stone
Ut) and a 'pall' or 'shroud' (Qbsw), m mitt p3yI 11'3. Since the determinative of \\'3, 15 deben". The wood for the coffin is said to belong to the
if ever one was written, is lost - it is the last word of the text - we surmise that it man who made it, as the formula 111' Ink sw m ht IS here
may have been the 'rope' (cf. Wb. I, 244), though the word under discussion here
may equally well have been meant. [The word w3t in O. Berlin 14 222, 7 (see ALLAM,
Hierat. Ostraka und Papyri, Tafelteil 21) has probably the same meaning as \l·t \1'3]. 135 11'3 might mean 'side', but the side-boards of a coffin are called tjrw (cf.

134 wt could also be written wt3; cf. Wb. I, 380. There must, however, be a good Hier. Ostr. 63, 3, 8).
reason for the distinction between wt and wt 11'3 when occurring one after the other 136 Ncte that the word occurs only in texts of the XXth'Dynasty.

in the same text. 137 Cf. p. 214.


234 PRICES

used again. Therefore the real price of the finished coffin


may have been slightly higher, possibly about 20 deben. 13B
r TOMB EQUIPMENT

former, since twice 40 and once 50 deben occurs, whereas in the longer
list of wt prices 40 deben appears only once. On the other hand,
235

No. 2) states the mn-'nb to be bi' m ry m ~ni, "daubed(?) with ink twice a mn-'nb is sold for 15 deben, which is below the general minimum
and yellow pigment".139 It is not certain that the 15 deben for a wt. 'Ne do not in fact expect much difference in price between
mentioned in the third line of the right-hand side of the the two kinds of wt, since so far as we know the only apparent
ostracon in fact represent the continuation of the left half of difference between the objects is that the inner one is somewhat smaller
the first line, and hence the price of the mn-'nb. If the whole in size. The much higher price of the wt sri in Giornale 17 B, vs. 8,
text was arranged in two columns, as its lower part clearly may be due to exceptional quality (of the wood ?), which is not
is,140 the price may be lost with the right-hand half of the mentioned.
left-hand lines, but this seems unlikely. However, the 15 deben There is only one clear occurrence of a price for the decoration of
may very well have been the price of the painting only. a mn-'nb, 142 namely in O. Berlin 12 343, 2 (mid XXth Dyn.). This
No. 3) The first lines of this ostracon are broken off, leaving only price is 20 deben, which is also found in Hier. Ostr. 60, 5, I, its
their second part; moreover, the facsimile by WILKINSON is parallel, where the mn-'nb is referred to as wt 'i. Another wt '5 in the
not completely reliable. The mn-'nb, the price of which is same text is decorated for the low price of 5 deben, while in Giornale
here given, was a second one, since it is said to be "another 17 B, vs. 8, 7 the decoration of a wt 'i again costs 20 deben.
mn-'nb"; the reference to the first one has disappeared
altogether. The remaining coffin is said to be n bt [ __ , §49. sw~t
though the reading of the latter word is not beyond doubt. The nature of this object was discussed abo're,143 where we drew the
This pdst(?) appears to be a particular kind of wood, conclusion that, despite the slight difference between the outer coffin
though pds is known to me only as the name of a bOX.141 or coffins and the innermost one, the word sw~t invariably indicates
No. 5) The price of this woman's mn-'nb is uncertain, since the the latter. Its prices fall into two categories: those for the sw~t itself,
ostracon is broken exactly in the middle of the number. and those for its decoration. For this again the words ss and ss-~d are
CERNY and GARDINER thought with some rescrvation they used, without any noticeable difference.
could recognize 'ten', but 'twenty' is not impossible, while Eight sw~t prices are listed in Table XXXIV, accompanied, as far
an unknown number of units may have followed. as possible, by the price of the wt belonging to it. The close connection
between the wt and the sw~t of any particular set is sometimes
The price level of the mn-'nb in Table XXXIII appears to be the expressed by speaking of 'iIs' sw~t.144
same as that of the wt 'i, the cheaper ones, nos. 1 and 2, being
explained above. No. 1) The first sw~t, of 40 deben, belongs to a wt which costs
Prices of wt '5 or mn-'nb appear to range from 15 up to 20 deben, only 20 deben, while the other, of 20 deben, belongs to a wt
except for one extremely expensive instance (d). On comparison with of 25 deben. The latter set represents the usual situation,
Table XXIX, in which the wtprices are listed, there seems to be no the former being the only instance of the sw~t being the
obvious difference between a mn-'nb or wt '5 and a wt sri. We can more expensive of the twO. 145
only observe a slight tendency towards higher prices in the case of the No. 2) The coffin here is a finished one being described as tr.ti m
mr~ and ss.tt m ~d, that is, "varnished and decorated".

138 That 5 deben is the usual price of the wood for a coffin appears from
142 For a possible second instance, cf. no. 2 above.
143 Seep. 213.
Table XXX.
144 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 59, 1, vs. 1 and 2; O. Berlin 12343,5.
139 See p. 218. note 71.
145 One would be inclined to suggest that 40 deben was the price of the wt and
140 See p. 227, note 101.
the swl:zt together, but for this there is no indication at all.
141 Wb. I, 566. 13ff.
236 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 237

TABLE XXXIV disregarded, since there swyw were real objects or parts of
the coffin. The wt to which this swJ;t appears to belong-there
sw/JI is no word indicating such a connection, but the two words
price of the wl occur one after eachother in a short text-is called mn-'nb.
deben in deben
On comparing the swJ;t prices with those of their wt the former appear
vs. I 40 20
I) Hier. Oslr. 59, I, vs. 2 Ram. 11 to be, with one exception (no. la), lower than the latter. This may
20 25
2) o. Gardiner 183, 5-6 XIXth Dyn. 25 varnished and 40 point to a simpler appearance, the difference being too great for it to
decorated be explained by the smaller size of the swJ;t only. Simplicity of form,
3) Hier. OSlr. 21, I, vs. 4 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 20 m.id.li SW/JI sri 33
3-4
however, is not what we considered above to be the reason for the use
20 80+65
4) O. Turin 9599, 8 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. of a special word for the innermost coffin, 150 and the actual coffins
15
5) Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 13-17 yr. 17, Ram. IX 20/34 »'1 'J: 60/95 of Sennudjem and his family show in fact a difference in appearance,
(= pI. 41) wl sri: 140/200 though not in quality. Therefore, the name swJ;t, even though it may
6) O. Berlin 12 405, 4 late XXth Dyn. 30 ?

7) O. Berlin 14 366, 3-4 ?


40 sswy.li 40 (mn-'ny)
have its origin in this difference, will be result mainly of other factors,
8) O. Gardiner 146, 2 ?
15 probably religious ones.
TABLE XXXV

No. 3) A 'small' SW};!,146 called mid.tl, 'hollowed'.147


decoration of a swl.lf
No. 4) The text mentions an extremely expensive wt, costing 80 deben
plus another 65 for its decoration and varnishing, whereas deben
decoration
unspecified
of the wl
the two sw};t are rather cheap. In contrast with no. la it
looks as though here the sw};t were plain chests. I) Hier. Oslr. 60, 5, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 3 2 for 6 8
No. 5) The sw};t costs only 20 deben, but its painting another 7, deben
. 5 2 10
while the hair is carved for 2 deben. The final work done on 2) 0; Berlm 12 343, 6 mid XXth Dyn.
2 wl + I sw/.rl for 24 deben
it is called mid.s ~bw.s, 148 adding another 5 deben to its value, 3) Lady Franklyn Hier. mid XXth Dyn. 1 wl + 1 SW/.rl for 13 deben
so that the finished coffin costs 34 deben. The two outer Inscr., 9
. 2 6 12
coffins again are more expensive, the wt '3 costing 60 4) O. Gardmer 134, 3 mid XXth Dyn.
5
deben-and after its decoration 95 deben-and the wt sri 5) O. Varille 4, 2-3 yr. 2. mid XXth Dyn. 1 wl + I Sw/.rl for 1I deben
140 deben-after its decoration 200 deben. 6) O. IFAO. 764, 11. 8 mid XXth Dyn. 5
7 5
No. 7) The sw};t is described as sswy.tl. This reminds us of the 4 1 wl + I sw/.rl for 15 deben
words n3 swyw with reference to a wt in Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 5. 149 7) o. Strasbourg H 84, yr. 7, Ram. VII for 12 deben
5 idem
Clearly some kind of work is indicated, since the verb should 11 idem for 12 deben
8) Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 14 yr. 17, Ram. IX 7 20
be translated as 'to make swy', though whether it has anything
to do with feathers is doubtful. sswy might mean "to dry'
or 'to empty', but if there is a connection with the swyw The second group of texts about the sw};t, those listing the prices of
of the wt mentioned above both interpretations can be its decoration, is enumerated in Table XXXV. The order is the same as
that in Table XXXI, insofar as sw};t prices are mentioned at all.
146 Here the word sri clearly indicates the size, while wt sri may be used, in
Moreover, a special column is dedicated to the prices of sw};t+ wt, in
contrast to wt '5, for the smaller one of the outer coffins. which the objects are not specified. None of these instances requires
147 See p. 221, note 77.

148 For all these expressions, cf. p. 221.


149 See p. 230, no. 6.
1;0 See p. 213.
238 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 239

any commentary beyond that given with respect to Table XXXI, except Another text mentioning a gblt is O. Gardiner 133 (year 36 of
for no. 7. The first two prices of wt+ sw~lt here mentioned, being for Ramesses 11). The ostracon contains fairly low prices, such as I hin
the set for Sike and that for 'Anmiit, are also found in O. Gardiner for an . of a wt (vs. 3).155 In vs. 4-5 there follows a gblt, wl/:z m grw,
190, vs. 4-5 and 5-6. Since they clearly belong to the same objects intended for a lady and valued at 2 1/2 sni\\', i.e., c. 12 1/2 deben. The
they are not included in the Table. expression \\'l/:z m gr\\', 'covered with paint', appears to be a variant
of hJ' m ry, which we discussed above. 156 It proves, even more so than
Comparison between the prices for the decoration of the sw/:zt and the determinative, that the gblt was made of wood. But what does
for that of the wt shows that the sw/:zt is always cheaper. While the this low price signify? 157 At the end of the preceding line, which
latter costs 2 to 7 deben, the price of the former is usually 8 to 10 deben. contains the entry concerning the', there occurs a small group of signs
This corresponds with the higher value of a finished wt, found above, which tERN)' could not decipher. They follow after the price of 1 hin,
though it is not certain whether the higher price of its decoration was but cannot be combined with this. With some hesitation I would suggest
the only reason for this difference in value. On the contrary, the the reading iri.i, 'I made', and would then interpret the price of the
difference in price between a finished wt and a sw/:zt appears to be 15 or gblt not as that of the object itself but of its decoration, which would
more deben, while the decoration of the former usually costs 5 to be more in accordance with other prices for the decoration of tomb
6 deben more. 151 This once again brings us back to the question of furniture, e.g., that of the wt (cf. Table XXXI).
whether the archaeological evidence proves this obvious difference in
quality, but again we are forced to admit that there are insufficient § 51. ytlt
indications for us to be able to solve the problem. In most texts mentioning prices of the decoration of wt and sw/:zt
there occurs alongside these coffins an object called ytit. This feminine
§ 50. cjbJt word 158 is mostly written \\oq.-. , with variants, 159 though once q404~
That cjblt is the name of the sarcophagus, the outermost chest in (0. Gardiner 151, vs. 1) and once even 1S~~~.- (0. DeM. 579, 6).
which the anthropoid coffins were sometimes placed,152 is stated It is not listed in the Wb., and its use seems to be restricted to the
above. 153 In accordance with the archaeological evidence from the ostraca.
Village, where sarcophagi were seldom found, the cjblt features only Clearly the ytit constituted an essential part of the funerary
rarely in the ostraca. equipment; no less than 12 ostraca mention prices for it, three of
The only text containing unequivocal cjblt prices is O. terny 20 them for the object itself (20 to 30 de ben) and nine for its decoration
(mid XXth Dynasty). In vs. 1 a sarcophagus, simply called cjbJt ss, (10 to 15 deben), which proves that it was anything but a small object.
is valued at 21 deben, but in rt. 4-5 we read nl ss nty < r?> tl cjblt. r At first sight ytlt might seem to be a corrupt writing for ltr (see next
rdyt n.i etc., after which are enumerated some commodities, together section), but the consistent use of ~ or QQ and the much lower value
valued at 41 deben. The latter price, therefore, is that for the decoration, of the shawabti-box rules out this explanation. The high price points
while the former is for a finished (SS) cjblt. This seems strange, since to a larger object.
we would normally expect the price of the object, seeing that it is Although not without some hesitation I would suggest that ytit is a
finished, to have been much higher than that of the decoration, but
the conclusion seems to be inevitable. 154
155 See p. 231. Whatever an ' may be, I hin is the lowest price which could be

expressed in the sniw-notation.


151 No. 8 seems to be an exceptional set of coffins. 156 See p. 234, no. 2.

142 Cf. e.g., the burials from the tomb of Senniidjem. 157 Even when the sniw was still, at the year 36 of Ramesses n, the equivalent
153 See p. 215, of 8 2 / 3 deben, it remains low.
154 Note that the painting of a \VI in this ostracon costs twice 10 deben, which 158 O. DeM. 402, 5 by way of exception pi yti. .
is the usual price (see Table XXXI), 159 O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, vs. 2 :QQ'\\~; O. Gardiner 296, I : '\\ qq~q;:.....
240 PRICES

variant for the Old Kingdom word l1t,160 'bed', which is written III
the Admonitions as ltiwt 161 and in the inscription ofPiankhy as ltyt. 162
According to MISS NEEDLER 163 l1t was the name of the typical funerary
couch. Whether this is correct for the Old Kingdom, or whether it
there was only another word for an ordinary bed, or that for a
particular type of bed, besides the usual I;nkyt,164 is a point which
need not concern us here. It is clear that during the New Kingdom
the ordinary bed was called I;'tl, and that ytlt was distinguished from
it and used as part of the funerary equipment. We know of only a
few actual funerary couches. Three of them came from the tomb of
Tut'ankhamiin. Their sides consist of pairs of attenuated animal figures,
namely one pair of lions, one of Hathor-cows, and one of Thueris-
hippopotamuses, between which the bed frame with its cover of woven
matting is suspended. 165 The first two couches are conspicuous by the
boldly curving tails of the animals. LABIB HABACHI describes 166 some
other 'funerary beds'-or embalming beds, as he calls them-mostly
made of stone, but one 167 also of wood. It has no curved tails, so far
as we are able to infer from the remains, and is made from what appear
to be parts of old furniture.
Although no actual objects of this kind are known from the Village,
the funerary couch occurs frequently in tomb wall scenes of Anubis
embalming and revivifying the mummy.168 The reason that none
survived may be that they were destroy~d after the burial since they
were supposed to be impure. 169

160 Wh. I, 23, 11-12; ef. also Wh. I, 150 and BERLEV, RdE. 23, 1971, 33, note I.
161 Adman. 14, 1. For a possible occurrence in Adman. 3, 5, cf. FAULKNER, lEA,
50, 1964,25. Note that IJnkyt occurs elsewhere in this text, e.g., 4, 9 and 7, 10.
162 Urk. Ill, 42, 12.

163 WINIFRED NEEDLER, An Egyptian Funerary Bed of the Roman Period in the

Royal Ontario Museum, ch. 2.


164 Wh. 1II, 119f.

165 Cf. BAKER, Furniture, 108 and figs. 143, 145 and 146.
166 MDAIK. 22,1967, 42ff.

167 Op. cit., pI. 12 b. This object is now in the Metropolitan Museum, New York.

16" NEEDLER, op. cit., 5f. For a similar scene in which the couch has no tail,

cf. Theban tomb no. 356 (BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1928, 89, fig. 49).
169 LABIB HABACHI doubts whether these couches were impure, since they, or at

any rate those made of stone - according to the prices the same holds true for the
wooden ones - were so carefully made. This seems to me quite a modern view, not
outweighing the fact that not a single one from the Village has survived. HABACHI
suggests as name for the object nmlt, but this word does not occur previous to the
Late Period. Whether it was the later name of the same object is not certain, though
possible.
5

TABLE XXXVI

'-
ylil

khar deben

I) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, vs. 2 XIXth Dyn.? 20


2) O. DeM. 579, 6 Ram. Ill/IV 20
3) O. Gardiner 296, 1-6 Ram. IIJ/mid XXth Dyn._ 30

decoration of an ylit
decoration of a 11'1 (in deben)
in the same text

r"'o,
4) O. Gardiner 151, vs. 1-2 mid XXth Dyn. 3 2 for 6 khar 10

8: wI.Sri
5) Hier. OSlr. 60, 5, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 10
8: wl Jri
5: wl '5
U'( .vri
6) O. Berlin 12 343, 1-2 mid XXth Dyn. 12 fO10
10
5 15 { 10
7) Lady Franklyn Hier. Inser., 7 mid XXth Dyn.
13 10

8) O. Gardiner 134, 3-4 mid XXth Dyn. 12 {'O12


10
9) O. IFAO. 764, 5 mid XXth Dyn. 10
3 12
10)0. Strasbourg H 84, 8 yr. 7, Ram. VII 8
12
I 15
11) O. Gardiner 139, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 12
12
3 10 { 10
12) O. Cerny 20, 8 mid XXth Dyn.
10 10
242 PRICES 243
TOMB EQUIPMENT

It appears from Table XXXVI that the ytlt was more expensive Dynasty?), where a wooden itr costs 2 deben. This is about the same
than the .ordinary /:I'tl 170 and that it was always decorated. I do not value as that of the 'fdt or §~r, but far less than that of the giwt.
know of any other item of tomb equipment which is likely to meet
these requirements, and therefore I would suggest that the ytlt is the
'funerary couch'. 171 § 53. §iwibti, 'shawabti'
The order of the texts in Table XXXVI, so far a" they concern The shawabti itself is equally rare in ostraca,176 and again only one
decorations, is the same as that followed in Tables XXXI (wt) and price is known. In O. IFAO. 764, 2, left side (mid XXth Dynasty),
XXXV (sw/:lt). Only two nos require some comment. where several funerary objects are valued, 40 §iwibti 177 togethh are
No. 3) The price of the ytit is paid in several commodities and said to cost I deben. This would seem to indicate that the objects were
reckoned on the verso as 20 deben, but there is added of a very rough type, though one might suggest that it is not the
'remainder (dit) 10', which means that the total value of the shawabtis themselves but their painting that is in question, since the
ytit was 30 deben. text refers also to the decoration of coffins. It is, however, quite possible
No. 4) The ytit is described as s§-m-~d, like the wt in the same text, that the ordinary figures are meant, which may have been very cheap.
which means that here the price was that of its decoration. 172
This price, 6 khar for 2 ytit, is somewhat lower than usual,
§ 54. ~bw n wt, 'canopic jars'
assuming that the khar is valued at 2 deben. 178
The meaning of this expression was recognized by WINLOCK. It
When the value of the decoration of an ytit is compared with that occurs, e.g., in O. Florence 2616, 5,179 but seldom in non-literary
of a wt, the latter appears to be 2 to 3 de ben cheaper. It is difficult ostraca and only once in a price text, viz. Pap. Berlin 10 485 (of un-
to decide whether this confirms our interpretation of ytit as the funerary certain date), where we read piy.i 3 180 ~bw n wt iri.n dbn 5, "my 3(?)
bed, since we know nothing about the type of decoration, no actual canopic jars, make 5 deben". Why the jars should be mentioned in this
objects having survived from the Village. text, which refers throughout to wooden objects, is not clear, but the
interpretation cannot be doubted.
§ 52. itr, 'shawabti-box' The word kbw on the other hand, occurs frequently in ostraca, and
The word itr, which rarely occurs in ostraca, is, as CERNY has indicates a p~rtic~lar type of vessel. 181 It is only in connection with wt
pointed out,173 the name of the shawabti-box. Further proof is to be that it refers to the canopic jar. As an ordinary vessel it was made of
found in a picture in Theban tomb no. 335 (Nekhtamiin),l 74 where a copper or bronze, and whether therefore an 'alabaster ~bW'182 may
characteristically (1lilI) shaped box beneath a funerary bed is labelled also be a canopic jar is uncertain.
with the word itr. The excavator of Deir el-Medina found at least one
actual object of this kind. 175
Only one price survives, namely in Hier. Ostr. 62, 3, 7 (XXth 176 In 0, Chicago 16 987, vs. I (cf. JEA. 23, 1937, 188) tERN)' translates
.w.~Al..l~~~~as 'stick', explaining it, probably because of its determinative, as
a writing of §bd (see § 136 below). Since, however, an itr follows in the next line,
170 See Table XVIII. the translation shawabti seems equally possible, the wood sign perhaps indicating
171 It cannot be the name of the mummy-mask (cf. p. 346, note 40), since in the material from which the shawabti was made.
O. DeM, 423, 5 it is said to be made of wood (m bt). 177 Shawabti-figures are certainly meant, though the determinative is abbreviated

172 Cf. p. 223, no. 3. to a stroke, representing either the standing mummy or a squatting man with a beard.
173 Cf. lEA. 23, 1937, 188, note 1. To his example from O. Turin 9592 may be 178 JEA, 10, 1924,266, note 2.

added another from O. Turin 9618, 9, where I read itrw 2 n (or: r) Sibwti 12, "two 179 Cf. GARDlNER, Late-Eg. Stories, 91, 14.

shawabti-boxes for twelve shawabtis". 180 The text has 'three', but 'four' was probably meant.

174 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, fig. 108. 181 See §154.

175 Op. cit., pI. IV, 5. The tomb of Senniidjem contained several shawabti-boxes, 182 O. Cairo 25 707, 2 (written kJbw). In O. DeM. 293, 6 it is a container of sweet

some of which are now in the Cairo Museum; cf. PORTER-Moss 2 , I.i, 5. bJ~-oil; cf. p. 412. note 30.
244 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 245

§55. bry-mrl; The word mrl;(t) 187 .usually indicates some kind of oil/ 88 but
The expression bry-mrl;, which the Wb. translates as 'Hausrat' 183 HARRIS pointed out 189 that there also exists another word mrl; which
is explained by CERNY as indicating 'tomb equipment'. 184 CERNY ~as can be identified as wood-tar or the like. Above we came across the
led to translate it thus mainly by O. DeM. 40, 2, wh~re the journal of expression lrw m mrl;, used with reference to a wt, a swl;t and a r}b3t.
t?e necropolis of the first year of Ramesses IV states: "On this day The same expression, but without m, is found in the 'mummification
(l.e:: I 3bt 4) the bry-mrl;w reached the Great Field", which according scene' in the tomb of Tjay (Theban tomb no. 23).190 Both WRESZINSKI
to CERNY means that the sarcophagus of the Pharaoh, Ramesses Ill, and DAWSON 191 suggest that here it is unguent or gum that is
was conveyed to the entrance of Bibiin el-Muhlq. applied to the mummy, or rather to its bandages, but to me it sealts
more probable that it is the coffin that is 'treated with mrlJ'. This is
In this en~ry mrl;w. is determined with the block sign. Probably the
done by two persons, with the aid of brushes, while obviously the mrlJ
~ame word ~s meant In Pap. Turin cat. no. 2044, 11, 3 (unpubl.) and
In Pap. TUrIn cat. no. 2002.185 However, in other instances CERNY'S
came from the double-handled cauldron depicted underneath the
interpretation appears to be impossible. In Hier. Ostr. 72, 1,4 a number mummy, another vessel being heated over a brazier on the left. Is it
of commodities, beginning with I bry-mrl;t (determined with book-roll, not far more likely that the coffin was being varnished here?
~oo? sign an~ house sign), followed by a §~r, one khar of emmer, etc.,
That the expression bry-mrlJ suggests the same process can be inferred
IS Sat~ to be gIven in payment of a r}b3t. Whatever bry-mrl;t·may mean from the determinatives of mrlJ. In O. Varille 13 and in O. Gardiner
fragm. 4 this is the wood sign, which also occurs in Hier. Ostr. 72, I,
here, It does not look as though 'one' bry-mrl;t could be an expression
for the funeral equipment as a whole. 4 and in O. DeM. 594. In all these instances mrlJ will have been the
Clearer still are two 186 instances in price-ostraca. wood-tar or pitch mentioned above, though in the latter not any
particular object but all the (varnished) tomb equipment combined
No. I) O. Gardiner fragm. 4, 11, 3 (XIXth or early XXth Dyn.?): may be meant.
I b'!-mrl;t for 2 snlw (i.e., c. 10 deben). Since in the prices bry-mrlJ is a particular item I am inclined to
No. 2) O. Cerny 20, 8 (mid XXth Dyn.): I bry-mrl;w for 2 deben. .::ompare it with bry-wr}', a bronze object occurring twice in the
Of course it is impossible that these two prices should refer to Giornale. 192 BOTTI and PEET suggested that it was a 'sostegno di
all the tomb equipment combined. In the same line 8 of O. Cerny 20 bronze', but it seems equally possible that both bry-mrlJ and bry-wr}'
the painting of a wt costs 10 de ben and that of an ytlt also 10 deben. were particular kinds of receptacle. The former will then be the
Even if-though this looks impossible-the price of 2 deben for the vessel ,containing the wood-tar or pitch depicted in the tomb of Tjay.
~ry-mrl;w also refers to painting, this IS far cheaper than any other
Item of the tomb furniture in this text. §56. prt-m-hrw, 'Book of the Dead'
In one text, O. Gardiner 133 (year 36 of Ramesses 11), there are
two references to the price of a prt-m-hrw, a copy of the 'Book of the
183 Wb. n, 112, 3.
Dead'. The other prices in this text, so far as they survive, are
184 z;fs. 72, 1936, 113, note 2.
185 PLEYTE-ROSSI, pI. 104, 2. Possibly tge same meaning is found in O. DeM. 594
~here th.e ss-fr;d NeferJ:!otpe is said t? stop painting the bry-mrl:zt of Pneb, and i~
.. Gardmer 139, 7, where the pamtmg of tj bry-mrl:z is mentioned. In the former 187 In several instances where doubtless 'unguent' is meant, the t is dropped or
mstance
186
the determinative is the wood sign,in the latter
.
the J'ar replaced by w.
". In O. Varille 13, 4-5 (of the year 3 of MerenptaJ:! or Amenmesse) we read 188 See § 102.
given t? him r ti bry-mrl:zt 1 sbd (curiously written as m.~1~ Je~ i), 1 3/ 4 khar". 189 Lexicogr. Studies, 173f. PROF. HARRIS drew my attention to this reference and

I! the sbd was here valued at 1 3/ 4 khar, which looks to be certain since as its possible implications for the subject under discussion.
CERNY notes, these signs are corrections replacing an original ~ I, possibly the ~rice 190 Cf. PORTER-Moss2, l.i, 39 (14), Il.
of the bry-mrl:zt was also 1 3/ 4 khar, rdyt nf r meaning "given to him for", i.e., in 191 WRESZINSKI, Atlas 1,124; DAwsoN, lEA. 13, 1927,46 and pI. 17. The former,
exchange for. However, one may equally well read "given to him for the hry-mrht" however, adds: "also von Firnis iiberstrichen".
I.e., mtended for the tomb equipment. See also p. 383. - ., 192 17 B, rt. 3, 3 (= pI. 18) and vs. 4, 5 (= pI. 46).
246 PRICES TOMB EQUIPMENT 247

expressed in sniw and hin, but in lines 3-4 we read: prt-m-hrw ss J iri.n uncertain,198 An indication that the latter may be true is found in
dbn J, where ss clearly means 'painted', i.e., provided with vignettes.193 Pap. Turin cat. no, 1933,199 where a statue of Isis is called rpyt and
Such a 'Book of the Dead' would not be cheap, and therefore the one of Horus twt, and in Pap. Harris I, 41 b, 1-2, where a twt of If'py
deben will be deben of silver, which means either 60 or 100 deben of is contrasted with a rpyt of hmt-If'py. The same distinction is found
copper. in Hier. Ostr. 22, 2 (no. 1 below), and in Hier. Ostr. 62, 1, vs. 7 and
The second prt-m-hrw (lines 11-12) is determined with ~, but not 10, where a statue of Amenophis is referred to as twt and one of
called ss, and is valued at 3 sniw, i.e. 15 deben of copper. 194 Why this Al).mose-Nofre[teroi] as rpyt.
copy should be so much cheaper than the other is not stated, unless Wooden statues are sometimes found in the tombs of Deir el-Medina,
we are to suppose that, since the word ss is missing, it was not as e.g., in Tomb no. 1379 200 and in the tomb of Kha',201 as also in t~
beautifully illustrated as the first. tomb of Tut'ankhamiin. 202 To the same category may belong the
sdm-'s statues now in Turin,203 Paris,204 Leiden 205 and Beriin,206
§57. Ifniw, 'shrine' although there is no proof that such objects were not also to be found
There is a. group ~f objects which, though not strictly speaking in the houses of the Village.
funerary eqUIpment, m many instances were connected with tomb
TABLE XXXVII
furniture. Since there is no other suitable category in which to place
them they will be dealt with here.
statues
The first of these is the Ifnlw. Above we studied the word knlw in
its ~eaning 'seat', which is determined with the wood sign, 'and in deben

passmg obsefved that Ifnlw with the house sign means 'portable 2-5 9 '/, twt
sm:ine '.195 That is what the object mentioned in O. Gardiner 134, 3 I) Hier. Ostr. 22, 2, 9-13 early Ram. III 12 (?) rpyt
8 rpyt
(mId XXth Dynasty), where it occurs in a list of painted objects in vs. 1-2
2) o. DeM. 399, 5-6 Ram. Ill/IV 12 twt
between a swht and an ytlt, will be. The determinative is LJ and the late XXth Dyn. 15 twt
3) O. DeM. 146,6
price 5 deben-probably, as is the case with all other items in'this part 4) O. IFAO. 1261,4 ? 5 twt

of the text, referring to its painting. Whether the shrine was meant for
a tomb is not certain, but from the context it seems at least possible.
For an example of such a shrine in a tomb I would refer to the Of the prices of wooden statues listed in Table XXXVII no. 1
naos found in Theban tomb no. 1379. 196 requires some commentary. The rpyt of vs. 1-2 costs 8 deben, while in
rt. 9 ff. a rpyt is also valued, the commodities against which this latter
§ 58. Wooden Statues
198 ":"he Wb. is hesitant; cf. Wb. V, 255, 10 and Belegstellen.
Statues, of which there occur some prices, are referred to as either 199 PLEYTE-ROSSI, pis: 31 + 77. Also in M6LLER, Hierat. Lesest. 11, 32.
twt or rpyt. The latter word indicates a female statue,197 but whether 200 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 11, 124ff. It is these statues that were found

the former is a generic word or only designates a male statue IS in the shrine mentioned in note 196 above. Other wooden statues in, e.g., Rapport DeM.
1926, 35 (of AI:tmose-Nofreteroi); 1934-35, Ill, 101, fig. 34 (of Bes); 1948-51, 33ff.
201 SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta, 64ff. See also BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25,

::: To describe the copy as being 'written' would, of course, be senseless. 135. For the reason for placing these statues on a seat in the tombs, cf. BRUYERE,
Or c. 25 deben, when the ratio copper: silver was still 100' I Rapport DeM. 1934-35, 11, 126.
195 See p. 187, note 26, and p. 191, note 44. Cf. also GARDI'N~R, Onom. I, 68 and 202 Cf. CARTER, The Tomb of Tutankhamen Ill, pI. 11.
lEA. 52, 1966,91, note! 203 Turin cat. nos. 3046-3050. For pictures of 3048 and 3049, see SCAMUZZI, Egypt.
196 B . R
RUYERE, apport DeM. 1934-35, 11, 130 and figs. 70-71. Note that according Art in the Egypt. Museum of Turin, pis. 73-75.
to ,BRUYERE this shrine was intended for the tomb, and was rather crudely made. The 204 BoREUX, lEA. 7, 1921, pis. 19 and 20.

*m:: 0f O. Gardmer 134, which was probably painted, may have been a finer example.
7
Wb. 11, 415, 12-13; cf. O. Gardmer 133, vs. 14: tJ rpyt n st.
205 BoESER, Beschreibung der aeg. Sammlung Leiden, vol. 12, pis. 4-6.
206 Berlin inv. no. 6909; cf. HORNEMANN, Types of Anc. Egypt. Statuary I, 90.
'.i
I

248 PRICES

is exchanged probably costing together 11 deben,207 while a further


one deben is said to be paid "for its painting", so that the total price
may have been 12 deben. The ostracon begins with the value of a CHAPTER EIGHT
twt (rt. 2-5), which was exchanged for commodities together costing
9 1/2 deben, line 6 adding that the statue was made of wood "like its DRESS
base (dbyt),2°8 which costs I oip~. The next lines, beginning with the
words iw pi nIr /.Ir art pi twt, "while the god gave the statue", and in § 59. Garments
which there is mention first of 8 deben of copper, and then of 10 deben Not much is known about the daily dress of the Egyptian labo&rer
of copper, "the remainder thereof (Mw /.Ir j) being 2 deben, like and his wife. Most handbooks on Egyptian culture confine their remarks
the .... ",209 I do not understand. Is this the price for another twt, to the statement that the workmen were dressed only in a short skirt
or has it to be added to the first one? or in a 10incloth,1 while studies on costume mention only royal dress
The three other instances in Table XXXVII are clear. Whether the and that of the upper classes, 2 which is well known from statues and
cheapness of no. 4 is due to the quality or to the size is uncertain. tomb paintings. The most useful study for our purpose seems to be the
There happens to be yet another price for a female statue. In Pap. article by MISS CARTLAND,3 since she at least studies the dress of the
Turin 1907/8, Ill, 11 we find the entry: "in exchange for the wt ss New Kingdom in general.
(and) the rpyt ofIsis, 395 deben". Previously 210 I took the word here It is true that tomb paintings represent a great many working
transcribed as ss (~~) to be n", 'smooth', but since the decoration people at their daily tasks. One must be cautious, however, in using
of coffins is normally ss this will also be meant here. these pictures as evidence for their actual costume. Firstly, scenes on
The price of 395 deben for a decorated coffin and a statue seems tomb walls tend by nature to be conservative; they represent people as
very high. The most expensive coffin known otherwise 211 costs 200 they were represented in earlier times, and this certainly holds true for
deben, and if a similar price was intended for the coffin in this case their dress. Secondly, even if the kinds of garment depicted were
the statue will have cost 195 deben. Clearly this must have been some actually worn during working hours, this does not mean that they were
other kind of statue than any of those already mentioned, and since also people's usual dress at other times of the day, no more than that
the material is not indicated it may have been stone or even bronze. overalls are the usual workman's garment in our times. Moreover,
It seems indeed probable that what is meant is a statue for one of the although the paintings seem to suggest that the peasant went about his
chapels of the Village. work in the fields naked to the waist, we should remember that it will
have been too cold for them to endure this during the early and late
207 The price of line 13, 2 '/2 deben, is uncertain: see the facsimile. hours of the day, particularly in winter, which was the season for this
208 Wb. V, 434, 13.
209 Not recognizable to CERNY and GARDINER, except for the first sign"Sio . kind of work.
210 lEA. 52, 1966,88, note zz.
211 See no. 26, Table XXIX.
1 E.g., ERMAN-RANKE, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, 240; MONTET,
La vie cotidienne, 78; HELcK-OTTo, Kleines Worterbuch, 177; POSENER et aI., Diction-
naire, 297f. To wh:lt kind of conclusions this has given rise in popular books can
be seen in WHITE, Everyday Life in Ancient Egypt, 90, who states that "the majority
of the inhabitants wore loincloths, or simply walked naked", and "the peasants did
not even possess a robe for high days and festivals, and wore the loincloth winter as
well as summer. Mostly they went naked, like their wives, sisters and daughters who
worked in the great houses". It will appear that such conclusions are incorrect as
far as the workmen of the Village are concerned.
2 E.g., HOUSTON, Ancient Egyptian, Mesopotamian and Persian Costume, section I,
1-105.
3 The Dress of the Ancient Egyptians, in BMMA. 11, 1916; particularly part 11,
211 IT. (In the Empire).
250 PRICES DRESS 251

As for the tombs of the necropolis workmen themselves, these also perhaps also, though rarely, by dancing girls.8 In all the paintings in
tend to present a false picture. The owner tried to make them as which this garment is depicted 9 other labourers, represented as
much alike to the tombs of the king and the nobles which it was his performing less dirty work, are wearing the longer skirt. It may be
daily task to construct and decorate as his means enabled him. As a worth noting that it is impossible to discover whether they, too, are
result he and his family were represented on the walls in what were at supposed to be wearing loincloths, in this case under their skirts.
best Sunday clothes, though possibly not even that. Moreover, the wall The same scenes and many others besides also depict overseers md
pictures at Deir el-Medina, with the exception of those in the tomb of scribes in charge of the workmen, whose garment is usually a long shirt
Ipuy and a few others, are of a religious caracter, no one expecting or tunic. lo Sometimes the cloth of this tunic is transparent, showjng
to find people depicted in their house dress in these. the skirt underneath. There are several styles of wearing a tunic;
Our tentative conclusion must be that we should be cautious in sometimes it is worn long, in other instances tucked up with a girdle,
respect of all the evidence with regard to dress from tomb pictures. and sometimes even turned up on the inside and tucked in under the
Hence we shaH include in our survey of what can be learnt about girdle, so as to form a kind of puffed skirt; but it is always basically
garments from them two other sources of data, namely the actual the same garment.
garments found in excavations, and the texts. In several ostraca and In addition to these three kinds of garments one can observe,
papyri, as will appear below, lists of garments are given, and the numbers particularly in winnowing scenes, I I that the workers' heads are
in which they occur may be used as an indication for the usual dress of protected against the dust by a kerchief. The dress is also supplemented
the common people. Discrepancies between the three categories of with a sash around the hips, worn over the top end of the skirt, which
evidence will have to be explained by their nature, the actual objects is sometimes narrow, but in other cases quite wide. 12 In a few instances
and the texts being more reliable than the pictures. labourers are wearing a long, narrow strip of cloth bound cross-wise
It is to be hoped that by this study a basis can be laid for the around the upper part of the body, probably to check the flow of
solution of the problem that must be solved before we can understand perspiration. 13 These strips may have been the same as those used in
the meaning of the prices, namely what kind of garments are meant IJther instances as a sash. Yet another way of wearing the sash, which
by the various words. Since the present chapter does not set out to be is depicted more frequently, is across one shoulder, which is found
a general study of dress, we shall omit all data that are irrelevant to particularly for priests. l 4- In this case the strip will have been shorter.
that problem.
8 Theban tomb no. 60 (Antefo~er) = idem, 121 (5)-(6), I. This is a Middle
As indicated in most books on ancient Egypt, labourers in tomb Kingdom tomb, however.
paintings are usuaHy depicted wearing either a short or a longer type 9 See also one of the men packing sheaves in Theban tomb no. 52 (Nakht) =

of skirt. Sometimes the latter comes down to just below the knee, but idem, 99 (I), Ill.
10 E.g., the harvest measurers in Theban tomb no. 38 = idem, 69 (3), I; butler
this may be a matter of fashion. The plain skirt-at least this much and owrseer of the cellar in tomb no. 79 = idem, 157 (8), sub-scene; scribe of the
is clear-is supposed to be the basic dress of the male workman, wine harvest scene in tomb no. 56 = idem, 113 (13-15), H, and so on. Particularly
whereas intricately pleated ones were worn exclusively by the well-to-do. army officers and ship's captains are represented this way: tomb no. 85 = idem,
170 (2), I-Ill; tomb no. 56 = idem, 11,2 (10), Ill-IV and 113 (16-18), Ill; tomb no. 74 =
In many instances, particularly where dirty work has to be done, idem, 145 (5), I-IV; tomb no. 69 = idem, 138 (ll), I.
a loincloth is worn instead of the skirt; this garment is not unlike a 11 E.g., Theban tomb no. 52 = idem, 99 (1)2, I-Ill; also on the washermen
and the fishermen in Theban tomb no. 217 = idem, 315 (2), IV and 316 (5), V.
pair of short drawers. This is seen for instance in the case of
12 E.g., Theban tomb no. 277 = idem, 354 (2-3), 1,3 and n,!. See also the
washermen,4 fishermen,s brick-makers,6 men pressing wine,? and workmen's statues mentioned on p. 247, notes 200-206.
13 E.g., the soldiers in Theban tomb no. 89 = idem, 182 (14), III-IV; the
4 Theban tomb no. 217 (Ipuy) = PORTER-Moss!, I.i, 315 (2), IV.
fowlers in Berlin Inv. No. 18 540 (WRESZINSKI, Atlas I, 33; cf. BORCHARDT, Allerhand
5 Theban tomb no. 85 (Amenem!Jab) = idem, 174 (26), 11; tomb no. 78 (Harem-
Kleinigkeiten, 18). For this type of dress in the Old Kingdom, cf. MOHR, The Mastaba
!Jab) = idem, 155 (13). .
6 Theban tomb no. 100 (Rekhmire') = idem, 211 (14), V.
of' Hetep-her-akhet, 80.
14 E.g., Theban tomb no. 19 = idem, 33 (4), H; tomb no. 30 = idem, 46 (2),
7 Theban tomb no. 79 (Menkheperre'sonb) = idem, 157 (5), Ill; tomb 52 (Nakht) =
Ill; tomb no. 31 = idem, 48 (8), I; tomb no. 277 = idem, 354 (2)-(3), H, 3.
idem, 101 (6), 11.
DRESS 253
252 PRICES

Those are the five items of men's clothing which we may expect to More information than from any of these tombs can be gleaned
find in the tombs and in the texts. from the contents of the tomb of Kha',21 as in it were found a large
As for the women, they seem to have worn only two kinds of number of garments of the following types:
garments, namely the well known long shirt or tuni..-:, either with or a) about fifty triangular loincloths, described by SCHIAPARELLI as
without shoulder straps, and a 'cloak' or wide rectangular piece of the most common garment among all classes of the population;
cloth which is wrapped loosely around the body and the shoulders, so b) twenty-six skirts, always 1.60 m. wide and 0.50 m. long, seven
that the fringes of the two side edges are seen hanging down in of w~ich. were found together with a triangular loincloth, ea1
front. 15 The two upper corners may be tied together at the breast in constltutmg a set;
front,16 while if not so tied, this garment required a sash around the c) four shawls of 4.30 to 0.60 m., which, as SCHIAPARELLI notes,
waist. 17 Whether this cloak was also worn by men seems uncertain. It are rarely to be seen worn in the paintings by men or women;
is represented on priests,18 but so far as I know never on workmen. ,11 d) seventeen sleeveless tunics, one of which is made of a heavier
However, we would remind the reader that sometimes the workmen clotn for winter wear,22 the others of thin cloth.
acted as priests in their local cult ceremonies. Moreover, SCHIAPARELLI mentions two table-cloths with a fringe,
The archaeological evidence with regard to garments from the Village which I would suggest with some reservation to be perhaps in fact
is scanty, since textiles were seldom preserved in the houses and only women's or even men's cloaks.
a few tombs have been found intact. Some of them, however, contained One further source of information on garments during the New
garments, as, for instance, the tombs of the eastern necropolis. 19 Kingdom would have been the tomb of Tut'ankhamiin, were it not
BRUYERE enumerates five types, namely: that there may have been little resemblance between the royal attire
a) a rectangular piece of cloth, measuring 1.60 to 0.69 m., clearly a and workmen's clothes, and, what is worse, that the contents of this
women's cloak as described above; famous tomb are still largely unpublished, CARTER'S book mentioning
b) four triangular loincloths, which are men's garments, called by only the most valuable items. From the Handlist 23 it is clear that the
him "des vetements de dessous ou de travail"; number of triangular loincloths was considerable. In no. 46, d-g, no
c) a tunic (called 'shirt'), found in tomb no. 1379, in which the less than forty-three of these are listed, while under the same number
mummies of both a man and a woman were found; possibly a (i-k) there are mentioned sixteen 'apron-shaped loincloths', of the
men's garment; type we would probably call skirts. In some instances these two
d) connected with one of the loincloths, a piece of cloth of 1.05 to garments made up sets, as in Kha"s tomb. Moreover, there are listed
0.45 m., probably a skirt; at least twenty-five objects called simply 'loincloths', several of them
e) an unusual, rectangular piece of cloth, measuring 0.50 to 1.50 m., being rolled up (e.g., no. 50, band f, 5), it being uncertain what kind
to which "sur un des grands cotes etait cousue une corde de lin of garment or how many pieces of cloth are meant. 24 Another type
faisant cinq anneaux equidistants servant a la suspension ou a is called either 'robe' or 'tapistry woven garment' or 'decorated
l'arrimage". BRUYERE explains it as a special type of cloak, as garment'. Whether this is the same garment as what is described as
still in use by musicians in modern times. 2o 'shirt' in other numbers of the list again is uncertain, but probably

15 E.g., Theban tomb no. 290 = idem, 372 (6). I and 373 (7).
16 Cf. the drawing by BRUYERE, Rapport DeM.. 1934-35, H, 59. Whether, as BRL:YERE 21 SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intatta, 90 ff. In a review of this publication HALL states
seems to think, this garment was tied around the naked body, I am inclined to
(JEA. 14, 1928, 203ff.) that the clothes "do not quite tally with ideas derived from
doubt. It will usually have been worn over the tunic.
the statues and paintings".
17 E.g., in the famous paintings of Nefertari in her tomb in the Valley of the
22 See fig. 69, which represents a clear picture of this type of garment.
Queens (no. 66 = PORTER-Moss2, I.ii, 763 (I 0)).
23 H. MURRAY and M. NUTTALL, A Handlist to Holt'ard Carter's Catalogue 0./
18 E.g., Theban tomb no. 181 = PORTER-Moss 2, l.i, 287 (5), III.
Objects in Tut'ankhamfm's Tomb (Oxford, 1963).
19 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, H, 58ff. and fig. 31; also fig. 33 on p. 64.
24 How many items the word 'pad' conceals is equally unknown.
20 Note that several musical instruments were found in this necropolis; some of
the owners of the tombs seem to have been musicians.
254 PRICES DRESS 255

only their quality and decoration, and not their shape is different. 25
Most, if not all of them will have been what we have called 'tunics'.26 'S" "'".., -'" '"
N <n
~.
e-
~. r-
r-
0-
.,.,
0
0
N
"'" ~.
<n
r-
a>
'" "
All these types of garment have also been found in other excavations
0-
- <n
oc

and are mentioned in catalogues of museum collections. So CARNARVON


and CARTER mention among their finds on the West bank a triangular U
27 ..,I 0
~ r-
loincloth. The Metropolitan Museum of New York possesses a tunic "
>Co >Co
<n
.c
said to date from c. 900 B.c., a shawl from c. 1000 B.c., and some '"
..c
kerchiefs from c. 1350 B.C. 28 Another tunic there dates from the time f
of Hatshepsut, its length being c. 1.l0 m., while yet others are stated to "~ -
.c .~
oc
N
~.
N ;c ...
~.
<',
~.
~
be c. 0.75 to 0.90 m. wide and c. 0.90 to 1.20 m. long. 29 A shawl in this '"
>Co

collection measures c. 1.50 to 0.55m. The Leiden Museum also possesses


a tunic of the usual type, measuring 1.40 to 1.30 m.30 "
.c ....
From all these actual objects-which do not originate from the
I
:::!: " -;t.
N
N
- '"
N
oc
N ;; r-
<".
a>
"
,~ " "
Village-the same impression is gained, so that it may be that the dress '"
~.
..c
worn under the New Kingdom did not on the whole differ much from
;:
that of the necropolis workmen or any other ordinary Egyptian, for .... ......

'" .~
v;
~
~. 0 a> 00
N r-
that matter. '" >Co
~

>E '"
>Co

Turning now to the texts, we notice in passing a few lists of garments, '"
:t
such as, for example, those in Pap. Gurob, fragment G,31 and in Pap. :>x c.
c..'" N
Turin cat. no. 2008 + 2016, n, 15-17 and vs. Ill, 1_6,32 which create X
X .= .c " "
..". ......
~
~
the impression that dliw, idg and particularly mss are the principal UJ
..J
c:l
<:
""E ~
l- "on
'- <6
"'<,
on
~
0
.~

~
.c .~
;:;;
:;
25 As far as I can see no cloak is mentioned anywhere, but there is similarly no :J ~ ~
proof that it was not found in the tomb. -5"
26 The 'linen robe' of no. 367j is described by MISS CROW FOOT and MRS. DA VIES ",.

,;. -=--:-
in lEA. 27,1941, 113ff. as being a sleeved tunic, measuring 1.135 to 0.95 m. without :
>Co
r-
a>
r- :c::>
00 r-
its fringe. In note I on their p. 116 they mention other tunics (nos. 50a and j), which .c " ..c 0.
measure 1.37 to 0.85 and 1.38 to 1.03 m. Both were called 'shirt' by CARTER. See also :::!: '"
2-
R. PFISTER, Les textiles du tornbeau de Toutankharnon, Revue des Arts Asiatiques II '"
(1937), 207 ff. "r-
27 Cf. CARNARVON-CARTER, Five Years' Explorations at Thebes, 83 and pI. 69.
-.6 ? <', V'. ..".
;:;;
ci
.6 't: '"
N
",.
<:
!::
28 All three represented in WINLOCK, The Private Life of the Ancient Egyptians, :::!: .'"
pI. 9. Cr. also WINLOCK, BMMA. 11, 1916, 238ff. (Ancient Egyptian Kerchiefs). ci
2' Cf. HA YES, Scepter 11, 187. .=
::: ~
s
30 cr. LEEMANS, Monurnens egyptiens du Musee des Antiquites des Pays-Bas d Leide,
0.. r-
"'" <n
-- - '"
N 0 a>
u
u
n, Monurnens cil'ifs, pI. 28 (lnv. no. E I). There were also two wide cloaks, measuring .~
0
d '" <n
-0
ac

c. 5.60 by 1.70 and c. 8 by 1.50 m. All these garments are described by LEEMANS :::!: " 3
~
(Text, p. 15), but in their present state they are hardly recognizable. From what place
or period they come is unknown. 'E"
31 GARDINER, RAD., 20. There are enumerated 19 rnss and 27 idg of various "~
quality besides some less well known types of garments. "'02
32 JANSSEN, Ship's Logs, 71 and 89. The first entry mentions 6 djilt" of srn' njr, ~

31 rnss of n" and 6 idg of srn' nIr; and the other 2 dilw of srn' nfr, 2 ldg of srn' nfr, 4 ..,.~ .... ~ ~

:.c
;:
"t: ~
~. ~{I
d1iw of srn', and 12 rnss of n". "
~ ~ :<: '1:l. ~
'o, '"
~l~ ~ .:; " """ ""'t:.
... ~ ..,. ",<•
l-
-;;;-
TABLE XXXYlIl

Lists of garments in Pap. Harris I

14a, 9-16 14b,6-11 14b, 13-14 19b, 10-11 18b, 12-13 63a, 4-11 63a, 14--b, 4 63b,7-14 63b, 16 -c, 3 (o(al

s.fr-n.nt' .'rn' nf'r n" /lm


O
/1 " s.vr-nsw .'rn' nl;- Xm' 11"

dJiw 37 2 155 17 234 218 I 664


dJiw!lry 94 5 25 2 126
hirnn 55 I 56
IfJwt 11 876 5 23 60 975
stJ-lfr 2 3 5
slfw I 4 30 29 I 12 77
idg 690 31 179 428 181 1509
",ss 489 29 6779 44 168 401 43 567 8520
sndy 4 37 23 64
rwgw 31 31
lid 31 40 4 75
bnk 2 2
If;lfrn'r a) 49 49

a) This word seems also (0 occur in O. IFAO. 745 (unpubl.) in the writing If;rnr.
256 PRICES
DRESS 257

garments,33 the former two usually being of better quality than the
latter.
Considerably more material is found in three groups of entries in
Pap. Harris I. namely 14a.9-14b; 16; 18b, 10-13; 63a,4--c,6. The
garments specified here 34 are part of gifts presented to the temples.
I do not mean to assert that the numbers are in themselves altogether
00 o
reliable, but the general picture appears to be so much in agreement
with the other evidence that it seems useful to present the data of these
c
entries at greater length (see Table XXXVIII). The different types of ....
garment are divided into four categories on the basis of the quality of
the cloth, arranged from the best to the least good, being ssr-nsw,
'royal linen', srn' nir, 'fine thin cloth',35 srn', 'thin cloth', and n",
'smooth cloth',36 the latter being clearly the most common type of
cloth. The numbers of the table do not require any explanation.
Although not all the names of the garments mentioned in these
entries occur in price-texts as well, we have tabulated them all. For
the present study the following conclusions can be drawn. rnss, ldg,
gjyt and d31w-the latter being divided into two types, one of which
is called djlw bry-are mentioned in that order in the largest quantities.
It is curious that sgw, rwgw, ijd and bnk occur 10 small numbers,
although we shall come across them frequently in the ostraca, while
ish is completely absent. The djiw, except for one single item, never
occurs in the category of the most inferior quality, and seldom in that
of the best one, though the latter would seem to be the most suitable
one for the djlw bry. The gjyt, however, is usually made of ordinary
cloth. The mss is found in by far the largest numbers, occurring in all
four qualities, though by preference 10 the simplest one. The idg,

33 In the text of the division of scribe Amennakhte's property, Pap. Turin cat.

no. 1885 vs. (PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 72) there are mentioned 7 rwcjw, 1 dJ/H' and I cjJy,
aB of sm', most of them being thJ, 'damaged'. In Pap. Turin cat no. 1881, III, 2-4 '"
00

(unpubl.) there are enumerated 4 dJlw, 16 nwjw and 58 mss, aB of n In a list of


H •

provisions for Nubian soldiers (JARCE. 6, 1967, 150) the garments mentioned are
25 d51w and 25 mss.
34 In other entries only numbers of garments in general are given.

35 Cf. HELCK, Materialien V, 921 fT. HELCK rightly so questions the usual translation
for sm', viz. 'Upper Egyptian cloth', but his remark that sm' may have been derived
from the name of the plant (op. cit., 923) seems equally unfounded. It seems to me that
CERN'\' correctly conne<;ted it with the Coptic <9 M A, 'thin' (Hier. lnscr . ... Tut'an-
khamun, 10, note 3).
36 That @'f should here be read as n" is clear from several instances, e.g.,

O. Berlin 12 647, 3 c:: @f). ef. also GARDINER, Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., 49, note 1.
HELCK doubts this meaning of nU (op. cit., 926), without suggesting an alternative.
ij is L JtJ(Jt19(

Lists of garments in ostraca

a.DeM. 30 85 86 87 88 90 210 211 212 258 283 341 404 452 583 totals

dJiw 10 12 13 5 7a) 5 4b) 6 20 13 11 106


sr!y 8 4 3 11 2 4c) 14d) le) I 4 15 3 41) 8 6 88
!Jnk 13 10 2 IS 1 4 3 12 12 13 85
ish 5 6 2' 3 2 3 4 10 4 39
rwr!w I I 6 2 3 3 I 17
mss 4 8 2 ? 3 17
r!Jyt 5 1 I 2 9
pry 3 4 2 3 2 14
iswt 23 10 ? 11 9 53+
sri n plp!"y 5 1 I ')
7
sri n r!rt 3 1 I I 6
sd 1 I
idg 3 3
psdw 2 2
mrw plJw 2 2
ifd 3 3 6
I;ry-Jr'l;t I I

nI' 13g) 13

/.rhs 2 2

a) Line 3 : 3 dJiw isw


Line 4: 4 (dJiw) Jrn. I) For the two different writings of sr!y cf. text.
b) CERNY transcribes rw instead of dw.
c) CERNY transcribes lines 4 and 5
g) Written 1~; cf. Wh. 11, 365,14-16.

';"'Ie~, but ~~e~ will have been meant.


Line 4: 3 sr!y Jrn
Line 5 : 1 sr!y isw
d) In Ill, 7 "two sr!y isw"
258 PRICES DRESS 259

however, is, as is to be expected, made of a better quality cloth and are from a number of texts which only by chance have been preserved,39
is never mentioned in the lowest category. they nevertheless offer the most reliable basis for the study of the
An important series of lists of garments is found in the ostraca. daily dress worn by the necropolis workmen and their families.
Some of these contain laundry lists (0. DeM. 30 and 258), the latter In conclusion, it appears to me worthwile comparing the number
being so informative that its data are tabulated separately (Table XL). of occurrences of prices of the different garments to be studied below
For most of these lists the reason why they are recorded is unknown. with the number of Table XXXIX.40 These numbers are: 41
The numbers in which the different garments occur are listed in
Table XXXIX. The first four types, d5lw, srjy, bnk and ish, which are prices table XXXIX
also found in the largest numbers, appear to occur virtually consistently d5iw 24 106
in that order at the top of the lists,37 though occasionally some other srjy 17 88
kind of garment may be found in between, while rj5yt, whenever it bnk 85
occurs, has its place at the very top of the list. In sharp contrast with ish 39
the texts mentioned above the mss here occurs quite rarely.38 rwrjw 14 17
mss 45 17
TABLE XL rjiyt 15 9
pry 14
Laundry list of o. DeM. 258 a
idg 15 3
? Iny Amen .. Khonsu Pendua Totals mrw 5 3a
ifd 18 6
dii", 2 ? Ib I 2 6+x
sgy 1 2 I ? 4+x a in fact mrw pbw
bnk 2 1 3
Ish I I I 3 There appear to be striking differences which I am able to explain
?
mss ? only in part. Therefore this list contains above all material for whoever
rwifw I I desires to study more fully the dress of the Village.
pry 3 3
sd ... ? ? § 60. mss, 'tunic'
isv.t ? ?
The meaning of mss, in contrast with the names of the majority of
the garments, has been known to egyptologists for a long time. Even
a That this is a laundry list is clear from the word rlain- in lines 2 and 9. the Wh., usually cautious in rendering names of objects, here is
The items are enumerated according to houses (pr). named after the occupant. definite and translates it with 'Hemd',42 adding only the slightly
b The word dJI", is lost. but since this garment usually appears at the head of the list the interpreta-
tion is practically certain.
superfluous '0. ii.'. All scholars, so far as I know, have come to the
same conclusion. 43 The reason for this consensus of opinion is that
What all these names of garments refer to will be examined below 39 Note that such lists occur neither in the Cairo ostraca nor in Hier. Os!r.
in separate sections for each, in combination with their prices. There 40 In some instances more than one garment is included in the one price. The
the evidence here collected can be best used. It is clear that, although numbers mentioned here, however, are those of the entries, not of the separate
the data of Table XXXIX have no absolute value, assembled as they garments.
41 Garments which occur seldom in the lists of Table XXXIX and never in the

prices are not included here.


42 Wh. n, 149, 8.

37 Only O. DeM. 88 presents an altogether different order. 43 I myself seem to have been the only exception (cf. Ship's Logs, 74), and I do

38 The high frequency of the isw! is easily explained by its meaning 'rag'. not now think that I was correct.
260 PRICES DRESS 261

there occurs in the lists of booty of the Eighteenth Dynasty Pharaohs not to worry us because, as pointed out above, the paintings are not
an object called !i1rr~ -"~ ,44 sometimes preceded by the word bsmn, reliable on these points, while, moreover, the mss was also worn by
'bronze'. Such a mss, judging by its determinative a leather object, is women. 52 The frequency of its occurrence among actual tomb
generally supposed to be the Syrian Ji''',?, rendered in Egyptian as equipment, on the other hand, does not carry overmuch weight; a man
lryn,45 meaning 'mail-shirt' or 'corselet'.46 It is depicted in tomb like Kha' was a high official and so was of course not dressed only
paintings 47 and resembles in shape the Egyptian tunic as we know it in a skirt, as also the paintings show. The real problem is the
from actual objects in museum collections, although the latter are frequency of the mss in price texts whereas it occurs seldom in other
usually sleeveless. If the Egyptians in the Eighteenth Dynasty called ostraca, while where it does occur (see Table XXXIX), it usually does
the Syrian 'corselet' mss-the word lryn seems to have been used so in small numbers. Typical in this respect is the laundry list of
only from the Nineteenth Dynasty onwards, when gradually more O. DeM. 258 (see Table XL).
foreign words came into written Egyptian-this must have been because The explanation for this discrepancy may be furnished by the prices
the mss was a tunic. themselves. Of all of the more than 50 items listed in Table XLI only
Additional proof of this would be that in love-songs women are 4 to 5 are cheaper than 5 deben, and not one is more expensive. All
said to be wearing a mss,48 and so far as we know the tunic is the of them, as far as this is stated explicitly, were made of ordinary
only garment worn by both sexes. 49 The translation 'shirt' does not cloth. The reason for this uniformity will be that the mss was not
appear to me to be quite adequate, since this word seems to indicate worn so much on festive days or suchlike occasions, but mostly in the
an altogether different type of garment, the mss not being worn as evenings as protection against the cold. Coarser, heavier cloth will have
underwear, at least not by men. One might suggest that the modern been better suited for this than thinner cloth. Still it cannot be the
word ghalabiyah is the best translation, and it appears in fact that this uniformity in quality alone which was responsible for the consistency of
garment plays virtually the same role as did the mss. Nevertheless, the the price. The mss was clearly a standard product, more so than any
more antiquated rendering 'tunic' will be adhered to here. 50 other commodity, and this may be the reason why it occurs so
The mss poses a problem which we shall here try to solve. The frequently in barter transactions. Not much haggling was possible
number of prices for this garment is by far the largest of all different over such an object; its price was fixed. 53
types (see Table XLI). This is in agreement with the data from Pap. So it seems that, though the mss was definitely a common object,
Harris I (see Table XXXVIII), 51 where it also occurs in large numbers, its striking frequency in price texts is a result rather of economic
but is in contrast with the evidence from Table XXXIX, from which circumstances than of its widespread use. Possibly the constant price
we would be inclined to conclude that it was rather rare in the of 5 deben has been derived from its value of simply 1 sniw. The
Village. That almost nowhere in the paintings we find a labourer clad implications of this remark for the economic attitude of the Egyptians
in a tunic, which dress seems to be reserved for the overseers, needs will be studied below.
Only a few entries in Table XLI need comments.
44 E.g., Urk. IV, 664, 3-5; 732, 1; 1235,9; 1311, 16.
45 Wb. V, 386, 6-10.
No. 4) For the question of whether the low price may be due to
46 Cf. WOLF, Bell'affnung, 96f. the early date of the text, see no. 39 below.
47 E.g., DAvIEs, The Tomb of ~en-Amiin, pI. 24; CHAMPOLLlON, Monuments Ill, No. 5) The tunic is described as mss n pr- '5. 54 Since the price
pI. 262 (from the tomb of Ramesses III, side room M = PORTER-Moss 2 , I.ii, 522).
is 1 sniw, as usual, n pr-'5 does not seem to be an
48 E.g., O. Cairo 25 218, 4 (= MOLLER, Liebespoesie, pI. 17) and Pap. Ch.

Beatty I, 17, 4. indication of a particular quality. The garment does not


49 For women wearing tunics see, e.g., the servant girls depicted in the tomb of

Rekhmire' (tomb no. 100) = MEKHITARIAN, Aeg. Ma/erei, 51 (= PORTER-Moss 2 ,


I.i, 213 (18), Ill). 52 Although it is never indicated as such in the price texts.
50 So, e.g., FAULKNER, Cone. Diet., 118. MISS RIEFSTAHL (Boston Museum Bulletin 53 Note also that groups of 5 mss cost exactly 5 times 5 deben. The only excep-
68, 1970, 253ff.) calls it a 'bag-tunic' on account of its model. tions are nos. 13a and 38.
51 Also with those of Pap. Turin 2008 + 2016 (see p. 254, note 32). 54 The same expression occurs in O. Gardiner fragment 25, 3.
262 PRICES DRESS 263

TABLE XLI offer much scope for variety of style, one style being
described as 'royal'. The tunics of Tut'ankhamiin indeed
mss
did not differ from ordinary ones in outward appearance.
snlw deben So n pr-'j may only mean that this particular tunic was
one of the commodities distributed on the Pharaoh's
1) Hier. Os!r. 56, 2, 3-4 Ram. Il/Merenptal) I
2) Hier. Os!r. 54, 1,6 yr,3, XIXth Dyn. I n
.. account. 55
3) O. Brussels E 311,5 XIXth Dyn.? 1 n
.. No. 13a) That 2 mss together cost 8 deben may also mean that
4) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, vs. 3 XIXth Dyn.? 3 n
.. one is valued at 5 de ben and one at 3.
5) Hier. OSlr. 52, 2, vs. A, 9 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. I n pr-';
6) Hier. Os!r. 72, 1, 20 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 5 n
.. No. 16) tERNY and GARDINER did not transcribe the word mss,
7) Hier. OSlr. 58, 3, 6 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 5 n
.. but the traces as visible on the facsimile support this
8) Hier. Os!r. 22, 2, 3 early Ram. /II 5
.. reading; the word preceding it may be n", while the price
9) O. DeM. 553, 2 early Ram. Ill? I n
10) O. Turin 961 \, 12 yr. 18, Ram. III 5 2 for 10 deben
further strengthens this supposition.
11) O. Turin 6628, 7 yr. 19, Ram. JII 5 No. 17a) Although the name of the object is very faint the traces
12) O. Gardiner 162, 6 Ram. JII 5 n
.. 3 for 15 deben point to the reading mss. The number and the price are
5 4 n
.. 2 for 8 deben
13) O. Gardiner 252, vs. 3 Ram. JII 5 clear.
vs. 9 5 No. 20) Although lrl.n has been omitted between mss and "5 deben
13) O. Cairo 25 602, 2 Ram. Ill? 5 n
.. of copper" it seems possible that here, too, a price is
15) O. DeM. 399,4 Ram. III/IV 5 n"
16) Hier. OSlr. 19, 3,2 Ram. JII/mid XXth Dyn. 5 n .. ? stated. However, in Hier. Ostr. 16, 3, 5 the 5 deben of
17) O. Gardiner 247, ! Ram. JII/mid XXth Dyn.
5
5 n"
5 for 25 deben copper clearly constitute one of the items of the transaction.
It is quite possible, even more so than in no. 13a, that
No. 38)
5 n"
18) O. Cairo 25 606, 2 Ram. III/mid XXth Dyn. one of the mss costs 5 deben and the other 4.
vs. 2 5 n"
19) O. Cerny I, 10 Ram. JII/mid XXth Dyn. 5 n"
20) Hier. Os!r. 16, 2, 5 yr. 6, Ram. IV 5 uncertain
21) P. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 4 yr. 4,
To the table is added a text (no. 39) which constitutes a case apart,
mid XXth Dyn. 5 2 for 10 deben
22) Hier. Os!r. 16, 3, 4-5 yr. 4, mid XXth Dyn. 5 n
.. 2 for 10 deben since the tunics are said to be made of srn' nfr, while 10 of them together
23) O. Turin 9753, 5 yr. 5, mid XXth Dyn. 5 n" 5,for 25 deben cost 4 kite of silver. Since according to this text the ratio of silver
24) Hier. Oslr. 33, 3, 4 mid XXth Dyn. 5 n
.. 2 for 10 deben
25) Hier. Os!r. 59. 4, 5 mid XXth Dyn. ,. to copper was 1: 100, the average value of a mss was 4 dehe/1 of
5 n 2 for 10 deben
26) O. DeM. 223, 5-6 mid XXth Dyn. 5 n" copper, and this for tunics of a quality higher than usual. The
27) O. Cairo 25 590, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 5 n" papyrus dates from the 15th year of Ramesses 11, so that the low
28) O. Berlin 14 260, 4 mid XXth Dyn. 5
price may point to a lower general price level in that period. However,
5 2 for 10 deben
29) O. Cerny 20 5 mid XXth Dyn.
, vs. 1-2 5 one isolated price does not constitute very convincing proof. The
20) Hier. OSlr. 86, 2, 2 mid(") XXth Dyn. 5 n
.. 5 for 25 deben problem will be examined below. The provenance of the papyrus
31) P. Turin 2104, vs. 11, 9 yr. I, mid XXth Dyn.? 5 n" 2 for 10 deben
32) Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 25 yr. 17, Ram. IX
(Theban tomb no. 48) rules out any explanation on the basis of local
5
(= pI. 41) .. price differences, since it is improbable as a matter of economic
33) O. Cairo 25 585, ~
5 n
XXth Dyn.?
3 n
.. principle for the price to have differed substantially from those in the
34) O. IFAO. 1261,7 ? 5 n" Village anywhere on the West bank of Thebes.
35) O. Gardiner fragm. 11. 2 ? 5 n
..
36) O. Gardiner 146, 7 ?
There may be yet another instance of a msS price. In O. DeM. 699,
5 n"
37) O. Cairo [182J, 5 ? 4 n"
38) O. Cerny 2, 4 ? 4 l/,? 2 for 9 deben
39) P. Cairo 65 739,13 55 That clothes were distributed follows from O. DeM. 406 and the Turin strike
yr. 15. Ram. \I 4 .{m· nf' 10 for 4 kil{ of
silver pap., 2, 3 (RAD. 53, 16), though here the generic word J:zbsw is used without any
specification.
264 PRICES DRESS 265

3 (XIXth or early XXth Dyn.) the name of an object is lost, but is i~


§61. dJiw
said to be made of n" and to cost I sniw, and the lacuna is long
enough for the word mss to fit. As the price is the usual one for a The dJlw is the garment which occurs in the largest numbers in the
mss-garment, it is most likely to have been such a commodity. lists of clothes in ostraca (Table XXXIX) and it was common also
There also occurs a price-notation for a mss in Pap. Turin 2008 + according to Pap. Harris I (T~b~ X~XVIII) and other p~pyri. T~e
2016, 11, 15,56 where 31 tunics are equated with 93 hin of oil, i.e .. complete writing of the word IS jJ, 4e 11 or e.·}\,Ae6, but ~artl~ularly. m
3 hin for 1 tunic. On the basis of the constant price of 5 deben for a ostraca this is abbreviated to C>\\~ and variants, the first sign bemg
mss I have previously concluded that a hin of oil here costs 1 2/3 deben. sometimes written as c> 61 or even as ==- 62
HELCK, however, has reversed the argument, taking as his starting- The meaning of this word is uncertain. The Wb. 63 translates .it as
point a price of I deben for 1 hin. 57 Unfortunately, he does not supply 'Leinenstoffals Ballen' and 'Kleidungsstiick', without further speCifica-
any evidence in favour of this procedure. 58 We shall deal with the oil tion of the latter. CAMINOS, FAULKNER and others translate it as
prices below (§ 101). I am forced to admit, however, that HELCK's 'loincloth',64 but CERNY recently suggested that it might be identified
reasoning results in a more probable price for the dJiw in the same with 'shawl'.65 HELCK, on the other hand, tentatively suggested that
passage. 59 On the other hand, there is no reason why the prices for a it resembled the modern ghalabiyah ;66 but for this mss seems to be
tunic should be lower in the north, where the ship mentioned in this more likely, however.
papyrus was stationed, though there is similarly no proof that oil prices From its occurrence in literary texts it appears to be a garment for
were the same throughout the country. Obviously more material is ordinary people. In Pap. Lansing, 6, 6-7 it is worn by a poor peasant,
needed for us to be able to solve the problem. in Pap. Sallier 11, 6, 2 67 by a bricklayer. In the same text (8, 5). a
Nowhere is there given any reason why five or six tunics out of washerman is said to put on the dJlw of a woman. That women m
the 60 (no. 39 excluded) cost less than usual. Without the evidence of fact also wore garments of this type appears from, for instance,
no. 39 one might be tempted to suggest that they were of smaller size, Pap. Cairo 65 739, 3 68 and from the donation text of 'Ai:Jmose-
being possibly children's garments, but the fact that no less than ten Nofreteroi (line 9).69 In O. Cairo 25 725, 1-2 a man says that he. has
garments in no. 39 appear to costs 4 deben each, without any indication given his daughter a dJlw, but it is not clear whether she wore It or
of the reason for this being given, makes such a conclusion less whether it was originally his own garment. That dJlw was also used as
plausible. It is also possible that in the transactions in which the a name for a garment worn by Asiatics is apparent from a Dream-Book,
cheaper tunics are involved special circumstances existed; but in no. 13, which speaks of dJlw 'Jmw.70 .
where 2 mss together cost 8 deben and 2 others 5 deben each, nothing Since the dJiw is a common garment in the Village, and smce,
is said of any special transaction. 60 Whatever the reason may be, the according to literary texts, it was part of the usual dress of a wo.rkman,
constancy of the mss prices is a much more extraordinary phenomenon it seems probable that it was either the skirt or the triangular 10mcloth.
than are these few exceptions. The economic conclusions which may The matter is complicated by the fact that it was also worn by women,
be drawn from it must be deferred to the final part of this book.

56 Cf. Ship's Logs, 71 and 92ff. 61 E.g., O. DeM. 131, vs. 1; 341, 1. See also p. 267, note 76.
57 Materialien V, 925. 62 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 62, 1,5.
63 Wb. V, 417, 3ff.
58 His statement that this price for I hin of oil is more probable ("wahrschein-
64 CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 3; FAULKNER, Cone. Diet., 309. See also ELISABETH
lich") does not sound very convincing. His own data (Materialien IV, 697f.) reveal
several exceptions. STAEHELIN, ZA·S. 96, 1970, 125ff.
59 See p. 271. 65 Hier. lnscr . ... Tut'ankhamun, 11.
66 Materialien V, 928.
60 Note, however, that the ostracon is broken, the left half of the lines on the
67 BRUNNER, Die Lehre des Cheti, 22.
recto being illegible, while the right hand top of the verso has been lost. The prices
68 lEA. 21, 1935, 143, note 3.
certainly belong to different transactions, the last even occurring in an entry written
69 ASAE. 56, 1959, pI. 11.
upside down on the bottom of the verso.
70 Pap. Ch. Beatty Ill, 9, 3.
266 PRICES DRESS 267

1;
Co.
Co.
since only few paintings represent women with skirts,71 and none
0
~
u wearing loincloths. However, the paintings are unreliable, and they are
0
=:
"-
not likely to show these if they were worn as undergarments.
~ ""~ Whether the skirt or the loincloth was in fact called djiw is hard to
" 0
~ ;>t
~
=:
"-
'D
discover. BRUNNER'S translation with 'Arbeitsschurz' 72 seems to
o ~ ""
i: ..2
avoid a choice. In point of fact, a more detailed study of dress in
"
~ ~
0 :< ~
~ ~ + general and of all the names of garments is needed if certainty is to
M~ N +
::..---

~
1.1')

~
N
~
N
N be achieved. 73 One important fact is that in all the texts in which
t2S
N _
..2 ~
..,. both djiw and sdw-another garment worthy of our consideration in
N

this context-appear together, the price of the djiw is always higher.74


Since the skirt is larger than the triangular loincloth the price of the
??? former, provided the quality is the same, will be higher. So our
:~ :~ :~
provisional conclusion is that djiw is the name of the ordinary short
skirt or kilt worn by workmen. This conclusion is supported by the
use of the expression djiw ~ry (see Table XXXVIII); an over-skirt is
possible, whereas what an over-loincloth might be I do not know.
The djiw is sometimes described as being sat, 'woven'; 75 in one
instance we find nbd,76 usually meaning 'coiled', but here possibly
having the same meaning as sat. Like Pap. Harris I, the price-texts
usually mention as material srn', 'thin cloth', sometimes of the 'fine'
(nfr) quality. There is, however, a sufficient number of occurrences of
""
;>,
Cl
.c
>0
Cl
.c
""
;>,
Cl Cl
.c .c
;>,

a djiw of n", 'smooth cloth', to show that this was equally usual.
X X XX Table XLII enumerates twenty-four prices for this garment, some
ci c :::
>.>.>.>.>.>-.
d d ::: x x x X
.c.
~ClClClClClCl '0
§
'0
§ ~"
of which require some explanation.
~..s=..t::..c..s::..c...c:

=:=:~~~= _ :::xxxxxx ;; ~
E EXXXXXX
E E E E ~ E ~:9~~:'9:-2:3
EE No. 2) This instance is extraordinary expensive, the wording of
~~~~~~
:-:j
c<: C<:EEEEEE c<:'" c<:'"
,.,.; .n the text not containing any explanation for this.
..; ""
..;
~ --- --- ~ v)
...:
..;
.-.:
..; No. 4) This is a difficult ostracon. In lines 1-2 there is mentioned
~ ;>, ;>, ;>, ;>,

the recompense (rntnw) for "the djiw (and?) his (its?)

2
71 E.g" the grinding old woman in Theban tomb no. 53 (PORTER-Moss , I.i, 103
(9), I).
72 BRUNNER, Die Lehre des Cheti, 22f.
73 So, too, CERNY, Hier. Inscr . ... Tut'ankhamiin, 10.
74 Pap. Vienna 34; Pap. Cairo 65 739; Hier. Ostr. 62, I; Pap. Turin 2104; Pap.

Turin 1907/8; O. Berlin II 259. In all of these except Pap. Turin 2104 the quality
is the same (see Tables XLII and XLIII).
75 E.g., O. DeM. 49, 3 and 183,3.
76 O. DeM. 131, vs. l. Cf. CERNY, Agyptol. Studien (Festschrift Grapow), 33.

CERNY calls it a nt'-garment, but in my opinion rw = dl\' = d3iw. The position of a


rw in the laundry list of O. DeM. 258 (Table XL) where we would expect d3ill
seems to give decisive proof.
TABLE XLII

d,j,,,

snhv dehen

I) P. Vienna 34, 4 yr. 13, Ram. II 25 .im' nlr 2 for '/2 dehen of silver
2) P. Cairo 65 739, 8 yr. 15, Ram. I! 50 .fm' nfr 1 for 5 kill' of silver
3) Hier. Oslr. 62, 1,5 Ram. 11 3 "12 .im' nlr
4) O. DeM. 49, 3 Ram. " 3
5) O. Prague H 22, vs. 2 Merenptal) 3 n"
6) O. Berlin 1268, vs. 8 yr. 14, Ram. m 25 ,~m'

7) Hier. Oslr. 31,4, 1 Ram. I!l? 25


8) Hier. Oslr. 31,5, 1 Ram. m? 20
4 11 (+x) n" 2 for 22 (+ x) dehen
9) O. IFAO. 1373, 5 yr. 24, Ram. III
30 sm'
10) O. DeM. 113,8 yr. 1, Ram.1V(?) 25 srn'
11) O. Berlin 10643, 1-2 yr. 1, mid XXth Dyn. 20 .~m·

12) P. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 2 yr. 4, mid XXth Dyn. 13 3/ 4? .srn 4 d,j,,, + 1 mss for 60 dehen of copper
13) O. Turin 9753, 6 yr. 5, mid XXth Dyn. 20 .fm
14) O. IFAO. 764, left 11 mid XXth Dyn. 20 n"
15) O. Cerny 20, 4 mid XXth Dyn. 19
16) Lady Franklyn Hier. Inser., 3 mid XXth Dyn. 20? ~m

vs. /I, 7 20 .fm'


17) P. Turin 2104, vs. m, 9 yr. 1, mid XXth Dyn.?
20
18) Hier. Oslr. 85, 2, 9-10 mid XXth Dyn. o 20 '/2 diill" for 10 dehen
19) P. Turin 1907/8, I1, 2 Ram. VII 15 .im' nlr
20) P. Turin 1881, V, 5 yr. 7, Ram. IX 15 n"
21) O. Gardiner 172,2 late XXth Dyn.? 20
22) O. Berlin 11 259, 3 XXth Dyn." 11 n" 2 for 22 dehen
268 PRICES DRESS 269

decoration (ssj) " , the price being paid in commodities to II lrl.n dbn 2, from which it appears that something is shared
or apportioned. This might mean that the dJiw was not in
a total value of 2 1/2 snlw. The obscure point is, what
kind of an object was decorated. I doubt whether it is fact torn up into two pieces but that a person received a
11 claim to half a dJlw to a value of 10 deben. 80 If this is
possible for the word ss to have been used for painting a I
garment. 77 In the same text, line 3, a wt is referred to as correct, the text would indicate that the dJlw costs 20 deben. 81
ss, which is the normal expression. The sentence runs The price of a dJlw appears to vary from 11 to 20 deben for a
"given in exchange for the decorated wt : the weaving (sot) piece of 'smooth' cloth and from 20 to 30 deben for one of 'thin'
of one dJlw, makes 3 snlw". This seems to be the price cloth, with a few exceptions. That the quality influenced the price is
of the garment. Whether in line I another dJlw (with the apparent from no. 9. Note that the price of 3 1/2 snlw, mentioned in
value of 2 1/2 snlw) is meant I do not know. The word no. 3, is the same as that found in Pap. Berlin 9784, 5-6, which dates
mtnw always indicates work done, but since the person from the 27th year of Amenophis 111.82 In the latter instance 3 1/2 snlw
to whom the recompense was given was a ss-Ifd one would (or sn'?) is the equivalent of c. 30 deben,83 the snlw (sn') then being
hardly expect work on a garment from him, while the still 8 2/3 deben of copper. The same may hold true for no. 3, but
decoration of a wt was usually executed by a ss-Ifd. the lower price of 17 1/2 deben~the snlw being valued at 5 deben
No. 5) From vs. 4 it is apparent that 3 means here 3 snlw. of copper~is equally possible. A striking feature is the relatively high
No. 7) tERNYand GARDINER are hesitant about the transcription price level of the first two numbers in the Table, which is in
of '5' in 25 (deben) , but it fits the price of the garment, contradiction with the trend towards lower prices during the Nineteenth
while any other number of units would be unusual. Dynasty found in the case of other commodities.
No. 12) A price of 13 3/ 4 deben is extremely rare, but one should Apart from the twenty-two texts of Table XLII there are a number
remember that it is arrived at by calculation, the total of other texts with reference to dJiw prices, all of them sO much lower
number of garments being valued at 60 deben. Since a mss that they seem to belong to another category.84 They are:
costs 5 deben (same text, line 4) 78 there remains 55 deben
a) O. DeM. 183, 3 (Ramesses Ill?). All the prices in this ostracon
for 4 dJiw, i.e., an arithmetical average of 13 3/4 for each.
are expressed in khar of emmer (the numbers are written in red
Possibly the dJlw were thought of as costing 15 de ben each,
ink). One dJlw sot is valued at 2 khar, that is, probably, 4 deben,
and the mss was added as an extra. 7 9
even if for some unknown reason the emmer was exceptionally
No. 16) Although WILKINSON'S facsimile seems to give a price of
expensive, say double the usual price, the dJlw would still be
2 deben I would suggest that it should be read as '20'
much cheaper than the cheapest one of Table XLII. The reason
2 de ben being too far out of the established range. As
for this will have to be sought in the word sot. That a dJlw is
regards other prices this text is also in agreement with the
'woven' is so self-evident as to be in no need of explicit mention,
nos. preceding it, namely O. IFAO. 764 and O. terny 20,
so that the explanation will be that here only the price of the
as, for instance, the prices for decorating coffins and the
like. 80 Cf. the two portions of the pig in O. Michael. 14, 9 (= pI. 48), though the division

No. 18) A curious text, for what can the value of half a dJlw possibly of a pig seems more probable. See also Part Ill, ch. Ill, §6.
be? However, the entry begins with the words ps ot .... 8' In Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 33 (= pI. 41) a garment the name of which is lost is
said to cost 20 deben. One is tempted to restore here the word dJiw, but the dimensions,
which are also stated, seem too high for a skirt, being 7 to 3 '/2 cubits, i.e., c. 3.60
77 In Hier. Os!r. 65, 5, I and vs. I we find for 'to dye cloth' the wmd wdl),
to 1.80 m. (see p. 271. note 90).
82 ZA·S. 43, 1906,28.
in O. Gardiner 133, 9 the expression wJI) m grw.
78 Cf. Table XLI, no. 21.
83 Exactly 29 '/6 deben. but in the sniw-notation 3 '/2 is the nearest possible
79 Cf. p. 114, no. 17 for a quantity of 10 khar and 3 '/2 oipe of emmer in this
equivalent of 30 deben that could be expressed. .
84 If the writing 2 in the Wilkinson ms. (no. 16) was correct this instance belongs
same text, where similarly 3 '/2 oipl' seems to have been added as an extra and not
included in the price. to the following group.
270 PRICES DRESS 271

work, and not the material is stated. The word shl is used also in reads diiw 1 iri.n dbn 4, diiw being preceded by an illegible
combination with other garments, always in connection with group which mayor may not be sbt.
below normal prices (see Table XLVIII). All of these will These five texts seem to constitute a separate group, containing
represent prices for weaving the garments. 85 prices of 4 or 5 deben. Only examples a) and b) contain the word SUI.
b) O. DeM. 428, 5 - vs. 2 (Ramesses Ill/IV): "I wove for him one Nowhere does any of the five contain any other explanation for the
dilw (and) one bId n ls(h) SUI, together 7 deben". Whatever the cheapness, such as either exceptional poorness of the quality of the
value of a blrl n ish 86 may have been-which may have been cloth or the fact that the garment was worn out. 90 Therefore the
low-the value of the dilw again is below normal, being possibly suggestion that here it is the work that is valued may be the only likely
4 or 5 deben. Unfortunately, the sentence translated here is one, not only in respect of a) and b), but also of d) and e), and
incomplete, as the first word(s) of rt. 5 is (are) lost,87 and it is possibly also c).
not certain whether rt. 5 can be connected with vs. 1-2. That the There occur, as in the case of the mss, prices for the dilw in Pap.
first words of vs. 1 are crossed out is irrelevant here, but it is Turin 2008 + 2016. In col. 11, 15 91 3 diiw of sm' nfr are said to cost
not even certain whether the words "7 deben" refer to the 22 hin (of oil) each. Above I have pointed to my previous calculation 92
garments. ss Nevertheless, I do not see my way clear to explaining which, using as starting-point the value of 5 deben for a mss, results
the contents of this passage in any other way than that they in a price of 36 2/3 deben for these dill\', which looks to be rather
state the price for weaving both garments. high. HELCK's argument that the price of one hin of oil is 1 deben
c) O. DeM. 231, 3 (Ramesses Ill/IV). Here we have the words dilw yields a lower price, namely 22 deben, but this also means that the
iri.n dbn 4. The preceding lines mention the 'money' (b!:l) given mss costs 3 deben, which on the other hand is rather cheap. As indicated
to workman Nekhemmut as "my share (PS) .... " (remainder above, either interpretation is likely from one standpoint and unlikely
broken off). dilw is not followed by any number, but this is from the other.
more often the case when 'one' item is meant. The price of 4 deben A second diiw price occurs in the same papyrus in vs. I, 20,93 where
agrees with that of the two preceding instances, but nothing is 17 diiw of sm' nfr equal 350 hin of oil, i.e., each is c. 20 hin, which
said about weaving. Could it be that after ps again something again may mean either 33 1/3 deben or 20 deben.
like 1/2 or 1/4 is lost, as in no. 18 above? For a comparable diiw price one may point to the donation text for
d) O. Turin 9618, vs. 5 (late XXth Dyn.). Parts of the text are Queen 'Ai)mose-Nofreteroi,94 where in line 9 200 dill\' are said to cost
difficult to decipher. As far as I was able to see on the original, 400 sn', i.e., 1 dilw costs 2 sn'. If the ratio silver: copper was also at
the entry contains only the word dilw and the number 'five', that time 1: 1O~and I know of no reason to doubt it-this means
with a dot in the fairly wide space in between them. This might that 1 dilw costs 16 2/3 deben of copper. Although nothing is said
mean that the price of one diiw was 5 deben, the words 'deben about the material, one may suppose that garments for the queen
of copper' occurring in the preceding line, but the price is were of good quality, which means that the price was low compared
doubtful. with prices during the Nineteenth Dynasty and later.
e) Giornale dell'anno 3, 4, 9 89 (year 3 of Ramesses X). The text
90 In Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 33-34 (cf. p. 269, note 81) the first garment, whatever

it may be, costs 20 deben, while a second, equally unknown, though certainly of the
85 Note, however, that the price for weaving a diiw in no. 4 above is higher than the same kind, is stated to be thi, 'damaged', and costs only 8 deben. This is proof that
lowest ones in the Table. It seems that in this price not only the value of the work, but the price of a garment was lower if in bad condition - indeed a self-evident pheno-
also of the material is expressed. menon.
86 See §63. 91 Ship'S Logs, 59 and 71.

87 Or was this part of the line originally left blank? Cr. CERNY'S transcription, 92 Cf. p. 264.

O. DeM. V, pI. 23. 93 Op. cit., 64 and 85.

88 Note that the usual iri.n is missing. 94 Cf. ASAE. 56, 1959, pI. 11. For this text and its economic significance cf.

89 BOTTI-PEET, pI. 56. also DRloToN, BSFE. no. 12, 1953, 11 ff.
272 PRICES DRESS 273

§ 62. sdll'/sdY sight one would take 2S.~1l' to be a writing for rnrH',110 and in one
The name of this garment is written In three different ways, VIZ.: instance indeed the expression :;:;ell pl]w occurs III as a parallel to sdw
a) ~e~ or ~44~ ; 95 pl]w; but since the latter is elsewhere written ~ ~ ~ ,112 ,,:hich can
b) !J,~ or ..>s.44~ ;96 hardly be read as rnrw, the argument is not very strong. More Important
are the instances where b) and c) are found in one and the same text,
c) ~e~ or ~e44~;97
as in O. DeM. 198, I, 1 and 2, O. DeM. 404, 1 and 2, and, most
That all three words indicate the same garment is stated by, among important of a1l 7 O. IFAO. 362, 5, where CERNY rea?s ..... r dbi
others, GARDlNER,98 CERNY 99 and BLOK. I 00 CERNY recently read pi ~e Il'~n' pi ~C~ , which indicates that, at least in thiS text, the two
c) as sU)d,IOI but this does not imply that it is not a variant of the
writings point to different objects.
others. The Wb. does not list the word, though under r~1l' 103 On the other hand, in six of the lists referred to in Table XXXIX, the
there occurs something like a variant writing of our instance b). The present word occurs between dilw and bnk, written twice as a),113
alternative writing of d (~) and d (0-) does not give any difficulty, twice as b) 114 and twice as C),11S which constitutes a very strong
since the evolution O. Eg. d> L.Eg. d (> Copt. T) is quite normal. 104 argument in favour of their identity in meaning. Moreover, the
The point is whether indeed all four words-the sd of the Wb. difference between hieratic C:::l and ~ is small,l16 so that a) and b) are
included-indicate one and the same garment, and if so, which one. almost certainly one and the same word.
There are strong arguments in favour of their referring to the same Weighing up all these arguments against each other I am inclined to
thing. The writing r~1l' occurs twice with the addition n drt,10S, conclude that all four writings ~re in fact variants of the name for
while in two other texts we find ~ell' n drt.l06 Once r~1l' sr; n p/pvy is one single type of garment, though for some unknown reason the
mentioned,l°7 twice ~ ~~\ 108 and twice 6s:'~\ .109 All this points to scribes distinguished between ~ell' and ~e Il' or ~Cll' in a few texts.
identity in meaning of the four writings. A minor difficulty is presented As regards the prices, only no. 5 of Table XLIII is written with ~ .
by the occurrence of r~1r in O. DeM. 87, 5, since in the same text As for the meaning of sdII', it appears to be closely connected With
~e~ occurs in its usual place between dilw and /:Ink. However, one dilw after which it follows in the lists of clothes, 11 7 while it is
may suggest that sd here stands for sdII' n drt, sd (~) p~wy preceding slightly cheaper than the dilw.1l8 If the dilw i~ the work~an:s skirt, it
it just as it follows in O. DeM. 452.
seems probable that sdII' is the triangular lOincloth which In several
There are also arguments against this identity, however. At first instances is found together with the skirt to make up a set. 119
Of the occurrences of sdII' in literary texts the most informative is
to be found in Pap. Anastasi IV, 3, 1 (= Pap. Koller, 3, 2). CAMINOS
95 E.g., Pap. Vienna 34, 2 and 5; Hier. Ostr. 33, 1, 3 and vs. 5; O. Cairo 25 translates 120 this as: "(the apprentice of a skipper) binds cloth-
572, 11.
96 E.g., O. DeM. 198, 2; Hier. Ostr. 28, 4, 5; Pap. Turin 2104, vs. 11, 8.

97 E.g., O. Berlin 12647, 3; Hier. Ostr. 52, 2, vs. A, 14.

98 Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., 25, note 13. 110 Cf. §§67 and 115.
99 lEA. 23, 1937, 187f. ( a and c ). CERNY reads Pap. Leiden I 352, 8 in the ll[ O. DeM. 211, 6.
same way as O. Or. Inst. Chic. 16987, 6. II 2 See p. 272, note 108.
[00 Volksverhalen, 20f. (a and b). 113 O. DeM. 86 and 87.
[O[ Hier. Inscr . ... Tut"ankhamiin, 8. 114 O. DeM. 212 and 341.
[03 Wh. IV, 365, 1-9. 115 O. DeM. 210, Ill, and 283. X
[04 VERGOTE, Phonetique historique, 24ff. [[6 Cf., e.g., GARDINER, Late-Eg. Stories, 83a, note to I, 11, c, where he read [!!),
[05 O. DeM. 90, 7; 211, 5. Possibly also O. DeM. 258, 6, where the text is broken whereas I ,'ould prefer,t.. See also Hier. Ostr., pI. 28, note t? 4, 5.
off. 117 See also Pap. Anastasi V, 13,4, where sif.y precedes d3/w.

[06 O. DeM. 86, 11, 7 and 452,7. 118 Cf. Table XLII, nos. 1,2, 3, 17, 19,22, and Table XLIII, nos. 1, 2, 4, 11,

[07 O. DeM. 30, 7. 13, 14. In all except Pap. Turin 2104 the material is the same.
[08 O. DeM. 87, 5 and 583, 11, I. 119 See p. 253.
[09 O. DeM. 452, 8 and O. Cairo 25 612, 4. [20 Late-Eg. Mise., 132 and 437.
274 PRICES DRESS 275

strips 121 to its(?) end for the purpose of wearing a sgy-garment". ~ .5


....,
;.

This passage contains the description of a foolish boy adorning himself ::1 o'r;;
~
z'Vi N

+
in order to look more elegant. Whether CAMINOS grasped the meaning " '- '-0 '""
...," ""0 ::: .~ .<)

~
of p~wyjseems doubtful, now that we have come across the expression ~ .~
:.;;; E; ~~
"'
.
N'" 0
N

..s'"
... or>
...
.£'"
...
sgw n p~wy. It wou~d seem to me that the boy tied strips to his ~ l5 ....
..s ..s
posterior in order to appear as though he was wearing a sgy. If this - ...
N'-"
N ~

is correct, sgy/sgw is likely to be the triangular loincloth. I 22


"
In Pap. Koller, 4,6 the Trk-people are described as being dressed in
'~~
~
.Jc.~
S-
"E
S
" :~
'"
'<0
S
" "
sfiy-garments, but we do not know how the people were normally
''''
" ,~ " " " ,,.,E"
,~ ,~
dressed. 123 A passage of the story called "The Taking of Joppa",124
where a sgy is mentioned, is not clear owing to a lacuna, but the word
here may be the name of the prince's garment, which is not, however, x~ x21 X21 xl )o~ x21 x~ x21 xJ xJ ;'1 XJ x21 xl] xl]
of much help to us.
~
~

The most important reason for identifying the sgw as the triangular .<)

~
N

'"
0
- ~
... ~
".
0
M
~ ~ ao

loincloth is provided by the original meaning of sd, namely 'tail'. In


the Middle Kingdom sd was already used for garments 125 and the verb ... ~
s
~
'00
sd as 'to be dressed'. 126 'Tail' does not seem a bad description of the s
~
loincloth, 12 7 particularly when the tip is not drawn between the legs
and tucked in in front but when it is left hanging down loose at the ::l "'
~~ > M N ...
back. x ~
N

\l.l '?
What special kind of garment the sgw n p~wy might be I do not ....l
(:Q 1;'
...::
know, but the connection of the components of this expression is not I-<
". ". ".d
d
surprising. Whether sfiw n firt has anything to do with the garment, or ";.,
Cl
;.,
Cl
;.,
Cl
.<: .<: .<:
whether it is some kind of handkerchief, is uncertain. 1 28 d
;., d
;.,
d
;., d d d x x x
Some of the sgw prices mentioned 10 Table XLIII need some := Cl Cl Cl
;., ;.,
'" x x x
-
Cl Cl Cl
Ei .sX .<:X .<:
X .s
.<: .<:
explanation. '" X x X ;;;
No. I) The four sfiw of line 2 are said to be n ~n, which means =Ei :=
S
:=
Ei
:=
Ei
00:
~
~ x x x x x Ei
"0 "0 "0
'" '" 00:'" 00:'" ~ ] ~" "
~ 's 's 's 00:'"
something like 'in good condition',129 while the twelve of
00:
,.,.;
00:
.n '"
0>
N
...:;
...: ....;., ~ ~
III pry. ;.,

122 Note that GARDINER, Egyptian Hieratic Texts, I, 40*, in this sentence translates
'loincloth' with two queries.
123 Could sgy possibly be used here for the familiar leather loincloth, so usual for
~
Nubian soldiers and servants? Its shape is rather, though not exactly, the same as
that of the triangular loincloth. ,.en
....:
124 Pap. Harris 500, vs. I, 11.

125 Cf. JEQUIER, Les Irises d'objets, 47. --


00
co
,.
en
::
r-:
M
---
..... <~

...
126 Wb. IV, 365, 1-6.
N V>
.....
~
V>

'" ...:;
...r-: ,...; ><i
or>
V>
'" I""-
Co
V>
en;. ...:;
00 ~
V>
N '"...:;
r- ,...;
127 Note that.~~ is used particularly in the expressions sd n p~wy and sd n grt.
M ,...; '00 00
N
cl r::- r-:
" '"
N

The only other instance is O. DeM. 87, 6, where sd occurs by itself, though possibly ''""
M
l""-
or>
'00 "'"
-0
'00
..,;,., ~
V>
V>
N
N
..,;,.,
I""-
V>
N
en
::>
::2
~
N
V>

..,;,.,
0
~
--
'"
l""-

-.0
V>

..:
;:;
S .S ;:: ;:: .S
it stands for sd n 4rt. " .=0
0
1i .c;; 0 .c;; " 0 "§" 1i "§" 0
;;""
.<: .~
128 Cf. also sgw n ~jt in RAD. 23, 9. u'" -< ..: ..: ~ ..: ..:

.
(:Q U U

.
.;:; !- .;:; !- I-<
(:Q
.;:;
129 cr. CERN\', Hier. lnscr . ... Tut'ankhamun, 8. For ~n as the opposite of isw,
c,; c,; c,; ~ 0 0 ::::: 0 0 c,; ::::: c,; 0 0 :::::
;:- ;;; ;;:; G ;::: oc a;- S ;;; ;;:;
'worn out', cf. Table XXXIX, notes a and c. N
-;:- ~
TABLE XLII!

sgw/sgy

sniw khar deben


2
1) P. Vienna 34, 5 yr. 13, Ram. II 16 'I, X sm' nfr, Ifn 12 for 2 deben of silver
10 ~ sm' nfr, thl 4 for 4 kitt' of silver
2) P. Cairo 65 739, 7 yr. 15, Ram. I! 16 '/, X sm' nfr 3 for 5 kitt' of silver
c,!l
3) P. Ashmolean 1958.111, vs. 12 Ram. 11 X ..
3 n
~
4) Hier. Ostr. 62, 1, vs. 8 Ram. 11 2 If, X
'-"
.fm' nfr 1 for 2 sniw + 2 hin
5) O. Berlin 12647, 3 yr. 19/29/39, Ram. 11 3 .....
~
n"
6) O. Cairo 25 572, 11 late XIXth Dyn. 2
~
X n
..
7) Hier. Ostr. 28, 4, 5 late XIXth Dyn. X
4 sm
+-"
5
8) O. Cairo 25 725, 6 late XIXth Dyn. 6
X
3 (em mer) [,;:J
2 for 6 sniw
9) O. Brit. Mus. 50 737, 5 mid XXth Dyn. X
4 ...... §'d
10) P. Turin 2104, vs. 11, 8 yr. 1, mid XXth Dyn. 10 X
<-" n ..
11) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1, 11, 7 mid XXth Dyn. 30? X?
12) P. Turin 1907/8, 11, 2 Ram. VII 5
---
~
X sm' nfr 12 for 60 deben
13) O. Berlin 11 259, 4 XXth Dyn.? 10
M
X n
..
n ..
14)0. Turin 6672, 2 XXth Dyn.? 16 ~
15) Hier. Ostr. 57, 1,9 XXth Dyn.? X
8 ?
~
276 PRICES DRESS 277

line 5 are described as fhi, 'damaged'. This way the difference c) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 5 (Ramesses Ill?): 2 debim.
in price of 16 2/3 deben as against 10 deben is explained. d) Hier. Ostr. 85, 2, 6 (mid XXth Dyn.?): 1 khar.
No. 8a) The sentence runs "I gave her one sgy, saying: buy (for?) All four texts probably contain the same price, except that a) is
it (in sw) grain; entered, emmer, 1 khar; remainder 5 khar", slightly higher if 1 sniw equals 5 deben, but as with basketry 1/2 sniw
and though the meaning is not quite clear, it seems that the may equal 2 deben here. All four instances hav.e yet another point in
price or the sgy was 6 khar of em mer. In the next line the common, namely the use of the word sbt. Text a) says explicitly that
same person gives his daughter two sgy and she buys him 1/2 sniw is given "in exchange for weaving his sgy", while in the three
a calf for 4 sniw, remainder 2 sniw, which means that others the garment is described as sgw sbt. In b) the text breaks off
1 sgy was worth 3 sniw.
after 'two', so that more strokes-up to four-are possible, though in
No. 9) The word sgy is followed by an almost illegible sign which view of the other instances not probable. In all four texts clearly the
might be pI] <.~), though ~ for s'd, 'torn up', is more price for the manufacture, not for the garment itself is meant. 133 The
probable,130 since this would explain the low price. price for weaving a d3iw is 4 deben, i.e., double that for a sgw, which
No. 11) tERNY and GARDINER transcribed !.446, but .c.44a will
is in agreement with what we suggested in connection with the nature
surely have been intended. The number of garments is of the two garments, the d3iw being at least twice as large as the sgw.
missing, which usually means that 'one' should be under- The prices of sgw-garments seem to vary more than those of the
stood, though here the exceptionally high price raises d3iw, while the influence of quality on the price is not clear. For the
considerable doubts; perhaps 'two' has dropped out. first group (nos. 1-8), dating from the Nineteenth Dynasty, 15 to 20
No. 15) The word sgw was originally preceded by another word, de ben seems to be usual. There is one instance of srn' nir (no. 4) being
now lost, which may have been an indication of the cheaper (2 1/3 sniw), while two others of ordinary cloth are quite normal
material, though a word such as th3 131 is equally possible, (nos. 3 and 5), only no. 6 being of a lower value.
which would then explain the low price. The prices of the second group (nos. 9-15), which probably all date
As with the d3lw, there is also a price for the sgw in Pap. Berlin from the Twentieth Dynasty, vary considerably, from 4 to 30 deben,
9784 (of year 27 of Amenophis Ill), which may be compared with though the latter price (no. 11) may have to be halved, and the former
those of Table XLIII. In line 6 a sgw is said to cost 1/2 sniw, i.e., may be due to the bad condition of the garment. The bearing of
c. 4 deben, which is far less than almost all later prices, whereas the quality upon the price cannot be assessed since no. 14, made of n",
d3iw cost c. 30 deben, which is above the later average- a remarkable costs 16 deben, but no. 12, made of srn' nir, only 5 deben; particular
difference for which I can offer no explanation. circumstances unknown to us may provide the reason. What is clear
However, in later times there occur four prices 132 which are more is that the usual price for a sgw is lower than that for a d3iw.
or less the same, namely:
§ 63. I]tri n ish
a) Hier. Ostr. 52, 2, vs. A, 13-14 (late XIXth/early XXth Dyn.):
1/2 sniw. The third item in the lists of clothes, which usually follows sgw,
b) O. Desroches 6, 3 (Ramesses Ill) : 2 (+ x?) deben. namely [Ink, does not as far as I know occur in any price text, while
the next one, ish, is found only once. 134 For this striking difference
130 For ~ see p. 281. .. .. @11 ~
between the lists of clothes and the price texts I can offer no explanation.
131 This was probably written m the precedmg Ime, where only ~"'I.' JI is now The word ish occurs in O. Prague H 15,3 in the expression I]trl n ish,
left.
132 O. DeM. 302, 2-3 (late XIXth Dyn.?) originally listed two srjw prices. The first
one is completely lost, while of the other only the word sniw is left at the end of
line 3, but whether the number (I 1/ 2) in line 4 belongs to it seems highly doubtful, 133 This strengthens our suggestion that the low dJiw-prices also represent 'wages';

since the lines will have been quite long. If the price was indeed I 1/2 sniw it would see pp. 269 ff.
again be low, though even so higher than these four. 134 Originally also in O. DeM. 51, 4, but the value itself is now lost.
278 PRICES DRESS 279

which is also found elsewhere. 135 I:ztri is tentatively translated as 'pair'


byCERNY, 136 an interpretation strengthened by the wording ofO. DeM.
441, 4, where I:ztri and ish have changed place, reading "ish, 1 I:ztri".
The meaning of 'pair' for fltri is well known, e.g., for a team of horses
or for the two doorposts. Its connection with ish may have been +
influenced by the fact that the meaning of !:ztr is 'to bind'.137
~;
If fltri means 'pair', it would seem probable that ish refers to some
kind of 'band' or 'string'. This is also the opinion of the Wh. in view
of its occurrence in late copies of the Book of the Dead. 138 What kind so:
"".
of bands are meant is unknown; I would suggest with much reservation 'f ~~ ~::: : : : : : : : : :;:
that they are the strips bound cross-wise around the upper part of the :~
body, which must of course come in pairs.
The value of btri n ish n ~n, the 'pair of bands in good condition'
in O. Prague H 15, 3 (XIXth Dyn.?) is 3 hin, i.e., 1/2 sniw. 139 This is
/
clearly far less than the price of a sqw, which is what one would expect
for cloth bands.
In O. DeM. 428, 5-vs. 2 the combined price for weaving a dJiw and c--. C'. c--.
a fltrl n ish is 7 deben. 40 C C C
'" >,'"
Cl Cl Cl
..c ..c ..c
§64. (}3yt XXX
~
'"
>,
Cl
X X

Although not frequently mentioned in the lists Qf clothes, the qJyt,141 ..<::

when it does occur, appears as the most important garment at the head I X
X .::
"".~ Cl..c'" Cl-5'"
>,

cif the list. According to Pap. Harris I it was very common, and ..c. >
i3 -. '"'"
usually made of smooth, i.e., ordinary cloth. BRUGSCH 142 and
F AULKNER 143 interpreted it as the garment which we have above
::: :::
E E "1: E E E
"
-
0.- X
X
'0
X :::$ Cl
~
-0
..c
EX
~ ~ " " 2 ~" ~'" ~" ·S ·S " ~ X
.-:
called 'cloak', being the rectangular piece of cloth worn particularly '" .n ""
N ..:
...;
...; ...;
by women. 144 Since this garment was meant as a protextion against ~
;>, >, >,
~
>,
'"

135 O. Cairo 25 612, 5; O. DeM. 131, vs. 3-4 and 428, vs. 1 (h omitted); probabJy

also in O. DeM. 363, 1-2 (not recognized by CERN\', and consequently misinterpreted
by HELCK, Materialien V, 813).
136 ;fgyptol. Studien (Festschrift Grapow), 33 (translation ofO. DeM. 13L vs. 3-4). ;:;:
137 Wb. Med. 11, 640. Cr. Wb. IJI, 202, 2. 0.
138 Wb. I, 132,21: 'Streifen Leinen'. JI
139 The price in O. DeM. 51. 4, though lost (see p. 277, note 134), cannot have been

higher than I '! 2 sniw, since of the total of 4 sniw half the value is recorded in detail,
and at least one more item was mentioned. Probably it was either 1 or 1/2 sniw.
140 See p. 270 and Table XL VIll.

141 Although usually written without t in the ostraca the word was definitely

feminine, t3 being its article.


142 Hieroglyphisch-demotisches Worterbuch VII, 1390: 'weites Gewand, Mantel'.
143 Cone. Diet .. 319; 'robe'.

144 tERN\', Hier. lnscr . ... Tut'ankhamun, 11, suggests 'pad', but since this trans-
TABLE XLIV

glyl

dehen

I) P. Vienna 34, 3 yr. 13, Ram. 11 50 "rn' nfr, If.n 2 for I dehen of silver
2) P. Cairo 65 739, 7 yr. 15, Ram. 11 40 .fm' I for 4 kill' of silver
3) O. Prague H 22, vs. I Merenptal1 60'1 fl" I "ehell (of silver'')
4) O. IFAO. 1373,6 yr. 24, Ram. III 10+x 11"

5) O. DeM. 1086, vs. 5 Ram. Ill/IV 20 n"


6) O. Turin 9599, 6 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 20 n"
4 30 n"
7) P. Turin 2104, vs. 11, 5 yr. 1, mid XXth Dyn.
20 n"
8) O. Berlin 12343,4-5 mid XXth Oyn. 20 45.1'1 n nlll'l?
9) Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 23 (= pI. 41) yr. 17, Ram. IX 40
10) O. IFAO 1008, 1-2 XXth Oyn. 25
11)0. OeM. 185, 3-5 XXth Oyn.'? 24" I glyl + 1 mss for 29 dehen
12) O. Berlin 11 259,2 XXth Dyn." 25 n"
13) O. DeM. 194, I, 1 XXth Dyn.? 30 1/"

14)0. terny 2, 6
., 50
280 PRICES DRESS 281

the cold it is to be expected that like the tunic it was made of 10, mentioning ~ dJyt 8, which together cost 5 deben; the
thicker cloth, although thin cloth may have been used for festive attire. two signs may stand for s'd and mean 'torn Up'.149
Particularly important are the measurements of a {UYl mentioned in No. 8) This ostracon, which deals mainly with prices for the
Pap. Gurob, fragment U .14S Its length is 28 cubits and 4 palms, and decoration of coffins, states that a II"t is given "in exchange
its width 4 cubits, or c. 15 to 2 m. This may seem to be an incredibly for the dJy n niwt", though what this can mean I have no
large piece of cloth, but it is to be compared with the cloth found idea. I so To the coffin, the decoration of which costs 10 deben,
over the coffin of Kha', the measurements of which were the same. 146 are added 'its sw/:lt' at 4 deben and the door of a tomb at
Still, the dJyt was definitely generally a garment, and not a sheet or 6 deben, making a total of 20 deben, which seems therefore
suchlike article, 147 so that a cloak seems to fit in best with these to be the price of the dJyt.
dimensions. No. 9) The price and the name of the garment are certain, but
dJyt is preceded by a word which was illegible to BOTT!
The fourteen texts with prices in Table XLIV require the following and PEET. Probably it indicated the quality, but since they
notes: transcribed it as .... tJy(?) I cannot suggest what kind of
No. 1) The dJyt is said to be n *n, 'in good condition'. quality. The usual n" seems impossible.
No. 3) CERNY transcribed the price as dbn 1, other prices in the No. 10) The name of the garment is partly lost, only ... . yt with
ostracon being expressed in sniw, the silver standard. One the determinative for cloth being left. The price points to
deben of silver, that is to say at least 60, and perhaps a dJyt.
100 deben of copper, would, however, be well above most No. 11) The text first enumerates five amounts of deben, together
of the other prices, while, on the other hand, one deben of coming to 29 deben, which are "given to her", whereupon
copper (or even one sniw, which CERNY did not suggest) it says that they are given to her for her dJyt (and?) ISl
would be extremely cheap. Without further study of the 1 mss of n". This means that either the dJyt cost 24 deben,
original it seems impossible to resolve this problem. 148 or the mss is by way of exception worth only 4 deben and
The material of the dJyt is not mentioned, but all the the dJyt 25 deben. 152
commodities of the verso also occur on the recto, and there The only price of a dJyt expressed in sniw occurs in O. DeM. 699,
we find a dJyt of n" (the price of which is lost) so that 4 (XIXth/early XXth Dynasty). There one item is said to cost 2 (sniw).
we may assume the same quality for the present item. However, the ostracon being broken, a fraction or a number of hin
No. 4) The ostracon is broken through the number, which according seem to be lost after the signs for 'two', so that the price may have
to CERNY was 'probably' 10, though 20 seems not been higher, somewhere between 2 and 3 sniw. If the ostracon dates
impossible; the units, if any were added, are lost. in fact from the late Nineteenth or early Twentieth Dynasty this may
No. 7) In addition to the two prices there is a third entry in vs. 11, be equivalent to roughly 12 to 14 deben. Since the indication of the
material, though lost in a lacuna, cannot be anything other than n",
lation seems to be based solely on this occurrence it does not seem very convincing. the value of the garment is definitely less than those listed in Table XLIV.
What the meaning of this entry (lnscr. §51) saying "17 !flyt, makes 34 dliw" might
be I do not know, but the contents of the chest to which this label was attached 149 cr. p. 276, note 130
constituted more than 17 pads. The texts of the labels seldom suit the contents, 150 cr. p. 225.
however (see CERNY, idem, Introduction). Could here be meant that with the seventeen 151 Whether both garments are included in the price is not certain, but what else
cloaks belonged as many skirts? can be the meaning of nU mss I?
145 GARDINER, RAD. 23, 4. 152 HELCK, Materialien V, 926, mentions a high price for a !fly (110 deben) from
146 SCHIAPARELLl, La tomba intatta, 17.
O. Cairo 25 543, 13, but this does not appear to be the value of a !f~yt (with a mrw) by
147 Cf., e.g., Admonitions, 7, 11: "Behold, the possessors of !flyt are (now) in itself, since in the preceding line it is said "amount of copper to be brought in
rags (isywt)". exchange for the s!fy", and possibly more names of garments are lost at the beginning
148 Cf. p. 341. of line 13, all valued together at 110 deben.
282 PRICES DRESS 283

The gjyt appears to be of the same price as the dj/H' , or slightly apparent from Pap. Harris I and corroborated by Table XLV. Where
more, but since usually it was made of cheaper material, equal prices cheaper, this may be due to the use of ordinary cloth, as, for example,
point to a larger piece of cloth. Low prices like those found for the no. 13a proves, though this is clearly not the case in nos. 7 and 9.
dj/I\" (see Table XLIII, nos. 9a, 22, and, a little above that, nos. 4, 5,
19 and 20) are not known with regard to the gjyt, the doubtful no. 4 TABLE XLV
excepted. Hence the suggestion that giyt means 'cloak' is not
idg
contradicted by the prices.
That the high giyt prices are not confined to the Village is proved sniu' khar dehen
by the giyt in Pap. Gurob 11,1,6 and 2,16-17,153 which cost 6 snlw
(Sn'), i.e., c. 50 deben, while in the same group of texts a d3iw costs I) P. Vienna 34. 7 yr. 13, Ram. 11 15 .'rn' nlr, n I,n
2) Hier. Oslr. 54. I, 4 yr. 3, XIXth Dyn. 6 srn' njr
3 1/2 sniw (Sn') and a sgy only 1/2 sniw (Sn').154 yr. 18, Ram. IJJ 10 ?
3) O. Turin 9611, 10
4) Hier. OSlr. 45, I. 4 yr. 28, Ram. '" 12 .5m'
5) O. Gardiner fragm. 123, 6 15 srn'
§65. idg Ram. '"
6) Hier. OSI" 31. 4, 4 Ram. Ill? 25
The article of dress called idg, qOoGi].~16 ,155 usually abbreviated to 7) O. Turin 9599, vs. 3 Ram. III/mid XXth Dyn. 9 .~m·

8) O. DeM. 113. 5 yr. 1, Ram.IVo 15 srn'


~I~, was common, judging by the large numbers thereof in Pap. Hards I
9) O. DeM. 223. 4-5 mid XXth Dyn. 8 .~m·

(Table XXXVIII) and other papyri,156 but it occurs in only one list 10) O. Cairo 25 588, 15 yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. 1 1 /,
of clothes (Table XXXIX), while on the other hand again several prices (emmer)
11) P. Turin 1907/8. I, 20 Ram. VII 15
are known. 2
12) P. Turin 1881, I-IIJ, top yr. 7. Ram. IX
As regards its meaning, I have suggested elsewhere 157 that this is vs. 8. 39 5 n"
the 'kerchief. These are known to have been worn by men and 13) Giornale 17 B. vs. 9, 22 yr. 17, Ram. IX 20 .'rn' nlr
(= pis. 41 & 43) vs. 9. 24 7
women. 158 The object, of which there are different types, is described
by WINLOCK,159 who calls one of them khat (bit) on basis of its
name in the Middle Kingdom.160 Another name may have been 1nt,161 Table XLV requires the following notes:
but whether the ldg, which occurs only in later times, is of the same
No. 2) The most expensive item, 6 snlw being probably equal to
shape as one of these seems doubtful. The picture of an actual
kerchief from the tomb of Kha', 162 as far as it is recognizable, 30 deben.
No. 7) Not altogether certain, the original being poorly legible,
appears to display an altogether different type. One may suggest that
but the price seems fairly definite, and the name of the
the writing with an ear is inspired by its form when worn, sir,ce it
then resembles this part of the body. object is short enough to suit idg.
No. 10) The text in which all the prices are expressed in khar of
Usually the idg was made of comparatively expensive cloth, as is
emmer, states that I 1/2 khar 'of the granary' (mbr) are
given in exchange for the idg, and since 1 khar of emmer
153 ZXS.43, 1906, 35 and 37. These texts are from the year 33 of Amenophis Ill.
here costs 4 deben (see Table I, emmer, no. 19) this means
154 Pap. Berlin 9784, 5-6 = ibidem, 28. Cf. pp. 269, and 276.
155 E.g., Pap. Gurob, fragm. T, 2, 9 and U, c, 1 (RAD. 22, 2 and 23, 7); Pap. that the idg is valued at 6 deben. In the same text, line 17,
Harris I, 14a, 15 and passim. "the idg of Amenkhew (and?) one djiw" are said to cost
156 Cf. p. 254, notes 31 and 32.
"together 2 khar", i.e., g deben, which would work out at
157 lEA. 52, 1966,85, note).

I S8 Cf. p. 251. even less for the idg!


159 BMMA. 11, 1916, 238ff. No. 12) The papyrus states that the price is 2 khar, the equivalent
160 Wb. Ill, 222, 10.

161 JEQUIER, Lesfrises d'objets, 3ff.


of 8 deben (see Table I, barley, no. 18).
162 SCHIAPARELLl, La tomba intatta, 106, fig. 80. No. 13) The Giornale contain three prices, the first of which, 5 deben,
284 PRICES DRESS 285

is for an ldg of nU, and the second, 20 deben, for an ldg and quite long for a shawl. 168 From the tomb of Kha' a shawl
of srn' nlr, the quality of the third not being mentioned, measuring 4.30 to 0.60 m. is known,169 and the Metropolitan Museum
though it may again be nU. possesses a similar piece of cloth measuring 1.50 to 0.55 m.170 The
latter is definitely smaller than the rw{iw from Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 052,
The prices for the kerchief vary considerably, and this may be due
but the former is three times as wide and nearly the same in length.
not only to differences in quality, but to the varying length of the
As we have seen above,! 71 sashes drawn around the waist were
pieces of cloth, about which nothing is known. The average price
sometimes fairly wide, but 2 m. seems hardly probable, even when
appears to be IO to 15 deben for an Idg of thin cloth, and if this
worn double. A wide shawl is less improbable, however.
is correct, no. 1 is clearly cheap, since the quality is srn' nlr. Whether
Another possibility is that rw{iw is the specific name for the woman's
this points to lower prices in the reign of Ramesses 11 will be
cloak. l72 Its use in the above mentioned lists does not contradict this
considered below.
explanation, but why this cloak should have been referred to by the
Pap. Turin 2008 + 2016, 11, 17 163 mentions a price of 20 hin for
word for bowstring is obscure. Nowhere have egyptologists tried so
an idg, which means either 20 deben or 33 1/3 deben, though the latter
far as I know to suggest what particular object a rw{iw may have
seems too high.164
been. 173 Until a better suggestion is offered I would prefer to interpret
it as meaning 'shawl'.
§66. rw{iw
Although this article of dress is rare in Pap. Harris I, it occurs quite TABLE XLVI

frequently in the ostraca, both in the lists of clothes (cf. Table XXXIX)
and in price-texts. 165 The word rw{iw originally meant 'bowstring',
,>\"(j...

and it still occurs as such in Late Egyptian literature. That the present sniw khar dehen
rw{iw was a garment, however, is apparent from its occurrence among
1) P. Ashmolean 1958.111, Ram. 11 3 sm"
other garments. Decisive is the text of O. DeM. 132, where a woman
vs. 17
asks her companion to weave her a rw{iw, "since", says she, "I am 2) Hier. Ostr. 32, 2, 1 XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 21/2 n ..
naked". Although we need not take this literally it is clear that the 3) O. Turin 9584, 3 yr. 18, Ram. III 10
4) O. Turin 6628, 5 yr. 19, Ram. III 15 srn"
rw{iw is an essential item of female dress. This appears also from Pap.
5) Hier. Ostr. 45, 1,4 yr. 28, Ram. III 8 n
..
Bib!. Nat. 209, vs., text a,166 where female slaves are provided with 6) Hier. Ostr. 31, 5, 2 Ram. Ill? 10
rnss and rw{iw. In Hier. Ostr. 29, 3, vs., a woman's rwdw is said to be 7) O. Cairo 25 684, 4 Ram. IlIo 10 n
..
8) O. Vienna H 2, vs. 1 yr. 3, mid XXth Dyn. 7 sm'
n ..
"on his (sic!) buttocks", which seems to prove that a -man could also 9) P. Turin 1881, IV, 5 yr. 7, Ram. IX 10
wear such a garment, though we do not know who 'his' refers to, c.ince vs. 8, 24 5 ? 2 for 10 deben
the text is broken. 10) Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 36 yr. /7, Ram. IX 2 1/2 ? 2 for 5 deben
(=pls.41&43) vs. 9, 21 20 srn' nlr
What kind of garment can a rw{iw have been? From the original 11) Hier. Ostr. 28. 1, 3 Ram. IXIX 7 112 n .. 2 for 15 deben
meaning bowstring one would expect it to be a sash or shawl. However, 12) O. DeM. 194, I, 5 XXth Dyn.? 5 n ..
according to Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 052, 2, 25,167 the measurements of a
rw{iw are 8 to 4 cubits, i.e., 4 to 2 m., which seems too long for a sash
16" The measurements are about the same as those of the unknown garment in

163 Ship's Logs, 71. Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 33 (see p. 269, note 84).
169 cr. p. 253.
164 See pp. 264 and 271.
170 cr. p. 254.
165 Cf. also he division _of the property of scribe Amennakhte, p. 256, note 33:
171 cr. p. 25 I.
graffito 1282, 3 and 17 (= CERNY, Graffiti, pI. 45); Pap. Mayer A, 4, 7.
172 Wb. n, 410,10-12, renders it only as 'Art Kleid'.
166 SPIEGELBERG, Rechnungen, pI. Xa and Text, 23. SPIEGELBERG interpreted both
173 It may be that shawls were sometimes used as cloaks but it usually seems
words as designating cloth, but they are clearly garments.
167 PEET, Tomq Robberies, Text, 144.
to be the cjJyt which was worn over the tunic. '
286 PRICES DRESS 287

Apart from the twelve texts in Table XL VI, which require no be a suitable strip for a sash, as the mrw may similarly be. If this
commentary, there is also an occurrence of a price for a rwgw sot, is correct, the rwgw is a 'shawl' rather than a 'sash', as was suggested
namely in Hier. Ostr. 85, 2, 7 (mid XXth Dyn. ?), where it costs 3 oip~. above.
Since sot, however, seems to indicate that the price was paid for the
work of weaving it, as was the case with the sgw mentioned in the TABLE XLVII
same text, this price is hot included in the Table (see Table XLVIII).
We have found the price of the rwgw to vary-partly on account mrlt'

of the material-between 5 and 15 deben, 174 no. lOc, of fine thin cloth, snhl' khar deben
being an exception. For a rwgw of n" lO deben or slightly less seems
usual. This means that a rwgw was generally more expensive than a 1) Hier. Ostr. 28. 4. 5 late XIXth Dyn. 1 srn'
2) O.DeM. 214. 4 late XIXth Dyn. 1 n ..
mss, even if both were of the same material. Whether this accords 3) O. Univ. CoB .• vs. 3 yr. 2 .• Sethnakhte 11/i 2
with the suggestion that rwgw means 'shawl' is hard to say. 4) Hier. Ostr. 50, 1,11,8 mid XXth Dyn. 7
5) O. Brit. Mus. 50737,5 mid XXth Dyn. 5
§67. mrw
That mrw means 'cloth strips' is fairly certain,! 75 but what kind of Of the five instances mentioned in Table XLVII, no. 1 is not valued
strips are meant is less clear. mrw may also mean 'bundle', e.g., in by itself, but is said to cost together with a sgy 5 sniw in total, while
combination with wig, 'vegetables'; 176 but this is not what is meant the sgy by itself costs 4 snlw. No. 3 is paid with I 1/2 khar, which
in the present price-texts. 177 That mrw may have been an item of may be equivalent to 3 deben. The price of no. 5 was read by
dress appears from the stela Brit. Mus. 588,178 for example, where it tERN·V as 'one' (deben), but I imagined I could discern 'five' in the
occurs after mss, a garment the name of which is lost, and Idg, and original.
from O. Cairo 25 543, 13, where we read n" giy m mrw, "giyt-garment The price of the mrw appears to be 5 deben, no. 3 being not quite
of smooth cloth with mrw". certain, but probably somewhat cheaper. That nos. 1 and 2 both cost
The mrw does not appear in any of the lists in Pap. Harris I, and in 1 snlw is interesting in view of the difference in material, and it is also
the ostraca with lists of clothing (Table XXXIX) it is found only once worth noting that the price of a mrw was the same as that of a tunic,
in combination with pl}w (0. DeM. 211), which may be another which was probably larger than a 'sash'. This suggests perhaps that
expression for sgw n pl}wy.179 On the other hand, the word pry, which our conceptions of value are not the same as those of the ancient
also means 'strip', or 'band', is quite common in ostraca, but unknown Egyptians.
from price-texts. Therefore I venture to suggest that mrw and pry are
more or less synonymous.
§68. I}bs
In O. DeM. 187, 5-vs. I, the measurements of a pry are stated to be
3 cubits and 3 palms to 5 palms, i.e., c. 1.80 to 0.375 m. This would In two instances the generic word for clothes, I}bs, occurs with a
price, and it is thus impossible to decide what kind of garment is
174 Whether there is a special reason for the exceptionally low price (2 1/2 deben)
meant. In one, however, O. Cairo 25 572, 7 (late XIXth Dynasty) the
in no. lOb I do not know. One would expect to find an explanation in the first words word is determined with the sign for a tail, which might point to
of this entry, which are now lost in a lacuna. sgw or sd, though the price, 1/2 khar (i.e., 1/4 sniw = 1 deben)180
175 Wb. 11, 105, 9.

176 See p. 360. seems too low for that. The other text, Hier. Ostr. 53, 1, 5 (Ramesses
177 JEQUIER, Les Irises d'objets, 32, translates mm nit' IJbsw with 'bundles of gar- III ?), mentions one I}bs sbt for 1 1/2 khar, which seems to refer not to
ments'. That mayor may not be correct in this instance, but it definitely does not mean the garment itself but to the weaving of it, though comparison with the
that mrlt' in the prices means 'bundle' of garments.
178 See lEA. 49,1963, pI. IX, line 4.
179 See p. 272.
180 See p. 123 and Table I, barley as a unit, e).
288 PRICES DRESS 289

other prices for weaving different garments (see Table XL VIII) shows So far as I am aware the word bndw does not occur elsewhere in
that I 1/2 khar is rather expensive. the ostraca, though it appears in Pap. Ch. Beatty V, 8, 5, where
GARDlNER translated it as 'gown(?)'. It is clearly connected with the
TABLE XLVIII verb bnd, 'to wrap Up',182 found, e.g., in Pap. Anastasi I, \0,4.
As to the meaning no real suggestion is possible. AHMED BEY
Weaving of a garment KAMAL proposed 'corset sans manches', 183 though I fail to see what
snilf khar deben
ancient Egyptian garment could fit this description, and GARDlNER'S
'gown' is equally vague. The prices would indicate something small.
I) diill' O. DeM. 183,3 2
(emmer)
2) diilr + /.Itri n ish O. DeM. 428, 5-vs. 2 7 §70. mbJy
3) s,}lr Hier. Ostr. 52,2, vs. A, 13-14 '/2 The word mbJy, 'fetter', 'band', occurs in literary texts,184 but only
O. Desroches 6, 3 2 (+ x?)
O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 5 2 once in ostraca, namely in Hier. Dstr. 56, 2, 5-6 (Ramesses 11/
Hier. OSlr. 85, 2, 6 I Merenptal:t), where one mbJy costs 1/2 snlw. The writing of the word
4) nl'(jw Hier. Ostr. 85. 2. 7 3'
14 with two fingers is derived from mbJ, 'balance'.
5) iJbs Hier. Ostr. 53. I, 5 1 ' /,
6) '", n sbl O. Gardiner 226, 3 I What kind of object is meant is obscure. In Pap. Brit. Mus, 10068,
3, 28 and 6, 9 the word mbJ occurs in connection with sst, possibly
- ----
meaning 'skein of thread',185 but it seems doubtful whether the same
This may be the most appropriate place to note a unique price entry object is meant in Hier. Dstr. 56, 2. It is clear, however, that a mbJ
in O. Gardiner 226, 3 (of unknown date), where pJ '11' n sbt is said is cheap, being only half the value of a mrw, which is the usual word
to cost 1 khar . . n sbt means 'piece of weaving' or simply 'piece of for 'band' .186
cloth', and the phrase clearly indicates the cost of weaving a certain
item. § 71. sndyt

§69. bndw This well-known word for a 'kilt' 187 rarely occurs in the ostraca. 188
One instance is Hier. Dstr. 54, 4 vs., where a father orders his son to
For this garment only one definite price is known, namely in take "this rag of a dJlw and this rag of a srjy, in order to make the
o Cairo 25 596, 2 (XIXth Dynasty?), where one bndw made of n" dJlw into lnsy (i.e., red bands), while the srjy (is to be made) into a
costs I snlw. The word is written without n, but according to CERNY'S sndyt". This shows that whatever the sndyt may have been in the
facsimile 181 there is a gap above the d where an original n may h:-;,ve Middle Kingdom, in the language of the Village it was not a particularly
been lost.
important item of dress.
A second price may be indicated in O. DeM. 579, 19 (Ramesses The only price I know would seem to confirm this, one sndyt costing
Ill/IV), where SAUNERON read bndw 1 . 2. The determinative of bndw I deben 189 in O. Gardiner 172,3 (late XXth Dyn. ?), the lowest recorded
is not Ir, but a, as can be seen from the facsimile, while the word
. is strange after the number. It would seem therefore that instead of .
the stroke after 1 in the original is nothing more than the Egyptian 182 Wb. I, 465, 2-3; cf. also bdn, Wb. I, 487, 14.
183 BIE. 11, 1917, IOlf.
way of indicating 'ditto', here meaning 'deben'. If the price is indeed 184 Cf. Wb. 11, 130,3, with Belegstellen.

2 deben, it is less than in the preceding text, and shows that the bndw 185 Cf. PEET, Tomb Robberies, 100, note 17. In Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 052, 3, 14 it

cannot have been very large. is conne:ted with an unknown word sb.
186 See Table XLVII.
185 Wb. IV, 522, 2fT.
188 It occurs in Pap. Harris I, but only in small numbers (Table XXXV~II).

181 Ostraca hieratiques (Cat. gen.), 11, pI. XLIX. 189 Note that in the preceding line 1 dJiw costs 20 deben, the average pnce.

i
290 PRICES DRESS 291

price for any garment. Whether the word in Pap. Berlin 9784, 25,190 However, J:zry-If'J:zt is also found in Hier. Ostr. 61, 3, vs. 17, in
transcribed by GARDINER as styt, is in fact meant to indicate the same O. DeM. 404, 3,196 and in O. Cairo 25 723, 4, always being, judging
garment remains uncertain, though I cannot suggest what else may from its determinative, some kind of garment. tERNY, 197 who compared
have been meant; the price, 1/2 sniw (sn '), is again low. If both bry-If'J:zt with the word If 'b in a text about garments on a label from
examples refer to the 'kilt' it must certainly have been a very short the tomb of Tut'ankhamiin (§ 51 = C. 101), explains the former with
one made of cheap cloth. some reservation as 'shawl thrown over the shoulder', deriving it from
If 'b, 'shoulder', and I see no other likely explanation. That it belongs
§72. swbw here to the category of garments of thin cloth (srn'), and is said in
Of the swbw also only one price is known, namely in Pap. Cairo Hier. Ostr. 61, 3, vs. 17 to be made of the same material, strengthens
65 739, 6 (Ramesses 11), where GARDINER 191 translated 'shroud' on this supposition. But whether the J:zry-I{J:z of O. DeM. 255 was the
the grounds of the homonym swJ:zt, 'inner coffin'. According to same type of object cannot be ascertained owing to the lack of a
JEQUIER,192 however, swbw was in the Middle Kingdom the name of determinative. If it was, the price of 8 deben was lower than that of a
a coat, wh 1'l e t h e TUb
Yr, •
193' .
III Its turn suggests a 'skirt of particular rwrjw made of srn', which we have also supposed to be a shawl. The
shape'. The word is of course derived from swb, 'to wrap up', and one objects will have differed in size and/or shape, since in O. DeM. 404
would therefore expect it to be a term for some kind of shawl. The both occur in a list of garments, but what kind of shawl is meant by
occurrence in graffito 1282, 17,194 where 5 large items are mentioned bry-If'bt I do not know.
together with 45 rwrjw, and in Pap. Harris I, 14b, 2, do not in any
event suggest a shroud, but rather a type of garment. § 74. lfd
The swbw of Pap. Cairo 65 739, 6 is made of thin cloth and valued The word ifd usually occurs in the same texts as names for garments,
at 5 kite of silver, i.e., 50 deben of copper. This is the same price as and though it does not indicate a garment itself this is the most
that of the djlw of fine thin cloth in line 8, and more than that of appropriate place to discuss it. ifd is derived from the word for 'four',
the rjjyt in line 7 (4 kite), which would indicate that the swhw but whether this means that it originally indicated a square piece of
contained a greater quantity of material, i.e., was probably longer. . cloth seems doubtful, since other names of garments such as djlw are
also derived from numbers-djlw meaning 'five'-, which may indicate
§ 73. bry-If'bt rather a particular kind of fabric than a specific shape. In the New
Of this object again only one price is known, one that is slightly Kingdom at any rate ifd is the word for 'sheet'. GARDINER translated
doubtful at that. O. DeM. 255 (a year 3, mid XXth Dyn.) mentions it in Pap. Ch. Beatty V, 8, 3 as 'square of cloth',198 which seems to
a footstool being made,195 after which follow two lines, the first of be nothing but a more literal rendering of Ifd. In the ostraca Ifd is
which says that "one bry-If 'b (sic) makes 8 deben"; the other one runs: usually determined by the mummy lying on a bed (sign A 55), which
"balance for hhp., 7 deben". The question of whether these two amounts may point to its being used as a 'shroud', but I fail to see how its
of deben might be the price of the hdmw has been dealt with above. frequent occurrence in the texts from the Village can be explained if
What is of importance here is that the word k 'h has no determinative 'shroud' was its primary and only meaning. 199 That a sheet could be
from which its nature may be deduced. .. used as shroud is obvious.
The material for an ifd is mostly 'smooth' or ordinary cloth, but
srn' also occurs. In Table XLIX only the first two items-both with
190 zifs. 43, 1906,30 (year 3 of Amenophis IV).
191 JEA. 21, 1935, 143, note 12.
192 Les Irises d'objets, 24f. 196 Cf. Table XXXIX.
193 Wb. IV, 72, 3. 197 Hier. Inscr . ... Tut'ankhamun, 11, note I.
194 CERNY, Graffiti, pI. 45. 198 Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., 49.
195 See p. 187. 199 In O. Cairo 25 612. 4 we find the expression ifd sqr.
292 PRICES DRESS 293

an exceptional price-are made of more expensive cloth, all the others impossible to see whether the two legs following twt should be
insofar this is indicated being of n". The price varies from 7 to 12 1/2 interpreted as rdwy or as the determinative for twt. 202 For the
deben, about two thirds being exactly 10 deben. Such a value, double meaning this makes no difference, twt rdwy being synonymous with
that of an ordinary mss, which is also made of n ", may indicate that twt. 203 Whether the expression rdwy n twt 204 or even rdwy 2 n twt is
an lid was about doubl~ the size of a mss. only a variant of twt rdu!y is uncertain, but probable.
Several types of sandals are mentioned. A clear distinction is made
TABLE XLIX
between men's and women's sandals, the former being called twt (n)
lid '~3wty 205 or twt 13y,206 abbreviated to a single =w from which it is
sniw khar deben impossible to see whether '~3wty or 13y is meant, the latter being called
twt (n) st-~mt 207 or simply ~mt 208 or (n) st. 209 Although this
1) P. Cairo 65 739, 7 yr. 15. Ram. Il 33 srn' 3 1/3 kitt' 01
silver
distinction is made in several prices (see Table L) we are unable to
2) O. Gardiner 133, 2-3 yr. 36. Ram. 11 3 '/, srn' nfr draw any conclusions as to a difference in value. Men's sandals will
3) Hier. Ostr. 65. 2, 3-4 Ram. 11 3 have been larger, but even so were not generally more expensive than
3 2' /, n"
4) Hier. Ostr. 54. 1, 5 yr. 3. XIXth Dyn.
2 '/, n" women's.
5) O. Turin 9611, 11 yr. 18. Ram. III 10 Another distinction is that between the materials of which the sandals
210
6) O. Turin 6628, 6 yr. 19, Ram. III 10 we~e made. In a few instances they are said to be made of leather.
7) O. Gardiner 162, 11-12 Ram. III 8 n"
8) O. Cairo 25 602, 1 Ram. Ill? 10 n"
The same will have been meant when the word twt is determined by the
9) O. Cerny 1,6 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 10 n" sign for leather (F 27). Other instances are said to be made of gm',
10) O. Turin 9599, 7 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 8 n" 'papyrus',2ll while in those cases where no indication is given yet
11) O. DeM. 113,7 yr. 1, Ram. IV? 10
12) O. Cerny 20, 5 mid XXth Dyn. 10 other materials again may have been used. 212
13) Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, 3 mid(?) XXth Dyn. 10 n" In the third place there are particular types of sandals. One is
14) O. DeM. 105,7 mid(?) XXth Dyn. 10 referred to as 'fnw, 'enveloping'.213 Whether the term twt (n) pr-'3,
15) P. Turin 2104, vs. 11, 6 yr. 1, mid XXth Dyn.? 12 n"
16) O. IFAO. 1017.3 mid XXth Dyn. ? 7
'Pharaoh's sandals'214 also indicates that they were of a special shape
17) O. Turin 6672, 3 XXth Dyn.? 10 I do not know, since it is also possible that the qualification only
All the prices of Table XLIX are clear, except for no. 6, where
CFRNY read fwtw, whereas I thought to see ifd. The price and the from lbwy. In many instances, though not always, the word twt or twy is followed
determinative would also suggest this reading. by', 'pair'.
202 E.g., Hie~ OSlr. 57, 2, I, 5; O. DeM. 428, 3.
In the donation text for Queen 'Al:1mose-Nofreteroi,20o line 9 f., 203 Wb. V, 247, 13 suggests that twt rdwy means 'Sandalen fUr den ganzen Fuss(?)'.
80 ifd n sny are said to cost 210 sn', i.e., 2 5/ 8 sn' or c. 22 deben for but I fail to see what exactly is meant by this.
one ifd. This would be a rather high price compared with those of 204 O. DeM. 51, 7; 554, 7-8; \15,4-5.
205 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 61, 3, n, 2 and 7; O. DeM. 1086, vs. 17 (cf. 16).
Table XLIX, but it must be remembered that the material, sny, is 206 E.g., O. Cairo 25 677,18; O. DeM. 289, 3.
without parallel. If sny means 'wool' these ifd were 'blankets', rather 207 E.g., O. DeM. 231, vs. 2; 295, I, tl; Hier. Ostr. 61, 3, 11, 3.

than 'sheets'. 208 E.g., O. DeM. 341, vs. 2, 4 and 5 (in fact /.Imt, twy).

209 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 65, 2, 7 and 8.


210 Probably always d/.lri, 'hide' (cf. p. 398); e.g. Hier. OSlr. 57,2, 5; O. DeM. 232.
§ 75. twt, 'sandals' I, 3; O. Cairo 25 583, 2.
211 E.g., O. DeM. \IS, 4-6; O. Cairo 25 679, 8; Hier. Inscr . ... Tufankhamun.
To the Egyptian wearing-apparel also belongs a pair of sandals, §61 (= p. 15).
called twt or twy,201 sometimes twt (twy) rdwy. In some instances it is 212 Cf. KEIMER, BIFAO. 56, 1957, 103, for sandals of the leaves of the dom palm.

See also BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1948-51,84, fig. 23.


200 See above, p. 271, note 94. 213 ef. lEA. 52, 1966,85, note q.

201 A single sandal is called lb. SPIEGELBERG, Z;{S. 53, 1917, 138f. derived twy 214 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 56,2,5; O. DeM. 215, 6.
TABLE L

t .... t

sniw khar deben men/women ~


1) O. Berlin 12647,4 yr. 19/29/39, Ram. II 2 '/2 ? n pr-"
2) Hier. Ostr. 62, I, 5 Ram. II ' /2 m X price 3 hin
4 3/. m X 2 for 1 '/2 khar
3) Hier. Ostr. 65,2,7 Ram. II 3/. w X
8 '/. w X
5 ' /2 (n) pr-', X
4) Hier. Ost,. 56, 2, 6-7 Ram. II/Merenptal)
'/2 m X
5) O. Prague.H 22, vs. 2 Merenptal) '/2 2 for 1 .mill'
6) O. DeM. 215, 6
7) O. Brussels E 311, 6-7
yr. I, Sethos I1/Sipta!:>

late XIXth Dyn.


XIXth Dyn.?
'/

'/2 '. w
p,-'I X
X
3 for I '/, .mill"
8) Hie,. Ost,. 28, 4, 3 ' /2
9) O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 7 late XIXth Dyn. I '/. dilri X
10) Hie,. Ost,. 32, 2, 3 XIXth/earIy XXth Dyn. I
11) O. Gardiner fragm. 4, I, 2 XIXth/early XXth Dyn.? I
12) Hie,. Om. 52, 2, vs. A, II late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. '/2 m
3-4 2 2 for 4 dehen
13) O. DeM. 695, 4 late XIXth Dyn./Ram. III
I sri
14)0. DeM. 51, 7 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn.? ' /. X 2 ,dll"}" n t .... t for' /, sni w
15) O. DeM. 275,3 early XXth Dyn.? '/2
1,3 1 dilri X 3 for 3 sni ...
16) O. DeM. 232, 11, 8 earl y Ram. Ill?
1 w
17) Hie,. Ost,. 45, I, 5 yr. 28, Ram. III :' m
18) P. Turin 1880, vs. 5, 6 yr. 29, Ram. III :' 2 for 4 dehen
(= RAD.47)
19) O. Cairo 25 655, vs. 5 Ram. III I
20) O. DeM. 556, 6 Ram. III 1 w
6 2
21) O. Gardiner 252, Ram. III X
vs. 5 2 m
22) Hie,. Ostr. 54, 2, 3-4 Ram. III ' /2
23) O. DeM. 183,4 Ram. Ill? I
em mer
24) O. Gardiner fragm. 62, vs. I Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 1
25) O. DeM. 213, 6 Ram. Ill/IV I '/2 :/i11l"

26) O. DeM. 231, vs. 2 Ram. liLt V I w

I 2
2 I w
3 I
27) O. DeM. 241lj Ram. Ill/IV w
'/.
5 ' /. w
6 ' /.
4 2 m
28) O. Berlin 10 665, 6 yr. I, mid XXth Dyn. 2 m
29) O. Michaelides 6, vs. 7 (pI. 57) yr. I, mid XXth Dyn. 2 m
30) P. Turin 2104, vs. Ill, 2 yr. I, mid XXth Dyn.? I '/2/ 2 2 for 3 or 4 dehen

yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn.


' /. m
31) O. Cairo 25 588, 13 em mer
32) O. Cairo 25 597, 6-7 yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. ' /. w
33) O. Vienna H 2, vs. 2 yr. 3, mid XXth Dyn. e m
3 :' X
4 1 m
34) O. Brit. Mus. 50 736, 5 yr. 4, mid XXth Dyn.?
3 m
6 2 w
35) Hie,. Ost,. 59, 4, 7 mid XXth Dyn. 2
36) O. DeM. 223, vs. I mid XXth Dyn. I '/2 m
37) O. IFAO. 1298, 10 mid XXth Dyn. 1
3-4 3? m
38) O. IFAO. 1017, vs. 5 mid XXth Dyn.?
2 m
1 ,. 3 for 4 '/2 dehen
39) Hie,. Om. 36, 1. vs. 11, 6 yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII /2
1,20 2
40) P. Turin 1907/8, 11, 3 Ram. VII 2 w 'jint"
41) Hie,. Om. 57, 1,5 XXth Oyn.? I '/6? 3 for 3 '/, kha,
42) O. Berlin I I 259, vs. I XXth Oyn.? 2 2 for 4 dehen
43) O. Gardiner 238, 6 "I 2
3 5 2 for 10 deben
44) O. IFAO. 1261, I, 8-9 "I 2
6 2 m X
45) Hier. Om. 18, 5, 7 ? 2 for 4 dehen
2
'1
, X
46) O. IFAO. 359,2 '2
? I 1/2 or 2 P' rdwy n til'l in ex
47) O. Gardiner 147, 1-3
change for 3 hin of
mrilt
296 PRICES DRESS 297

implies that they constituted part of the distribution of commodities No. 18) This text in vs. 5, 18 states another price, being for one
on the part of the Pharaoh. 2 I 5 pair of sandals together with one hin of 'g, which is
Judging by the large number of prices-66 separate entries listed in I 1/2 deben. Whatever the value of the 'g, 217 these sandals
Table L-sandals appear to have been a most common commodity in are cheaper than the other pair.
the Village. Some of the texts pose some smaller or larger difficulty. No. 19) Again the word twt is lost, only' being left.
No. 21a) In a lacuna between twt and the signs for ' 1, 'one pair', .
No. 1) The word twt itself is lost, but the addition n pr-'5 makes a qualification such as 'men's' may have been lost.
it at least probable. However, the price is extremely high, No. 22) Three commodities, namely a pair of sandals, a beam and
being the only one above 5 deben. Note that no number a kbs-basket, together cost 10 oipi! (written 4oe_ !); since
is mentioned for the sandals, so that it is not altogether the beam and the basket cost 1 khar each there remains
impossible that more than one pair was sold for 2 1/2 1/2 khar for the sandals.
snlw. No. 27) Of the six pairs three, possibly four (the beginning of
That the qualification n pr- '5 is responsible for the high line 1 is lost) are said to be IJmt. Does this mean that the
price seems improbable, since other 'Pharaoh's sandals' other two were men's sandals? There is no difference in
(nos. 4 and 6) are rather cheaper than usual. More price.
probable is the hypothesis that other items are included No. 30) The number is damaged, three strokes being left, though
in the price, since in the preceding line '5 large loaves' four are possible.
and an unknown number of other loaves are mentioned, No. 31) The pair ('his', hence men's sandals) costs 1 oipe of emmer,
the end of this line being lost. and since in this text emmer costs 4 de ben per khar, 1 oipe
No. 4a) One pair of twt pr-'5 is valued at 2 oipi!, and together with may be the equivalent of 1 deben.
2 oipi! of barley at 1/2 snlw, i.e., 1/4 snlw for the sandals. No. 32) A doubtful price. The text, broken at the end of line 6
No. 7) Not quite certain, since line 6 ends with st-IJmt 1, and runs P5 rdwy twt ..... n TJ-k5mn m P5 ms n IJnwt f'lo ••
line 7, the beginning of which is lost, contains A: . The There is no proof that the two groups of words belong
lost word will be lri.n, but whether this is all is a matter together, but this seems probable.
of some uncertainty. No. 35) The price is certain, but the indications as to what kind
No. 14) Instead of twt rdwy we find rdwy n twt; moreover, the of sandals are meant is lost in a lacuna.
word', 'pair', is missing. I suggest with some reservation No. 38a) Here the number of the pairs is lost, if it was ever written
that rdwy n twt 2 means 'two pairs of sandals', but 'one at the beginning of line 4 at all. Possibly not 'one' but
pair' is not impossible. In the latter case the value of 'two' are valued here.
one pair is 1/2 snlw, or 2 deben. No. 39) In line 4 two pairs of sandals are valued at 1 + x deben,
No. 15) Whether a price is mentioned is not certain, since the the price being partly lost.
words '1 pair of sandals' are followed by iw nfr IJr Ipt 2. No. 41) One would expect to find 4 1/2 khar instead of 3 1/2 for 3
This may mean "while it is good for 2 oipe", but pairs, but the facsimile is clear. 3 1/2 khar does not
elsewhere the expression is not nfr IJr but nfr r.216 necessarily mean that each pair is valued at 1 1/6 khar;
No. 16b) Although .the word twt is lost in a lacuna there is hardly two pairs at 1 khar and one at 1 1/2 is also possible.
any doubt what was originally written. No. 44b) The number of the pairs is lost, but probably it was only
'one'.
215 Cf. mss n pr-'i, p. 261. In O. DeM. 240, 4 we find after twt the words rdyt
m pr-'i, ' 5, which seem to mean "given by Pharaoh, 5 pairs". In line 6-7 there
appear sandals 'given by' private persons, and in line 8-9 'made by' sandalmakers.
216 Cf. O. Cairo 25 242, 5 (B/FAO. 27, 1927, 180). 217 See §104.
298 PRICES

No. 45) Of the first entry only ....~ _ ' 1 is left, of the second
only' 1; still both definitely contained prices of sandals.
No. 47) One pair is exchanged for 3 hin of mrfzt-oil, which may CHAPTER NINE
mean a value of 1/2 sniw or 2 deben. 218 If the word hin
alone were used it would point to the hin as a measure TOILET EQUIPMENT,
of value, as used at the end of the Nineteenth and in the
JEWELLERY, AND AMULETS
early Twentieth Dynasty, but the transaction as it is actually
described, namely the exchange of the sandals against § 76. mfJ'/r., 'razor'
some oil, may have taken place at any period. That mfJ'~ means 'razor' has never been doubted,1 since sometimes
Of nos. 45 and 46 the date is unknown, but both happen by it is determined with the sign ~ (U 37), which represents the
coincidence to mention the name l:Iuyniife, which also occurs in no. 13 characteristic Egyptian razor of the New Kingdom,2 while in other
of the late Nineteenth Dynasty or slightly later. The name is too instances the sign is used as logogram. The name of the object, moreover,
common for us to be able to attach overmuch value to this fact, but is composed of the formative prefix m and the verb fJ'/r., 'to shave'.
both nos. 45 and 46 use the determinative for leather, which, as can be Razors were of course made of copper or bronze,3 the handle, which
seen in Table L, occurs mainly in the earlier periods, so that an early was made separately, being usually of the same material, though
date for both would seem probable. sometimes of wood.
A very few instances apart (nos. 1,219 16a and 44a), the prices vary As for the prices, there is inevitably some doubt as to whether
between 1 and 3 deben. Of the latter there are only four instances deben really indicates value or is merely the weight; for example, in
(nos. 25, 34b, 34c, 38a 220), all the others being 1 or 2 deben, or, no. 1 of Table LI, the text expresses the value of a donkey in snlw,
rarely, 1/2 or 1 1/2.221 There seems to be a slight tendency towards while a mfJ '/r. and a dydy-vessel 4 (line 5) are said to 'make' 1 and
higher prices in the mid Twentieth Dynasty, when 3 deben occurs more 2 deben respectively. The same difficulty occurs with all metal objects,
frequently than before, and 1 deben occurs rarely, but the fluctuation but in the case of the razor I feel that all the examples in Table LI
is not very marked. will in fact be prices, since it seems unlikely that actual objects weighed
From texts mentioning more than one pair it appears that quality either 1 or 2 deben, i.e. either 91 or 182 grammes. A representative
and size have some bearing on the price. In no. 13 a small pair costs group of razors of the type c+:l in the British Museum weighed between
half as much as an ordinary one, in no. 34 two men's pairs cost 32 grammes (one with a wooden handle) and 67 grammes (one entirely
each 3 deben as against 2 deben for a women's. The reason for the of bronze),5 i.e. in every case well below 1 deben. Of the three razors
variation in the prices in no. 27 from 2 to 1/2 deben is not stat~d,
though this may have been quality or size. 1 Cf. Wb. n, 133,8.
2 For actual objects see, e.g., Cairo no. e.G. 31 623 (WRESZINSKI, Atlas I, 44);
In one text, O. Turin 9781 +9801, 6 (XXth Dyn.?) are mentioned Brit. Mus. no. 5593 (In trod. Guide [1930], 112, fig. 43); SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba
the sibw of a pair of sandals, valued at I deben. The same expression intalla, 76, fig. 40, and, for examples from Deir el-Medina, Rapport DeM. 1934-5,
sib n twt occurs also in O. Gardiner 162, 8. It will mean the 'thongs' 11, 76ff., figs. 37, 38 and 40. A second type of Egyptian razor is shown op. cit.,
fig. 38, no. 1381, and other instances are, e.g., Brit. Mus. no. 53 896, 55 444, and 55 445.
of the sandals. The price appears to be rather high, since complete Cf. also VANDlER d'ABB,ADIE, Catalogue des objets de toilelle egyptiens (Paris, 1972),
pairs of sandals are usually no more than double this. 163ff.
3 Explicitly stated in O. Gardiner 157,6.
4 A bronze vessel; see § 159.
218 A lower price is also possible, since the actual value of I hin of mr/:lt was in
5 I owe this information to T.G.H. lAMES, for which I wish to express my sincere
most cases 1/2 deben; if this is meant the sandals cost only I 1/2 deben. thanks. The heaviest was Brit. Mus. no. 51 048 (entirely of bronze, 67 gr.), the
219 For the doubtful price (2 I! 2 snill' = 12 1/2 deben) see above.
lightest one with a wooden handle, now partly broken, no. 51 047 (32 gr.). Two others
220 This price is also doubtful; see above.
with wooden handles, nos. 37 198 and 5593, weighed 50 gr. and 54 gr. respectively.
221 No. 9 only has 2. I! 2 deben (in fact I 1/4 khar); the price of no. 4, I I! 6 deben
Three razors of the simpler type (nos. 53 896, 55 444 and 55 445) weighed between
is only an average. 30 and 38 gr. with their handles.
300 PRICES TOILET EQUIPMENT, JEWELLERY AND AMULETS 301

of Kha', the two with bronze handles (Turin nos. Suppl. 8370 and 8371) wide, but whether this was influenced by general price levels and
weigh 86 and 74 1/2 grammes, the third one, without a handle (no. fluctuations is difficult to know, since only the five examples are
Suppl. 8372), 54 1/2 grammes. 6 No example approaching 2 deben is forthcoming.
known to me.
The problem of the relationship between the value and weight of § 77. 'nb, 'mirror'
metal objects will be considered below in connection with metal Egyptian mirrors are too well known to require extensive comment.
implements. Here it is merely important to note that wherever the The disk is normally either slightly oval or round, while the handle,
value was meant this seems consistently to have been expressed in mostly of wood, ivory, or metal, may be of various different forms,
deben, thus showing that the connection between the valuation and the shaped, for example, as a papyrus-column, a female figure, a Hathor-
object itself was less abstract than at the present time. In the case of headed pillar, a lotusstem, etc. 7 Those mirrors which have been found
the razors, however, it is quite evident that the value in deben of in the eastern cemetery at Deir el-Medina 8 have handles of either
copper was in excess of the weight. This is rather what one would wood 9 or bronze, but mostly of the papyrus-column type, and represen-
expect, since the technical problems involved in producing the blade tations in the tombs of the Village community show handles of similar
of a razor were very much greater than those of casting an ordinary shape. lo
tool-i.e., the work in this case was probably almost as costly as the There is one possible instance of the price of a mirror in Pap. Brit.
raw material. Mus. 10053,4,13,11 where we find bsmn 'nb-m3-br (written ~I.j) '?'91\.)
1, iri.n 6 (sc. dbn). Again the question arises of whether this is the
TABLE LI
weight or the value, 6 deben weight being the equivalent of c. 550
grammes. Now mirrors with handles in the British Museum weigh
from III grammes 12 to 1554 grammes,13 and some without handles
deben are from 473 to 807 grammes. 14 One mirror in Turin weighs only
265 grammes,15 while those in the Cairo Museum published by
I) O. Varille 25, 7 Ram. 11 iMerenptal)
2) O. Gardiner 157,6 late XIXth Dyn. 2 BENEDITE vary from 137 to 2825 grammes. 16 These data show that
3) Hier. OSlr. 86, I, vs. 11, 5 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. I 6 deben could very well be the weight of the object, though a price
4) O. Berlin 10643, vs. I mid XXth Dyn. I
is equally possible. The actual context does not provide any indication.
5) O. DeM. 434, 11, 8 yr. 6, mid XXth Dyn. 2
A second instance, O. Berlin 10 629 (of uncertain date),17 is even
more problematic. The text contains the complaint of a woman to the
Of the examples in Table LI only no. 2 presents any problem. The
words, insofar as they are legible, are bsmn mb'lf; 1, dif sw n Nb-nlzt 7 cr. VANDIER d'ABBADlE, Catalogue des objets de toilette egyptiens, 166ff.
8 Rapport DeM. 1934-5, 11, 74ff. and fig. 36.
. . . . . . . . . .. irl.n dbn 2, and as a result of the lacuna it is not
9 DEMAREE, Phoenix 10, 12lff., fig. 51. The inscription with the name of a workman
absolutely certain that the razor in fact cost 2 deben, though I see no i;larmose shows that the object is from the Village, but whether i;larmose was the
reason to doubt it. The lost words will have contained the reason why son of Pshedu, as DEMAREE suggests, or of the chief workman Ani:Ierkhew, or was
another person entirely, is uncertain, the name being rather common.
'he' (i.e. Nakhtmin) gave it to Nebnakht. IQ E.g., Rapport DeM. 1924-5, 161, 108; 1927, 108, fig. 72.
The price of a razor appears to be rather low, which does not say 11 Cr. PE ET, Tomb Robberies, pI. 18. The papyrus dates from year 17 of Ramesses IX.
much for the quality; It was evidently the weight rather than the 12 Brit. Mus. no. 20773. This and the following information I owe to the kindness

ofT.G.H. JAMES and PROF. S. CURTO. See above, notes 5 and 6.


sharpness that determined the price, though this is more than the value 13 Brit. Mus. no. 38 150.
of the raw material. The variation from I to 2 deben seems rather 14 Brit. Mus. nos. 37 165 and 2739.

15 Turin no. 6427. The wooden handle is shaped like a lotus stem.
16 G. BENEDlTE, Miroirs (Catalogue generaf), xxviii f.
6 These data I received from PROF. S. CURTO, who kindly answered my questions
17 Transcribed and translated with commentary by CERNY. BIFAO. 27, 1927, 177f.
about the pieces.
302 PRICES TOILET EQUIPMENT, JEWELLERY AND AMULETS 303

god, which tERNY understood to mean that the woman's mother had a price is given it is said to be of ivory Uby), and was therefore
taken various of her possessions, a cauldron, a razor, and two(?) relatively valuable. The texts are:
nw-vessels, and with them had bought a mirror of 100 deben. Now the I) Pap. Turin 1880, vs. 5, J7 25 (year 29 of Ramesses Ill): 2 deben.
average value of the four(?) bronze objects cannot have been much 2) O. Michael. 8, vs. I 26 (Ram. III/mid XXth Oyn.) : 2 deben.
above 15 deben, and these could hardly, therefore, have been exchanged
for a mirror of 100 deben. From the facsimile,18 indeed, it would not That the prices are equal may be accidental, though there is little
appear to be certain that '100' was actually written, the sign being variation in shape or size among the actual combs from the Village. 27
almost exactly the same as the H' (t) of the word mr in the same line, The price of 2 deben shows that even when made of ivory a comb was
and it should, moreover, be noted that if '100' was meant, ir only was not an expensive item, and the ordinary wooden ones will have been
written before it instead of the usual lrl.n, for which irw is found cheaper still. Not that ivory~much of which came from the hippopo-
as a variant in price-formulae. 19 If, however, what is to be read tamus~was in any case scarce in ancient Egypt.
is not 'makes 100', but simply lrw, then the translation presents a
serious difficulty~though this is also the case with several other § 79. bwy, 'fan'
sentences in this text, and I am by no means convinced that tERNY Although strictly speaking the fan does not belong among toilet
has always found the correct solution. equipment it may be dealt with here. It is only once priced, namely
If, on the other hand, '100 deben' was really intended, this can in O. Cairo 25 242, 6 (year 29 of Ramesses Ill), where it costs 2 oipf!,
scarcely have been the weight, since over 9 kilogrammes is clearly too i.e. I deben. The word bwy is in this instance written in an unusual
much for a mirror 2°~and since there seems generally to have been at way : ~~~J~~~ .28
least some connection between the price and the weight of metal objects, A fan may not seem to be an object that one would expect to find
this would also imply that' I 00' was not the value. It seems in any case in a workmen's village,29 but it must be remembered that fans were
rather too much from another standpoint, since it would mean that the used in the cults of the various deities worshipped by the workmen. 30
mirror cost as much as two cows, which even for a beautiful piece An actual example was found in the tomb of Senniife, though only the
seems rather excessive. 21 For these various reasons I prefer to omit handle of it was left,31 enough to show that it was a rather elaborate
this text from the prices. 22 piece. One would suspect that the fan of O. Cairo 25 242, which cost
only I deben, was a simpler object; it certainly cannot have been of
§78. psi, 'comb' expensive materials.
Although the Wb. does not translate the word psl,23 I see no reason
to doubt that it is the term for comb. 24 In both the instances where § 80. bnw n dlt sgnn, 'cosmetic stick'
The word bnw is used not only as a generic term for 'pot', 'vessel',
18 Hier. Pap. III, pl. 37.
'receptacle',32 but also, like its Coptic derivative ZN aa Y ,33 as a more
19 E.g. O. Berlin 12 647; O. Turin 6628; O. Brit. Mus. 50 736, 3 - but elsewhere
in this text lrl.n ! 25 GARDINER, RAD. 48, 5 (Turin strike papyrus).
20 The heaviest mirror known to me, Cairo no. C.G. 44 032 (see note 15), weighed 26 For the misinterpretation in the publication (pl. 61) cf. JEA. 50, 1964, 179.
2825 grammes. 27 Cr. Rapport DeM. 1934-5, 11, 79ff.; a comb of ivory is mentioned on p. 80.
21 Unless we have to as.sume that the disk was silvered or gilded, by which 28 For another instance of this writing see CERNY, B1FAO. 27, 1927, 180, note 8.
it would have had a value far in excess of its weight; there is, however, not the 29 There is, however, another reference in O. DeM. 239, vs. 1.
slightest indication for such a suggestion. 30 Cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1928, 71. For a picture in which the fan appears,
22 The statement sometimes made that mirrors were too expensive for ordinary er. Theban tomb no. 2 (Kha'bekhnet) = PORTER-Moss2, I, i, 7 (11).
people seems unjustified for the New Kingdom in view of those found in the eastern 31 See BRUYERE, op. cit., pl. VIII, and p. 71 f.
cemetery of Deir el-Medina, where the poorer members of the community were buried. 32 cr. Wh. Ill, 107, and see also MESNIL DU BUISSON, Noms et signes des vases,
23 Cf. Wh. I, 560, I. 65ff.
24 cr. JEA. 50, 1964, 178. 33 CRUM, Copt. Diet., 692b.
304 PRICES TOILET EQUIPMENT, JEWELLERY AND AMULETS 305

general word for 'furniture', 'chattels', 'things', while sgnn of course The /:Itl may also be mentioned in another text, namely the
means 'ointment'.34 It is therefore clear that the whole expression, lit. Ramesseum Dramatic Papyrus, line 72 ff., where a description is given
'thing of applying ointment',35 is the name for a cosmetic stick, though of a scene involving a /:Irst bt-perhaps a carnelian btl. SETHE,44 who
whether of any particular type is quite impossible to tell. 36 From the did not of course know the other occurrences of the word, was unable
determinative of bml' it seems in this case to have been a wooden to recognise it, and with some hesitation transcribed it as I (le)\, . It is
object. not possible from the facsimile to suggest an alternative transcription,
The cosmetic stick occurs in Hier. Ostr. 50, 1,11,3 (mid XXth Dyn.) but that the present ~ltl is meant would seem to be clear, both from
and is said to cost I deben. It will therefore have been a simple the material mentioned and from the occurrence of nbll' in the parallel
object, but that is all one can say of it. scene that follows. From the description it is, however, impossible to
deduce the form of the /:Ili, nor is an allusion to the eye of Horus
of any assistance, unless one is to suppose that this bti was an end-piece
§81. bti, 'end-piece(?)' in the shape of the Horus-eye. But why in this case another word is
There are several occurrences of this word, written in different ways. used instead of wq3t, and whether it follows that the particular kind
In three instances it is =Ill,~, (0. Michael. 8, 5; O. DeM. 579, 10; of end-piece was always shaped as an eye cannot be said. SETHE, who
O. Cairo 25 585, 2), in one a t is added before the determinatives did not connect his *bwt with btl, suggested that it was simply a chain,
(0. Cochrane + O. Gardiner 264, 2), in another the form is l"oe~41:, the object which according to him is represented by I, but this seems
(Pap. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 3), and in another ao44f~17, (Pap. Mayer A, very improbable.
4,8).
Four prices of a bll are known.
Undoubtedly the word indicates some item of jewellery, since in two
cases it is described as being of brst, 'carnelian', 37 and in a third as of 1) O. DeM. 579, 10 (Ram. Ill/IV): 20 deben.
'fine gold'.38 PEET 39 translated it as 'necklace(?)' and GARDINER 40 2) O. Michael. 8, 5 (pI. 60) 45 (Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn.): 2 deben
as 'end-piece(?) of a necklace', but while there is likely to be a (/:Irst).
connection with the similar word for 'throat',41 'necklace' will not in 3) Pap. Ch. Beatty I, vs. D, 3 (a year 4, of the mid XXth Dyn.):
itself be correct, since in Pap. Ch. Beatty I vs. a bll n §bw is mentioned,42 30 deben.
4) Pap. Mayer A, 4, 8 (year 1 of Repeating-of-Births): 3 kite (fine
and in O. Cochrane + O. Gardiner 264 a b/Jy §bb bry bll 2. The word
/:1/:1 means 'neck', and §bb possibly 'bead',43 so this would mean a neck- gold).
ornHment of beads with 2 /:Ill, and since a collar or necklace would A fifth price may perhaps occur in O. Cairo 25 585, 2-5 (XXth
usually have two end-pieces the translation suggested by GARDINER Dyn. ?), depending on whether the total of 14 deben in line 5 relates
seems rather attractive.
to the bll or not. The commodities mentioned in the lines between
cannot have cost less than 11 deben (even ignoring the 2 deben crossed
out at the beginning of line 4), to which may have to be added the
34 See § 103. value of at least one mss (line 2). It seems more probable, therefore,
35 Cf. CERNY, Hier. Inscr . ... Tut'ankhamun, 14, note 3.
that the value of the bll was mentioned in the lost portion of line 2,
36 From INGRID W ALLERT'S study Der Verzierte wlfel it appears that the so-called

'cosmetic spoon' was in fact a libation vase. Therefore the present object was rather and that the '14 deben' refers to some other object the name of which
a kohl-stick than a spoon. is now lost. 46
37 O. Cairo 25 585; O. Michael. 8. For brst, cf. HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 120f.
38 Pap. Mayer A.
The prices of a /:Itl vary considerably, from 2 deben of copper to
39 The Mayer Papyri A and B, 12.

40 The Chester Beatty Papyri, I, 43. • 44 Dramatische Texte, 180f.


41 Cf. also the determinative in Pap. Mayer A. 45 The publication does not transcribe this entry, which I owe to CERNY'S notebook.
42 Cf. §82. 46 Note that line 3 begins with nbd, which is hardly to be connected with the

43 See, however, p. 307. following n" mss.


306 PRICES TOILET EQUIPMENT, JEWELLERY AND AMULETS 307

3 kite, in all probability of gold, since the /.Itl itself is said to be of 2) O. Gardiner 222, 3 (of unknown date): 5 deben.
this metal (no. 4).47 With a gold:silver ratio of I :2, this would mean
It is noticeable that in both examples the number is left out, thus
6 kit~ of silver or 36 deben of copper, but since the material was 'fine' indicating 'one', while in the former irl.n dbn is also omitted. 54 In
gold the value may have been higher stil1. 48 The wide variation in neither case is the material mentioned, but both will have been composed
prices may of course be related to the materials used, though whether
of beads.
carnelian (no. 2) was in fact disproportionally cheap is perhaps open It seems possible that there may be a third price in the Turin strike
to question 49_not that any proper comparison can be made since
papyrus, vs. 5, 14 55 (year 29 of Ram. Ill), where we find bnm §bb 3,
nothing is specified for nos. I and 3. The end-pieces of necklaces, if lri.n dbn 15, "three §bb of red jasper (or, conceivably, red glass),56 makes
that is what /.Itl means, will not have differed so very much in size, 15 deben". The word §bb is usually taken to mean 'bead',57 and in
and the intrinsic value of the materials seems therefore to be the most
O. Cochrane + O. Gardiner 264, 2 the phrase My §bb may indicate a
likely reason for variations in price.
'neck-ornament of beads'. 58 But 15 deben for three beads, that is, about
the price of three mss-garments or of one bed, seems hardly possible,
§82. §bw
since it would mean that red jasper (its imitation in glass may be
The word §bw occurs more frequently than the preceding I)tl and is discounted a fortiori) was extremely expensive, which is not altogether
known to the Wb., which mentions it twice, namely under IV, 410, 6 consistent with its rather frequent use. 59 I would therefore suggest that
(written Sibw) and under IV, 438, 11-13 (written §byw). The latter is these three objects were not in fact 'beads' but 'necklaces' (§bw) , and
tentatively identified as a 'necklace' on account of its determinatives, it may indeed be noted that GARDlNER was not completely certain
and there is in fact no reason to doubt that the former is merely a about the transcription of the second b. It may be either that this was
different writing. 50 A §bw is sometimes described as being of 1l)nt, a scribal error or that it was not written, though a word §bb
'faience' or 'glass',51 and in other instances as being of gold,52 or of nevertheless existed according to O. Cochrane + O. Gardiner 264
'various materials' (Sbn) , 53 the last of which is particularly appropriate -unless again it is a variant of §bw. However this may be, the Turin
for a necklace. strike papyrus would seem to contain a third price for a necklace, the
There are at least two prices of necklaces: value in each case being 5 deben.
I) O. Gardiner 296, 1-2 (Ram. IH/mid XXth Dyn.): 5 deben. A fourth example ofSbw may occur in Pap. Ashmolean 1958.111, vs. 13
(Ramesses H). The word is here writtenc:::Jj,~, ,60 but the same object
47 It may be that 3 kitf here means the weight of the IJti, as PEET suggested by his is probably meant, since it is again said to be made of bnmt. The price
translation. In this case it will have weighed 27.3 gr., implying a size of c. I '/2 cm 3. is 1 1/2 sniw, which is either 7 1/2 deben of copper, or 13, if the snlw
However, a price seems equally possible - apart from the likelihood that price and was still meant to equal 8 2/3 deben of copper. This price is higher
weight will have been almost the same.
48 In the reign of Ramesses IX the value of fine gold was 3 '/3 times that of
silver; cf. tERN"\', Prices and Wages, 906, and the correction thereto.
49 PROF. HARRIS suggested to me that this would depend very much on the

quality of the stone. IJrst covers a fairly wide range, and while pieces of flawless 54 That 'five' is the price and not the number is clear from the total on the verso.
orange or red carnelian were probably of some value, miscellaneous pebbles of varying 55 Pap. Turin 1880 = RAD. 48, 4.
colour and clearness may have been almost worthless - in which case the price might 56 Cf. HARRIS, op. cit., 123f.
represent more or less what it cost to shape and bore them. 57 cr. GOEDICKE, JEA. 49, 1963, 173, note 5; GARDINER. JEA. 3, 1916, 195.
50 Contrary to SETHE, Dramatische Texte, 186, note I, who read Sibtw (probably 58 See p. 304. If this §bb too is the present §bw, as suggested below in the case of the
a slip on the part of the scribe). The determinative ("') suits the meaning necklace, Turin strike papyrus, the translation of My §bb would simply be 'neck-necklace'.
and this is followed by LEFEBVRE, lnscr. cone. les grands prhres, 67. 59 cr. HARRIS, op. cit., 124, and the large quantity mentioned in Pap. Turin 1900,
5' E.g., Pap. Harris I, 41a, 14; 55a, 16; O. Cairo 25 678, vs. 13; Ramess. Dramat. II (see op. cit., Appendix, [20], in total 1499 deben weight, i.e. 136 '/2 kilogrammes).
Pap., 76; Med. Habu III, pI. 160, no. 1086. For thnt cf. HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, However, as PROF. HARRIS pointed out to me, in spite of the quantity the implication
135ff. _.
here may be that the jasper is of some value (cf. the Addendum on p. 231 of Lexieogr.
52 E.g., Urk. IV, 38,16; 41,1; 893, I!. Studies).
53 Hier. Ostr. 63, 3, vs. 3; cf. HARRIS, op. cit., 131f. 60 tERN"\' transcribes the last signs ~, but ,f, is equally possible.
308 PRICES TOILET EQUIPMENT, JEWELLERY AND AMULETS 309

than that of the three preceeding texts, but whether this is due to jewellery is, however, uncertain, since other uses are possible,68 while
quality or to a higher price-level is not easy to determine. where it is clear that jewellery is intended, the sj*w may have been a
bronze bracelet or anklet as well as a finger-ring.
§83. smn and sI), There are only a few prices. In O. DeM. 579,17-18 (Ram. Ill/IV)
The first object, Slfm, is known to me from only a single text, two pieces are exchanged for I deben, i.e., they cost 1/2 deben each,
namely O. Michael. 8 vs. (Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn.), where it is said which seems too little for a bracelet of bronze or any more valuable
to be of ~rst, 'carnelian'.61 The price is uncertain, the publication material. In Pap. Mayer A, 2, 7-8 (year I of Repeating-of-Births) two
giving "5 deben " , which would suit the facsimile, while tERNY rings of copper are given for I 1/2 khar of emmer, which means that
transcribed "I". Since the smn does not occur elsewhere 62 it is hard they are worth c. 3 deben each,69 and the same objects are mentioned
to see what precisely is meant, though it seems to be some piece of again by another accused in 6, 23-25, where they are said to have
jewellery or an amulet. been exchanged for I 1/4 khar of emmer and I/S khar of ikjky, the
The sI), is somewhat less rare, occurring, e.g., in O. Cairo 25 678, 24 latter evidently an unknown kind of grain-the only reasonable conclu-
(sb' 'ji), Hier. Ostr. 63, 3, vs. 5 (sb' n wgjt) and O. Cochrane + sion being that 1/2 oipe of ikjky (or iky) is equal in value to I oipe
O. Gardiner 264, 3 (~rst sb'). In his commentary on the last 63 of emmer. However, the rings in question are involved in a theft and
GARDINER connected it with the word sb' found in Beni Hasan 11, pI. 4,64 may have been given more or less as a bribe, so that their actual
which seems to have to do with the manufacture of a gold wj~ value might have been somewhat higher.
The third price is found in O. DeM. 125,70 a letter by a woman
(,wreath ?') and a gold 1st (,crown ?'), though this is of little help in
explaining the present instances. In Hier. Ostr. 63, 3, vs. 5 the sb' who asks another woman to try and exchange for her a mss for 'the'
seems to be part with, or to consist of, a number of wgjt-eyes, which ring. So the author wanted her ring to be bartered for a garment she
are probably amulets. It will not have been a very large object, since needed. Since a mss usually costs 5 deben this will have been the value
15 pieces are mentioned in O. Cochrane + O. Gardiner 264, while in the woman attached to the ring, and in view of the prices above- I / 2 and
O. Berlin 12 652, 12 (mid XXth Dyn.) the price for one sb' is only 3 deben-it seems possible that this particular ring, or bracelet, was
1 oipe,65 i.e. 1/2 deben. It cannot therefore have been a necklace, and either of some more valuable material, which is not mentioned since
was more probably a pendant or amulet of some kind, though this 'the' ring was known to both women, or of a larger than ordinary size.
would make a connection with the sb' of Beni Hasan extremely
difficult. §85. mny
This piece of jewellery, if that is indeed what is meant, occurs only
§ 84. n*w, 'ring' once with a price, namely in O. DeM. 579, 16 (Ram. Ill/IV), where we
The meaning of sj*w, 'ring', is well known,66 and tERNY gives find "one mny (=~~,i,), makes I deben". Now mny could be 'ruddle'.
some examples of the use of different materials, such as Jasper, a preparation of red ochre,71 but for this the number 'one' would be
carnelian, gold and bronze. 67 Whether bronze rings were always meaningless-unless we are to assume that a word such as nkt was

61 Not deciphered by GOEDlCKE and WENTE, but seen thus by CERNY. 68 In Pap. Brit. Mus. 10403, 1,24-27 four pole-rings (§.I*w n nbiniw) are mentioned

62 Unless, perhaps, there is some connection with the gold amulet ~ , mentioned (er. PEET, Tomb Robberies, 171), which together weigh 90 deben of copper, i.e.
in Pap. MacGregor (CAPART, ZAS. 45, 1908, 19, no. 46). - 22 1/2 deben, or slightly over 2 kilogrammes each. It is clear from the context that
63 lEA. 3, 1916, 195. weight and not price is meant.
64 cr. MONTET, Scenes de la vie priVl!e, 287, and see Wb. IV, 268, 10. 69 Cr. Table I, barley, no. 23. Emmer was probably of about the same value as

6.5 Thus CERNY. I cannot discern the signs from a photograph, since most of barley.
the mk appears to have gone. 70 The letter itself is of unknown date, CERNY ascribing it vaguely to the XIXth

66 cr. Wb. IV, 414, 5-6. or XXth Dynasty, and the name in it, J:lentudjeb, cannot be placed.
67 Hier. Inscr . ... Tut'ankhamun, 15. 71 cr. HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 172 f.
310 PRICES
TOILET EQUIPMENT. JEWELLERY AND AMULETS 311
understood. However, since in the preceding entry a kmt-vessel is
Mesopotamia, being a representation of the uterus ofa heifer (sign F 45),
mentioned and in the one following two rings, it is reasonable to
but whether the S5W n msw were shaped like this is quite unknown.
~uppose that mny too was a metal object, possibly some item of
In all three instances the word S5W is plural, though in the latter two
Jewellery. For a mnyt, the well-known type of necklace, the price seems
definitely too low. the number of items is given specifically as 'one', and the first is
without a number, which usually also means 'one'. This may then
§86. blk indicate that the charm itself was composed of several pieces, as is so
often the case with such objects.
The word bik means, of course, 'falcon', but in the sole instance What seems to be clear is that the price of the objects will have
where a price is mentioned, O. DeM. 195, vs. 3 (mid XXth Dyn.) we been fixed more in relation to their magical potency than by their
find "one bik of ebony, makes I deben", from which it appears that a intrinsic value. The price of the first example is I hin, i.e., c. I deben,
figurine or an amulet is meant. Amulets in the form of a falcon are while both the others in no. 2 cost 1/2 sniw, i.e., 2 to 3 deben. One
~ot unknown, one being mentioned, e.g., in Pap. MacGregor,72 a late may assume that there was no rational reason for this distinction.
lIst of amulets, while a wooden falcon-head of small size was found in
excavating the Village. 73 Whether the object referred to in O. DeM. 195
was a head of this kind or a complete figure is not indicated. The
price suggests a rather small object, probably not a statue proper,74
since even statues of ordinary wood are more expensive, 75 and the blk
in question may therefore have been an amulet or the like.

§87. S5W n msw, 'birth-charm'


In two texts there occur objects called 'R'I~ _ rTlr:d}~ with varr.
These are:

1) O. Gardiner 133, vs. 9 (year 36 of Ram. 11)


2) Hier. Ostr. 24, 4, 2 and 6 (late XIXth Dyn.)

The word S5W is known as a term for amulet,76 and msw clearly means
'birth', but what kind of object is meant remains obscure. FRANKFORT
has desc~ibed 77 a particular pendant of wire, still worn by pre;;nant
women In Egypt and which occurred both in ancient Egypt and

72 zXs. 45, 1908, pI. 2 and p. 19, no. 55.


73 Rapport DeM. 1929, fig. 20, 8, and p. 68.
74 So far as I know no falcon-statue was found at Deir el-Medina, but cf. the

wooden crocodile (Sobk) on a stone pedestal in Rapport DeM. 1934-5, nI, 197,
fig. 88.
75 See §58.

76 Wb. rn, 415, 12-17.

77 JNES. 3, 1944, 198f. Cf. also the splendid article by A.A. BARB, entitled

Diva Matrix (Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 16, 1953, 193-238),
and, recently, EM MA BRUNNER-TRAUT, Archiiologie und Altes Testament (Festschrift
Kurt Galling), 41.
TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS 313

being used by the carpenter as well as the sculptor. The md3t was not
a very large tool (see the following section), whereas the b3, intended
CHAPTER TEN mainly for 'splitting stone', will have been much heavier. It seems to
me therefore that it was probably the quite common implement of
TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS copper or bronze, called by PETRIE a 'round bar chisel',11 but better
described as 'cold chisel' or 'spike'. This of course had no handle
§ 88. b3, 'spike' and was struck with the well-known hardwood mallet. 12
The word bnrlb3 may be connected with the Akkadian balibu, from
The tool called b3 (lw), and in an other writing bnr (h. 7:'7c:> 10),1 the root bll, as WARD has suggested,13 but this does not help in
was part of the standard equipment of the workmen. In contrast to determining its nature. That not all b3w were of the same size is
tools used mainly for woodwork, such as minb and 'nt, it was chiefly shown by references to b3 '3,14 though this does not imply that an
employed to hack out the tombs from the rock, a process referred to ordinary b3 was a different kind of tool.
as s3w inr, 'splitting stone'. 2 In several texts the b3 is mentioned Prices of ihe b3, as of all other other metal objects, are always
together with the md3t and If:rdn,3 the three together comprising the expressed in deben of copper, 15 showing that to the Egyptian mind
basic equipment of the stone-masons. These tools were property of the the question of valuation was rather less abstract than it is to us. We
administration, and more than one b3 was handed over to each of the have already encountered 16 the problem of whether the number of
workmen when needed. 4
deben mentioned with metal objects is to be understood as a price 17
That b3 was a generic word for 'tool', as once suggested by or as a weight, or whether, as also possible, the Egyptians made no
GARDINER following CERNY,5 seems improbable, since it is clearly distinction between the two, the weight in deben of copper being the
distinguished from other tools,6 but CERNY'S translation 'pick-axe'l same as the price. In the case of the razor we have tried to show that
is also unsuitable since these were almost unknown in ancient Egypt. 7
Elsewhere, however, GARDINER translated bnr as 'chisel',B and this difference between m4it and mnb, but his translations seem to me less satisfactory.
seems indeed to be nearer to the correct interpretation. 9 For a picture of both tooh, cf. WINLOCK, Models of Daily Life, p. 69; HAYES,
In the same texts, however, there also occurs another word that is Seepter I, 289.
11 PETRIE, Tools and Weapons, 20; see also pI. 22, nos. 76-81; HAYES, Seepter 11,
usually rendered as 'chisel', namely md3t, which is more accurately the fig. 129, second row left; SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intalla, fig. 50. For the use of the
name of the 'mortising chisel', as opposed to the 'reamer', mnb,1 0 both spike (Spitzmeil3el) in the tomb of i:IoremJ:ieb, ef. TEICHMANN in HORNVNG, Das Grab
des Haremhab, 32-33.
12 Cf., e.g., BRVYERE, Rapport DeM. 1926, 61, fig. 50; 1934-5, III, pI. 41.

13 Orientalia 32, 1963,434. Coptic <,90A proves the existence of an I.


1 Cf. CERN)", ASAE. 27, 1927, 194, note 9; lEA. 15, 1929,250, note 43. 14 E.g., O. DeM. 347, 8; O. Cairo 25 509, vs. 11, 3; Hier. Ostr. 88, 5. The last
2 Hier. Ostr. 88, 5; Pap. Salt 124, vs. 1, 9. text seems to make a distinction between 500 bi and 60 bi 'i n siw inr, but this does
3 E.g., O. Cairo 25 509, vs. 11; 25 618, vs.; 25 805, vs.; O.DeM. 693. not mean that an ordinary bi was not a 'spike' - though it may of course have
4 Cf., e.g., O. Cairo 25 629; 25 568; 25 521, 12aff. In the first text 6 biw are been used for other purposes as well. When distributed to the workmen for work
handed out to each workman, while in the last 2 biw are called isy, 'old', 2 sJlJ, in the tombs it will always have been a 'spike'.
'blunt', and one n miwt, 'new'. is Cf., e.g., Hier. Ostr. 32, 2, where all the prices are in khar except for that of a
5 lEA. 22, 1936, 177. The generic word for 'tools' is b'w; cf. RAD. 54,9; O. DeM. wash-basin. which is in deben.
435, 1; Giornale 3, I, 7 (= BoTTI-PEET, pI. 50), where bi appears to be a particular 16 See pp. 299 ff.
kind of b'. 17 This is what CERN)" seems to suggest in lEA. 23, 1937, 187, where in dealing
6 See, however, p. 317. with Pap. Leiden I 352 he notes; ..... the price of which (se. bronze vessels) is
7 For one of the very few examples see PETRIE, Tools and Weapons, pI. 14, no. 69 indicated in the usual way by a weight of copper". Compare, however, his observation
(from the XXVIth Dynasty). concerning a passage in the Naunakhte documents, IV, 2-3 (lEA. 31, 1945, 40),
8 Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., 25 = Pap. Ch. Beatty Ill, vs. 4, 9 and JO. where it is said of a i'-bowl iwf /:Ir irt /:Imti dbn 13. From the difference between this
9 The original meaning 'tooth' (Wb. Ill, 298, 7 and Coptic <,90A ), points towards phrase and the usual iri.n tERN)" concludes that the weight is meant, though adding:
this, but without being conclusive. "Since, however, the work expended on the bowl would be cheap, there cannot
10 Cf. signs U 22 and 23. SIMPSON, Papyrus Reisner l/, 36f. has stressed the have been a great difference between weight and price".
314 PRICES TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS 315

a price was sometimes intended, while for the mirror this was not easily out. 23 In line 2, twenty-four h3w are said to 'make' 152 deben, i.e. an
established. With spikes and other implements it is even more difficult, average of 6 1/3 deben each, though this does not necessarily mean
since in no instance do we know the size of any particular object, that every h3 was actually of this weight, which would in fact be unlikely.
which may vary a great deal. An indication that prices are in fact What is notable is that 6 1/3 d£ben is more than the figure in four
meant when metal cbjects are said to 'make' so many deben may be of the seven prices below, and the difference would then be greater if,
found in a number of lists,I.8 where various metal objects (tools or as suggested, some of the tools were above average, weighing perhaps
vessels) are described as being of bsmn, 'bronze', while their value is at least seven deben, while others were lighter.
given in deben of copper-though on the other hand it is rather doubtful The conclusion must be that every text mentioning metal objects is
whether at this period the Egyptians made any clear distinction between to be studied individually with reference to whether a weight or a price
the two metals. For simple objects such as the spike the difference is intended, though the difference may well be small in the case of
between the weight and price (in deben of copper) will in any case simple tools.
have been very small indeed.
In certain texts mentioning vessels it seems that it cannot be the TABLE LlI

price that is meant by the deben, e.g. in Hier. Ostr. 67, 3, where a
rhdt of 20 deben is said to be transferred (swd') , its mtnw-that is to
say, the 'recompense' for the making of it-being 15 deben. 19 Since it deben
is very unlikely that the value of the material was only 5 deben, it
seems that the 20 deben will have been the weight, which is quite J) o. Gardiner 157,6 late XIXth Dyn.
2) O. Gardiner 258, 3 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn.
possible since 20 deben is c. 1.8 kilogrammes. In another text concerning 3) O. Gardiner 264 + yr. I, mid XXth Dyn.
a tool it is even more clear that the weight was meant, O. DeM. 109 O. Cochrane, palimps., 3
11
4) Hier. Oslr. 86, 4, 4 mid XXth Dyn.
opening with the words: "Deposition (mtryw) of the weighing (h3yt) I.

5) 0 IFAO. 1397, 5 mid XXth Dyn. 3?


of the 'nt: two, 4 deben (for) the one, the other the same, together 6) Will of Naunakhte L 5, 4 yr. 3, Ram. V 7
8 deben". That the tools are here said to be weighed is not in itself 8
XXth Dyn."
7) O. DeM. 347, 5 7
remarkable, since, as mentioned above, the tools were received by the
workmen from the administration, and when blunt were withdrawn
for recasting by a coppersmith.20 Since copper and bronze were rather
The seven examples in Table LII are assumed to contain prices for
valuable, the handing-out was registered, and records of this are known
the following reasons:
from a number of ostraca,21 on some of which the notation b~gins
withf3y, 'weigh', showing that this was meant. O. DeM. 109 looks like No. 1) In line 6 where the VJ occurs there is also a reference to a
a more extended text of this type. bronze razor for 2 deben, and since this will certainly be a
In one text, O. Forrer,22 the weight of some h3w is probably price 24 the same may hold for the rest of the objects in the
mentioned, since it appears to be a receipt for metal tools handed text, all of them being made of bronze or copper, except
for a lbw-vessel of lead in line 3,
18 Hier. OSlr. 86, I; O. Gardiner 157; O. Gardiner fragm. 33; Pap. Leiden I 352.
No. 2) A broker. ostracon, the text of which is lost except for a
19 See p. 183, and er. also p. 425 below. name and two entries, one of a V3 and one of an 'nt. They
20 cr. tERNY, CAH , vol. n, ch. XXXV, 18; SIMPSON, Papyrus Reisner II,
2
may contain prices, though weight-if indeed there was any
24; and see also O. Cairo 25 581, vs. 3.
21 E.g., O. IFAO. 516; 1501; 1535 (all unpubl.). A stone, inscribed with the
real difference-cannot be excluded.
name of the workman, was usually kept for record purposes, the weigh~. of the stone
being made equal to that of the tool that was handed out; tERN'\', loc. cit., and PEET, 23 Though damaged, the first line appears to contain a date and the word ssp,

Tomb Robberies, 160. 'received', followed by what may be 'from X'.


22 cr. SPIEGELBERG, OLZ. 5, 1902, 327f. 24 See p. 300.
316 PRICES TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS 317

No. 3) The original text on this ostracon, now faint, but partly weight. In line 8 the words hiy 'i are followed by 2 and 10,
deciphered by CERNY. It mentions a few copper objects, and each hi then weighing or costing 5 deben, while in line 5 we
among them a td of which it is said iri.n dbn 7, iri.n dbn find: sib 8, w' nb 7, and above it the number 56, the
2 (+ X).25 If this transcription is correct----CERNY entered product of 8 and 7. sib is not of course the name of a tool
it in his notebook in pencil, and therefore perhaps with some but the word for 'blunt, and though it is not specifically
hesitation-there is a problem with the double iri.n, for stated what objects were blunt it may be that spikes are
which several solutions might be suggested. It seems certain, meant since sib is usually found with hi. But why in this
however, that 7 deben is the price. case a large spike should be valued at 5 deben (line 8) and
No. 4) All kinds of commodities such as a goat or sheep, a pair of a blunt one at 7 I cannot explain.
birds, a bed, etc., are mentioned, so that prices are clearly There may be yet another mention of the hi in O. Cairo 25 588 (of
meant. But the word hi is oddly written as h~DI';' and the a year 2, mid XXth Dyn.), where in line 14 we find: "two oipt (of
price is extremely low compared with others. 26 emmer) in exchange for the 11..,7" which he made for me". The
No. 5) A text that, like no. 1, deals only with metal objects. In determinative is unusual, but the scribe may have omitted I). The price
line 2 the word hi appears, followed by signs which CERNY is low, 2 oipt being the equivalent of 1 or 2 deben, depending on
left partly untranscribed, 27 and three of the objects are valued whether the khar was here 4 deben, its real price, or was understood
at 300 deben, i.e. 100 deben each. What this can mean I do as a measure of value, the equivalent of 2 deben. There appear to be
not know, but it seems altogether impossible that a spike so many points of doubt that I prefer to omit this text from the
could cost 100 deben, since this corresponds to a weight of Table.
some 9 kilogrammes. In line 5, five hiw are valued together It seems to me that in one particular instance weights are undoubtedly
with three other objects, the name of which is read meant. In O. DeM. 693, 2 there occur the words "copper, spikes,
'i~I~"e'ei'l,o by CERNY,28 the cost of the eight being makes 56 deben", without any indication of the number of hiw, while
21 deben. The simplest, if somewhat arbitrary, solution would in line 3 it is said that twenty hiw of copper handed out previously
be to assume that the hiw cost 3 deben each and the made 160 deben-i.e., 8 deben per hi, which is slightly more than
other objects 2 deben, while in any event the value of the above. Now in line 4 these two amounts of deben, 56 and 160, are
hi 11' cannot have been much above 3 deben apiece-which added to a sum of 500 deben also mentioned in line 2,29 making a
shows at least that these hiw are not the same type of total of 716 deben for the hiw "given to him" (i.e. handed out), from
objects as those apparently valued at 100 deben in line 2. which it is clear a) that in the last line the word hiw means 'tools'
No. 6) The division of property by Naunakhte refers in I, 5, 3-6 to in general, and b) that this is the weight of the whole lot.
several objects, together assessed at 40 deben, which from ~he
context appears to be their price. §89. mgit, 'chisel'
No. 7) A difficult text, containing only the names of various tools,
Although perhaps no price has survived for the mgit, it may be
in some cases followed by a single number, and in others
useful to mention it here as being one of the most important tools of
by two. Where there are two, the first one will indicate the
the workmen. As stated above, the mgit is the 'mortising chisel', or
number of tools, and the second either their price or their
more generally any sort of 'chisel'. It was used by carpenters, but was

29 Whether this large number of deben is intended to represent the weight of


25 Two strokes are left, with a maximum of two more possible.
26 The price of the bed is also exceptional; see p. 184. eight mdl1 mentioned before it seems very doubtful, since the mdl1 is a lighter tool
27 With some hesitation I would suggest the reading sib for the first group of than the bl (see the following §). However, above the word mcjl1 there is added
signs, since it appears to be determined with c:::,... ef. O. Cairo 25 521, 17a. The second between the lines what tERNY read as *lrdl ... , i.e. probably ~rdn, whieh is the
group, a ligature, I cannot, however, understand. very heavy tool (see §90). This may mean that eight mdlt + an unknown number of
28 For the same word in connection with the *rdn see p. 320. I /f:rdn together weighed 500 deben.

l
318 PRICES TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS 319

also the typical tool of the sculptors who carved the reliefs on the Os!r. 88, 5),37 *gn (0. Cairo 25 509, vs. a, 4; 25 803, vs. 1), *gr
walls of tombs, and who were called lsy-mrjjt.3o In contrast to the (0. Cairo 25 618, vs. 2), and once even as Lllho (0. DeM. 347, I),
all-metal spike the mgsf had a wooden handle, the shape of the blade is translated as 'axe' by the Wb. 38 It is certainly the same word as the
distinguishing it from the reamer,31 as shown by an actual chisel found Semitic r.:~, which sometimes is also rendered as 'hoe', 39 and this
in the Village.32 Whether, however, the difference between the mgst translatio~'was once applied by CERNY to *rgn. 40 It cannot, however,
and the mn& was strictly observed in the Village may fairly be doubted, be the ordinary wooden hoe used by farmers, since this was called
since the mno does not appear to be mentioned at all, and it is indeed Iknw,41 and the *rgn, as will be shown, was moreover a very expensive
possible that all such tools were referred to as mgst. and heavy object, used in all probability to break up the rock, and
The mgst will have been frequently used by the workmen, and its therefore quite different from the rather light agricultural hoe.
name occurs several times in the ostraca,33 but no clear prices are One would expect to find the object to which the name *rgn applied
known to me. It may, however, be possible to calculate one, since in among the tools in foundation deposits, but there the axe only seems
O. DeM. 347, which lists all kinds of tools,34 most entries contain to appear. 42 That these tools are for the most part models is here
two numbers, the second of which will be the weight or price. That irrelevant: the hoes that are reproduced are in any case too light to
only one number is mentioned in line 6, where bU, 'iron'35 occurs, is be krdn. On the other hand, it would seem impossible to make any
quite obvious, and this must certainly be the weight-but the following cle~r distinction between ordinary axes, which are called mlnb,43 and a
line refers to "bronze mgst, 15", where one might suggest that 'fifteen' very heavy type such as might be suitable for the *rgn. It seems
is also in fact a double number. This would then mean I 0 tools for indeed that with tools the Egyptians made their distinctions largely
5 deben (as in the next line, where there is IIn), though in this case the according to shape, and not on the basis of size or use, so that all
value of one nuj3t would be 1/2 deben, which seems very low. There axes were probably called minb, unless they were clearly differentiated
may, however, be an alternative possibility. At the bottom of the in form.44 On balance, therefore, I would interpret the *rgn as a
ostracon there seems to be a sum total 36 of 279, but on adding together particular type of 'hoe', and blades from such an implement are in
the second numbers, including the 34 for bE but omitting for the fact to be found in the collection of University College, London. 45
moment the 15 (?) for mgJt, one gets a total of 258. This is 21 short That no example has actually survived complete with its heavy wooden
of 279, and it therefore seems possible that the 15 mgJt together cost handle is probably due to the quality of the timber, which will have
or weighed 21 deben, i.e., c. 1 1/2 deben each. Such a price is what been reused for other purposes.
might be expected for a chisel, since it will have been far lighter, and
consequently far cheaper than the heavy spike, the wood too being
inexpensive. It should, however, be emphasized that neither suggestion,
whether 1/2 or I 1/2 deben, rests upon any sure foundation.
37 The dropping of the final n is a common phenomenon; cf. lEA. 31, 1945, 35,

note y.
§90. *rgn 38 Wb. V, 66, 7.
39 KOEHLER-BAUMGARTNER, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros, 193b. In the Siloah-
The word *rgn, written properly ,11t.~1~ ~ "i'.D, but also as *rg (Hier. inscriptionll"l is the tool of the masons who tunnelled the rock.
40 lEA. 15, 1929,245 (= Pap. Salt 124,2, 9). Note that the thief took more than
30 Cf. GARDlNER, Onom. I, 71 * f. one spike and "the If:rc}n" .
31 Cf. the German 'Spitzeisen'. For references to both types of chisel, see p. 510, 41 See §99.
note 10. . 42 Cf., e.g., BADAWI, ASAE. 47, 1947, 145ff.
32 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1929, 49, fig. 20, 5; see also p. 68.
43 See §92.
33 O. Cairo 25 509, vs. 11, 2 and 5; 25 521, 20a; 25 508, vs. 2; 25 811, 3; Hier. 44 It may be mentioned that KOHNERT-EGGEBRECHT in her study Die Axt als Waffen
Ostr. 88, 5. und Werkzeug im alten ifgypten does not give any type of which the shape is suffi-
34 See p. 316, no. 7.
ciently typical to have caused it to be called by a particular name. To her opinion,
35 Cf. HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 50ff.
krdn is the name of the battle-axe as well as of the carpenter's axe .
36 No ..... ! • -45 PETRIE, Tools and Weapons, 18f. and pI. 20, particularly no. 39.
320 PRICES TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS 321

There are four entries which contain prices of the ~rdn.46 entries are prices, it might be possible to explain the expensiveness of
the tool-more than seven times the price of a bi, 50 and ten times
No. 1) O. IFAO. 1397, 3 (mid XXth Dyn.): 2 ~rdn and 2 n!pts(?)
for 100 deben; that of a minb---not merely by the high value of the bronze or copper
No. 2) ibidem, 4: 2 ~rdn for 112 deben; blade but by the quality of the wood used for the handle and the
No. 3) O. DeM. 347,1 (XXth Dyn.?): 2 ~rdn for 120 deben; heavy thonging required to bind the two together. Since the ~Y(jn was
used, like a modern pick-axe, to cut up the rock, it had to be heavy
No. 4) O. Berlin 14271,2 (of unknown date): 1 ~rrjn for 60 deben.
and for this reason again I would rather interpret it as a hoe than
That O. IFAO. 1397 in fact contains prices has been suggested as an axe.
above. 47 In line 3 two ~rrjn are valued together with two other objects
called "i~I~oe<BID , which also occur in line 5 along with bi. Whether §90. 'nt, 'adze'
these objects are parts of the tools or separate items is uncertain, There is no doubt that 'nt is the name of the carpenter's adze, 51 so
though in the second occurrence three of them only are mentioned frequently shown in reliefs where carpenters are depicted at work,
with five bilt'. It is clear, however, from the determinative that they were gratuitous proof being found in O. Michaelides 6 (pI. 56), where an
made partly or wholly of metal, so that they cannot be (wooden) 'nt is lent in order to "make a wooden bed for Menna (and) three
handles, which the bi in any case did not have. It would seem boxes therewith". On the other hand, the 'nl does not occur in texts
from line 3 that each ~/'rjn formed a pair with a n!pts(?),48 which concerned with the distribution of tools to the workmen for work in
cannot be so with the bilt', but this may be accidental. Each pair of the tombs, where, as might be expected, only bi, mrjit and ~rrjn are
~rrjn and n!pts(?) cost 50 deben, the greater part of which will be due found.
to the ~rrjn as is clear from other prices. That the ~rrjn of line 4 (no. 2) The question of whether the deben, when used in connection with
are even more expensive (56 deben each) without a n!pts(?) is not the 'nt, indicates weight or price is hardly solvable, though in two
inconsistent, since there will always have been slight variations in the instances it is certain that weight is meant. O. DeM. 109 mentions
sizes of tools-which in the case of the larger types may have meant the weighing (biyt) of 2 'nt, which weigh 4 deben each, while O. IFAO.
an appreciable difference in the weight of metal. 516 (unpubl.) has only the name Kasa and the words 'nt 1, iri.n dbn
The problems connected with IlO. 3 are discussed above ;49 that ~rj 5 1/ 2, such short texts on ostraca being receipts,52 recording the weight
in this case means ~rrjn is clear from the context, all of the objects in of the tool. 53
the text being metal tools. No. 4 is a small fragment, with in line I a Four other texts may contain prices:
reference to two minb (the price of which is lost), and in line 2 a No. 1) O. Gardiner 285, 4 (late XIXth/early XXth Dyn.): 1 'nt for
~rrjn valued at 60 deben.
7(?) deben;
The prices in all four instances are within the same range, varying No. 2) O. DeM. 347, 3 (XXth.?): 2 'nt for 14 deben;
only from somewhat under 50 deben (no. 1) to 60. Now 50 deben would No. 3) Will of Naunakhte, I, 5, 6 (year 3 of Ram. V): 'nt for
be a weight of over 4.5 kilogrammes and 60 deben almost as much as 6 deben;
5.5 kilogrammes, which seems indeed too great for the weight of an No. 4) Pap. Turin 1883, vs. 4 (Ram. IX): I 'nt for 7 deben.
axe or a hoe, even allowing for a heavy handle. If, however, all the
50 Note. however, the cloubtful entry for the bi in O. IFAO. 1397, 2, mentioned

46 A fifth price may have been mentioned in the old text of O. Gardiner 264 + O. above, p. 316, no. 5. A weight of 100 deben, i.e., over 9 kilogrammes, for a spike,
Cochrane, line 4, where CERNY thought to see ~d[binil. determined with -0, but where seems simply impossible.
the price, 70 deben, would seem rather to indicate a /frgn; see p. 417. 51 Wb. 1.,187,17; cf. also S!MPSON, Papyrus ReI/mer 11,36. The adze was sometimes

47 See p. 316. used by sculptors, when working the softer stones; cf., e.g., WRESZ1NSKI, Atlas I, 341.
48 Whether the word is nlpts or whether ni is the article is not quite certain, 52 See p. 314.

though the latter would seem less likely since a number follows. The word has a 53 According to Pap. Reisner 11 (op. cit., 25) the M.K. °nt usually weighed 15 deben

somewhat outlandish appearance, but it does not appear Semitic. of 14 grammes, i.e., 210 grammes or c. 2 N.K. deben. This is significantly less than
49 See pp. 316f. the adzes from the Village.
322 PRICES TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS 323

The first three also contain entries for a hJ, and I have construed to 40 deben of 14 grammes, i.e. 7 1/2 to 6 deben of 91 grammes, which
them as prices; the number in the first is not absolutely certain, but is more than the two prices cited-and if weight and price in deben of
appears probable. A slight indication in favour of prices rather than copper were not at that period the same the price by comparison will
weights is that in these four instances the number of deben, 6 to 7, have been higher still. All that this shows, however, is that the axes
is higher than the 4 deben of O. DeM. 109. This may be due to the in question here were less heavy than those used by the shipbuilders
fact that in the latter case only the metal was weighed, whereas in of the Reisner papyrus, where, on the other hand, lighter axes are
the prices the tool was valued complete with its wooden handle-though also mentioned,61 some of them weighing only 19 M.K. deben, i.e., c.
adzes were not of course all of the same size and weight. 3 N.K. deben, which is less than the two above.
There is, however, an indication that the price and weight of an 'nt
were about the same. In O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 9 (late XIXth Dyn.) we §93. wp
read: ht nw (~ oe~) n 'nt 1, iri.n sniw 1/ 2, "one wooden handle 54 The object whose name is written ~, or ~.D with variants belongs
of an adze, makes 1/2 sniw". Since 1/ 2 sniw is the equivalent of 2 deben, to the category of tools, though its exact nature is uncertain.
2 deben will have to be subtracted from the 6 to 7 noted above, if in GARDINER 62 translated 'carver', with a query and the Wb. 63 gives
these cases the handle was included, thus leaving 4 to 5 deben for the 'Messer oder ahnI. Werkzeug'. The rendering 'knife' is suggested by
blade, which is about the same as its weight in O. DeM. 109 and the determinative, but the usual name for a knife was sft,64 and while
O. IFAO. 516. the connection with the verb wp, 'to open', may point to a tool of a
somewhat different type, the determinative again suggests that the
§92. minb, 'axe' difference cannot have been great. Some indication is provided by
Like the 'nt, the minb is first and foremost a tool used by carpenters, 55 O. IFAO. 697 (unpubI.), where we find "weight (jJ) of the 'nt of Kasa,
namely the 'carpenter's axe'. 56 During the Old Kingdom the word was which is to be made into (nty iw.tw r ir.s m) a wp". With considerable
also written ~ Z" ,57 and in the ostraca ~luJ .58 hesitation I would suggest that wp refers to the double-edged knife
There are two prices for the axe: that was particular to Egypt 6 5 -sft being the ordinary knife with one
No. I) O. MichaeI. 28, vs. 2 (pI. 75) (XXth Dyn.?): I minb for sharpened edge-since it was certainly possible to make a double-edged
5 deben; knife from an adze by sharpening the edges, rounding the end, and, if
No. 2) O. DeM. 347, 2 (XXth Dyn.?) : 2 minb for 14 deben. necessary, reducing the thickness. However, a reamer or other such
implement is also feasible in this context. 66
That the first is a price is clear, since all kinds of commodities are Two instances of the weight of a wp are known, namely from
mentioned,59 while for the second cf. above, pp. 316ff., no. 7. In the O. IFAO. 83 (unpub1.), a 'receipt' of the kind described above, which
Middle Kingdom, according to the Pap. Reisner n,60 axes weighed SO says that 2 deben of copper of Pre'l:lOtpe are the equivalent of 1 wp, and
from W. Gardiner,67 a receipt for 10 deben of copper from the chief
54 For this translation ef. tERN)', Prices and Wages, 912. The word, written nnw,
workman (An1:ter)khew, which mentions a "small wp of 2 deben". A
may also occur in O. DeM. I, 5 and O. Michael. 98, 5 (pI. 65). For another possible
instance, cf. Admonitions, 3, 11. Its meaning in the present case seems certain. For a
picture of an actual adze-handle, cf. The City of Akhenaten I, pI. XIX, 4. left; and
see p. 81. 61 Ibid., 26.
55 minb was also the name of the battle-axe; cf. EVA KOHNERT-EGGEBRECHT, Die 62 Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., 25 (= Pap. Ch. Beatty Ill, vs. 5, 4).
Axt als Waffen und Werk:eug iin alten ;{gypten, 3. 63 Wb. I, 302, 4. The word seems to be known only from texts from the Village.

56 Wb. II, 44, 7-8; SIMPSON, Papyrus Reisner 1I, 36. 64 See the following §.

57 For the reading minbt cf. EDEL, Altiigyptische Grammatik II, p. LVII (Nachtrag 65 PETRI~, Tools and Weapons, 26.
to §34). 66 But see pp. 317 f. The mention of two 'blunt' (m sib) copper Il'P in O. Cairo 25

58 In O. DeM. 347, 2 even W.D. 798, 4 is of no further help.


59 Note the absence in this text of the word iri.n. 67 W(eight) Gardiner is here used to indicate some of the receipts (see p. 314)

60 SIMPSON, op. cit., 25. formerly in the possession of Sir Alan Gardiner.
324 PRICES TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS 325

price occurs in O. Gardiner 272, 6 (year 14 of Ramesses Ill), which In the tool-list of O. DeM. 347, quoted in the preceding sections,
seems to be concerned with the division of some property, one person there occurs in line 4 a word which from the facsimile appears damaged
receiving a bronze wash-basin and a bronze wp, the latter valued at through the loss of a small piece of the ostracon, but which tERNY
8 deben. This rather high price may indicate the outstanding quality nevertheless reads G~X..D. Two of them are valued at, or weigh,
of the wp, which is made of bronze and from its very appearance 5 deben each. From the context they will have been tools, but since
in this kind of text is clearly a valuable object. A common wp may have the word does not seem to occur elsewhere I cannot offer any suggestion
cost little more than 2 deben, which we have found as its weight. as to the type of implement intended.
The second word, ~<:::>ILI)\,A],"i.o , occurs in O. DeM. 434, 11, 7
§94. sft, 'knife' (a year 6 of the mid XXth Dyn.), where one mrlr4n is valued at 2 deben.
The word sft, known from the Middle Kingdom,68 indicates both The preceding entry mentions a footstool and the one following a
'knife' and a 'sword', though it seems unlikely that the latter is meant wg'bw-vessel and a razor, which does not help in identifying the object.
in the ostraca. 69 As for what type of knife may be indicated, the sft The word cannot very well be a miswriting for fr.rg'n, since this is a far
is probably the butcher's or kitchen knife with one sharpened edge,70 more expensive tool (see § 90). It has the appearance of a Semitic loan-
while the wp is perhaps the double-edged knife. The name sft is of word,72 but I am unable to suggest from what it may then be derived.
course derived from the verb 'to slaughter', and slaughtering seems as The third word occurs in O. DeM 579, 14-15 (Ramesses Ill/IV) and
a rule to have been accomplished with such a single-edged knife, is written ~Jh~4,D , followed by a small sign which I cannot explain.
although there are also pictures where a double~edged implement is Three of these objects together cost 1 deben. Again the writing may
used. point to a loan-word, but this is all that can be said.
In the context of the ostraca sft seems to belong to the kitchen,
and not among the workmen's tools: it does not occur in the tool-list §96. niw, 'spear'
of O. DeM. 347, but is mentioned at least twice together with bronze The only weapon of which a price is mentioned in the ostraca is the
vessels (0. DeM. 239, I, 7 and Hier. Ostr. 86, 1,7).71 nlw,73 the pictures of which show a rather short, light-shafted object,74
There are two prices of a sft, both from the period of transition so that the translation 'spear' will be preferable to 'javelin' or 'lance'.
from the Nineteenth to the Twentieth Dynasty: It is not certain, however, that the Egyptians made quite the same
No. I) Hier. Ostr. 72, 1, 19: 1 sft for 3 deben; distinction as we do. 7s
No. 2) Hier. Ostr. 86, I, 7: I sft for 3 deben. The price of a niw (written '"iqq,D) occurs in O. DeM. 454, 11, 3
The first text certainly deals with prices, and the second probably so. (XXth Dyn. ?), where it costs 3 deben. The fact that the scribe crossed
Compared with the cost of other tools, 3 deben is what might reasonabl:/ out this entry together with the two preceding is not a reason to doubt
be expected for a knife, i.e., about half the price of an axe. It would, its validity. There are other corrections like this, which simply mean
on the other hand, be too little for any sword. that the entries were later struck out for reasons unknown to US,76
though in themselves they were doubtless correct. That it is a price
§ 95. ig'dk; mrfr.g'n; kmti
For the sake of completeness I would here mention three metal
72 Cf. m{irn in the Libyan war inscription of Merenptai:l: KRI IV, 9, 9 (= line 61).
objects the nature of which is unknown, but which may be tools. 73 Wb. 11, 202, 15; cf. also EDGERTON-WILSON, Hist. Records, 55, note 23 d.
That niw rarely occurs in the ostraca agrees with what would be expected in a
village of workmen.
68 In the masc. sf; cf. Wb. Ill, 442, 5ff. 74 Cf., e.g.:Med. Habu IV, 198, top.

69 CAMINOS claimed (Late-Eg. Mise., 216) that the fern. should be 'sword' and the 75 The javelin of the equipment of the war-chariot is called rnr/; (Pap. Anastasi
masc. 'knife', but this seems to me without foundation. IV, 17, I), and another word for a similar weapon, /;nyt, occurs in the Tuthmosid Annals
70 For different types of knives, cf. PETRIE, Tools and Weapons, 22ff. (Urk. IV, 719, I; 727, I), though its size is unknown.
71 Also, in a similar list, Pap. Louvre 3170, I, 4 (SPIEGELBERG, Rechnungen, pI. XVII). 76 Cf., e.g., Hier. Ostr. 18, 3, 6.
326 PRICES TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS 327

and not a weight is clear from the context, a list of different seem to be low, but the material was of course virtually worthless,
commodities. Moreover, the weight of a javelin with its wooden shaft the slopes of the valley of Deir el-Medina being of limestone, so that
would hardly have been 3 deben, i.e. c. 275 grammes. the price will be for the work alone. If the lack of any determinative
In Pap. Geneva D 407,77 which belongs to the correspondence of with /:tmy may be taken as an indication that these pestles too were of
the scribe of the necropolis Dbutmose and therefore to the community stone, their value will have been even less that that of the mortars.
of the Village, there is mention of 8 large nil\' of 2 deben and 9 small There may be one further mention of the price of a pestle. In
ones of I 1/2 deben, but since they are said to be sent to a coppersmith O. Cairo 25 362, 2 (mid/late XXth Dyn.) DARESSY reads ssy
only their heads will be meant, and the I 1/2 or 2 deben will be the (~qqL... ) 2 iri.n dbn 1.83 No wooden object called ssy is otherwise
weight. This would imply that their value complete with a shaft was known to me,84 but the photograph in DARESSY'S Ostraca (pI. LXI)
slightly higher, perhaps about the 3 deben of O. DeM. 454.'78 -unusually clear at this point-shows that the sign transcribed in the
publication as t= may equally well be t1 . On the other hand, the sign
§97. s/:tmy and mg/:tt, 'pestle' and 'mortar' for 1 is, to say the least, very unusual, and though both DARESSY
and CERNY transcribe it as] -the former admittedly with a query-
There are few prices of household utensils apart from vessels, one
I am not entirely convinced that this is in fact what is meant. An
of them being that for 'pestle in mortar' in O. DeM. 69, 5. 79 The word
additional difficulty in accepting the reading s/:tmy might be the lack of
for 'mortar', usually mg/:tt, is here written m#ti, but the writing m#~1fi
m, which is usually written,85 but I would nevertheless suggest that
in O. Cairo 25 670, 11, 6 may serve to confirm the meaning. From its
what was intended here was the pestle. The price, I deben for 2, though
combination with 'mortar' the preceding /:tmy may be identified with
higher than that of the first example, may simply be owing to the
s/:tmy.80 The Wb. does not mention s/:tmy as the name of an object,
but as a derivative of s/:tm, 'to pound', its meaning is clear. The two material, i.e. wood.
words are connected by m, which presumably means that the pestles
are in the mortar, each mortar containing its own pestle. § 98. inr n g]f, 'griddle-stone'
The word s/:tm occurs here without a determinative to indicate its In O. Cairo 25 362, mentioned above in connection with the pestle,
material. Perhaps the objects were made of stone, though wooden the entry is followed (lines 3-4) the words inr n g]f, and the same
pestles seem to have been more common. Several mortars of limestone expression is found again in O. Cairo 25 670, I, 7, a text in which the
were found in the excavations of Deir el-Medina,8l while a nice mortar is also mentioned (11, 6), so that all three objects appear to
example of a stone mortar with wooden pestle was found at el- be closely related.
Amarna. 82 I
I
The word g]j is according to the Wb. 86 a variant of Mn/*nf, and
means 'to bake'. CERNY translated inr n g]j as 'kneading stone', 87 but
The text of O. DeM. 69, 5 (mid XXth Dyn.) records that" 10 pestles-
in-mortars make 1 1 /2 (khar) " , i.e. perhaps 3 deben. The value may 'griddle-stone' is perhaps a more accurate description. Kneading stones
in the Village are immovable objects 88 and therefore not likely to be
sold or enumerated in lists such as O. Cairo 25 670, where inr n g~f
77 CERNY, Late Ramesside Letters, 16, 14ff. This letter was probably written in

year 10 of the wl:zm-mswt era (WENTE, Late Ramesside Letters, 12IT.). ! occurs among boxes and furniture. PEET and WOOLLEY, however,
78 In O. Cairo 25 314 (DARESSY, Ostraca [Cat. gen.], 81) we also find the word

niw, followed by what may be "copper, 50 deben". There is no means of checking


DARESSY'S transcription, no photograph being published, but 50 deben for a single 83 The same transcription occurs in CERNY'S notebook.
Javelin seems impossible. . 84 HARRIS suggests to me that it may be the same word as sbyt (Wb. IV, 236, 10),
79 Cf. CERNY, lEA. 31, 1945,38. but this too is the name of an unknown object.
80 The objects also occur in O. Cairo 25 678, 25 and 27, where they are strangely 85 Cf., however, the writing referred to in note 80, p. 326.

written ..5 }\,o- I ~,7, and rfil1l~4t_ . 86 Wb. V, 155,5 and 32, llIT.

81 Cf., e.g., Rapport DeM. 1934-5, Ill, 74, fig. 22, and 256, fig. \32. 87 Prices and Wages, 910.

82 City of Akhenaten I, pI. XVII, 5; see also p. 65; for the wooden pestle, see 88 Cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-5, Ill, 75 f., and pI. XIII; see also City of

pI. XIX, 1. Akhenaten I, 77, fig. 11.


328 PRICES TOOLS AND OTHER IMPLEMENTS 329

describe 89 how at eI-Amarna "the dough was put into a platter" and § 100. mrkbt, 'chariot'
placed in the oven together with it. These platters are said to have
been of unbaked clay and to have been baked together with the bread, Less even than agricultural tools is a chariot to be expected in the
examples in various stages of firing having been found. The present Village, and the only known price comes from Pap. Anastasi Ill, 6,
inr n g~f may have been of stone,90 but I know of no instance of a where the life of an army officer :s described. This price does not of
griddle-stone from tht: excavation of the Village. The qualification n gJ( course belong to the world of the workmen, and the papyrus indeed
seems nevertheless to be decisive. 91 came from the north like all those in the Anastasi collection, but
The price of the griddle-stone in O. Cairo 25 362 (mid/late XXth since it dates from the reign of Merenpta~ 96 (though perhaps a copy
Dyn.) is I deben, and as with the mortars this price will be almost of an older original) it may be included here.
completely due to the manufacture, the material itself being valueless. In Pap. Anastasi III, 6, 7-8 the officer is said to buy a chariot,
"its pole for 3 deben, the chariot (itself~or perhaps its body) for
§ 99 iknw, 'hoe' 5 deben" , though whether these are realistic prices seems extremely
One would not expect to find agricultural tools in the workmen's doubtful. If a bed costs 15 to 20 deben of copper, it seems impossible
Village ofDeir el-Medina, and indeed the price noted under this heading that a chariot should be sold for as little as 5 deben even without
does not appear in an ostracon but in Pap. Mallet, I, 10,92 a text which its pole, if this is in fact the meaning of the passage. If the price was
was probably written in Thebes and deals with agricultural matters. meant to be understood in deben of silver~about which nothing is
However, the separation is small enough to include the price here, the said-then it might be more acceptable, but in this case the price of
more so in that Pap. Mallet belongs to the same period as the other 3 deben for the wooden pole seems unreasonably high. 97
pnces. The most important fact to be learned from this reference is that
On the first page of the text there is a report about objects which prices mentioned in literary texts are in themselves unreliable, and
a certain Amenemwia 93 received from the retainer D~utmose, and in cannot be used as data for economic history except in conjunction
line 10 we read "one lknw, makes 2 deben of copper", iknw being the with genuine prices from ostraca or account papyri.
fairly common name of the farmer's hoe. Usually it is determined with
the wood sign, indicating that it is largely or wholly made of wood, 96 GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise., xiv.
97 It might be suggested that the pole was made of more valuable wood, but since
but there are also instances with the metal determinative 94 showing the greater part of the timber used in chariot construction was of foreign origin this
that it might occasionally have a metal blade. In the present instance would only be true insofar as a longer, straighter piece was needed than for any other
the determinative is <:s:, which is also usual, and under it there is possibly part.
_, which seems to mean that it is a wooden object. 95 The price would
indeed be extremely low if the hoe in question had had a metal bJade,
but for a wooden tool it is about what might be expected.

89 Op. cit., 64.


90 In DAVIES, The Tomb of ~en-Amun, pI. 58, triangular loaves are placed upon
a square white support, which DAVIES tentatively explains as a 'platter' (p. 52),
and which in other similar scenes has been called a mat (WRESZINSKI, z"i"S. 61, 1926,
12, fig. 44), though it seems far too thick for this, and its colour may very well
indicate limestone. .
91 In Old Egyptian the object is called !Jry-t; cf. WRESZINSKI, op. cit., 9 (= Ti 84).

92 MASPERO, Ree. Trav. I, 1880.


93 This reading I owe to PROF. CERNY'S transcription.
94 Hier. Ostr. 8, 7, vs. 5; 74, 12.
95 Cf., e.g., PETRIE, Tools and Weapons, pI. LXVIII, and, for an example from the

Village, BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1933-4, 101, fig. 43.


OIL AND FAT 331

TABLE LIII

CHAPTER ELEVEN
snil,' deben

1) o. DeM. 31,4 yr. 19,Ram. 11


OIL AND FAT 2) Hier. Os/r. 62, 1, 8 Ram. II
' I. 3 hin for 3 hin
' I. 3 hin for 3 hin
3) P. Ashm. 1958.111, vs. 16 yr. 36, Ram. 11 31, or 'I,? 1 mnt-jar for 6 sniw
,I. 3 hin for' 12 sniw
4) Hier. OSlr. 56. 2, 7~8 Ram. I1/Merenptal)
,I. 3 hin for '/2 sniw
§ 101. nb/:l, 'sesame oil' 5) Hier: Os/r. 54, 1, 7 yr. 3, XIXth Dyn. '/3 6 hin for 2 sniw'
14 1 2 hin for 2 deben
One of the most important items of the workmen's daily diet was 6) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, vs. 4 XIXth Dyn.?
1
nb/:l-usually written 10115-, but sometimes beginning with ~ ---or 7) O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 3 late XIXth Dyn. 'I. ? see commentary
'sesame oil'. 1 It was distributed among the workmen by the admini. 8) O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, 7 late XIXth Dyn. 1? see commentary
9) O. DeM., Gr. Puits, a, 3 XIXth1early XXth Dyn. '12 ? 2 hin for 1 sniw?
stration ..l The other important oil, called bJ~, the 'ben oil' made from 10) O. DeM., Gr. P::its, b, 4 XIXthiearly XXth Dyn. ' 13 3 hin for 1 sniw
moringa nuts 3 seems to have been rarely used by them,4 possibly 11) O. Gardiner 247, 8 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 1 3 •
/7 7 hin for 10 deben
because it was too expensive. 5 There are no prices recorded for this oil. 12) O. Gardiner 296, 3 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 1
13) O. Cerny 1,9 Ram.lll/mid XXth Dyn. J 3 kin for 3 deben
Sesame oil is usually measured in hin (l hin = 0.48 1.), but in Pap. 14) O. Cairo 25 590, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 5 hin for 5 deben
1
Ashmolean 1958.111, vs. 16 the quantity is indicated as a mnt-jar. 6 15) O. DeM. 223, vs. 3 mid XXth Dyn. 1
16) Hier. Os/r. 50, 1,6 mid XXth Dyn.
Although it is improbable that this vessel contained a fixed quantity,7 1 5 hin for 5 deben
17) Hier. Os!r. 18, 3, 6 mid XXth Dyn. 1
an indication of its capacity when used for nI}l} may be found in Pap. . 3 1 1/2 2 hin for 3 deben
18) O. BerlIn 10665, 6 yr. 1, 'mid XXth Dyn.
Turin 1894, 4, 8 where 5 mnt-jars are said together to contain 49 hin. 1'/2 2 hin for 3 deben
19) O. Cairo 25 588, 16 yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn.
This would mean that the capacity was c. 10 hin for each,9 but see 2 (or I?) see commentary
. 3 2 2 hin for 4 deben
also below, p. 340. 20) P. Tunn 1907/8, 11, Ram. VII
2 3 hin for 6 deben
21
The following notes may be added to the prices in Table LIB. 21) P. Turin, Giorn. 17 B, vs. 8, 26 yr. 17, Ram. IX 1 18 hin for 18 deben
22) P. DeM. 14, 3 Ram. IX 1 3 hin for 3 deben
23) P. DeM. 7, vs. 5 Ram. IX? 1 3 hin for 3 deben
24) O. Gardiner 172, 5 late XXth Dyn. 1 2 hin for 2 deben
1 cr.KEIMER, Gartenpjlanzen, 18 ff. and 134f. 25) O. DeM. 194, I, 6 XXth Dyn.? 1 2 hin for 2 deben
2 Pap. Turin 1894 (PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 34) and Pap. Turin 1881, IV, 11 ff. (partly 26) O. Michael. 28, vs. 5 (pI. 75) XXth Dyn.? 2 hin for 5 deben
2 '/2
in PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 7). 27) O. IFAO. 1261,5 ?
1 1 hin + 1 deben ~
J KEIMER, op. cit., 30 and LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 331 f.
2 deben
4 E.g., O. DeM. 293, 6 and 7; O. Cairo 25 677, vs. 9. In two other texts, O. DeM.

187, vs. I and Hif!r. Ostr. 74, 11, the b3* referred to appears not to belong to the
workmen.
5 Suggested by HELCK, Materialien IV, 700.
Nos, 1 and 2) In both texts the value of 3 hin of nl}l} is equated
6 Also, without a price, in O. Cairo 25 504, n, 4 and in Pap. Harris I, 15a, 4 and with 3 hin, which IS 1/2 sniw, 10 This strengthens the
6, and passim. In O. DeM. 359 a mnt-jar of n~~ is exchanged for a cow. Since the value supposition that the hin, when used as a measure of value,
of both is uncertain we prefer to omit this 'price' from the Tables, although if the
value of the n~~ is 2 deben per hin and the mnt-jar contained 10 hin, the price of the
was tacitly assumed to be the hin of sesame oil, at least
cow would come to 20 deben, which is quite possible. in the Village, where nb/:l was the usual oil.
7 Cf. the 4 msb-jars and the m{}/p-jar in Pap. Turin 2008 + 2016, n, 10-11 No, 3) The price is uncertain, since the capacity of the mnt is
(JANSSEN, Ship's Logs, 71), each of which five contains a different quantity of oil.
8 See note 2.
unknown. It may have been 10 hin, which would mean
9 In Hier. Ostr. 32, I vs. several kbs-baskets are enumerated, each containing

one or two mnt-jars. The capacity of a kbs is c. 2 oipe or 38.44 litres (see p. 113)
That 2 mnt-jars of 4.8 litres each could fit into a kbs-basket of 38.44 litres is self-
10 See §4.
evident, but does not help us in deciding on the capacity of the mnt-jar.
332 PRICES OIL AND FAT 333

that 1 hin of nI)l) cost 3/ 5 sniw. If, however, it was 30 hin In Pap. Turin 2008 + 2016, 11, 15 ff. garments are valued against
(see pp. 340 f), the price would have been 1/5 sniw per hin, sesame oil. A djiw cost 22 hin, a mss 3 hin and an idg 20 hin. There
which is more in accordance with the other prices. is no means of establishing whether the hin of oil indeed cost I deben,
No. 4b) From the total a price of 1/2 sniw can be inferred. as HELCK suggested. 17 As said above, this would lead us to reasonable
No. 7) In this text 4 hin of mrl), 1 hin of nM and 1 hin of 'g, prices for the djiw, but to the unusual value of 3 deben per mss. If, on
together 6 hin, are valued at 1 sniw. It seems probable the other hand, the mss cost 5 deben, the price of the oil would be
from this that the value of all three oils is 1/6 sniw per 1 2/3 deben per hin, which is not impossible.
hin, although this is not quite certain. Usually, however, as is apparent from the Table, 1 hin of sesame
No. 8) The text runs: "He gave him I mrb 11 and I hin of nM, oil cost 1 deben. Two instances of a higher price (nos. 3 and 9) are
makes 1 khar(?) 12 of emmer". A mrb cost 1/2 to I deben, 13 doubtful. Leaving them out of consideration for the moment, there
while a khar of emmer will be 2 deben. Though with remain four or five prices of 1/2 sniw or 2 deben, two or three of
hesitation, I would suggest for the hin of nJ:zJ:z a price ot which belong to the mid Twentieth Dynasty, where we find also twice
I deben. 1 1/2 deben and where might be placed no. 26 with the exceptionally
No. 9) The word nM is lost, only ~ being left according to high price of 2 1/2 deben. The other two, nos. 5 and 10, may both
SAUNERON'S provisional transcription. Whether 1 sniw belong to the transition from the Nineteenth to the Twentieth Dynasties.
was the price of 2 hin, or whether more commodities, now The last exception, no. 11, may point to a later date for this ostracon
lost, were included in the price is uncertain. A substantial than Ramesses Ill, nearer to Ramesses VII, but altering the suggested
part of the ostracon may have been broken off. datings on such weak grounds 18 would be an arbitrary procedure.
No. 10) The price of 3 hin of nM itself is lost, but, together with Special reasons unknown to us may have been responsible for the
5 items the names of which are also lost but which cost the high price of the oil. So much seems clear, that a trend towards
I snlw, the oil cost 2 snlw, which means I snlw for the higher prices at the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty and in the middle
sesame oil. of the Twentieth Dynasty is not improbable.
No. 14) The value can be calculated from the total in line 5.
No. 15) The number of hin is not mentioned, hence probably I hin. § 102. mrJ:zt.
No. 17) The scribe first wrote 2 hin for 2 deben, but afterwards
The exact meaning of mrJ:zt is difficult to establish. The Drogen-
corrected both numbers into 1.
worterbuch, which devotes several pages to this problem,19 since mrl)t
No. 19) 1/2 khar (of emmer, as throughout this text) is equated
is an important ingredient in Egyptian pharmacopoeia, concludes 20
with 1 hin of nM. The price of emmer was 4 debell per
that animal mrJ:zt is fat' and vegetable mrJ:zt is 'oil'. As regards fat, for
khar,t4 so that the sesame oil may be 2 deben per hin.
which the usual word is 'g, it appears that fat from birds in particular
If, however, the khar here is used as a measure of value,
was called mrJ:zt. It is doubtful, however, whether mrJ:zt is used in this
it may be that it was meant to be equal to 2 deben,15
sense in the ostraca. In some texts it is clearly distinguished from 'g
so that the nM cost only I deben per hin. 16

11 A strainer; see § 16.


12 The sign for A- is not clear, according to CERNY'S notebook, while 'one' is not now virtually illegible - only the determinative...- is clear - it appears that the price was
noted by him. If indeed no number was written, it will have been 'one', which is also that of both items together.
omitted elsewhere. See, e.g., no. 15. " See pp. 264 and 271.
13 See Table V. 18 The other prices in the text, namely of cattle, a bed and a mss, give no indi-

14 See p. 114. cation whatever. The text is badly damaged, all other entries being lost except for
15 See §9, but note that here the grain was em mer, not barley. the numbers.
16 In O. Gardiner fragm. 62, 2 (Ram. III / mid XXth Dyn.) we find the entry 19 Drogenwb. 266ff.

"one hin of nI;l; makes 2 deben". Since, however, nl;l; is preceded by another word. 20 Following CHASSINAT, Recueil Champollion, 447f.
334 PRICES OIL AND FAT 335

and nlJlJ,21 so that it looks to be the name of a particular kind of oil. TABLE LIV

Sometimes mrbt is explained by the addition of the word lI'rb,22 which


means that it was used for anointing. The usual word for unguent,
however, is sgnn (see the next section). snhr khar dehen
If the word mrbt was not a generic term for 'oil', as the distinction
from nlJlJ proves, and wmetimes occurs in the sense of unguent, what 1) Hie,.. Om. 62. 1. 8
2) O. Cairo 25 572. vs. 2
Ram. II
late XIXth Dyn.
,
.
, h'?
6 hin for 1 snill'
4 hin for 2/3 sn"r
kind of vegetable oil~animal fat being called 'g-could be meant? 3) P. Turin 1880. vs. 5. 10 = yr. 29. Ram. III
, 4 2 hin for' 12 khar
Possibly an indication is to be found in the price, which is generally RAD. 48, 1
,
.t) O. Cairo 25 602, vs. 6 Ram . Ill"
half that of sesame oil. Now KElMER states that the price of castor
5) O. DeM. 399. 4-5 Ram. llI/IV
, 2
4 hill for 2 (dehen)
oil in early Ptolemaic times was half that of sesame oil. 23 Like mrbt, 6) 0, DeM. 195.4 mid XXth Dyn.
, 2
2 hill for I dehell
, 2

castor oil made from the ricinus plant, which is called dgm,24 is a 7\ O. Cairo 25 590,4 mid XXth Dyn.
, 2 4 hin for 2 dehell
8) Hier. Ostr. 16, 3, vs. I yr. 4, mid XXth Dyn. 10 hill for 5 dehen
common ingredient in the pharmacopoeia,25 but it seems not to have yr. 4, mid XXth Dyn. /4
'2
6 hin for I '/2 khar
9) 0, DeM. 369, 3a t

been used as food by the Egyptians. 26 Therefore I would suggest that 10) Hier. Ostr. 50. I. 11, 3 nid XXth Dyn. I
the mrbt of the price texts was mostly castor oil, and was used by the 11) Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, 7 mid(?) XXth Dyn. 2/ 15 hin for 10 deben
"
workmen, except for anointing purposes, as a laxative. Z 7 This does not
imply that mrbt was always castor oil, as it was clearly not so in
The following notes should be added to Table LIV :
medical texts. Probably the word was used for oil in general,28 but since
oil in the Village, except for sesame oil, was usually the oil of the No. 2) See above, nbb, no. 7 (p, 332).
ricinus, mrbt will have to be understood in the price texts as castor No, 3) For the possibility of 1 khar being valued at 2 deben, see
oil. 29 An indication for the correctness of this assumption may be that p.124.
for this liquid, which was mentioned so frequently in later times as No, 4) No price is noted for the mrbt, but the total of 25 1/2 deben
the Greek K{Kt, no name is known from Pharaonic Egypt, 2.lthough it is arrived at by adding up 24 deben, 1/2 khar and the I hin
occurred here frequently.30 The word dgm indicated the fruit itself. of mr~t in question, Since 1/2 khar was probably equal to
I deben, 1 hin of mrbt will have cost 1/2 deben.
21 Cf., e.g., O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 2-4, where all three occur. mrl:u and nbb occur No. 9) An entry written in between lines 2 and 3. 6 hin cost
together in Hier. Ostr. 62, I, 8 and O. Cairo 25 590, 2 and 4. 1 1/2 khar, i.e. 3 deben, i,e, I hin for 1/2 deben,
22 Hier. Ostr. 35, 1, I, 5; O. Cairo 25 624, I, 8 and 10. Note in the same text, line 2,

the use of nbb wrb. Cr. also KEIMER, Gartenpjlanzen, 20 and 87, note 2\. No. lO) The only late instance of I deben. The entry itself contains
23 KEIMER, op. cit., 73. no price, but the commodities enumerated in col. I and
24 cr. Drogenwb. 584 and DAWSON. Aegyptus 10. 1929, 62ff. There is no occurrence
col. n, 1-2 are together valued at 75 deben, while the total
of dgm in the ostraca known to me.
25 LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 332.
in 11, 4 is 76 deben. There are indeed several other numbers
26 KEIMER, op. cit., 73. noted on the left side of the ostracon, the meaning of which
27 KEIMER, op. cit., 120, note 42.
is obscure, but they offer no other solution for the price
28 Drogenwb. 119 suggests that 'g is fat in solid form (like (rrEap) and mrbt in

liquid form (like "'/LEA~). of the mr~t.


29 There are more instances of the name of a specific commodity being also used
One more ostracon might have been included in the Table if I had
as a generic word; e.g., nh (cf. p. 370, note 2); snlr (cf. p. 445); W~t, which means
specifically 'leek' and generally 'vegetables' (cf. lEA 50, 1964, 84); see also the not doubted the reliability of its data, In O. DeM, 231, r1. and vs"
following note. In other instances a generic word acquired a more specific meaning; eight commodities are together valued at 19 deben and 3 oipe, The
cf. msdmt, originally 'eye-paint', later also indicating 'galena' (cf. HARRIS, Lexicogr. price of one entry (line 3) looks to be quite uncertain. 31 If it was
Studies, 174fT.).
30 kJkJ is most probably noi the name of the ricinus (cf. DAWSON, Aegyptus 10,

1929, 66ff.), but mostly a generic word for 'plant', though it seems to have been also
used for indicating a specific kind of plant (cr. Drogenwb., 527). 31 See p. 142 (dnlt).
336 PRICES OIL AND FAT 337

indeed deben, the total of the entries would be 8 deben and 3 oip~, with reference to oils points to their use as food. Indeed, the addition
which leaves for 3 hin of mrl;t in line 6 the improbable price of of the word mjm is found frequently with regard to b5/r., 'ben oil',40
II deben. However, tERNY noted that two lines of the text have been which was commonly used for cosmetics. 41
erased by the scribe. It may be that originally they contained prices Prices of sgnn are rare and even then not very informative. In Pap.
which were included in the total, which the scribe forgot to alter after Turin 1907/8 (Ramesses VII) sgnn mjm occurs twice, once (1, 5) at a
erasing these lines. Hence the price of 11 deben for 3 hin seems at price of I hin for IO deben and once (11, 21) of 2 hin for 20 deben.
least doubtful. This price of 10 deben per hin exceeds by far that of nI;l; or mrl;t,
There are only three prices of I deben, of which no. 2 is even which may be due to the fact that not raw oil but processed cosmetics
uncertain, while in seven other instances 1 hin costs 1/ deben, and are meant.
once 2/3 deben. There is not sufficient material to suggest a higher Two other prices occur in texts of unknown date. In O. IFAO.
price level at the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty and again in the mid 1393, 8, eighteen hin of sgnn are valued at 5 khar of ssr, the latter
Twentieth Dynasty, as we have found to be the case with nhIJ, but the word indicating 'grain' in general. It may be that the price of 5 khar
prices of mrl;t at least do not contradict this sugge.,tion either. was 10 deben, which would imply that one hin of sgnn cost 5/ 9 deben,
There is also one price of mrl;t from another period, namely in Pap. but this is far from certain. In the other text, O. Gardiner fragm. 25, 4,
Bulaq XII, vs. 2-3, where it is 2 sniw. 32 Unfortunately the mrl;t was three hin of sgnn are exchanged for I 'nb, a sheep or a goat. These
measured in a mnt-jar, and, moreover, the facsimile does not show animals cost between I and 5 deben, which means that the sgnn is
clearly how many jars are meant. 33 Therefore it is impossible to valued at between 1/3 and 1 2/3 deben, rather a wide range. So much
compare this price with that of 1/2 deben per hin found to be usual is certain, that both texts contain far lower prices than Pap. Turin
during the Twentieth Dynasty. 1907/8. The reason may be that not unguent but lamp oil was meant,
which will have been cheaper than nhIJ (used for food), its price being
§ 103. sgnn e
possibly about the same as that of mr/:tt /2 deben per hin). However.
That sgnn means 'ointment' is apparent from several instances. 34 the data are very uncertain.
But it was also used as an indication for oil for lamps.35 The latter
use is sometimes indicated by the words sgnn n st5 36 ('to light'), while § 104. 'rj, 'fat'
the former is referred to as sgnn n wrl;.37 What kind of material is That 'rj means 'fat' is certain.42 It is called sometimes 'fresh' (W5rj)43
meant is unknown. 38 It may be that the word sgnn indicates rather and sometimes 'sweet' (nrjm).44 The latter again may mean that the
the quality than the botanical nature of the oil. fat was used for cosmetics, a use which is proved by Pap. Chester Beatty
A particular kind of sgnn is called nrjm, 'sweet'. HELCK state~ 39 V, 8, 4 Crj wrb).
that this points to its use as a perfume, while wJrj, 'fresh', when used Fat was usually measured in hin, but in some instances in mnt-jars,
the capacity of which will be studied below, or in jars called 5"t. 45
This word, which occurs several times in Pap. Harris I, there seems to
32 Pap. Bulaq XII = Pap. Cairo 58 071. Studied by SPIEGELBERG, Rec. Trav. 15,
1893, 142fT. The text may date from the reign of Tuthmosis Ill, so that the correct have been used as a generic word for 'jar'.46 In the ostraca it occurs
reading of .\1.1 Cl will have to be sn't.
33 See MARIETTE, Les papyrus egypt. du Musee de Boulaq, n, pI. 5b. 40 See p. 330.
34 E.g., Pap. Sallier J, 4, 1O.(for horses) and 5, 3 (for labourers). 41 Cf. LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 331. For an example cf. Pap. Anas-
35 E.g., O. Cairo 25 820, vs. 1-2. tasi nI, 3, 2, where young men are said to be in festive attire with bJIs m/m on their heads.
36 Pap. Turin 1903, vs. II, 21 (unpubl.). 42 Drogenwb., 118 fT.

37 Ibid., 22. Cf. also Hier. Ostr. 35, 1, H, 8; O. DeM. 230, 4. 43 E.g., O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 4; O. DeM. 46, vs. 9; Hier. Ostr. 77, 2.

38 In Pap. Turin 1894 (PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 34) the material is called n/.l/.l, while in 44 E.g., O. DeM. 293, 8; 621, vs. 10; O. Cairo 25 678,18.

O. Cairo 25 543, vs. 1, nl;z/.l is said to be used for lighting lamps. This does not, 45 O. DeM. 410, 3; Hier. Ostr. 77,2; O. Turin 9753, 4; O. Berlin 11 259, I.

however, mean that other cheap oils were not called sgnn too. 46 Cf. O. Amarna 4, 2 (The City of Akhenaten Ill, pI. 84): irp nfrnfr /.Ir J", mnt 4.

39 Materialien IV, 701. "very good wine in jars, 4 mnt-jars".


338 OIL AND FAT 339
PRICES

only with 'g. The price of the j"t of fat will appear to be always c. 30 -
<8
~
~
'-
c

""."
deben. Now, in Hier. Ostr. 24, 1, 1, one mnt of 'g costs also 30 deben, '-
0
which makes it probable that j"t is a more general word for a vessel ..,.;; +
cal1ed more precisely mnt.
Usually the kind of animal from which the fat is taken is not +
~ ~ ~ ~ ]
~~ ~~~~~
indicated,47 but in thee instances 48 it is called 'g r, i.e. 'goose fat'.49
"
oD g;;:g~~
In two of these it is measured in a 1r,50 a vessel of which I know no
~~~~~
'-
o "
other occurrence, but which may be suggested to be the same as the ~ r~ t:~""":-,,-:­
E!....,!:,...,~~
-'< -
1rb 51 or 1rr.52 Its capacity is once stated to be 11 1/1 hin.53 ...- - _ N-

Table LV requires some annotation.


"",--;: ~I ~I ~I
S ;: ~

No. 1) 1 khar of barley and 3 hin of fat 54 together cost 1 snlw.


Since the value of 1 khar of barley may be 1/2 sniw, it follows '" -
that the 3 hin of fat also cost 1 j 2 sniw, which also looks to
""{i"
I--
be the most probable price in view of the next nos. '-
"
-<:

No. 2) See p. 332, no. 7. "'"


No. 3) A mat (tmJ) and a pallet (sgr) together with 3 hin of fat ".
"
r~
~
~
0

cost 1 sniw. The usual price of a mat and a pallet together


is 1/2 sniw, 55 which leaves 1/2 snlw for the fat.
In all three instances the price of 1/6 snlw will equal 1 deben. ~,

No. 4) A pair of thongs for sandals 56 is valued together with


1 hin of fat at 1 1/2 deben, which may possibly mean
that the thongs cost 1 deben 57 and the fat 1/2 deben.
No. 10) The number of hin is not mentioned, so probably 'one'
is meant. The price of I oipe will be the equivalent of
1/2 deben.
No. 11) The entry runs: "2 dJiw (of n") for 30 deben, 1 nV(jw
(of n") for 10 deben, together 40 hin of 'g w1fj". This
means that 1 hin of fat cost 1 deben.

47 In O. DeM. 601, 7: 'r} ~ .


48 O. DeM, 46, vs. 10; 393, vs. 3; O. Cairo 25 602,3.
49 Cf. JEOL. 19, 1965-1966,446.

50 O. DeM. 46, vs. 10; 393, vs. 3.


..,.
,;
51 O. Cairo 25 695, 3; Hier. Os/r. 86, 1,8. See p. 435. ;>

52 O. Cairo 25 678, 39. . r-i",


~M
53 O. DeM. 46, vs. 10. ",,,,
M or;
54 For the error in the publication, see p. 120, note 38.
55 See Table X.
.g ~
" "
uCl
56 The group ~ preceding the word twt may be an abbreviated writing for sJlJ;
00
see p. 298. WENTE'S suggestion (Late Ram. Letters, 53) seems less probable.
57 See p. 298.
TABLE LV

sniw khar "eben

1)0. Michael. 14, 3 (pI. 48) late XIXth Dyn. 110 I khar of barley + 3 hin of fat for
lsnlw
2) 0. Cairo 25 572, vs. 4 late XIXth Dyn. 1/6 ? "#
3) 0. DeM. 553,6 early Ram. Ill? 1/6 I mat + I pallet + 3 hin of fat for
I sniw
4) P. Turin 1880, vs. 5, 18 (RAD. 48, 6) yr. 29, Ram. III I/Z I pair of sandal thongs + I hin of fat
for I I/Z "eben
5) 0. Cairo 25 602, 3 Ram. Ill? I r
6) 0. Gardiner 296, 3 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. I
7) 0. Cerny 1,8 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. I/Z whj 5 hin for 2 1/2 "eben
8) Hier. Oslr. 77, 10 yr. 4, Ram. IV '/4 w'd 40 hin for 30 "eben
9) 0. DeM. 113,4 yr. I, Ram. IV? '/4 wid 20 hin for 15 "eben
10) 0. DeM. 195,5 mid XXth Dyn. 1/4
11) P. Turin 1881, IV, 5 yr. 7, Ram. IX 1
9 II ? v<'id
late XXth Dyn.?
12'
12) 0. Gardiner 172, 10 2/, Idd

13) Hier. Oslr. 24, I, 1 Ram. I1I/mid XXth Dyn. ""d I mnl for 30 "eben
14) 0. DeM. 410, 3 yr. 26, Ram. III I "'I for 31 "ehen
15) Hier. Oslr. 77, 2 fr. yr. 17 fT., Ram. III ""d I ,"I for 30 "eben
16) 0. Turin 9753, 4 yr. 5, mid XXth Dyn. "'JrJ 2 "'I for 60 "ehen
17) 0. Berlin II 259, I XXth Dyn.? ""d I "'I for 30 "eben
340 PRICES OIL AND FAT 341

No. 12a) The price is uncertain, there being only one stroke left. appears that it was a jar of varying capacity.61 Unless, of course, the
However, it may be that one more was originally written, calculation above was not correct. However, that may be, the prices
so that the price would be 1 deben per hin. The second discussed here are hardly comparable with the others from Table LV.
entry is clear. Two more texts concerning fat may be added to this section. Firstly,
an entry worth noting in O. DeM. 579 vs. (Ramesses Ill/IV), where
The second group of prices, nos. 13 to 17, do not mention the to 28 hin of fat is added 1 hin of nbb,62 which is said to be equivalent
capacity of the jars, which are called in no. 13 mnt and in the other to 2 hin (of fat !), i.e., together 30 hin (of fat). This means that nhh
nos. i"t, although the prices are consistently 30 hin or slightly more. was twice as expensive as fat, which may imply that the nbb c~s't
In no. 15 this is not clear at first sight. The text relates that in the 1 deben per hin and the fat 1/2 deben.
year 17 of Ramesses III the workman Menna gave chief policeman A last, though very uncertain price may be found in O. Prague H 22
Mentmose one i"t of fat, for which the policeman failed to pay for (Merenptal).). On the recto we read in line 3 : mnt n 'g 1, iri.n ....
18 years (line 6). In the year 4 of Ramesses IV Mentmose gave Menna
The price is lost. On the verso, line 2, we seem to have a similar
a young ox for 30 deben. Then Mentmose received from Menna and
entry, namely ... . mnt J, iri.n 1/ 2, If indeed 'g should be restored
from another person certain goods to the value of 65 deben, but this
before mnt, and there are ample reasons for doing so since more such
seems to be another transaction. The 30 deben for the ox was meant
items occur on both sides of the ostracon and since in itself it seems
as payment for the fat, which agrees too well with the other prices
probable that a mnt should contain fat, the question arises what is the
to doubt its correctness.
meaning of 1/2 here. Compared with other prices it cannot mean 1/2 deben
There may exist yet another, fifth price of an i"t-jar of fat. In Hier.
of copper, which would be too little for a mnt of fat. In the same
Ostr. 16, 3,4 (of a year 4, mid XXth Dyn.) we find the words 1C"i~= 1
line 2 a d3iw is valued at 3, and 2 pairs of sandals at 1, which will in
iri.n dbn 30. The word '5'3, which does not seem to occur anywher~
both cases mean sniw. These are fairly likely prices,63 though rather
else, may be a variant of i"t. That such a vessel by itself could cost
low in the case of the garment. However, 1/2 sniw or 2 to 3 deben of
30 deben, which is more than most bronze vessels,58 looks improbable,
copper would still be too little for a mnt of 'g. In no. 13 above its
the more so since it was probably not made of bronze. Its determinative
price is 30 deben, and even if this particular mnt of O. Prague H 22
at least, points to a simple pot. Indeed, the word is preceded in line 2 contained only 10 hin, this would still imply a price of 1/5 to 1/3 deben
by :ome signs which CERNY and GARDINER hesitatingly explained
per hin, while from the Table the lowest price appears to be 1/2 deben
as lWj, the marks on the facsimile being very faint. However, [wI
and the average one 3/ 4 to 1 deben. Now, in the preceding line of
does not make much sense. If it stood for 'meat', this would be the
O. Prague H 22 a g3yt is valued, according to CERNY'S transcription,
only meat price recorded, and moreover, we never find meat in i"t-
at 1 deben,64 and since this also looks to be an impossible price we
jars. On the other hand, an 3"t-vessel of fat usually cost 30 deben.
have discussed it above. In the present entry it may be that 1/2 means
Therefore I would suggest that the illegible word, whatever the traces
1/2 deben of silver,-which in the time of Merenptal). may have been
on the facsimile, should be read as 'g, or 'g w3rj, and that the price
the equivalent of 30 deben of copper, exactly the same value as that of
belongs to this category.
the mnt in no. 13. If, however, in one and the same line first one
The only remaining point is the capacity of the i"t, which may be
number points to deben of silver and then two others (with d3iw and
another name for mnt. Since the price of 1 hin of fat is either 1 deben
or less, the capacity of the i"t cannot be less than 30 hin.59 Since we
have found above 60 that the mnt of nbb may measure about 10 hin it
61 HELCK (Das Bier im A/len i{gypten, 46) calculates that I mm-jar of beer contains c.

58 See chapter XVII. 20 hin.


62 The publication erroneously gives 1Ujng (pI. 14), but from the facsimile the
59 So HELCK, Malerialien IV, 713, without any indication of how he reached the

conclusion, which is in contradiction with that on his p. 696. reading n/:zl:l is clear.
60 See p. 330. Cf. also the mm of honey (below, p. 352) which contains I oipe 63 Cf. Tables XLII and L.

or 40 hin. 64 Cf. p. 280, no. 3.


342 PRICES

twt) to sniw, the scribe has made his text practically incomprehensible.
Therefore I prefer again to leave the question open.
Summarizing the data for the price of fat, it appears that this was CHAPTER TWELVE
from 1/2 to I deben per hin. Variations may be due to differences in
quality, in one instance (no. 6) the 'g being called 'goose fat', while FOOD AND BEVERAGES
several times it is caI!ed 'fresh fat', though this does not imply that in
the other instances it was not fresh, i.e., that it was not used as food. ng, 'flour'
§ 105.
Nowhere are entries with 'fresh' valued either higher or lower than the 1
That ng means 'flour' is established beyond any doubt. There are
others. There can be seen a trend towards lower prices at the end of
the reign of Ramesses III and afterwards, though there are also higher possibly two prices, viz. :
ones in the same period. So much is clear, that 'g tends to be cheaper No. I) Hier. Os!r. 45, I, 5 (year 28 of Ramesses Ill): I oipl' for
than nf:z/:z and more expensive than mrbt, but the difference is ~malI. 4(?) deben;
No. 2) Pap. Turin 1907/8, n, 1I (Ramesses VII) : 2 oipl' for 4 deben.
The first price is not noted down, but can be calculated from the total
in line 6. However, a lacuna at the end of line 4 makes it equally
possible that one more item should be included in the total, so that
the value of the flour would be less than 4 deben. The lacuna is not
very long, and it looks to be impossible that a long word together
with the words Iri.n dbn and a number have become lost, while on the
other hand the possibility of the end of the line being left a blank is
not be excluded. Therefore I have included the prices, though with
much hesitation, as will appear below.
In both texts the flour is preceded by an entry for emmer, which in
no. 1 costs I deben per khar and in no. 2, 4 deben per khar.
Comparison of these four prices in deben per khar provides the following
data:
flour emmer
no. 1 16(?)
no. 2 8 4
It is not stated in either case that the flour was also emmer, but the
connection with the preceding entry and the fact that bread was usually
made from emmer 2 makes this at least a probable assumption. In this
case the flour of no. 1 would be 16 times and of no. 2 only twice
as expensive as the grain. That the price of a khar of flour is higher
that that of a khar of grain is self-evident, but that it was sixteen

1 GARDlNER, Onom. 11, 227* f. Clear proof is to be found in O. DeM. 115,

12.14, saying: "The flour for making '{<:w".


2 See p. 112.
344 PRICES FOOD AND BEVERAGES 345

times as high is highly improbable, while twice as expensive seems to the same way as kyllestis-Ioaves, but that it is four times as heavy as
be more reasonable. The price of emmer in no. I is indeed low, as these. The shape was probably that of a 0 . 11 It is common in ostraca
can be seen in Table I (no. 6), while that in no. 2 may be usual for and was part of the daily food of the workmen. 12
that period. But this does not explain why the flour in no. I should psn written in ostraca as LOP;;;;;: with varr.,13 is also frequently
be so expensive. So it seems better after all not to rely on this entry, menti~ned there. It forms part of the rations which were distributed
and to suggest that something is missing in line 4 of Hier. Ostr. 45, 1, to the workmen. 14 MONTET states that the Old Kingdom psn was a
so that there, too, the price of flour will have been more commensurate loaf of barley used in the process of brewing. IS HELCK coJ1e~ted a
to that of grain. large number of data about it,16 which included several types, WIthout
stating anything more than that it was a round, flat loaf, I 7 and that
§ 106. Bread and Cake ls
the psn delivered to the workmen came from the temple. ~t was
Prices of bread are rare. The reason is that the women in the Village always delivered together with bit, which is probably some kmd of
19
baked the bread for their families themselves from the grain receivec pastry sweetened with dates.
by the workmen as rations. The ovens found in nearly every kitchen The next word, t-som~times, when written as ~, '~w may have
of Deir el-Medina 3 prove that the inhabitants were self-sufficient in been meant as weH, these two being hardly distinguishable-looks to
this respect. The function of ps, 'baker', is not referred to in the be a generic word for 'bread'. s'b will be discussed below.
ostraca. Moreover, the workmen also received bread from the admini- The prices of bread are as foHows :
stration. 4 No. 1) O. DeM. 31, 7 (year 19 of Ramesses II): 9 psn + 11 'kk
If every household provided its own bread there will have existed for 2 hin;
special reasons why bread should appear at all in the transactions. No. 2a) O. Prague H 15, 2 (XIXth Dynasty?): 10 psn 20 for 2 hin;
Indeed, one of the four texts in which prices of bread are mentioned No. 2b) idem: 5 tfor 1 (hin);
is Pap. Turin 1907/8, which contains all kinds of different items No. 3) Pap. Turin 1907/8, I, 17 (Ramesses VII) : 25 various '~w for
among which several kinds of food. Another one, O. DeM. 31, contain~ 5 deben.
prices for a mat and for other commodities such as grain, oil, etc.5
The 20 loaves of no. 1 together cost 2 hin, i.e., about 2 deben,z I
The third one, O. Prague H 15, is badly damaged but in what is left
hence each, if they were all the same price, 1/ I 0 deben. The psn of
it seems to show similar details, while O. Gardiner 172 again contains
no. 2a cost 1/5 deben each, the same as the t in the same entry and
mainly food prices. All four are more or less exceptional.
Five words for bread or cake are mentioned in the prices, namely 11 See Med. Habu Ill, pI. 156, nos. 870 and 885.
'~w, 'kk, psn, t and s'b. '~w, which occurs in all kinds of compounds 12 cr. Pap. Sallier I, 5, 2. Also HELrK, op. cit., IV, 667. ,
13 The older written form is £:;:: . GARDlNER, Onom. 11, 228*, suggests that pIS
such as '~w bnri,6 '~w n wnmw,7 '~w n it.s will be a generic word for is a variant, but see HELCK, op. Clt., 670.
'loaf.9 'kk, not to be confused with '~w, probably refers to a particular 14 See the table in HELCK, op. cit., 646fT., and pp. 471 fT.

type. JEQUIER 10 states that it is baked from the same flour and in 15 MONTET, Scenes de la vie privee, 246r.

16 Op. cit., 667fT.

17 Cf., e.g., Urk. IV, 1157, 12 (a).


3 Rapport DeM. 1934-35, Ill, 72fT.
18 0;:>. cit., 645. .
4 Cf. the lists given by HELCK, Materialien IV, 641 fT., and Part Ill, ch. I, 19 In some instances psn and bit are followed by bnr, 'dates', which mayor may
§4 below. not be accidental. In other instances ds, a jar for beer, follows. See Part Ill,
5 A similar text is O. DeM. 29, where all the prices are lost
ch. I, §4.
6 E.g., O. DeM. 222. L 12. . 20 The word psn is partly lost, but the reading seems proba?le.. 1 '
7 Pap. Harris I, 17b, 8. Cr. Ship's Logs, 26. 21 It may be that in the year 19 of Ramesses 11 the hm, bel~g /6 of a SnlW,
8 O. Cairo 25 624, Ill, 3. Cf. GARDINER, Onom. 11,231*. was still equal to more than 1 deben. However, the ratio ?etwe.en SnlW a~d hm on the
9 cr. HELCK, .op. cit., 667. JEQUIER, BIFAO. 19, 1922, 196f. suggests that 'kw has one hand and deben on the other is never exact, 1/2 SnlW bemg sometimes eq u~1 to
the1general
00
meanmg of 'ration', but in the ostraca clearly 'bread' is meant .
.
. 3 deben and in other instances to 2 deben. It looks as though for the ordmary
p. Clt., 87. Cf. also SPIEGELBERG, Rechnungen, Text, 41 ('grosses Bro1'). Egyptian I hin always meant about the same as regards value as 1 deben of copper.
346 PRICES FOOD AND BEVERAGES 347

the various loaves of no. 3. Whether we should conclude that the of their rations. 25 Hence it seems that every household in the Village
eleven 'kk of no. I were so cheap that together their value was about brewed its own beer. In addition to it the workmen received small
the same as that of I psn, in which case almost all entries have the quantities of beer from the administration. 26 Moreover, its value ~as
same price for a single loaf, is very doubtful. Differences in time or low, too low indeed to be included :n an exchange of commodities
unknown circumstances may just as well have brought about the relative except in large quantities.
cheapness of no. I. Although beer was delivered to the workmen either in ds- or in ps-
Pap. Turin 1907/8, I, 19 may record another price for '~w, since we jars,27 its quantity in the prices is always expressed in m4~t,28 a large
read: "8 _ 22 of '~w (and?) 15 bundles of w$(j smw make 4 deben". and quite common container 29 of roughly 50 hin.30 In Pap. Brit. Mus.
The bundles of vegetables elsewhere in the text (11, 8) cost 1/4 deben 10 326, 11 ff. 31 the scribe D}:lutmose tells us that he received 1 md~t
each. If the total in I, 19 includes both vegetables and '~w, which is every five days, which seems quite a ration. Indeed, 10 hin, or c. 5
not certain, and if the vegetables here were the same price as in 11, 8, litres a day would be a large quantity to drink, but D}:lutmose mentions
then the '~w cost together only 1/4 deben. The en~ry is, however, too it as proof that he was not neglected by his chief. However that may
full of uncertainties to be able to draw any conclusion from it. be, it seems to be no reliable basis on which to establish the capacity
Whatever the difference between psn, 'kk, t and '~w may have been, of a m4~t, so that the prices will have to remain vague.
it appears that the price of a single item is 1/5 to 1/10 deben. Its There are two unequivocal iflstances, namely:
cheapness will have been another reason why bread occurs so seldom
No. 1) O. Michael. 28, 6 (= pI. 75) (XXth Dyn.?): 2 md~t of beer
in price-texts, it being impractical to deliver it in exchange for more
for 4 deben;
expensive commodities.
No. 2) O. Berlin 12 405, 4 (late XXth Dyn.?) : 6 md~t of beer for
Besides bread there are mentioned in the texts several words for
6 deben.
what may have been cakes, though it is difficult to establish the
difference. A fairly frequent type is called s'b, the nature of which is There may be two more prices, however, namely:
unknown. 23 In Pap. Harris I, 17b, 9 it is said to be of t nfr, but the No. 3) O. Cairo 25 692, 4 (XIXth Dyn. ?). Here we read: "2 md~t,
same is said of all the different kinds of pastry in this list. It is followed by makes 4 deben". At face value this seems to imply the prices
the word m'r, 'without defects', which does not help us to determine of two jars, but the words are at the beginning of a line,
its nature. So much is certain, that it was not a really large cake, the preceding line being broken off-like all the lines of
since it occurs mostly in numbers of ten or more. In O. Gardiner 172, 5
(late XXth Dyn.?) each s'b is said to weigh(?) 3 deben, i.e., c. 270
25 See HELCK, Materialien IV, 683ff. and Part Ill, ch. I, §2.
grammes. Nevertheless, the 120 of them seem to cost only 3 deben of 26 See Part Ill, ch. I, §4.
copper,24 which again would prove the cheapness of pastry, the price 27 Written as£ <B l-i5-with varr. In some texts the word ~bw is used ins~ead ..
28 Other beer containers are the mnt and the in~, but they do not occur In pnces.
this time being 1/40 deben per s 'b. 29 Cf. Ship's Logs, 72. HELCK'S statement that a md~t always contained ~dy-beer,

which may have been Syrian import, seems to me unproved; cf. HELCK, Das Bier
§I07.l:m~t, 'beer'
im Alten it'gypten, 52.
30 Cf. CERNY, Prices and Wages, 908, note 20. REINEKE, MIO. 9, 1963, 149,
Prices of beer-always written as b~t-are also rare. The reason
states that the md~t in Pap. Turin 1~81, Ill, 12 contains 38 hin, but the completed
will be that barley for brewing beer was paid to the workmen as part entry in CERNY'S notebook ~hows that the mtj~t here is a measure of honey, and
it appears from the context that probably a price was mentioned, -Q- being an error
22 For this sign and its t~anslation 'artabeT, cf. lEA. 54, 1968, 168, note k. for dbn. Cf. p. 352.
See also PRIESE, Zjl'S. 95, 1968, 42 ff., who suggests that:;-;- or.-. means 'oipi!'. 31 CERNY, Late Ram. Letters, 18, I fT. Cf. WENTE, Late Ram. Letters, 37. One
23 Ct. Ship's Logs, 20. would be inclined to suppose that this md~t was given to Dl)utmos~ out of the 5 hin
24 The words dbn 3 have been written on a separate line beneath line 5, while after which his superior is said to have received daily, in which case the md~t cannot
iri.n at the end of line 5 a word or a number may have been lost. Hence it is not have contained 50 hin. However, the text may be intended to show the generosity
quite impossible that the price of the 120 s'b was not 3 deben but more. What in that of the superior, who, although he himself received no more than 5 hin daily, gave
case dbn 3 in line 5a means I do not know. no less than a md~t every five days to the scribe.
348 FOOD AND BEVERAGES 349
PRICES

this small fragment. Therefore it may be suggested that line 3 but it is possible that 10 deben of fish are valued at 3 deben, i.e.,
originally ended with the word bn*t, so that here, too, the c. 300 grammes for a deben. However, this looks to be a far higher
price is 2 deben per »14*t. price than the 25 for 1 deben of line 21, even when one takes into
No. 4) O. Gardiner 222, 7 (of uncertain date). This is another account that the 300 grammes were pure food, the fish being gutted.
fragmentary text, where an entry with 2 »14*t also occurs, In the same papyrus, 11, 13, five 'dw cost 3 deben. The 'dw is a
and again the word bn*t may have become lost, this time at 'mullet',36 a big fish, which is in accordance with the high price. Far
the beginning of the line since the' right hand side of the cheaper are the 20 tnr(?) that are mentioned in 11, 10, since together
ostracon is lost. The price, however, is !~ I, an unusual way they cost only 4 deben, i.e., 1/5 deben each. Unfortunately, the name is
of indicating prices in the ostraca, the more so since other not quite legible; it may be tnr, but this word is unknown as a name
prices in this text are stated in deben. Possibly i~1 means for fish elsewhere.
'1 oip(J', 32 which would mean something like 1/2 deben. If The only ostracon stating a price for fish is O. Cairo 25 588, 11
this is correct, certainly the value of the jars themseives is (year 2, mid XXth Dyn.). The fish is called sn', which is possibly the
stated, and not of their contents. If, on the other hand, .le;+? I most common kind of fish in the ostraca, though its nature is still
means 1 khar, the price of 1 mrj*t would be 1 deben, and unidentified. 3' The text seems to state that 2 khar of sn' are exchanged
this is also the price of 1 mrj*t of beer in no. 2. for 1/2 Oip(J38 (of emmer), which may be equal to a price of 1/2 deben.
Whether indeed 2 khar of sn' is meant is, however, not quite certain
Both nos. 3 and 4 will be discussed again in connection with vessels
since the signs are not clear; nor is it clear beyond a doubt what exactly
below,. their meaning being doubtful. 33 There also exists a real a khar of fish is. In Giornale 17 B, vs. 2, A, 1 ff. 39 one ,Jip(J of
possibility that their contents were something other than beer, though fish weighs 200 deben or c. 18 kilogrammes. If this is what is meant
mrj*t seems to have been a usual container for this beverage. The
here, too,-which is uncertain-36 kilogrammes were sold for 1/2 deben,
conclusion may be that beer cost 1 to 2 deben per »14*t (of 50 hin ?), which looks to be extremely cheap compared with other prices.
which is at any rate a low price compared with all the other commodities There occur three prices of fish in Giornale dell'anno 13, 1, 1_3 40
except bread and fish.
(Ramesses IX). In line 3 a hundred sn' 41 are valued at 1 kit(J of
silver, i.e., 6 deben of copper. If the sn' here, too, weigh c. 365 grammes
§ 108. Fish
each 37 this would mean that 36 1/2 kilogrammes cost 6 deben, or
Since fish was supplied in abundance to the workmen 34 it will 6 kilogrammes for 1 deben. Although still cheap, this is twelve times
rarely have been sold in the Village. While ostraca mentioning the as much as in the preceding text.
distribution of quantities of fish, stated either in numbers or in weight In line 1 of the same papyrus 300 small lrl are also said to cost
(in de ben or khar), are numerous, there occurs only one price in an 1 kit(J. This fish equally is unidentified, and, in contrast with the
ostracon, the others being found in papyri. common sn', I do not know of any other occurrence. 42 We can only
Several kinds of fish are mentioned, though sometimes the generic
word rmw is used. This latter occurs twice with a price in Pap. Turin 2 deben, i.e. 180 grammes, is far too low for 50 fish. Cr. O. DeM. 75, 3, where 196 fish
are said to weigh 1000 deben. and line 4, where 8 dried fish even weigh 250 deben.
1907/8 (Ramesses VII), namely in I, 18 and 21. In the latter entry 50 un-
See also O. DeM. 190 and 139,3-4.
gutted (tm) fish cost 2 deben. 35 The former is not clear owing to a lacuna, 36 Cf. HELCK, op. cit., 834, and references.

37 The sn' will have been a small fish, since in O. DeM. 190, 3-4, hundred dried

sn' weigh 400 deben and 114 gutted ones 450 deben, meaning that one sn' weighs c.
32 For i"'7+? I as '1 oipe', cf. GARDINER, Pap. Wilbour 11, 62 f. ,..c;P. in price-notations 4 deben or 365 grammes.
38 Written as A<l.
usually means 'barley' (cr. p. 110. note 44), but in that case it is always followed by
A , while oipi' are indicated by points. 39 BOTTl-PEET, pl. 29.
40 Op. cit., pl. I.
33 See p. 408. For another, very doubtful, price of beer, see § 171.
41 In the publication the word is not transcribed, but see its note 2.
34 cr. HELCK, Materialien V, 816 and pp. 478 fr.
42 Any connection with uji (Wb. 11, 399, 6) is highly uncertain.
35 This is not a weight, since every entry in this column ends with a price. Moreover,
FOOD AND BEVERAGES 351
350 PRICES

state that one ir! cost 1/3 of one sn', which must mean that it was same price may occur in O. Cairo 25 585, 4 (XXth Dyn. ?), but since
smaller. Still cheaper is the fish mentioned in line 2, where as many the scribe erased the entry only the i of what may have been irp is
as 800 items again cost I kit(1. The name, however, is missing, only legible and the word mnt has completely disappeared, so that the
.... ' being left. restoration of the text is hypothetical.
In O. Michael. 28, 6-7 (= pI. 75) (XXth Dyn.?) the words irp mnt
TABLE LVI
are clear, but according to the publication 46 there is a sign missing
after mnt, while the next line begins with I~"I. If this is correct, the
fish 2 cannot belong to mnt, and it is not a price of wine that is
mentioned. However, there seems to be no room for another word
quantity per deben
of copper either at the end of line 6 or the beginning of line 7, the latter being
apparently complete. Therefore I would be inclined to regard ,7, as a
I) P. Turin 1907/8 I. 18 rmw 3 1/, dehen (= 300 gr.)
rrn", Urn) 25
mistake and to suggest that nothing is missing in line 6, so that the
2) idem • I. 21
3) idem. • 11, 13 'd", 3.
is
entry does mention the price of2 mnt of wine, which is 10 deben,47 i.e.,
4) idem • II. 10 Inr (?) 5 deben per mnt. This would be far more than in Pap. Turin 1907/8.
5) O. Cairo 25 588. 11 sn' 4 khar (= 72 kg.?)
.fn' c. 16 (= 6 kg. ?)
The same price may occur in O. Cairo 25543, 16 (late XIXth Dyn. ?).
6) Giornale 13, 1.3
7) idem . 1.2 c. 130 In this entry we see that 5 de ben of copper are given in exchange for
8) idem • I. I i,! 50 1 mnt. Now a mnt is a very common type of pottery, whereas so far
as I know it is nowhere said to be of metal. 5 deben however, is a fairly
high price even for a bronze jar, and obviously too high for a simple
Although there is much diversity, as can be seen from Table LVI,
pottery one. Therefore it must have been the mnt together with its
and although some of the results are somewhat hypothetical, one fact
contents-or even the contents alone-that is meant. Although the
seems certain, namely that fish was extremely cheap as compared with
contents are not mentioned, this will probably have been wine, which
other commodities, a characteristic which it has in common with bread
is usually found in these jars. For oil, another possibility, 5 deben
and beer. seems too cheap. Any other, less usual liquid would have been
mentioned explicitly.
§ 109. [rp, 'wine'
A last and equally uncertain instance occurs in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052,
Wine will have been fairly rare in the Village since it is seldom 2a, 4_5 48 (year 1 of the W~m-mswt era), where 5 kit(1 of silver are
49
mentioned in the ostraca and does not occur in the lists of regular said to have been given in exchange for a quantity of wine. Since
deliveries to the workmen. 43 Whenever it appears in ostraca its quantity 5 kit(1 is equal to 30 deben of copper we would expect a large quantity.
is always stated in mnt-jars,44 the capacity of which is uncertain. 45 Unfortunately the signs which probably indicate the name of the jar
There are only a few prices mentioned, and by an odd coincidence are illegible, so that this entry is entirely useless to us.
most of them are doubtful. The only unequivocal ones come from Pap. The only reliable price is that in Pap. Turin 1907/8, namely 2 de ben
Turin 1907/8, ll, 4 (Ramesses VII), where I mnt costs 2 deben, while per mnt. This means that wine was, as we would expect, more expensive
in Ill,S two mnt cost 4 deben, i.e., twice 2 deben per mnt-jar. The than beer. 50 Wine was most probably not a popular beverage in Egypt,

43 What is suggested by HELCK, Malerialien IV, 736, namely that 50 mnl of wine

occur in O. Cairo 25 504, vs. I. 4, is far from certain. The word irp, if it was written 46 No facsimile is published.
at all, has completely disappeared. nbb is equally possible, and even more probable 47 Nowhere in this text does iri.n occur, though clearly most entries contain prices.
since nl:zlJ occurs several times in this text (rt. 11, 4; vs. I, 7 and 11, 9), and always 48 PEET, Tomb Robberies, p. 145 and pI. XXVI.

in mnt-jars. 49 For the reliability of the prices in this text, cc. p. 353.
50 One m4~1 of beer costs 1 to 2 deben, and a mg~1 has a far greater capacity
44 E.g., Hier. OSlr., 29, 2, 2; O. Prague H 22, vs. 5.

45 See pp. 330 and 340 C. (about five times as much?) than a mnl.
352 PRICES FOOD AND BEVERAGES 353

its use being restricted to court circles and the upper classes. Since of silver. Since 1 1/2 deben of silver was at that time the equivalent of
most wine came from the north and the Oases the workmen had no 90 deben of copper this means that the honey-reckoning the capacity of
means of acquiring it for themselves, and, though not altogether a 111f!~t at 50 hin-cost nearly 2 deben per hin. In the same passage,
unknown, it seems to have been too expensive to be part of the daily line 1-2, 10 hin of honey are exchanged for 5 kilt! of silver, i.e., 3 deben
scene in the Village. of copper per hin. The difference may of course be due to a difference
in quality, though all three quantities are provided by the same
§ I 10. bit, 'honey' and mnb, 'wax' incense-roaster and nothing is said about quality. Therefore one would
Honey is mentioned several times in the ostraca, this being the usual be inclined to assume that the 111f!~1 contained no more than 30 hin
material for sweetening food and medicines. 51 It was usually contained rather than 50. We have to remind the reader, however, that the text
in mnt- and 111f!~t-jars, and also measured in hin. The data with regard in question deals with thieves and their actions, so the prices given in
to its price are far from numerous and full of problems. this text for wine and honey will not necessarily have been the usual
The earliest price is found in Pap. Cairo 65 739, 11 (year 15 of ones. 60 One is also struck by the fact that there is always mention of
Ramesses II), where 1 mnt of bit costs 5 kite of silver. The mnt is said 5 kite of silver or multiples thereof. It looks as though the scoundrels
to contain (lr for iri.n) 52 ./~I , which GARDINER explains as 'one were over-rewarded for their recklessness after a successful robbery
be~at' and which I would render as 'one oipe'. 53 Since 1 oipe equals probably on one occasion (with 10 hin) less so than the second and
40 hin (or 19 .14 litres), 54 this means that 40 hin cost 5 kite of silver third time (with the two mrj~t). At any rate, we should be wary with
or-in the reign of Ramesses 11-50 deben of copper, i.e., 1 1/5 deben regard to these prices.
61
per hin. The average price of honey seems to have been c. 1 deben per hin.
Another price is from Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, 6 (mid? XXth Dyn.). Differences, which are small, may be due to special circumstances or
Five hin 55 of honey cost 4 deben, i.e., 4/5 deben per hin, slightly less to differences in quality.
than in the preceding text. Roughly the same price occurs in Pap. Turin Although not a food, it may be appropriate here to add what is
1907/8,11,20, where 7 hin cost 5 deben, i.e., 5/ 7 deben per hin. known about the price of mnb, 'wax', Egyptian wax being always
In two instances the price of a mrj~t of bit is mentioned. The first beeswax. 62 It seldom occurs in the texts of the Village, the only instance
occurs in Pap. Turin 1881, Ill, 12 (year 7 of Ramesses IX), where of its occurrence in an ostracon known to me being O. Cairo 25 680, 12,
one mrj~t costs 38 deben. 56 Since a 111f!~t may have contained where 2 deben of wax are mentioned. In all the instances it seems to
c. 50 hin 57 the price again was nearly 4/5 deben per hin.58 The second be measured in deben. 63 A price occurs in Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 37
occurs in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 052, 2a 59 (year 1 of the Wbm-mswt era). (= pI. 41),64 where 60 deben are valued at 30 deben of copper, i.e.,
In lines 10-11 one mrj~t is exchanged for 1 deben and 5 kite of silver, 1 deben or 91 grammes for 1/2 deben of copper.
and in lines 12-13 another one for the same price, together for 3 deben
§ Ill. smy, 'curd'
51 For its important role in medicine, cf. Drogenwb., 156fT. Usually the word smy is translated with 'cream',65 but the Drogen-
52 lEA. 21, 1935, 144, note 15.
53 See p. 348.

54 Cf. tERNY, Prices and Wages, 914.

ss The publication by mistake states 'one'. 60 For the wine, cf. p. 351.
56 Instead of dbn one finds (cf. PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 6) -0, but in all the other entries 61 In the Chronicle of Osorkon, C 19-20 (cf. CAMINOS, The Chronicle of Prince
in this column hin is written' as fi);;~ . Moreover, most of these contain prices in Osorkon, 143) 365 hin of honey are said to coast 3 deben and 6 '/2 kitt' of silver,
deben, and it would have been irrelevant to indicate the capacity of a mdlft which i.e., 3/ 5 deben of copper per hin, if the ratio between silver and copper at that time
elsewhere always is used as a commonly known container. Therefore I assume that <'> was still 1:60.
was a scribal error for dbn. 62 Cf. LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 336f.
57 Cf. p. 347, note 30. 63 E.g., Pap. Turin 1881, Ill, 10; Pap. Harris I, 18b, 14 and 72, 9.
58 For a possibly somewhat higher price of honey from the same text, cf. p. 354. 64 Although the /.l of mn/.l is all that is left the reading looks to be certain.
59 PEET, Tomb Robberies, pI. XXVI and p. 145. 65 Wh. IV, 130, 1 fT.
FOOD AND BEVERAGES 355
354 PRICES

per mt}~t (of 50-hin or 5 mnt?) Twelve mnt probably will be at least
worterbuch argues 66 that it is rather 'curd'. It will have taken the place
2 mdkt. Moreover, all the other liquids seem to have been more
of cheese, real cheese probably being unknown to the Egyptians.
expe-n'sive than beer. There is a theoretical possibility that the deben is
There are four prices for smy :
one of silver, but all the other prices in this ostracon are clearl.y
No. l) O. IFAO. 1298,8-9 (mid XXth Dyn.): I hin for I khar; expressed in deben of copper. TheIefore I am unable to explain thIS
No. 2) Pap. Turin 2104, vs. 11, 12 (year I, mid XXth Dyn.?): 30 hin
entry.
for 20 de ben ;
No. 3) Hier. OSlr. 85, 2, 4 (mid XXth Dyn.?): 3 hin for 2 deben; § 112. iry, 'liibya beans', lbw, sty and 's(?)
No. 4) Pap. Turin 1881, Ill, 13 (year 7, Ram. IX): I mtl/p for 39 1/2
deben. In Pap. Turin 1907/8 (Ramesses VII) there occur four words which
all may indicate some kind of food. The first one, Iry,70 is probably
Nos. 2 and 3 present the same price, 2/3 deben per hin. If one mtl~t a variant of lwry,71 the name for liibya beans.72 These beans are
contains 50 hin the value of the smy in no. 4 is slightly higher, frequently mentioned in the ostraca and will have. been part of ~he
namely c. 4/5 deben per hin. That of no. I is definitely higher, 1 khar workmen's staple diet. Usually they are measured In khar and Olpi!,
being the equivalent of 2 deben. The reason for this high price may be but sometimes in vessels such as ds (Hier. Ostr. 66, 1, 7), lbw (ibid.,
that it seems to be intended to the divine Amenophis, whose name 18-19; Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, 16) or g3y (Hier. Ostr. 35, 1, I, 8).
-but without n, 'for' !-occurs between the signs for 1 hin and the Unfortunately, although common, no price from the ostraca is known.
price. That occurring in Pap. Turin 1907/8, Ill, 8 is obscure owing to a
A fifth instance of a price-notation of smy is rather hard to evaluate. lacuna. It may be that 2 oipi! are valued at I deben, which would
In Pap. Turin 1881, IV, 4, 30 hin of honey and 5 hin of curd are said
mean 2 deben per khar.
to be the equivalent of 40 hin of fresh fat, which, according to the The second word, lbw (-0-1,:,), occurs three times in this papyrus,
next line cost 40 deben. 67 In the same papyrus, Ill, 12, honey costs namely 11, 9; 11, 14; Ill, 7. In every case one oipi! costs 2 1/2 deben,
possibly 4/5 deben per hin,68 and in Ill, 13 (no. 4 above) smy also which shows it to be five times as expensive as liibya beans. The
costs about 4/5 deben per hin. Still 35 hin of honey and curd together identification of lbw is still impossible, however. 73 We can say no more
are valued at 40 deben. The average price of 1 hin of smy and/or of than that it was probably some kind of fruit.
honey is, therefore, a little over 1 deben, but whether this is due to the
price of curd or honey is uncertain.
The third word is sty ( ro '\ ,', ).
• , ~
In spite of the determinative it may
. , 74
be identified with r~~" which occurs several times In the ostraca,
There may be yet another price, but the difficulties it presents are and like lry is measured in khar and oipi!, in ds (0. DeM. 106, 9)
great. In O. Cairo [182], 2 (of unknown date) CERNY reads .. . my and lbw (Hier. Ostr. 66, I, 17; O. Michael. 7, vs. 2 = ~l. ~3).
.... mnt 12, iri.n dbn 1. The first word may very well be smy, but Moreover, it occurs sometimes in one and the same entry wIth lbw
I do not understand how 12 mnt of curd could cost no more than 1 deben. and with salt (Hier. Ostr. 56, 1; 66, 1; O. Berlin 12 337). Therefore
The other prices in this fragment are indeed low- 4 deben for 1 mss,
I deben for a bs 69_but there is no reason to doubt their correctness.
70 The reading in Pap. Turin 1907/8, Ill, 8, though uncertain, may be 41~144,7,.
Even if .. . my meant something other than smy I cannot see how 12 mnt
of it could only cost 1 deben, since even beer is valued at 1 to 2 deben See lEA. 52, 1966, pl. XVII and p. 88, note vv. .
71 HELCK, Materialien V, 802, doubts this identification, but he hImself ,notes

under lwry at the preceding page O. Michael. 36, I (= pl. 78), where Iry IS
66 Drogenwb., 439f. written. Other instances of lry are O. DeM. 121, 2-3 and Hler. Ostr. 35, 1, I, 8.
67 See p. 338, no. 11. Cf. also O. DeM. 454, 10.
b8 See p. 352. 72 KEIMER, Anc. Egypt, 1929,47. .
73 lEA. 52, 1966, 86, note w. It also occurs in O. DeM. 696, vs. 3 (I Olpi') and.
69 In line I we read ... AI., iri.n dbn 2. This may mean that I 1/4 khar ef grain

cost 2 deben, which again would be below the usual price, but the entry is too uncertain possibly, in O. Cairo 25 655, I (I khar).
74 Cf. HELCK, op. cit., 804.
for us to be able to use it.
356 PRICES FOOD AND BEVERAGES 357

it will have been some kind of food, probably fruit or kernels. 75 In numbers of ten or multiples thereof. It is also mentioned as measured
Pap. Turin 1907/8, H, 9 and 13 both times 10 hin are said to cost in Q'iJeA, gibw,84 which judging by its determinative seems to be a
1 deben. Since 10 hin equals 1/4 Oip!!76 this is far higher than the price basket. The size or shape of this is unknown,85 but it seems to occur
of liibya beans. only with IJ**.
In the same lines, H, 9 and 13, also occurs the price of an item the The only price of IJ** is found in O. Gardiner fragm. 62, 3
name of which may be read as's, 77 which seems to be either a plant (Ramesses Ill/mid XXth Dyn.). One gibw 86 of this costs 1 (deben). We
or a fruit. 78 Although the determinative points to the former possibility, do not know how many IJ** a gibw contained. Since the fruits are
its measuring in hin indicates rather a fruit. Since it occurs together counted by the piece in some texts they may have been quite big,
with lbw and sty it will belong to the same kind of commodity. Again something like apples.
10 hin (or 1/4 oip!!) cost 1 deben.
§ 114. IJmy
TABLE LVII
Although it can be doubted whether IJmy is indeed a food,87 its
beans and fruit(?) exact meaning being unce,-tain, it seems appropriate to deal with it
P. Turin 1907/8 price per oipi' here. The Wb. renders is as 'Art Getreide',88 clearly on account of its
determinative i~ , but LORET tried to prove 89 that it is 'fenugreek'
I) lry
and this came to be generally accepted, though not without hesitation. 90
m.8 1 khar for 2 deben '/2 deben
2) lbw 11.9; 11,14; Ill, 7 1 oip!! for 2 '/2 deben 2 '/, deben
3) sty 11.9;11,13 10 hin for 1 dehen 4 dehen It would require the knowledge of a botanist to prove this
4) ." 11,9; 11,13 10 hin for 1 deben 4 deben identification. So much is clear that it was sometimes connected with
grain 91 and that for a pulse one would expect another determinative
than ...c;+.: .
§ 113. IJ** Except for some instances with prices J:tmy seldom occurs in ostraca.
The word IJ*~ occurs frequently in the ostraca and it probably Some places are O. Cerny 20, 7, in an obscure and partly illegible
indicates some kind of fruit, though it is still unidentified. 79 According context, and O. DeM. 297, 7 and O. Turin 9611, vs. 11, where both
to Pap. Koller, 4, 2 and Pap. Turin 1903, vs. II (unpubl.) it was imported times it is contained in mnt-jars. The same container occurs in both
from Nubia,80 but the frequency of its occurrence in ostraca may point pnces.
to its growing on Egyptian soil. Though its use is unknown it is
possible that M* were eaten, the more so since it is absent in the
84 Hier. Ostr. 28, I, vs. 3-4; 57, 2, 6; O. DeM. 428,3; 1086, vs. 13; Pap. Harris I,
medical texts. It should be distinguished from *w*w, 'dum-palm nuts'. 81
65a,6.
The IJ** is measured in oipe 82 or counted by the piece,s3 always in 85 A connection with gibt, 'leaP, is not impossible.
86 According to CERNY'S notebook the transcription of the last signs is uncertain,
75 Cf. lEA. 52, 1966, 86, note y. HELCK, loc. cit., calls it "eine unbekannte Kiirner. but since at least the g is clear there cannot be much reason to doubt its reading.
frucht". Of the word I:z/f/f the first group is missing, though equally certain.
76 See CERNY, Prices and Wages, 914; REINEKE, MID. 9,1963,162. 87 In O. Turin 9611, vs. 11 it appears as fodder for an ox.
77 For the uncertainty of its reading cf. lEA. 52, 1966,86, note x. 88 Wb. 1II, 82, I.
78 Identification with 'rsn, 'lentils', though not quite impossible, seems to be impro. 89 Me"anges Maspero I, 866,ff.
bable because of the plant determinative. 90 E.g., Drogenwb. 346; HELCK, Materialien V, 802. See, however, GARDINER,
79 CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 206, and references. Onom. I, 21.
80 In Pap. Harris I, 16a, 6, 'it is said to be from ~ ru 1\.Qeltj (or from Hliw, 91 Cf. Pap. Bib\. Nat. 199, 1II, 3 (CERNY, Late Ram. Letters, 70, 9·10). See also
as HELCK, Materialien V, 757, suggests?), which may also be in Nubia. MONTET, Scenes de la vie priVl?e, 323, where possibly the same word occurs (written as ~
81 Cf., e.g., WAlLERT. Die Palmen im Alten ;fgypten, 52. I
and t:j I}\.). GARDINER (see note 90) suggests its occurrence on a stela from Men·
82 Pap. Harris I, 19b, 12; Pap. Turin 1903, vs. 2. shiyet e~·~adr (ASAE. 38, 1938, 223), written as I:zmiyt, and I followed him for stela
83 Several times, e.g., Hier. Ostr. 35, I, I, 7; 66, I, 9 and 13; O. DeM. 355, 4; Brit. Mus. 588,9 (lEA. 49, 1963, p\. IX and 68 f.), although 'salt' here is not impossible
555, 7; O. Michael. 7, vs. 7 (= pI. 63). (see HELCK, op. cit., 817), seeing that it is measured in khar, as usual for salt.
358 PRICES

No. I) O. DeM. 556, 5 (Ramesses Ill): 20 mnt for 2 deben;


No. 2) Hier. Ostr. 36, I, vs. 11, 8 (year 7, Ramesses VI/VII): 30 (?)
mnt for 2 deben. 92 CHAPTER THIRTEEN
Whether in the second text 30 mnt, as transcribed in the publication,
or 20 are meant is doubtful. According to the facsimile both are possible. PLANTS
Comparing it with no. lone might suggest 20, but such a suggestion
on the basis of one parallel would be too hazardous.
Since prices are stated in mnt-jars it may be useful to try and calculate
§ 115. wM, 'vegetables'
the price of I khar of IJmy. If indeed the mnt contained 10 hin 93 or The distribution of various plants and vegetable products over the
1/4 Olpt:
'?r
= 1/ 16 kh ar, 94 th'IS means t hat 20 mnt or 200 hin or 5 oip£? preceding and the present chapter is somewhat arbitrary. Some of the
cost 2 deben, i.e., 1 3/ 5 deben per khar. This is a price not far removed plants discussed in this chapter also served as food, while this is
from that of barley or emmer. Unfortunately, since the capacity of the uncertain in respect of some of the commodities mentioned above.
mnt seems to have varied, this argumentation is not quite conclusive. Generally speaking, however, the plants discussed in the present chapter
were not used as food.
92 Note the writing :::1:I~c:'~4/ffi. A definite exception was wM, of which by far the most prices are
93 See pp. 330 and 340 f., particularly note 61. known. It is written as 'il.e"I\L: or ~ ~q»-"~ with different variants,
94 See p. 356, note 76.
and clearly means 'vegetables'. There is some confusion with the word
smw, from which it has derived the sign .#.1 HELCK, in studying their
relation, stated 2 that smw are planted in gardens, the word meaning
'vegetables', while w3{l is planted in fields, thus meaning 'fresh
vegetab!es' or 'cabbage'. I doubt whether such a distinction was used
consistently by the Egyptians. Although the Dutch gardener uses the
same distinction, calling the products of market-gardening in large
fields, such as cabbages, 'coarse' and those of small gardens 'fine'
vegetables,3 the difference is scarcely known to the general public
buying vegetables in the shops, all these products being called 'vegetables'
without distinction. One argument in favour of HELCK'S suggestion is,
I however, that the typical garden plant 'leek' (13lf.t) is mentioned once
together with smw and measured in br§4 (0. DeM. 203, 1), while plants
such as rushes and reed are measured in mrw,4 the measure used for
wM.
However, a fairly common expression wM smw is found, which in

1 In O. DeM. 696, vs. 2 there occurs the curious writing '1-}\.~\\'\t.. Elsewhere

we find ~k~(!'\t. (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 19, 1, 3), which mayor may not be equal to
wig srnw (see note 5), though KOROSTOVTSEV, Grarnrnaire du neo-egyptien 30, takes
it to be an abnormal writing for srn too.
2 Materialien V, 798. Cf. JARCE. 2, 1963, 67f.
3 The distinction is similar to that between field and garden peas.
4 For these words, see below.
PLANTS 361
360 PRICES
;: ;:
~
some instances seems to mean the same as srnw,5 and in others a If ~ ~
~ '"
~
~,
particular kind of wM. Another point that strikes us is that srnw is :;!
" ;:

frequently distributed to the workmen,6 whereas we seldom find a ~E


distribution of wN. 7 On the other hand, possibly not even a single
xl
<I ....fl ~ xl xl nE
srnw price is found, as against no less than twenty-nine entries ~O ~O ~O ~O ~O ~
recording w3tj prices. So it seems probable that the Egyptians, though xx x x xxxxxxx xxx
0 x
in certain situations conscious of a difference between wM and srnw,
used these words according to the contexts of different kinds of text. x x x x
It looks to me to be highly improbable that the workmen exclusively
xl x x x x

sold field vegetables and received as rations only garden vegetables.


The wM seem to have been always measured in rnrw-bundles. 8 This
word, when written in full, occurs either as ~ e """~, 9 as ~ ~, 1 0 or as
~::,11 the latter two being abbreviated as ~ 12 and::. From
Table LVIII it is apparent that 3, is most common during the Nineteenth
Dynasty and ~ during the mid Twentieth. smw is usually measured
in brS,13 for which the abbreviation in the Journal of the Necropolis
was also::. Hence the distinction between w3(} and srnw is even vaguer.
The exact meaning ofrnrw-or of /;r5, for that matter-is unknown. 14
The obvious translation with 'bundle' does not give any indication as
to quantity, but possibly the word rnrw was just as vague, though the
~~ "
~~~------------------------------------------------l
sometimes more or less constant price (see, e.g., Table LVIII, no. 28, "
where 70 bundles all seem to cost 1/2 deben each) points to a fairly d d ci
;., '" ;.,
000
fixed quantity. This should not surprise us, as the word 'bundle' used .t:.t:.t:

in respect of modern garden products such as carrots gives the same xxx
xxx
inexact, though still generally known indication of quantity. Whether ~"

E_
S E.g., Hier. Ostr. 61, 2, 4 and 0. DeM. 557, 2, In Hier. Ostr. 22, 2, 4 a value ~=
is stated for wid smw, which is nowhere else the case with smw, so that probably wJg 2:' E
was meant. In 0. DeM, 408, 2 wi</. smw is measured in mrw, which is the typical name for ~ ~
a bundle of wJg (see below). 00
of wicj (see below),
6 Cf. HELCK, op. cit., 793ff" and Part Ill, ch, I, §4, Usually it is caIJed\'4::, though

sometimes n~~~'I\t:: (cf. 0, DeM. 41, vs. 16 and 42, 7),


, CL 0. DeM. 38, I and 0. Cairo 25 782, vs. 23 for some exceptions.
• For a possible exception see p, 404, note 33.
9 0. Cairo 25 572, 4; 25 583, 6; 0, DeM. 97, I, I; 260, 5.

10 Hier, Ostr. 52, 2, vs, A, \0; 0. DeM. 52, I; 0, Cairo 25 655, 7.

11 Hier. Ostr. 21, 2, 2; 28,. 4, vs. 2; 0. Gardiner 288, 4; 296, 2.

12 One would be inclined to assume that!:: is an abbreviation of br,f~=~

but for the writing of mrw with ~ See the preceding note.
\3 For an exception, cf. note 5.

14 The former is of course derived from the verb mr, 'to bind'. The origin of the
latter is unknown; it occurs in Pap. Bulaq XVIII, 14, 2, 8 also for a bundle of arrows
(cL Wh. Ill, 330, 10).
a

I snlw khar deben


X
~
.c=
~

6 for 1 sni.,. X
1) 0. DeM. 49, 2 Ram. Jl
Ram. H
,.'/./, 12 for 4 sni.,. X
2) P. Ashm. 1958.111, vs. 18
3) 0. Gardiner 231, vs. 5 XIXth Dyn.? '/9 ? 4 '/2 for 1 sniw? X
4) 0. DeM. 552, 5 XIXth/early XXth Dyn. '/, 6 for 2 sniw :;;;~2S. ; nfr-nlT
5) 0. DeM. 50, 2 late XIXth Dyn. '/20 10 for 1 '/2 sniw X
6) Hier. Ostr. 24, 4, 3 late XIXth Dyn. '/. 3 for '/, sniw X ~=
7) 0. Cairo 25 572, 4 late XIXth Dyn. '/. ? 2 for 2 oipi'? ~e~~
8) 0. Cairo 25 583,6 late XIXth Dyn.? '/,. 9 for 2 oipi' idem
9) Hier. Os!r. 52, 2, vs. A,1O late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. '/. 3 for '/2 sni»· =X
<::. ' - "
10) 0. DeM. 299, 5 late XIXth/ear1y XXth Dyn. '/, 6 for 2 sniw X
11) 0. DeM. 232, H, 4-5 early Ram. III? '/. 8 for I sniw X
12) Hier. Os!r. 22, 2, 4 early Ram. III '/2 5 for 2 '/2 deben X wNsrnw
13) 0. Turin 9611, 13 yr. 18, Ram. III '/. 20 for 15 deben X
14) Hier. Os!r. 53, I, 4 Ram. 1II? '/3 3 for 1 khar X
15) 0. Cairo 25 655, 7 Ram. III I 3 for 3 (deben?) =X
~'-"
16) 0. DeM. 213, 8 Ram. Ill/IV '/, 6 for 2 khar X
17) 0. Cairo 25 606, 4-5 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. '/, 2 for 1 deben X
18) 0. Gardiner 296, 2-3 Ram. III/mid XXth Dyn. '/2 10 for 5 deben ==
=--~

19) 0. Gardiner 288, 4-5 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. '/'0 ? 10 for 3 deben? Idem
20) 0. Berlin 10 665, 5 yr. I, mid XXth Dyn. '/2 4 for 2 deben X
21) 0. Gardiner 151,4 mid XXth Dyn. '/2 2 for I deben X
22) 0. Cairo 25 654, vs. I yr. 1, mid XXth Dyn. 'I
12 10 for 5 dehen X
23) Hier. Os!r. 50, 1, H, bottom mid XXth Dyn. '/2 20 for 10 dehen X
I, 19 c. 'I
14 15 for 4 deben X [wN] srnw
24) P. Turin 1907/8, H, 8 Ram. VII X
'/. 20 for 5 deben
25) 0. Gardiner 172, 6 late XXth Dyn.? 2/5 5 for 2 deben X
26)0. DeM. 411,1 XXth Dyn.? '/2 15 for 7 '/2 deben X
27) 0. Michael. 28, 2 (= pI. 75) XXth Dyn.'! '/2 ? 10 for 5(?) deben X
28) 0. IFAO. 1237,1-2 ? '/2 70 for 35 deben X
29) Giornale 17 B, vs. 8, 35 yr. 17, Ram. IX '/5 5 for 2 deben X
(=p1.4l)
362 PRICES PLANTS 363

we should assume that the price of a bundle was more or less fixed total in line 6. This proves how common the value of
and the size changed according to the actual value, as is the use III 1/2 deben per bundle was in this period.
modern times, is a point which will be discussed further down. No. 19) Since the ostracon is broken it is not certain beyond
Some of the prices in Table LVIII need comment. doubt that the 3 deben of line 5 belong to the 10 mrw in
No. 2) wirj occurs again in the same papyrus, vs. 15, here com- line 4.
binea with 8 khar of corn. Although twelve bundles and No. 22) As in no. 13 the word wirj is missing, but here the plant
eight khar are stated to cost together 8 snlw, it is impossible determinative is still legible.
to calculate the value of the wirj.15 No. 24a) In a lacuna preceding smw the word wirj should be restored.
No. 4) The w$g are called nfr-nfr, 'very good'. The slight difference between this entry and 24b is no
No. 6) The only instance of '-It:: in the prices, when not the reason to suggest a real difference between wirj and wirj
other signs are lost with the end of the preceding line. smw, such small differences being typical of Egyptian
This is the usual writing of smw, but it is likely that h~re inexactitude.
wirj is meant. No. 27) The publication states as price 1 deben, but since the
No. 7) Whether the price is 2 oipe is not quite certain. 16 number is written on the edge of the broken sherd the
No. 8) The extremely low value of the 9 bundles has been inserted original may in fact have stated 'five'. Since no facsimile
afterwards between the lines. The reading is certain. has been published it is impossible to check the reading.
No. 11) In line 3 the price of 2 pieces of sycamore wood is No. 29) Another entry where the word wj(/ has disappeared (see
1 snlw. Then follows (4-5): "8 bundles of vegetables. I nos. 13 and 22). The price would well fit vegetables,
let ...... 17 for him for(?) the 2 pieces of sycamore but since the preceding and following lines contain prices
wood in exchange for his vegetables". Whatever the of garments, restoration of the word as wirj is uncertain,
meaning of the uncertain word in line 4 is, it looks as though ~ as a measure does not seem to be used with
though the value of the vegetables is equal to that of objects other than plants.
the pieces of wood, that is, I sniw for 8 bundles. There is one more entry in which the price of vegetables can be
No. 12) An instance of wirj smw. calculated. In Pap. Turin 1881, Ill, 7 (year 7, Ramesses IX) we find: "100
No. 13) Though the word wj(/ itself has disappeared, the signs f" bundles (~) of wirj smw for 8 mss-garments, 12 bundles of wirj
are a clear indication. each". If a mss here costs the usual 5 deben, a bundle of vegetables
No. 15) A doubtful entry, mentioning wirj mrw 3 ---"'" 3. cost 3/ 12 or nearly 1/2 deben. However, the entry does not seem to be
Most entries on the recto state no prices, the verso lists completely legible, there appearing some signs after mss 8 which
two sgr prices,18 which are probably expressed in deben, CERNY with much hesitation read as ~e., '200', which is obviously
and the same may hold true for the line here under impossible.
discussion. If expressed in khar the vegetables would be Two doubtful entries with wirj smw are found in Hier. Os!r. 61, 2,
even more expensive. 4-5 and vs. 5 (mid XXth Oyn.). On the recto 5 bundles are mentioned,
No. 18) No price is mentioned, but it can be calculated from the followed by an 'nb which costs 3 deben. Below, beneath a blank space,
a total of 3 3/ 4 khar is written, but it is not clear to what it belongs.
It may be the value of the 'nb and the vegetables together, which,
since 3 3/ 4 khar is equal to some 7 1/2 deben, would mean that the
15 Cr. p. 119.
16 Cr. p. 123. 5 bundles cost 4 1/2 deben, or nearly 1 deben per bundle. An unusually
17 CERN)" reads heres::.~, idn, 'to replace'. However, I do not understand the high price, though not quite impossible. On the verso the value of a
meaning of the preposition r (Pi !Jt), where a simple direct object seems to be sufficient. sfr.r is given as 1 khar of barley and 2 bundles of wirj smw. 19 This
18 cr. p. 201.
19 Ibid.
364 PRICES PLANTS 365

has induced us to suggest a total price of c. 3 deben for the slr-r, word could also have been abbreviated in this way. Its size is unknown,
going on the assumption that here, too, the wirj smw, as usual in this so that the price of 10 bundles for 1 deben remains rather vague. 24
period, cost 1/2 deben per bundle.
That this price is usual, at least for the mid Twentieth Dynasty, is § 117. gW, 'reed'
clear from Table LVIII.20 Two instances of 2/5 deben do not result in Pap. Turin 1907/8, Ill, 4 mentions 18 deben of glsi, which cost
a change of the average, but the two entries in no. 24 and one in 2 deben. That gW is a particular kind of reed has been stated by
no. 19 are clearly lower, though the latter is open to doubt. During
KEIMER. 25 In Pap. Anastasi IV, 13, 11 it occurs together with isr as
the Nineteenth Dynasty, on the other hand, the price seems to oscillate
material for basket-makers. 26 That gls1 was measured in deben, so in
between 1/6 sniw (= I deben) and 1/3 snlw (= 2 deben) per bundle, weight, is strange,27 and indeed the original is far from clear here.
which is two to four times as high as in the later period. In the In Pap. Harris I, 19b, 10 it is measured in mrw,28 but I have not
intervening years, during the reign of Ramesses Ill, prices are generally
been able to recognize this sign in Pap. Turin 1907/8. If indeed what
between 1 and 1/2 deben, so that a gradual fall in price appears to
was written is deben, this would mean that 9 deben or 820 grammes
have occurred. The absolute minimum 21 is found in Pap. Turin 1907/8,
cost I deben of copper.
where it strikingly coincides with high prices of grain. It may be
worthwhile reminding the reader that there is no means of establishing
§ 118. Ir-nni, 'flag' and ti-sps, \:innamon'
whether the bundles were of the same size in all periods, so that this
drop in prices may have been more apparent than real. Generally the The next plant is Ir-nnl, which according to JEQUIER 29 is the 'flag'
later and lower prices occur where the bundles are indicated as:: , (Acarus calamus L.), a species of iris used in th~ manufacture of
and the earlier, higher ones where they are referred to as ~, though perfumes. 3o JEQUIER indicates that it did not grow In E~ypt,. but was
there are exceptions (nos. 2 and 26), so that the connection may be imported from Syria. I doubt whether this is correct, SInce It occurs
purely coincidental. We can state no more than that the bundle of twice in Cairo ostraca 31 in lists of all kinds of products. In both
vegetables became cheaper during the period studied, but that this may instances it is mentioned in connection with tl_spS.32
or may not have been due to a decrease in the size of these bundles. A knnl price occurs in O. Cairo 25 543, 13-14 (late XIXth Dyn. ?).
The ~entence runs rdyt r gbl Ir-nni ..... dbn 10 lr/.n Ir-nni dbn 300.
§ 116. m/:ly, 'flax' The last number clearly indicates the weight, as we have also seen to
be the case with g5Sl. The first 10 deben are possibly deben of silver,
All the other plants occur seldom, most of them not more than
once ia the price-texts. Several are mentioned only in Pap. Turin 1907/8
(Ramesses VII). The first, in 11, 8, is m/:ly, which certainly means
24 See also § 123 and Table LIX. .
'flax'.22 Fifty bundles of it are said to cost 5 deben. The word 25 OLZ. 30, 1927, 145, note 2: 'Saccharum aegypt. Willd', after LORET, Sphmx 8,
translated here as 'bundle' is written as ~, like the abbreviation of 1904, 148ff. Another name is 'Saccharum biflorum'; cf. TACKHOLM-DRAR, Flora of
mrw in the mid Twentieth Dynasty, though also like the abbreviation Egypt, I, 1944,488. . 1ft I
26 So far as I know Saccharum has not yet been identified as matena or ac, ua
of brS. The usual measure for flax, however, is n'b, ::8=
,23 and this baskets, but isr (Juncus acutus L.) has been so, even in baskets fr~m Delr e\-Medma;
see LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 131. Saccharum biflorum IS, however, known
as material for sieves and mats (cf. op. cit., 133 and 137).
20 That in no. 18 no price is mentioned points to a quite common value. The 27 See, however, /fnni in the next section.

same could be inferred from no. 28, where seventy bundles cost 35 deben, which will 28 Also in VIREY, Etude sur un parchemin, V, I. In O. Cairo 25 677, vs. 18 it
mean that the average price was 1/2 deben per bundle. In other instances (nos. 22, appears with omission of the measure.
23 and 26) high numbers of bundles point to the same fixed price. 29 BIFAO. 19, 1922, 44f. Cf. also LORET, Flore , 31f.
2
.
21 The low price of no. 8 is an exception, for which I can offer no explanation. 30 For the use of iris in perfumes, cf. LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 89.
22 Wb. n, 121, 4ff.; Drogen",b., 28lf. 31 0 Cairo 25 677 vs. 37 and 25 678, 12.
23 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 24, 5, 5; 59, 1, 7; O. Berlin \0 631, 7; Pap. Harris I, 12b, . , . . , I
32 The same combination is found several times m Pap. Harns ,e.g."
15b 16-16a '
5; 32b, 8; stela Brit. Mus. 588,11-12 (lEA. 49,1963, pI. 9). 2; 34a, 8-9, Note that in Pap. Harris I, 34a, 9 it is measured in deben.
" .~

366 PRICES PLANTS 367

which are mentioned several times in this text, though in the § 120. by
preceding sentence deben of copper are used. The indication 'silver' Another unknown plant, by (,~q~ ::), occurs in O. DeM. 287, 5 a~d
(or 'copper'?) is missing at the beginning of line 14. If it should be Pap. Ch. Beatty V, 8, 3, but neither text offers any clue as to. Its
copper, this would mean that 30 deben cost I deben, but if silver, identification. Whether it is the same plant as byy 39 is doubtful, SInce
the quantity valued at I deben of copper was only 5 deben or 455 grammes. the latter may be of Ethiopian origin and there seems t~ be n~ reas.on
The latter price looks to be more probable when compared with the why by should not be Egyptian. A by price is mentIOned In Hler.
price of gW, since it is hardly possible that flag was cheaper than reed. Ostr. 63, 1, I, 11 (mid XXth Dyn.). Twenty bundles (~, mm?) cost
In combination with Ifnni we usually find ti-sps, which may be . - which is 40 bundles for 1 deben. This is definitely lower than
1 Olpe, . '1 '
'cinnamon',33 another ingredient in perfumes. It is also well-known as the price of wM, but again the uncertainty as to the size of a bund e
raw material for a kind of oil, which is also called ti-SpS.34 Four
makes comparison virtually impossible.
tl-sps prices occur in Pap. Turin 1907/8, namely in 11, 15; 11, 19;
There is possibly one more, equally vague price of by. In O. DeM.
Ill, 4; Ill, 6. That here it was in fact meant as an ingredient for 557 1-2 (of unknown date) there occurs an entry stating: by 40 '3t
perfume may follow from its combination with snlr (11, 19 and Ill, 6). ' : "3 a's-loads 41 of hy makes 12 days" (sc., hire of a donkey).
3 lrl.n0nll, 1> - 42
In the two other instances it is followed by nkpt and ittiyt (see next
Now the hire of a donkey for 1 day usually cost 1/2 oipe or 1/4 deben~
section). " so that 12 days would come to 3 deben, which would mean a pr~ce
In all four entries ti-sps is measured in bt, 0;, which may mean of 1 deben for an ass-load of by. However, we do not know the size
something like 'block', twenty of these together costing 5 deben. Of of an ass-load, no more than that of a bundle. Possibly an ~ss-load
course the quantity of a bt is unknown, so that comparison with other was about 40 bundles, which would mean that the two pnces are
prices is hardly possible.
equal, though this is uncertain.
§ 119. nkpt and iwfyt § 121. J:ujw, 'onions'

These words, which usually occur in combination,35 are also found It is striking that fairly common vegetables such as leeks (131ft) or
in Pap. Turin 1907/8, namely in 11, 15 and Ill, 4, both times in lettuce ('bw) seldom occur in ostraca and never in price entries. The
connection with a container called msti,36 while the price is 1 deben same holds true for bq,W, 'onions',43 though for this there is at least
for 1 msti. The meaning of nkpt and i}tiyt is uncertain. HELCK one price recorded. As reason for this absence I would suggest that
suggests 37 that they are fruit, since they are measured in msti, but the they are all included together under the words smw and/or wM·
determinative for both is the plant sign, not ,~ .38 80th words look to The only price for onions occurs in O. DeM. 241, vs. 7 (Ramesses
be foreign and may point to foreign products, though this does not Ill/IV), where we find bffw iri.n 1. The number will be that of debe~,
imply that they were not grown in Egypt. Whether they were expensive but the quantity of the bffw is not indicated, so that the entry IS
or not depends upon the capacity of the msti, about which nothing virtually useless to us.
is known.
§ 122. sst/d (?)
An altogether unidentified plant, about the writing of the. na~e of
33 Dragenwb., 550f., following LORET, Flare 2 , 51.
which the Egyptians themselves seem to have been uncertaIn, IS the
34 Determined by Q; for references, cf. HELCK, Materialien IV, 702.
35 Only in O. Cairo 25 678, i4 iv.fyt seems to occur by itself. After eachother they
are mentioned in e.g. Pap. Harris I, 16a, 4-5 and passim. 39 Wb. Ill, 238, 17. Cf. HELCK, Materialien V, 807.
36See§151. 40 SAUNERON transcribes it as ~qq"l\.t, which seems to be unknown. According
37 Materialien V, 759f. to the facsimile it may equally well be ~ qq~.
38 In Pap. Harris I, 64c, 8 nkpt occurs with the wood determinative. Note also 41 See pp. 448f.
that in Pap. Turin 1907/8, Ill, 4 the words occur in between ti-sps and gisi, which 42 HELCK, Materialien Ill, 495.
also points rather to plants than fruit. 43 For the identification, cf. LoRET, Flare 2 , 36f.
PLANTS 369
368 PRICES

sst/d(?). It occurs in Hier. Ostr. 63,1, I, 6 as <&1~eOq~=, in O. Gardiner § 123. Comparison of Plant Prices
162, 13 as<&I~es:q4-tL.:, and in Hier. Ostr. 87, 2, 3 and 4 and 6 as Although it is hardly possible to draw an~ conclu.sion~ from a
r~ le \\.l . The latter form looks rather different from the other two, comparison of the prices of the differen,t plan~s discussed III thl~ chapter
but if one assumes metathesis of the second and the third consonants it may be useful to compile our drtta III a slllgle table, reduclllg each
the writing is not so far removed from that of the second instance. 44 separate price to the one scale of how much could be b~ught for
In the first two entries sst/d(!) is measured in " 'pieces', while in I deben. For this purpose the khar is taken to be the eqUivalent of
the third it is followed by a number only. Here it occurs three times 2 deben, and the deben of silver as the equivalent ,of 60 deben of copper.
in combination with baskets, which may point to some kind of reed. No matter how different the measures may be, it IS clearl~ apparent that
The same could be concluded from Hier. Ostr. 63, 1, I, 6, where the flax is cheaper than vegetables, and by even more so, while sst/d, what-
entry runs: "I bound Vs) six pieces of sst together with it (irmj)", ever it may be, will have been more expensive, It is also clear that
after which the next entry mentions an ir*s-basket. To which word g5s1-if the price is reliable-is cheaper than flag. But these are the
the f of irmf refers is obscure. The preceding line mentions 15 ass- only conclusions we can draw.
loads of water, and it seems hardly possible to combine this with parts
of a plant. The use of 1S may point to a bouquet of flowers, but some
kind of basket may be equally possible.
TABLE LlX
The prices are: plants

1) O. Gardiner 162, 13 (Ramesses 1II) : 2 pieces for 4 deben; for I deben


2) Hier. Ostr. 63, 1, I, 6 (mid XXth Dyn.): 6 pieces for 1 khar.
'/2-2 bundles
vegetables [29 prices]
These prices differ rather widely, no. I giving 2 deben apiece, no. 2 I) .....J<J 10 bundles
flax p, Turin 1907/8,11,8
only 1/3 deben. Since, however, the identification of sst/d is impossible 2) mlJy
reed P. Turin 1907/8, III, 4 9 deben
3)gJSl 5 deben
we are unable to see whether the difference can be explained. 4) Ifnnl flag O. Cairo 25 543, 13-14
P. Turin 1907/8, n, 15; 19; III, 4; 6 4 bl
There is possibly yet another occurrence of a price for the same 5) ti-sps cinnamon
P. Turin 1907/8,11, 15; Ill, 4 I mSll
plant. In Hier. Ostr. 54, 2, 2 (Ramesses Ill) we read: ~\\.l ---" I , r 6) nkpl + iwfYl
7) by
?

Hier. OSlr, 63, I, I, II


40 bundles
o. DeM. 241, vs. 7 ?
iri.n B-1. Although the publication is hesitant about the transcription 8) IJ<J ..... onions
Hier. Oslr. 63, I, I, 6 3 pieces
?
of the c;:. it looks to be possible that the same word is meant, 9) sSlld 1/2 piece
O. Gardiner 162, 13
particularly since here, too, it is measured by the piece. The price, Hier. Oslr. 54, 2, 2 '/2 piece
'/2 piece
I piece for 1 khar, or 2 deben, is the same as in no. 1. Since both 10) sJ1I ( sslld?) ? 0, DeM. 369, 3

ostraca date from the reign of Ramesses III this seems quite appropriate.
In O. DeM. 369, 3 (year 4, mid XXth Dyn.) we find t6'lo4fi1 ' 4,
iri.n Ft 4. The word s5ti is unknown to me. It cannot well be sty,
though the writing may have been influenced by it, since it seems
impossible that sty was measured in pieces. If the determinative was an
error for-4.. we may possibly have here another instance of the present
word in yet another wri.ting. The price of 1 khar or 2 deben for 1 piece
again would be the same as that in no. 1. The identification of S5t1
with sst/d is very doubtful, however.

44 I do not think it likely that these various forms are obscure ways of writing

sdw, which is known as a part of a plant from Pap. Ebers (cf. Drogenwb., 469 f.),
although the last form mentioned in this section (see below) is indeed roughly the
same as that in the medical papyrus.
WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS 371

In no. 1 of Table LX the price is indicated as .D. I , which is an


unusual way of noting a value. It will mean 1 deben of copper, and
CHAPTER FOURTEEN the occurrence of the sign for copper will have to be explained by the
fact that most other prices in this text are given in khar. In no. 5 the
WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS two dots after iri.n in the publication are, according to the facsimile,
clearly the abbreviated ligature for deben. The text of no. 10 is
§ 124. nh, 'sycamore' scarcely legible, and according to CERNY'S transcription the number
of logs is not noted; the price, however, is clear. Probably only one log
The meaning of the word nh 1 has been established as 'sycamore', 2
was meant.
a tree frequently found in Egyptian gardens. 3 The wood of it was A last, though unusable instance is found in O. Berlin 12 405, 7
used for various objects, such as statues 4 and corn-measures. 5 In the (late XXth Dyn.). The text is illegible to me from the photograph,
prices it always occurs as bt (n) nh, which may be rendered as 'log of and CERNY transcribed it only in part, but from his facsimile I would
sycamore'.6
read it as r rjbj nj bt n nh dbn 5. Since, however, these signs do not
The size of the bt may have varied, though the prices point te fairly indicate the number of logs the price per item is uncertain.
fixed dimensions. Whether, however, differences in price give an The value of a log of sycamore appears to be 1 deben (five out of
indication as to difference in size is quite uncertain. ten instances), 1/2 khar being the equivalent thereof. That in no. 9 is

TABLE LX
slightly less, that in no. 7 slightly more. In two instances, nos. 3 /2 sni~i' e
equals at least 2, possibly 3 deben) and 8, it is higher. Whether thiS
is due to the general price-level or to the quality or size of the logs
nh
themselves is obscure.
sniw khar deben

1) o. Brooklyn Mns. 37.1880 E, lO late XIXth Dyn.


§ 125. s'd, 'log'
1
2) o. Varille 5, 3
3) O. DeM. 232, 11, 3
XIXth Dyn.?
"/2 The word s'd, written as ~~,~, or ~9~,~, with va!'r., and
early Ram. III?
abbreviated among other things as ~, is translated by the Wh.7 as
'/
'2 2 for 1 snil<'
4) O. DeM. 73, vs. 4 yr. 20, Ram. III 1 2 for 2 deben
5) O. Michael. 6, vs. 3 (= pI. 57) yr. 1, mid XXth Dyn. 1 'zurechtgeschnittent's StUck Holz'. GLANVILLE translates it as 'balks', 8
6) Hier. Ostr. 63, 1,11,2·3 mid XXth Dyn.
7) O. DeM. 411, 3
1 his example being followed by HELCK,9 who observes that it was a
XXth Dyn.? }1/3 3 for 4 deben
8) O. Michael. 28, vs. 6 (= pI. 75) XXth Dyn.?
square piece of wood, from which all kinds of planks and beams
2
9) O. IFAO. 1020,3 ? could be sawn.
3/ 8 2 for ~ oip~
lO) O. Gardiner 222, 5 ?
I So much is certain, that it does not indicate a particular kind. of
wood. In Hier. Ostr. 86, 3, 2 are mentioned, e.g., 20 s'd of tamansk
1 In the ostraca usually written as nhJ, seldom as nht. wood (is), and in Hier. Ostr. 86, 4, 5 one s'd of ebony. The parallel
2 Wb. 11, 282, 6ff.; Dragenwb., 306ff.; GARDINER, Onam. I, 20. The word nh was text of the former, O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E, 2, writes instead of is S'd 20:
oft~n used as the generic word for 'tree'; cf. Wb. 11, 282, 16, and p. 334, note 29 above. isy bt 20. bt will have been a still vaguer word for log, as we saw in
Cr. W. BOERHAVE BEEKMAN, Haut in alle tijden I, 419f. The garden of Ineni
(Urk. IV, 73) compnsed 170 date-palms, 120 dum-palms, 73 sycamores, 31 per sea the preceding section.
t~ees, a.nd many other trees in smaller numbers. Two gardens of sycamores are men- Most prices in Table LXI are clear. In no. 4 the final. sign ~ of
tioned In Pap. Harris I, 65c, 14. hhn, 'ebony', is still legible. That here the value of the log IS the lowest
4 Pap. Harris I, 41 b, 1-2.

5 Hier. Ostr. 62, I, vs. 4. For actual objects, cr. LUCAS-HARRIS Anc. Eg. Materials
440. "
7 Wb. IV, 423. 6.
6 In O. DeM. 667. 4 one ot is said to cost 3 deben. This price does not fit in with 8 Cf. ZA:S. 68, 1932, 10, n. 5 (Pap. Brit. Mus. 10056,2,2 and passim).
Table LX, so that ot may here indicate a different kind of wood. Cr. the next
section. 9 Materialien V, 889.
372 PRICES WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS 373

TABLE LXI (s'd; ~) from tamarisk wood". More problematical are some w~itings
of siy. Usually we find ~4L" with slight variations, but O. Mlchael.
S'd
14, 7 (= pI. 48) reads <BI~ ....... , which may be simply an ~~usu~1
deben adaptation from the earlier siw. Doubtful, however, is the wntlllg III
Hier. Ostr. 36, 1, vs. I, 6, where we find cff,A}\.-.. At first sight this
I) O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, 13 XIXth Dyn? 5
vs. 5, 15 (= RAD. 48, 4)
looks to be a derivative of the verb swi, 'to fell trees',12 and hence
2) P. Turin 1880, yr. 29, Ram. III 10
vs. 6, 16 (= RAD. 48, 8) 18 another rendering for (l)swt (see § 128), but the absence of the feminine
3) O. DeM. 579, 11-12 Ram. Ill/IV 10 ending, which is special of iswt and is sometimes even. written as. ~.q ,
4) Hier. Ostr. 86, 4, 5 mid XXth Dyn. 1/. ebony makes it more probable that siw is meant, though certalllly the wntlllg
5) O. Berlin 10 643, vs. 2-3 yr. I, mid XXth Dyn. I
6) Hier. Ostr. 36, I, vs. I, 7 yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII '/, 5 for 3 debt' is influenced by swi. _
7) O. Gardiner 172, 7 late XXth Dyn.? I The beams may have been of quite different sizes. In O. Cemy
3 + O. Fitzwilliam Mus. 1, 11 (unpubI.) there occurs a siy of 16 cubits,
of all would point to its dimensions being small. No. 5 is less certain. i.e., 8.40 m;13 in O. DeM. 589, 5-7 one of 11 cubits or 5.775 m;
Line 2 is clearly visible, containing the words s'd n bt, but line 3 is in Hier. Os!r. 61, 2, 414 one of 9 cubits or 4.752 m.ls In nearly all
broken off, leaving only the tops of some of the signs. It certainly instances they are fairly long, which may prove that 'beam' is the
begins with iri.n, but for the rest only the upper half of the last sign . d 16 . k 17 ,. 18
correct rendering. The kind of wood vanes, ssn_ rn, tamans, s,
is left. This may be, as CERNY suggested, the number 'six'. If this is dum-palm 19 and acacia 20 being mentioned.
the total-and since there are no more traces at the edge of the ostracon All instances in Table LXII are clear, except for the first entry in
it was probably the last sign, so that a total is probable-the value of no. 3, where no number of sniw is noted. The word sniw itself is
the s'd will be 1 deben, since the two other items of the verso are a certain so that at least 1/2 sniw was meant, though possibly it was
razor of I deben and wood for a coffin for 4 deben. A tiny tip of the 'one'. This price would be in sharp contrast with the second one in
stroke of 'one' may be still visible. No. 7 is in itself certain, though the same text, where 3 beams are valued at only 1 hin.
between §'d ' and the number ('one') a word is lost for which I cannot The price of a siy appears to vary from 5 to 6 deben (no. 1), t:",ice
propose a restoration. 4 deben (no. 8) and one or two times 3 deben (nos. 6 and, pOSSibly,
There may be yet another price, namely in O. Cairo [154], 3 (of 3a) to 1/18 sniw (no. 3b) and 1/6 khar (no. 10), which is twice 1/3 deb.en.
unknown date), where the scribe made the mistake of writing' n (sic) The reason for this variety may have been the size or the quahty.
iri.n. I (or 5?). Above 10 we have suggested that the' may be a basket, Nowhere is the fon:->er mentioned,21 while only in no. 7 the kind of
but' n s'd is also possible.
The variety in the prices is clearly due to differences in size, which 12 Wh. Ill, 427, 1. 160
13 I have taken the cubit to have been 0.525 m. Cr. REINEKE, MID. 9,. 1963, .
is proved by the fact that what will have been the most expensive
14 The text is not quite clear, but the stroke after m~ in the transcnptlOn does
wood, ebony, occurs at the lowest price. Therefore no conclusions not seem to indicate a number. Certainly 'nine' is not the price. .
about the price level can be drawn from this material. 15 Pap. Bibl. Nat. 211, vs. a, 15 (= SPIEGELBERG, Rechnungen, pI. XIVa) mentIOns

two beams, one of ID and one of 8 cubits; and the same papyrus, rt. b, 2. (= pI. XIII,
a) one of 20 cubits. In Pap. Earris t, 34a, 15 occurs a beam of only 4 cubits or 2.10 m.
§ 126. siy, 'beam' 16 Pap. Harris, I, 34a, 15

17 Hier. Ostr. 63,1, 1,13.


That siy or si\\' means· 'beam' seems quite certain.11 Proof of this 18 Pap. Bibl. Nat. 211, rt. b, 2 (= pI. XIII a).
may be found in Hier. Ostr. 63, 1, I, 13, where we read: "one siy, cut 19 O. DeM. 589, 5 and 7.
20 Ibid., 6. Both mimi and sndt also in O. terny 3 + O. Fitzwill. Mus., 11

(unpubl.). .
10 See p. 154. 21 A special way of expressing the quantity of the si), occurs m O. DeM. 596.
11Wh. III, 419, 14. See also GLANVILLE, ZiI.'S. 68, 1932, 26, n. 78 and HELCK, Here are added together 2200 bt n sm", and 2 siy, 60 each, makes 120, altogether
Materialien V, 903, with references. 2320! How firewood and beams could be added together t fail to see, but It Will
374 PRICES

TABLE LXII
·1~.'
:~ j". ;:
11>. .•·
WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS 375

is called ~qq"i'.,...... , !yn, and elsewhere 27 .§'o ........ ' !nnw, The Wb,,28
which does not connect these words, renders !nnw with 'Brett o,a,',
f/~
51\'
while HELCK 29 states of i!yn that it is 'unklar' and of !nmr 'sonst
snhr khar deben /~
anscheinend nicht belegt',
That (i)!yn is some kind of beam looks to be certain, but as to its
I) O. Cerny 5, vs. 3 XIXth Dyn. I exact nature I cannot offer any other suggestion than that it will have
2) O. Cairo 25 587, 7
XIXth Dyn.? I
2-3
3) O. DeM,50'3_4 I
2?
been a part of a ship, This is clear not only from the kind of texts
late XIXth Dyn.
I
3 for I hin in which the word occurs, but also from the fact that in all its known
4) O. Michael. 14,7-8 (= pI. 48) late XIXth Dyn.
" 18
I

5) Hier. Ostr. 54, 2. 4


/,
occurrences it is said to be of's, which is either a pine or a fir. 30 In
Ram. '" I
6) O. DeM. 556, 4 the following sections it will become apparent that's was the timber
7) Hier. Ostr. 63, I, I, 13-14

8) O. Gardiner 158,
vs. 2
Ram. '"
mid XXth Dyn.
..

3

4
used for ships in all the texts here discussed,
There are three (l)!yn prices, In 0, Cairo 25 543, 8 two large items
vs. 3 mid XXth Dyn.?
4
9) Hier. Ostr. 36, I, vs. I, 6 yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII were originally valued, though of their price only the word kite is left.
2
0) O. Brussels E 6339, 6 ? 1/
/6 3 for 2 oipi' From the total in the next line this appears to have been 1 kite, which
will have been the equivalent of 6 deben of copper, i,e" 3 deben each,
In line 14-15 of the same ostracon three !yn are valued at a total of
wood is stated, That tamarisk was cheap is in accordance with our 18 deben of copper, but each is said to cost 10 deben, which cannot
expectations, since this was a common tree in ancient Egypt. 22 be correct. This was possibly a mistake for 6 deben,31
In Giornale 13, 2, lone i!yn costs 3 kite, which at that time meant
§ 127, (l)iyn 18 deben of copper,
!he following sections deal with ship's parts, For comparison of the The variety of the prices will have been due either to differences in
pnces cf. § 135 and Table LXIII. These prices all occur in Pap, Turin size, about which nothing is known, or to the price-level. See for this
1999 + 2009, here called the Giornale dell'anno 13,23 and in 0, Cairo § 135,
25 543, The former text dates from the year 13 of Ramesses IX, the
latter probably from the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty, § 128, iswt, 'plank'
In Giornale 13, 2, I there is mentioned a piece of wood called ityn In 0, Cairo 25 543, 7 there occurs the price of an iswt, This word
11 ,:=)lIq- 24 - ,
'1 ,,1 'll. ........ , Whether the Wb,2S correctly connects this with the was usually written as qrt.... ,32 but in the ostraca and elsewhere we
M,Eg, w?rd ,lint se:,ms to me doubtful, but it is definitely the same also find, as if it wt-re a foreign word, the writing qrfl'}\.;'6t. . . . ,33 In
word which III 0, Cerny 3, 3 and 5 and 20 (unpubl.) is written as some instances it is found, like (l)iyn, without the initial i,34 which
41" ':=)~4~, 26 Moreover it seems to be more than probable that it
also Illdlcates the same object which in 0, Cairo 25 543, 8 and 14-15
27 SPlEGELBERG, Rechnungen, pI. IX, IV, 4; pI. XII, b, 5; pI. XV, a, 4, The first

one measures 11 cubits or 5,775 m,


have been in some unknown measure of quantity. Probably it was the same measure 28 Wb, V, 381, 10,
as ;~at always used for firewood, which never seems to be expressed (cf. p, 483). 29 Materialien V, 895 anc 903,
56f. Cf. BOERHAvE BEEKM~N, Haut in alle tijden, 421; also KEIMER, Gartenpjlanzen, 30 LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg, Materials, 319f.

31 The total in line 17 agrees with 18 deben for three un,


23 BOTTl-PEET, Giornale, pis, 1-3. 32 Wb. I, 132, 1.
24 The publication is hesitant about whether either 0 or " should be recon- 33 E,g" SPlEGELBERG, Rechnungen, pI. IX, 12; pI. XV, 2, 3 and passim; Pap, Brit.
structed under theb, but comparison with lyn points to the latter solution. Mus, \0 056, vs. 4,12; vs, 9,13 (= ZA.'S, 66,1931,6* [,), ~
25 Wb, I, 151,4.
34 Hier, Ostr, 63, 1, II, 3; 0, DeM. 319, 4 (swJwt), originally determined by ,
26 In line 5: 12 cubits or 6,30 m; in line 20: 7 cubits (and 2 palms ?), but this sign has been deleted by the scribe,
376 PRICES WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS 377

points to its connection with the verb sws, 'to fell trees', 'to cut wood',35 meaning something like 'finished'. Whatever the work done. on the
by which its true Egyptian origin may be proved. stake in question may have been, the price was raised conSiderably
GLANVILLE describes 36 isw! as "the regular name for the largest by it. On the other hand, this proves that the other items were not
type of plank made from '5", and states its average length to be 11 to 'finished' .
21 cubits, i.e., 5.775 to 11.025 m, although a few items 37 measure up There mav be yet another tpt price, namely in O. Cairo 25 543,
to 26 and 28 cubits, or 13.65 to 14.70 m. SPIEGELBERG 38 gives 8. The text i; difficult to read, but tERN)' transcribed it as Ilil/, fol~owed
instances of a still wider range of measures, from over 35 cubits to by some doubtful signs, possibly including 'five palms' ..The pnce of
2 cubits, while the width varies from 1 cubit (0.525 m) to 2 palms one item is 1 kite of silver. That indeed the length, If a tpt :v~s
(0.15 m). These measures, which are long to very long, but narrow, meant, could be 5 palms or 0.375 m looks to be improbable, but It .IS
indeed point to 'planks', though the thickness is never stated. That possible that this was the width, or that the .length was some cubits
the isw! are used for the outer skin of ships 39 also accords with this 'plus 5 palms'. The explanation is too uncertam to attach much value
explanation. In all known instances the material was again ·s. to this entry, however.
The only price, in O. Cairo 25 543, 7, is 5 iswt for 1 deben and
2 1/2 kite of silver, which is 75 deben of copper, or 15 deben per
plank. This is more than the Iyn in the same text costs, so that iswt § 130. ht-ISw, 'mast'
will have been larger than these, but whether this means longer, wider The meaning of ht-ISW is certain, if only from its Cop tic form
or thicker is unknown. <9 T €.44 The word occurs several times in texts con~erning ships.
In Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 056, 14, 11 an item measures 30 cubits, or 15.75 ~
§ 129. tpt, 'stake' -the longest piece of wood mentioned in this papyrus 45_, m
The word tpt occurs not only in texts concerning shipbuilding, but SPIEGELBERG'S Rechnungen masts of 11 to 33 cubits are mentioned,46
also elsewhere. 40 It is discussed by GLANVILLE,41 who explained it as and in Pap. Turin 1881, vs. I, 10-11, 147 two masts of as many as 40
'top of the tree' or 'stake'. Mostly it is said to consist of 's-wood. and 42 cubits, i.e., 21 and 22.05 m. These lengths agree with the
Prices for it occur in Giornale 13, 2, 7-9. In line 7 we find 3 items translation 'mast'. The material, where indicated, is always ·s.
mentioned, of 40 cubits, 30 + x (probably 5) cubits and 30 cubits Prices are known only from Giornale 13,2, 3-6. They are:
respectively, which together cost 5 kite of silver, i.e., an average of c.
line 3: 40(?) 48 cubits,49 price 4 deben of silver;
0.17 deben of silver each, or 210 cubits for a deben of silver. In line 8
42 line 4: 38 cubits,49 price 3 deben and 8 kite of silver;
two tpt of 28 and 27 cubits are valued, but the number of th~ kite
line 5: 35 cubits, price 3 deben and 8(?) kite of silver;
is missing. In line 9 one tpt, measuring 20 cubits (10.50 m), probat-ly
line 6: 30 cubits, price 3 deben of silver.
costs 2 1/2 kite,43 or 80 cubits for 1 deben of silver. This higher
price per cubit was probably explained by the word grg (.~) after tpt,

44 Wb. III, 342, 7; CRUM. Copt. Diet., 595a.


35 Wb. III, 427, I.
45 Cf. GLANVILLE, op. cit., 20, n. 48.
36 ZA·s. 68, 1932, 18. n. 39, and p. 41. 46 Rechnungen, pI. IX, n, 4 (22 cubits); pI. XIII, a, 16 (11 1/2 cubits) and a,
37 Pap. Brit. M us. 10 056, vs. 5, 9-11.
21 (11 cubits); p. XV, b, '] (33 cubits).
38 Reehnungen, 59.
47 GARDlNER, Late-Eg. Mise., 126, 3. .
39 cr. ZA·S. 68, 1932, 32·.
48 The transcription gives 30 with a query, but since throughout thiS text the longer
40 For references, cf. CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 134.
pieces are consistently listed before the shorter ones,. and the next one measures
41 ZA·S. 68, 1932,27, n. 82.
38 cubits it will have to be 40 cubits. This also agrees with the pnce.
49 In 'line 3 there may have been lost a word between 11w and th~ pri~e. In the
42 The publication indicates the loss of a sign after '28', but since in the preceding

line there is a blank space between two numbers it is equally likely th:lt nothing is next line B()TTI and PEET thought with hesitancy they could see at thiS pomt of the
missing. If anything, it could only be q /2" entry~. which might mean sri, 'small'. However, the mast of 38 cubi~s is not at all
43 The publication has I 1/ 2 , with room for one more stroke.
short, but is one of the longest ones known. I am unable to explam the sign.
378 PRICES WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS 379

The obvious conclusion is that masts cost 1 kite per cubit. Therefore Most irkt prices are, unfortunately, damaged. In rt. 1, 12 the first
the price in line 5 looks doubtful; it may be a mistake for 3 deben one of 50 cubits costs what BOTTI and PEET read as "10 deben of
and 5 kite, the 'eight' being due to the influence of the preceding price. silver",59 i.e., 600 deben of copper. The sign for 10, however, does not
If indeed this is a scribaI error, it is yet further proof of the inaccuracy appear to be clear. In 1, 15 an irkt of 45 cubits is said to cost
of Egyptian accounts. 5 deben of "ilver, but between the number and the signs for deben there
is the indication in the transcription that a word is lost. HELCK 60
§131. irkt, 'trunk'
restores it as 'kite, but this looks impossible, since nowhere does the
The word 4~:;oe . . . . . , irkt, so far as I know only occurs 50 in Pap. word deben precede immediately the word kite. It must have been at
Bibl. Nat. 209 51 and in Giornale 13, 1, 12-17. The first instance least '1 deben and 5 kite', but most probably more deben, since this
mentions;! irkt, which HELCK 52 renders as 'zugeschnitten'-neglec- irkt was only 5 cubits shorter than the first one of 1O(?) deben.
ting the n--evidently explaining it as s'd (n). The same sign also OCCllrs Moreover, the irkt 61 in line 18, the length of which is missing but
before Iswt,53 and that indeed s'd is meant is apparent from a which may have been 35 cubits, costs at least 3 deben. 62 Therefore the
parallel,54 where we find 's ~~~ n lswt. price in line 15 will have been x + 1/2 de ben of silver, x being more
In Pap. Bibl. Nat. 209 the irkt measures 9 cubits to 1 cubit and than 3.
3 palms, which is 4.725 to 0.75 m. The six irkt of the Giornale measure All these prices appear to be most uncertain. Compared with those of
twice 50 cubits (26.25 m), twice 45 cubits (23.625 m) and twice 40 cubits masts the first one would seem to be extremely high, though the third
(21 m).55 However, these measures are not very helpful in identifying one is possibly the same as that of a mast of 30 cubits. If irkt was
the exact nature of the lrkt. Clearly it was used in ship-building, and indeed a trunk without bark from which masts could be made-a
consequently in all instances it is said to consist of's. The longest process in which possibly some length was lost-these prices would
irkt was longer than the longest mast we know of, being 50 as against match each other.
42 cubits. Probably, therefore, SPIEGELBERG 56 was correct in connec-
ting the word irkt with 1'K , 'to be long'. Whether HELCK'S rendering § 132. pJ[y]pt(?)
with 'unzerschnittene, aber entiistete Baumstiimme' 57 is correct,
In the Giornale dell'anno 13 there is also mention of a piece of
however, is hard to prove. It may be noted that the first four irkt in
's-wood the name of which is partly lost in all three instances, rt. 2,
Giornale 13 are called nfr, 'good', and the next one even nfr-nfr,
10-12. There remain only the signs 1t]w~ .63 This word is supposed
'very good'.58 What strikes us is that in the Giornale the irkt are
to occur in no other text. The only certainty about the object is its
mentioned after ropes and before what may have been ship-loads of
length: once 40 cubits (21 m) and twice 30 cubits (15.75 m), which
grain or other kinds of food, after which, in col. 2, the parts of a ship
is conspicuously long, being the same length as that of the masts.
are enumerated. So an irkt looks to have been raw material rather
Although with some reservation, I would suggest that pJypt(?) should be
than a part of a ship, though of course it could have been made into
one. Hence 'trunk' may be the correct rendering.

50 It does not occur in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10056. 59 Paid r /:Ig m bt, 'as money in goods'.
51 SPIEGELBERG, Rechnungen, pI. IX, V, 10. 60 Op. cit., 893. .
52 Materialien V, 898. 61 Only the signs4~ are left, but the reconstruction appears to be certam. .
62 After 3 the line is broken off; a number of kitt!' may have been mentIOned.
53 Rechnungen, 63.
54 Op. cit., pI. XIII, b, 5.. The word deben after hd is omitted, but since the objects are invariably mentIOned
going down from the ~~st expensive to the cheapest, and in. the next l~ne the word
55 The next lines will also have contained irkt-prices, but are partially destroyed.
These irkt will have been shorter. deben is still legible - the initial q
indicates that here, too, It was an Irkt that was
56 Op. cit., 59. being valued - it is certain that it should be restored as dbn and not as kl.tt!'. Only
57 Op. cit., 895. from the twentieth line onward do we find prices in kitt!', but since no trace IS left of
58 The same indication nlr is also found in 2, 13 (gr't) and 15 (wgi), and contrasted
the name of the object being valued here it may be that this was not an irkt.
in 14 and 16 with snw, 'second quality'. 63 In line 12 ending W;"r;....
380 PRICES WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS 381

connected with pipit, which occurs in the Story of Wenamiin,64 and (18.375 m) respectively. This order, which is contrary to the custom of
may mean 'keel'.6s The length would agree with this explanation. listing the longest one first, is explained by the addition of nfr to the
Of the three p3ypt the first two (lines 10-11) are called nfr, the third first one and snw to the second. Unfortunately, only the price of the
one snw, 'second quality'. This difference is confirmed by the prices. shortest 'good' one is left, being 6 deben of silver, while from the
The first one costs 8 deben of silver, the second, which is 10 cubits second pric~ the number of deben is missing, leaving only '5 kite'.
shorter, 6 deben of silver. This means that both are valued at 5 cubits Therefore it is impossible to state what was the influence of the quality
for a deben. The third one, however, though also of 30 cubits, costs on the price.
only 4 deben + x kite,66 which is I + x1 10 deben less tha'n the second Since 6 deben for 30 cubits comes to 5 cubits for one deben, the
one, or a price of c. 7 cubits for a deben. first price is the same as that of the p3ypt and twice that of the masts.
These prices are double that of a mast of corresponding length,
which may also fit in with the meaning 'keel', since such a beam § 135. Prices of Ship's Parts
should be heavier and of better quality than a mast.
On comparing the date: of Table LXIII with the prices of other
§ 133. gplj commodities one is struck by the expensiveness of wood in the

Another wooden ship's part is mentioned in Giornale 13, 2, 2. It is


called gplj, !~~11.:;:_, judging by the way it is written obviously a TABLE LXIII

foreign word. HELCK 67 may be correct in connecting it withtnD~, 'to


parts of ships
be broad', the more so since, as he observes, this entry does not state
a measure as do all the following lines. 68 So far as I know it is a O. Cairo Giornale dell' deben deben number of cubits
25 543 anno 13 of silver of copper for 1 deben of silver
hapax legomenon.
The gplj, which also consists of 's-wood, is valued at 1 kite, which 8 3
(l)lyn 14-15 6 (1O?)
puts it into the category of 11yn and lswt rather than that of masts
2,1 0.3 = 18
and trunks.
'sw! 7 0.25 = 15
§ 134. gr'(
2,7 0.17 = 10 210
tpt
The last word in this series of ship's parts m the Giornale delI'anno 13 2,9 0.25? = 15" 80

of which a price is known 69 is gr't, written as n~'~loe-,. It also 2,3 4 = 240 10


occurs in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 056, 3, 9, but GLANVILLE was unable 2,4 3.8 = 228 10
70 bt-lJw
2,5 3.5? = 1O?
to explain it. In both instances in Giornale 13, rt. 2, 13-14 it consists 210"
2,6 3 = 180 10
of 's-wood, the measures being 30 cubits (15.75 m) and 35 cubits
1,12 1O? = 600" 5"
irkt 11 2/,?
1,17 3? = 180"
64 Wenamun, 2, 37-38.
65 Cf., e.g., WILSON, ANET., 28a; LEFEBVRE, Romans et contes, 216. 2,10 8 = 480 5
66 The number of the kiti' is lost. pi[yJpt 2,11 6 = 360 5
67 Materialien V, 895. . 2,12 4.x = 240 + x c. 7
68 The preceding i!yn is also without a measure.
j
69 In rt. 2, 15-16 a wgi is mentioned twice. This word also occurs in the Rechnungen, rip/:! 2,2 0.1 = 6
e.~..' pI. XI, 11, 8 and V, 9, and in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 056, vs. 4, 4, etc. GLANVILLE,
ZAS. 68, 1932, 26, n. 77, translates it as 'rib'. The prices in the Giornale have rlr't 2,13 6 = 360 5
disappeared.
70 Op. cit., 11, n. 12.
I
382 PRICES WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS 383
71
Giornale. The cheapest object, a gp/:l, costs more than a mss-garment in the Village,76 but whether this type, which is probably correctly
and twice as much as an average beam (sly). The ilyn, which according called 'old men's stick', was suitable for beating with seems doubtful.
to O. Cairo 25543 could be cheap, was in Giornale 13 even three times The material of which the §bs was made offers no clue as to its
as expensive. tpt and ilyn cost about the same as a cheap bed and identification. In Pap. Mallet, 1, 6 and in O. Gardiner 158, 7 a /:I'w is
only slightly less than a donkey or a coffin. A mast may cost twice as said to be of 'wn-wood,77 but in Pap. Mallet, I, 7 the same is said of
much as the most expensive bull, a keel (plypt) even three to four a §bd. Still the words §bd and /:I'w cannot refer to the same objects,
times as much.
since Pap. Mallet distinguishes between them. A /:I'w, however, is once
Whether this high cost of 'i-wood, which came from Syria, should said to have been used as a walking-stick,7 8 and may therefore also be
be attributed to political circumstances during the later reigns of the identified with the straight or gabled staff.
Twentieth Dynasty, we shall not go into here. It may be worth The only suggestion I am able to offer is that one of the two, either
stressing that the ilyn and the iswt of O. Cairo 25 543, which probably the h'w or the §bd, is the knobbed staff, which is also known from the
dates from the late Nineteenth Dynasty, are cheaper than the items Vi11~ge. 79 In one text 80 are mentioned /:I'w *lyw n /:Im.f, 'long staffs
mentioned in the Giornale, though 2 1/2 kiN! or 15 deben of copper for of His Majesty', with gold-plated grips. Whether these were similar
a plank (iswt), where a coffin could be bought for 20 deben, still objects to those mentioned in the Story of the Taking of J oppa, 81
looks to be expensive. Note that the ilyn and the iswt also consist of there called 'wnt and 'wnw, is not certain, though possible, but clearly
'i-wood. Of course it is possible that the particular ilyn and iswt of His Majesty's /:I'w are different from the usual staffs of the wo~kmen.
O. Cairo 25 543 were smaller than usual,72 but no measures are given. Although definite proof is lacking, the higher price of the b'w In Pap.
Even then, a price of 4 deben of silver, i.e., 240 deben of copper, for a Mallet, I, 6, as compared with the §bd in the next line, points in the
mast and 8 deben of silver, i.e., 480 deben of copper, for a keel is far direction of a more elaborate object, which knobbed staffs may have
too much higher than that of the ilyn and the iswt of O. Cairo 25 543 been.
to be explained by differences in length.
TABLE LXIV
§ 136. §bd
.ibd
To the category of wooden objects also belong sticks, staffs and
rods. Three words for these objects are mentioned together with prices, khar deben

namely §bd, /:I'w and 'wn, but it is hardly possible to establish what
I) O. Varille D, 4-5 yr. 3, Merenptal).l Amenmesse I 3/.
exact meaning was attached to each of them. late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 2
2) O. Gardiner 135, 2-3
The word §bd, written as .w.l1~ with varr., in Cop tic C:9BWT, is 3) P. Mallet, 1,7 yr. 31, Ram. III . yr. 3, Ram. IV I "\rn-wood

clearly connected with the Semitic ~~!&f. The §bd was used by officers,73 4) O. Gardiner 296, 2 Ram. I11/mid XXth Dyn. I
5) O. Gardiner fragm. 83, 8 ? I
by doorkeepers,74 and for beating' offenders against the law with.75
Since it seems to be the usual word for stick it may have indicated the
long staff, either straight or gabled, which seems to have been common In no. 1 of T:lble LXIV the §bd (written as sstibw!) is said to be
71 See also §143 and §174. given r tJ bry-mrbt. This may mean either 'for', that is, intended for,
72 iswt ranging from 2 to 35 cubits, and ilyn from 11 to 20 cubits are known.
Although their average is below the known measures of bt-lJw, irkt and pJypt, they 76 Cr. Rapport DeM. 1928, 72 and pI. X, 2; 1934-35, n, 121 fT. and fig. 69. See also
may have measured not less than half of these, while their prices are only a fraction GABRA, Melanges Maspero I, 573fT. (the staffs of Senniidjem and Khonsu).
of those of longer ship's parts. 77 See next section.
73 Pap. Ch. Beatty V, 7, 2.
78 Pap. d'Orbiney, 13, I.
74 Pap. Anastasi V, 16, 6.
79 Rapport DeM. 1927, 7 and fig. 5, A.
75 Hier. Ostr. 70, I, vs. 7: 100 sbt Bb (sic). Cf. also O. DeM. 133, 5-6 (sti) and 80 Pap. Anastasi IV, 17, 3.
O. DeM. 433, 8 (Btl). 81 Pap. Harris 500, vs. 1,8 and 10.
384 PRICES WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS 385

tomb equipment,82 or 'in exchange of' (r for r gbi). For the price of All this does not explain the nature of the 'wn-tree, however. In Pap.
the §bd this is irrelevant. That staffs were part of the tomb equipment Anastasi I 93 it appears as a Syrian tree, and its use as part of the
is well-known, from the Middle Kingdom 83 as well as from Deir chariot equipment points in the same direction, but in the Story of
el-Medina. 84 the Eloquent Peasant 94 it is said to come from the Oasis of Fariifra.
The prices 85 vary considerably, the first one in Table LXIV being It has been suggested that 'wn was another form for w'n, the juniper. 95
3/4 khar or 3 1/2 deben, the others 1 to 2 deben. Possibly the high A point in favour of this explanation would be that w'n seldom occurs
value of no. 1 can be explained by the fact that it was not a §bd for in New Kingdom texts,96 except for its frequent use in medical texts. 97
daily use but a finer one, being intended for a tomb. The difference of However, I see no reason why here w'n, and in texts mentioning
between 1 and 2 deben is quite common. From these prices the §bd sticks, 'wn should always have been written. What other kind of wood
appears to be a simple object. may have been called 'wn I do not know.
There are two mentions of prices of a I}'w of 'wn, namely:
§ 137. I}'w and 'wn
No. I) Pap. Mallet, I, 6 (year 31 of Ram. III - year 4 of Ram. IV):
Whatever the exact meaning of I}'w may have been,86 its value was, I for 4 deben;
as far as we know, higher than that of §bd. In the two instances in No. 2) O. Gardiner 158, 7 (mid XXth Dyn.?): 2 for 4 deben.
which prices are stated the material is called 'wn,87 which we have The first I}'w is called bJkw 1: '~w, which may explain its higher price.
also come across as the wood used for a §bd. 88 'wn is the name of The word 'kw I am not familiar with from any other text, unless it
some variety of wood, but the word also occurs as the name of a occurs in Hier. Ostr. 20, 2, 7-8, which appears to be possible. 98
particular stick or staff, in all probability made of this wood, and In one instance the price of an 'wn-stick is mentioned, namely in
distinguished from the l}'w,89 though in the Story of the Taking of O. Cairo 25 596, 3 (XIXth Dyn. ?), where it costs 1/2 snlw. Whether
loppa 90 the 'wn of King Menkheperre' seems to be a sceptre not here indeed a different object from the I}'w of 'wn-wood is meant is
unlike the I}'II' of Pap. Anastasi IV, 17, 3. 91 Moreover, 'wn occurs uncertain. Its value lies between those of the two I}'w mentioned above.
as part of the equipment for chariots,92 probably meanir..g 'chariot
club'.
§ 138. miwg, 'carrying-pole'
The word miwg, written as -.5·~Je...- or -.5~Oe~ ,99 indicates the
82 Cf. §55.
carrying-pole. lOO Pictures of it and the actual objects 101 show that
83 See, e.g., MACE-WINLOCK, The Tomb of Senebtisi, 76ff.
84 Rnpport DeM. 1934-35, n, 121 ff. See also the staffs of Senniidjem and Khonou
there were two variations. Some were carried by two men, I 02 the
note 76 above. - .
85 A .ibd also occurs in the Turin strike pap .. vs. 5, 7 (= RAD. 47, 17), but I doubt 93 Pap. Anastasi I, 19, 3.
wh;~her its value is stated. If so, the price was I /2 deben. See p. 124, note 63. 94 Peasant, R 13.
Cf. p. 383. Wb. Ill, 39, 15 translates It as 'Stab (zum Wandern)" clearly on 95 Cf. LORET, Flore 2 , 41, and LUCAS-HARRIS, Ane. Eg. Materials, 310ff.; also
account of Pap. d'Orb., 13, 1. Drogenwb., 83. A door (for a shrine?) made of w'n is depicted in DAVIES, Deir el
_ 87 In Pap. Mallet, I, 6 and 7 this is written as 'wnt, as in other instances elsewhere. Geimiwi n, pI. X.
CERNY, Hier. 1nscr. ... Tut'ankhamun, 5, states in refutation of GARDlNER (Pap. 96 For an early example, cf. Urk. IV, 373, 4.

Wllbour n, 32, note 1) that the use of the feminine ending is not restricted to the 97 cr. Drogenwb., In ff (,wnt occurs only once: cf. p. 83).
wood as against 'wn for the tree. 98 See p. 153. JEQUIER (BIFAO. 19, 1922, 197f.) refers to a picture in Beni
88 Also in Pap. Turin 1881, vs. I, 9 (GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise., 126, 1-2), though Hasan n, pI. 7, where '~J bt seems to mean 'bending the wood', but whether thiS
CAz:.INOS takes both words to be separate indications for staffs (Late-Eg. Mise., 467). is the same word as 'kw here I am inclined to doubt.
Pap. Anastasl IV, 17, 3; Pap. Harris 500, 2, 3-4 (= MULLER, Liebespoesie, 99 For the comm~n alternation of 1 0'
with cf. GARDlNER, Onom. I, 22.
pI. 4). 100 Cf. Ship's Logs, 44. A clear proof is found in the Theban tomb no. 216

90 Pap. Harris 500, vs. 1,8 and 10. In line 10 'wnw. (= PORTER-Moss 2 , J.i, 314 (18), III). where men are carrying funeral equipment on
. 91 Cf. SAUNERON, Kemi 18, 1968, 49, notes nand o. Whether indeed this object poles, and the text says ... ni n mJWdl\'; cf. tERNY, Repertoire onomastique, 106.
IS ~~plcted In the tomb of '[jmw-nd~ (Urk. IV, 952, 7) is uncertain owing to a lacuna. 101 E.g., Rapport DeM. 1934-35, n, fig. 69, left side, and p. 122.

Pap. Koller, 1,5-6; O. Edinburgh 916, vs. 9 (cf. lEA. 19,1933, 172ff.). 102 E.g., Theban tomb no. 22 = PORTER-Moss, op. cit. 38 (6); tomb no. 79 =
386 PRICES WOOD AND WOODEN OBJECTS 387

loa? hanging in between them suspended from the middle of the pole, have suggested above that the signs should be read as wnmtt and that
whde others were carried by a single man. l03 The latter mayor may the expression should be rendered as 'right-hand carrying-pole', but
no~ have had knobs at its extremities to prevent the load from slipping, I must admit that this looks very obscure. However, 'carrying-pole of
whde these are not found in the case of the longer poles. Whether the West' seems equally obscure. I cannot see what may have been
both types are called miwg is not certain, but from its use with reference meant. 109
to part of the equipment of a soldier 104 it was obviously used with
reference to the pole carried by one man. § 139. nbbt
There are four unambiguous miwg prices, namely: In Pap. Turin 1907/8, 11, 6 the value of 110 nbbt of mnf:c-wood is
No. 1) O. Gardiner 183, 2a (XIXth Dyn.): 1 for 2 (deben); stated, coming together to 10 deben, while another 30 of them are said
No. 2) O. Strasbourg H 84, 12 (year 7, Ram. VII): 1 for 1 (deben); to cost 6 deben. 110 Usually the word nbbt means 'yoke' for oxen or
112
No. 3) O. Gardiner 146, 5 (of unknown date): 1 for 3 oipe; horses,t 11 but it occurs also as the name of a ship's. part. The
No. 4) idem, 6 (idem) : 1 for 1 deben. extremely low price- 1/ 11 or 1/5 deben each-and the large number
A fifth price is possibly mentioned in O. Berlir: 12 343, vs. 5 (mid here and elsewhere 113 make it improbable that cattle yokes are in
XXth Dyn.), but according to the publication the price is written as fact meant. 114
/.CJ:) without a number.
In O. Cairo 25 566, 9 the expression 100 sbt n nbbw 115 grlw, "100
A sixth instance occurs in Hier. Ostr. 65, 2, 2-3 (Ram. 11), but here hard strokes of the 'cane'" occurs. Although, as CERNY suggests,116
the value of a miwg and of the dbt-box which belongs to it 105 is the word nhbt here may be the same as that elsewhere translated with
stated in a combined total of 2 sniw. If this is the equivalent of 'yoke', it will point to an object of a different shape.. . .'
12 deben of copper, and if the price of the dbt was 10 dcben,106 the The addition mnk-wood 117 is not helpful for our IdentIficatIOn of
miwg would cost 2 deben here, too. But 10 deben is not the only price the object. So much is certain that it was a simple tool,t 18 since the
for a dbt we know of; 8 or 7 deben are also found. price is extremely low, and that it was used for beating criminal
119
A seventh instance presents still more difficulties. In O. Berlin 10 626, offenders with, like the sbd. Hence it may be simply a stick.
:'S. ~ ff. (XIXth Dyn.) we find the words "amount of money, which
IS WIth X for the miwg", which are repeated in vs. 7-8 as "total, all 109 In Giornale 17 B, 7, 9 (= pI. 24) and 9, 18 (= pI. 26) the mJwg of a king occurs,
the. money given for the miwg n t\', one, 17 1/2 deben of copper". which may be some kind of foundation. Unfortunately, the fragmentary state of both
ThIS value exceeds by far the other prices mentioned above, even so much passages prevents their explanation. ..'
11 0 1 he difference in price of 1/11 and 1/5 deben per Item IS unexplamed.
so that it seems almost impossible that the same object is meant. The I I I Wb. n, 293, 1-2. For a description, cf. SCHAFER, Ann. Brit. School at Athens,
same expression occurs in O. DeM. 434, I, 4, and ~~~ is also used 10, 1904,127ff.
with dbt in O ..Turin 9618, 10. 107 Since miwg and db! belong together 112 GLANVILLE, ZA's. 68, 1932, 11, n. 8.
113 In O. DeM. 267,2: twenty-seven; in O. Gardiner 141, 1-2: thirty-one. .
~he word t\, wdl have the same meaning with both objects. Therefore 114 Cf. lEA. 52, 1966, 85f., note s. In O. DeM. 267,2 twenty-seven n/:lbt are s~ld
It seems impossible that miwg should here mean 'foundation'.I08 We to be equal to 200 (units of) wood. Though the unit of wood is an unknown ~uantI~y
(see pp. 373 f., note 2\) it was clearly rather small, so that each n/:lbt, bemg about 8 /3 UnIt.
will not have been as large as a cattle yoke.
Op. cit., 157 (5). I. An actual item, one of the long variety. in SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba 115 tERNY transcribed n/:lsw, with ~ , but the signs for I and ~ are not clear.
intalta, fig.11. U looks probable.
103 For an instance from Deir el-Medina, cf. Theban tomb no. 217 = PORTER-Moss, 116 ASAE. 27,1927,202 and 203, note 12.
op. clt., 316 (5), Ill. 117 This unknown kind of wood (cf. Drogenwb., 248 f.) occurs also with n/:lbt
104 Pap. Ch. Beatty IV, vs. 6, 2.
in Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 9.
105 See pp. 203 f. 118 The same object may be meant in O. DeM. 318, vs. 6 and 10, where a yoke
106 See Table XXVI.
would be out of place among food, flowers, etc. .
107 See p. 203. Cf. also pds n mJwg in a cuneiform text (lEA. II 1925 235) 119 A relation with O. Eg. n/:lbt, which Wb. n, 293, 17 renders as 'Art Szepter.
108 ' , .
Cf. GARDINER, Pap. Wilbour n, 18; HELCK. Venmltung, 127. seems possible.
388 PRICES

§ 140. mryt, 'board'


Above we have come across the word mryt as the name for the
footboard of a bed-in its variant form mrt 12°_an d for the back of CHAPTER FIFTEEN
121
a seat. In Hier. Ostr. 28, 2, 4 (year 2, Ram. V) a mryt of 4 deben
is referred to as lwj s'n!J ... ,122 "being sculptured". Probably here,
too, a wooden board for some article of furniture is meant. 123 HELCK PARTS OF BUILDINGS
suggested 124 'Holzrelief(?)" but, although wooden reliefs and stelae
were quite common in the Village,125 I doubt whether they were § 14l. sb3, 'door' and sb!Jt, 'door-frame'
called mryt. In O. Michael. 13, 2 (= pI. 46) an object is called wg ss n
The word sb3 clearly means 'door' in the ostraca, though elsewhere
Nfr-itry, and, though this is not said to be of wood, and is therefore
possibly of stone, it appears that wg was the special name for 'stela'.126 it is mainly used for 'door-way';1 '3, the usual word for 'door', seems
The price of the sculptured board in Hier. Os!r. 28, 2, namely seldom to occur in ostraca-except in the expression iry- '3. sb3 is used
for doors of houses in the Village,2 as well as of other buildings, 3 and
4 deben, exceeds that of the footboard of the bed, which is 1 deben,
but is below that of wooden statues (5 to 15 deben),127 which is what for those of tombs. 4 Of both actual remains have survived. The
we would expect. house-doors of the Village were mostly painted red. 5 Some doors were
adorned with pictures and hieroglyphs, particularly the tomb doors.6
120 See p. 184. sbht on the other hand, indicates the door-frame,7 not the door
121 See p. 189. itself ~s the Wb. seems to think.8 Basically it seems to indicate the
122 There may be a word missing after s'n!;, but I am unable to suggest a restoration. porch of a building, so that it could also be. translat~d wit~ 'port~1',9
123 Note that a coffin and its swy follow. Could the mryt be the 'board' of the
coffin? or even as pars pro toto with 'palace'. But m the VIllage It ~ertamly
124 Mllterialien V, 914. refers to the door-frame, both the jambs (~trl; see next sectIOn) and
125 E.g., Rapport DeM. 1934-35, III, 204 (ex voto with representation of ears); the lintel together. The frames were mostly made of s~one, .though
247 and fig. 127 (pieces of an ebony stela); 320, 5 (mask of l:Iatl:lOr, sculptured on
some are of wood. IO They, too, are usually decorated WIth pamt and
a wooden board; this may also have been part of an article of furniture). Cf. also
KAISER, ;fgyptisehes Museum Berlin, 77 (no. 807). hieroglyphs. 11
126 For a wooden door used as a stela (wrj), cf. O. DeM. 129, 8.
127 See Table XXXVII.

1 Cf., e.g., NIMS, Studies Wilson, 71, note a).


2 Cf RAD 54 10' Hier. Ostr. 85, 2, 8-9.
3 Cf: O. D~M.' 112', where doors of different buildings are enumerated as pars pro

toto for the buildings themselves; cf. also O. DeM. 107.


4 0 Berlin 12 343, 5 : p3 sb3 n 13 st-~rs.
5 R~pport DeM. 1934-35, Ill, 40. A well-known instance of a door came from the

tomb of Senniidjem (Cairo Exh. no. 2006). For a description, cf. KOENINGSBERGER, DIe
Konstruktion der iigypt. Tur, 17. . h' d
6 I a letter O. DeM. 129, the sender asks to have the door whlc IS ma e
(decor~ted?) by' a scribe of the necropolis sent to him, "in order to become a s~la
(wrj) here, having placed your name on it". This clearly refers to a door such as t at
of Senniidjem. . 10 053 4
7 So translated by PEET, Tomb Robberies, 119 (= Pap. Bnt. Mus. , vs. ,
12) . III
~ Wb. IV, 92, I ff. See, however, the golden sb!;t among the gifts of,Tuth~osls
(Urk. IV, 629), which according to their representation may have been a screen.
9 FAULKNER, Cone. Diet., 220.
10 Rapport DeM. 1928, 37, fig. 25; 1948-51: 1,15, fig. 35.

11 Cf. O. Michael. 14, vs. 6 (pI. 49): sb!;t sS.I/.


390 PRICES
f PARTS OF BUILDINGS 391

There are at least four prices of a sb], namely: making it, cost 7 deben, leaving 3 deben for the cost of the ,:or~.
No. I) O. DeM. 553,4 (early Ram. Ill?): 2 sniw; Note, however, that here, too, the connection between the entnes IS
No. 2) O. DeM. 231, vs. I (Ram. Ill/IV): 2 deben; uncertain. 14
No. 3) O. Cairo 25 597, 5 (year 2, mid XXth Dyn.): 1 oipe; No price for a door-frame is mentioned, but in O. Strasbourg H84
No. 4) Hier. Ostr. 85, 2, 8-9 (mid XXth Dyn.?): 1 deben. (year 7, Ram. VII), a text mentionmg the cost of decorating various
15
objects, it is stated (line 9) that a sbht costs 1 oip!!, that is, 1/2 deben.
. No. 3 is perhaps not quite certain, since there is a gap at the end of
This is much less than the 3 deben for decorating a tomb door
hne 4, the sentence so far as legible running "given to Nesamun, the
discussed above. The reason may be that the frame was only painted,
son of Amenkhew .. :,: (5) door, 1 oip!! of emmer". Probably the lost 16
and the doors of O. Berlin 12 343 also adorned with hieroglyphs.
words were r rjb] pi, m exchange of the (door)". One oipe of emmer
may equal 1/2 deben of copper, but may also have been more in this
peno.. d 12 I n no. 4 possibly also a word has become lost (sb] n '"
§ 142. ~tri, 'door-jambs'
't 'n, iri.n dbn 1), but this will have been only t].
1
~he prices of doors vary widely, ranging from 10 to 1/ 2 (?) deben. 13 The word htrl indicates the two jambs of the door. 7 Its basic
This may ~e ~artl? due to the presence or absence of painting. The price meaning is 't~ins', and from this are derived other meanings su~h as
of such pamt~ng IS ~entioned in O. Berlin 12 343, 5 (mid XXth Dyn.), 'team' (of oxen or horses). The point is that ~trl, though grammatically
an ostracon m which the decoration of funeral equipment is valued. a sinzular form, indicates both jambs together. As a singular no~n
The decoration of two tomb doors here costs 6 deben i.e., 3 deben for it appears in, for example, Hier. Ostr. 60, 5, 4 (p] ~tri) and O. Berlm
each door. This might prove that the painting could have been more 11 260, 7 (p] ~tri, p]yj ph]). Nevertheless, both jambs will have been
expensive than the doors themselves, though it is also possible that meant.
these doors: the value of which is not mentioned, were more expensive The door-jambs or side posts are sometimes said to be made ~f
than those m nos. 2 and 4 above, and more like that of no. 1. Whether stone' in other instances they consist of wood. 18 Indeed, as was Said
there was a general difference between the prices of doors for houses abov~ 19 the door-frame in the Village could be of either material.
and those for tombs is uncertain, but not really probable. In O.
Berlin 11 260 there is referred to a ~tri and its ph], written
A fifth sbJ pri~e may be calculated from O. Gardiner 171 (mid as i r: being made. The same word occurs in O. DeM. 289, 2,
XXth Dyn.). In lme 4 there occur some signs (~*Iqt. . . ) which may written' as ht ~I.J . It is derived from the verb ph], 'to split'.20
be restored as sbJy. The price of the actual object has become lost HELCK translates 21 it as 'veneer' wood, and this will indeed be the
bu~ further on in the text some objects are valued together at 51 deben: meaning, hence thin boards with which jambs were veneered. The
while the total of line 9 mentions 61 deben. Therefore the price of tht- same word in an oddly miswritten form, will be meant in O. IFAO.
door may have been 10 deben, which would be the same as that in no. 1 764, left-h~nd side, 3, where we find !'S\,oeJf n p] sb]. The price for
~bo:e. However, many words of the ostracon are either missing or
Illegible, so that the connection between the different entries is uncertain
In l.ines ~-IO, moreover, it is said b]'jr bnr n]y.l ht: dbn 7; mn r j dbn 54: 14 For the possible occurrence of the price of a door in Hier. Os!r. 54, 2, 2-3,
whlc~ will mean "he subtracted (the value of) my wood: 7 deben; balance cr. p.198.
15 See p. 124, no. m.
for him: 54 deben". One might conclude from this that the wood for 16 For the price of the veneer for a door, cf. p. 392.
the door, which was delivered by the person who gave instructions for 17 Wb. JII, 200,13-14. See also PEET, Tomb Robberies, 121, note 10.

18 Cf., e.g., LEFEBVRE, Inscriptions concernant les grands pretres. d'Amon, 37, not: q,
In 0, Cerny 3 + 0. Fitzwilliam Mus. 1, 7 (unpubl.) they are said to consist of sndt.
. 12 Note that no price is mentioned (there is no iri.n), but an actual oipi' of emmer 'acacia wood'; in 0, terny 20, 6 of inr, 'stone'.
IS exchanged.
19 See p. 389 .
. 13 In Hi~r. Ostr. 65, 2, vs. 5-6 the value of a room door (sbi n dry) is stated in 20 Wb, I, 542, 12ff,
objects, but Its price in deben cannot be calculated. - 21 Materialien V, 908, See also 888.
392 PRICES 393
PARTS OF BUILDINGS

this veneer is 5 deben. 22 The first determinative almost proves the room of the houses in the Village. 29 In some rooms there were even
meaning: the second is difficult to explain. two columns, though in most of them only one, and their bases of
In. O. Berlin 11 260, 7-8 (mid XXth Dyn.) the cost of making a btrl stone are partly still in situ. The Cairo Museum possesses such an
and its pbi is 4 deben. So this is not the price of the jambs but of object from the tomb of Senniidjem, which, as BRUYERE suggests,
their manufacture. In the other prices similarly it is not the object but may have been taken from his house.
its decoration which is valued, since the entries occur in texts about In O. terny 3 + O. Fitzwilliam Mus. 1, 10 (unpubl.) a wooden
the decoration of tomb equipment. This also means that all these column is said to have measured 8 cubits, i.e., 4.20 m. This would
jambs are intended for tombs. In Hier. Ostr. 60, 5, 4 (mid XXth Dyn.) seem to be too high for the houses of the Village, though the main
the price for decorating the btri of a tomb Cb') is 2 deben, in O. IFAO. room was the highest part of the house. Therefore this particular
764, right-hand side, 5 (mid XXth Dyn.) also 2 deben. The latter text column was probably meant for a temple or chapel.
gives as determinative the block sign, indicating that these jambs wer~ Whether this is also the case with the wb) in the only price entry
of stone. This determinative is followed by n mb (~) 2. This cannot we know of is uncertain. The wbi (written as e l)\.!.) occurs in Hier.
very well be a measure, since 2 cubits or 1.05 m is too short for Ostr. 32, 2, 4 (XIXthjeady XXth Dyn.) and costs 1 1j 2 khar, i.e.,
jambs and too much for their width. More probably it means "of the 3 deben. If it was intended for a house or a tomb its length may
second (sc., room)". In line 4 of the left-hand side of this ostracon, have been 4 to 5 cubits, meaning that its value was far below that of
which, if left and right were originally parts of one text,23 contains the ship's parts in the Giornale dell'anno 13 30 where a mast, for
the preceding entry, we find pi btrl n bnw, "the door-jambs of the instance, costs 1 kit~ of silver or 6 deben of copper per cubit, while
inner room". Whatever 'inner' and 'second' rooms may have been, the the price of the column, if it was 4 to 5 cubits, was less than 1 deben
combination seems probable. The doors of the inner room were bi' m ry, per cubit. Compared with the price of 1 to 2 deben for a door,
'daubed (?) with ink',24 for the price of 1 deben. however, 3 deben for a column seems quite normal.
To sum up the above, we find that the price of the decoration of
jambs in the mid Twentieth Dynasty was 1 to 2 deben, while that of § 144. 'gyt
making the jambs together with their veneer was 4 deben. Compared
The word 'gyt is mentioned in O. DeM. 195, vs. 1 (mid XXth Dyn.);
with the decoration ofa coffin (usu~lly c. 10 deben) 25 that of jambs looks
no other instances are known to me. In the ostracon we find the
to be rather cheap. Even the decoration of a SW/Jt,26 though cheaper
than that of a wt, still costs 2 to 6 deben. This proves the jambs
words ht e:
qq ~ 1, lri.n dbn 5. From its determinative, 'gyt seems to
be a p;rt of a building, from its price not too expensive or too cheap
not to have been really expensive, or rather, their decoration to have
an object, while from the addition of bt it would seem to be a wooden
been restricted to a few hieroglyphs in vertical columns.
object. This may be all that can be said about it.
I do not think that 'gyt can be a different version of the word 'gw,
§ 143. wbi, 'column'
the reel for winding string around,31 which is represented by sign V 26.
Columns, called wbi,27 were used in tombs 28 as well as in the main F0r such a simple object the price is too high. To a lesser extent this
also holds true for the 'dwhich BLACKMAN 32 suggests is the "particular
ancient Egyptian bolt,- still found in Abyssinia". Moreover, in both
22 Possibly the same word occurs in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, 3, 8 and 26, and
cases the determinative would be odd. The latter points to a room,
in 6, 7. PEET, Tomb Robberies, pis. X and XII, transcribed it as kJpw and translated
it (p. 89; cf. p. 100, note 13), hesitantly, with 'lid' (of a coffin). but I do not see how a room could be called 'wooden'. As for some
23 Cf. p. 227, note 10I.

24 Cf. p. 218, note 71, and p. 234.

25 Cf. Table XXXI. 29 Rapport DeM. 1934-35, lJI, 69.


26 Cf. Table XXXV. 30 See Table LXII.
27 Wb. I, 352,12-16. 31 Cf., e.g., MONTET,Kemi I, 1928, I I.
28 Pap. Salt 124,2,6 (= JEA. 15, 1929, pI. 43). 32 JEA. 19, 1933,204.
394 PRICES PARTS OF BUILDINGS 395

a.rticle of furniture-which may perhaps be indicated by the determina- items is being valued, that is, whether 'and' should be inserted between
tIve- I am utterly unable to offer any suggestion. The text in which sn'yt and ky. In view of the lapidary style of the ostraca this may be
the word occurs does not give us any clue. I have to admit that I am possible, but it is also possible that the wall was 'another', that is,
at a loss how to explain or even where to place this word. a new one for the sn'yt. Since, however, the entry begins with n5 n ~d,
'the constructions', I am inclined to suppose that they were two different
§ 145. m5'w things.
According to the Wb. 33 m5'w, ~\\.o17" is part of a door or of its The second point is, what exactly the meaning of sn'yt is. Pre-
lock. This meaning is derived from two passages in Pap. Harris I, viously 36 I have tried to prove that pr, as opposed to 't, refers to the
namely 59,3 and 77, 8. In the former are mentioned doors of 's-wood residences of the workmen in the Village itself, inside the enclosure of
b15 br m5'w, 'adorned with 34 m5'w'; in the latter it is said of door~ its walls. Such a house consisted of three or four apartments: a front
that "their locks (~riw) of copper (are) br m5'yw". It is clear that room, a main living-room, and one or two small back rooms. 37 Since
m5'w has something to do with doors, but what can be its exact nature the construction was effected in Pneb's pr, the question is, which one of
~emains .uncertain. It looks to be some kind of mounting. However, these apartments is callec sn'yt. The word is certainly another writing
m ~he pnce-ostracon mentioned below, it appears rather to be a separate for sn', which is translated either as store-room' or as 'ergastulum'.38
o~Ject, and nothing is said of any connection with a door. Possibly Though for us there may exist a difference in meaning, for the Egyptians
thIS was another word m5'w, but in that case its nature is equally the word refers to the room in which the craftsmen worked and kept
unknown. their tools and products. In the houses of the Village this may be
The price occurs in O. Cairo 25 588, 9 (year 2, mid XXth Dyn.). either the front or the back room. In el-Amarna it seems to have been
1/2 oipe is here given in exchange for 'the m5'w'. The use of the the front room which was used as workshop,39 and on account of the
article should not disturb us, since articles are used with several general similarity between the two settlements the same may be
commodities in the text,35 indicating that the parties to this transaction supposed for Deir el-Medina. However, BRUYERE suggests 40 that the
did know the relevant objects. Since there seems to be no connection front room was called 'ryt. I am not convinced that he is correct here,
between the entries the context sheds no light on the problem of the but it seems probable that in Deir el-Medina especially the back rooms
nature of the m5'w. were used as workshops by the workmen and their wives, since there
all kinds of tools, stools, garments, etc., have been found. 41 So this
§ 146. inb, 'wall' room is most likely to have been called sn'yt.
Although these are strictly speaking not commodities, this seems to The present text would have been rendered particularly vivid if we
be the ~ost appropriate place for discussing some prices for the had been able to state in which house Pneb lived. But unlike his
constructIOn of walls and for sites and houses. For the construction contemporary, the chief workman ~aba, whose residence is known,42
of a wall I know of only one price, which occurs in O. Varille 13, Pneb has left no traces as to where his house was located in the
6-7 (year 3, Merenptab/Amenmesse). In this text the workman Pneb Village. Possibly, since he became chief workman, his house was a
~then no~ yet chief workman-is said to be making payment for rather spacious one, the more so since he is known not to have
dIfferent kmds of work. In line 6-7 we read: "the constructions which been a very scrurulous fellow who would have been content with a
he made l 'in my house: a sn'yt (and?) another wall (Il<S<J n )
'1_ ~U~I ,
ma k es I /2 khar". This ~ntry presents several problems. 36 JESHO, 11, 1968, 160.
The first question is, whether the construction of one or of two 37 Rapport DeM. 1934-35, III, 50tT.
38 Cf. GARDINER, Onom. n, 209* f.
39 PEET-WOOLLEY, The City of Akhenaten I, 60.
33 Wh. 11, 25~ 15. 40 Rapport DeM. 1934-35, III, 64.
34 Usually /;1i is construed with m. 41 Op. cit., 71 f.
35 pi ipt in line 8, ti isbwt in line 12. 42 Op. cit., 251 ff. His house is numbered NE VIII.
396 PRICES PARTS OF BUILDINGS 397

small house. The walls which were built according to O. Varille 13 will beside his hnw, 49 makes .... deben". The number is missing, but the
have been partitions between the back rooms. These walls were always text goes ;n to say: "its balance (wgltj), 1 deben for the iWfn".
made of bricks. Whether the materials were included in the price Although the total value of the site is unknown, it seems probable
(1 1/2 khar or 3 deben) is not certain, but this seems to be doubtful. that here, too, the price was low, since a short payment of one deben
More probably it was only the remuneration for the work.43 The was important enough to be noted down. In the case of high prices,
question of whether or not this was a usual price depends on the time such as those of cattle, a single deben was hardly noticed.
spent on it, which is completely unknown. Our conclusion may be that, though our material is rather poor,
Another price for work on a building may occur in O. DeM. 49 vs. the prices of sites in the valley seem to have been comparatively low,
(Ramesses 11), where the text runs: nty m-' ss-If:d R '-lJtp m nl n blkw- even for generally small pieces of land.
brtyw l.lr f: snlw 4. fJrtyw stands for brtyw-nlr, 'stone-masons',44 so Nowhere in our material there is mentioned the price of a house.
that bJkw-brtyw means 'masonry'. Since, however, neither the nature either pr or 'f. The only indication we have occurs in O. DeM. 225,
nor the amount of the work is indicated the price is virtually of no 6_7.50 Although the ostracon is broken, and hence the meaning of the
value to us. text is not quite certain, it seems that a woman, called Iy, instructs
the scribe Amennakhte to make a coffin (wt) for her deceased husband,
§ 147. iwtn, 'site' and 't, 'house' Huy, in exchange for which he will "take his 't". The average value of
The word iwtn in general means 'ground',45 but in ostraca, where ~ wt was 20-40 deben, though some texts mention far higher prices. 51
pieces of land in the valley of Deir el-Medina are meant instead of If here a coffin of the common type was meant, the value of the '(
arable land, the translation of 'site' looks to be more suitable. 46 One again appears to be low. We have to note, however, that an '(-and
of the prices for lwtn occurs in O. DeM. 593 (mid XXth Dyn.). not a pr in the Village itself-may in fact have been no more than a
Unfortunately, the first(?) line of the text is almost completely broken hovel somewhere in the valley between the tombs, or even outside the
off, depriving us of the possibility of grasping the general meaning of valley of Deir el-Medina.
the text. What remains speaks of the iwtn of workman I:I6ri, the son
of I:Iuynufe, its sale (snwtj) taking place "before the chief workman 49Op. cit., 161 f.
50To be dated to the late XIXth or early XXth Dynasty, since the frnbt here
[AnQer]khew and the deputy Anynakhte, (for) 5 deben". The price mentioned is about the same as that in Hier. Ostr. 46, 2 and 47, I.
looks surprisingly low, but from elsewhere we know that the sites in 51 Cf. Table XXXIX.

possession of the workmen were very small. 47 Still, 5 deben, that is,
the value of 1 mss-garment or 1 pig, and half that of a glwt-box, or
of 2 to 3 pairs of sandals, is even so extremely cheap for a piece of
land.
The second price is, unfortunately, partly lost. In O. Cairo [181],4-5
(of unknown date) we read: "the property (st) 48 which he gave to me,

43 In this ostracon the word mtnw, 'recompense' (for work), occurs twice, though
not in this entry. Still it may have been meant here, too.
44 Cf. HAYES, Ostraka and Name Stones, 38.

45 Wb. I, 58, 5 ff. The particular meaning of 'dirt' or 'earth' (cf. WENTE, lNES.
20, 1961, 257, note r; HAYES, lEA. 46, 1960, 32, note 3) seems not to apply to the
present texts.
46 Cf. FAULKl'ER, Cone. Diet., 14 (iwtn n pr), after GLANVILLE, lEA. 14, 1928, 299,
note 8 (translated as 'property').
47 lESHO. 11, 1968, 149.
48 Op. cit., 158.
LEATHER 399

dbn 30, iri.n dbn 5. In O. DeM. 74 a dhri is said to have been weighed
(biyt) and found to be 71 deben, while another weighs 54 deben. Since
CHAPTER SIXTEEN 1 de ben is 91 grammes, these hides weigh c. 2.7, 6.5 and 4.9 kilogrammes
respective! y.
LEATHER TABLE LXV

§ 148. dhri, 'hide' d/:lri

khar .dehen
At Deir e!-Medina there are two words for animal-skins dhri and
1
bnt. That the former indicates specifically the hides of cat;le is well- I) o. Cairo 25 572, vs. 11, 12 late XIXth Dyn. 'I. d/:lri • n lir.\' I
known,2 but since a donkey-hide is also once called d/:tr! 3 the meaning 2) O. DeM. 695, 2 late XIXth early XXth Dyn. 15
3) O. Turin 9616, 3 Ram. III IS?
seems more or less to coincide with our 'hide' in general. bnt, on the yr. 14, Ram. III 15
4) O. Berlin 1268, vs. 9
other hand, is sharply distinguished from d/:tr! 4 and indicates the skins 6 20
5) Hier. Ostr. 31, 4, 7 Ram. Ill?
of goats and sheep ('nb) , 5 while also the skin of a leopard is called 5
yr. I, Ram. IV? 15
bnt. 6 6).0. DeM 113,6
7) Hier. Ostr. 63, I, I, 10 mid XXth Dyn. 5 weight· 30 deben
Both words may indicate either dressed or undressed skins and may 8) O. Cairo 25 800, 11, 2 mid XXth Dyn. 15
therefore also be translated with 'leather'. The Egyptians seem to have 9) O. 1 urin 9753, 7 yr. 5, mid XXth Dyn. 15
4 12
made a distinction not with respect to the state of dressing but to the 10) Hier. Oslr. 36, I, 5 yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII
5
quality of skin, in accordance with whether it was either thick or thin. 11) O. Berlin.ll 259, vs. 2 XXth Dyn.? 5
Both words are also sometimes used to indicate bags or sacks of hide 12) O. IFAO. 1261,6 ? 7

or skin,7 though there are also special names for these. Proof that
d/:trl could be used for 'leather sack' is furnished by the use of the Of the prices in Table LXV the first one is conspicuous by its
determinative ++.8 That d/:tr; sometimes means simply 'leather' can lowness. The reason is that this was what the text calls "1 piece (')
be inferred from its use indicating the material for sandals. 9 I.
of d/:tr; n bry", hence not a complete hide but a piece of its underside.
Sometimes not only the price of a hide is mentioned, but also, or No. 3 is not quite clear. It reads "what he gave to [I:Ia]y, d/:tr; 15",
only, its weight in deben. In Hier. Ostr. 63, 1, I, 10 we find d/:tri which may mean 1 hide for 15 deben. However, the following faint
trdces look as though they contain the words iri.n dbn 2. If this is
1 In the Middle Kingdom msk3 is used for 'hide' and d1:zri for 'leather'. The former correct, the text seems to be saying that 15 hides together cost 2 deben,
seems to be obsolete in the language in use in the Village; I know it only from O. DeM. which seems impossible in comparison with the other prices. Therefore
97, vs. 3.
2 Cf., e.g., Pap. Lansing, 6, 6; Pap. Harris I, 65a, 13; O. Gardiner 156, 25 (=
I doubt the correctness of the reading of the traces.
Onom. H, 240*). In no. 5b the reading of the price looks not certain. CERNY and
3 O. Toronto B 14, 11 and 13.
GARDINER suggest '5', but the facsimile shows what must be a correction,
4 Cf. SPJEGELBERG, Rechnungen, pI. XIII, b, 7-9; XV, d, 1-3. In several ostraca

with prices d1:zri and bnt appear after eachother in different entries; cf. Hier. Ostr. 31, though '5' may be what the scribe meant after all. Of no. lOa it is
4,7-8. said that the hide was 'made into' (bik m) an object the name of
5 Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052,1,20; Hier. Ostr. 31, 4, 8; O. Gardiner 141, vs. 5.
which is illegible.
6 Eloquent Peasant, R 14; Nauri decree, 91. In Pap. Ch. Beatty V, vs. 5, 10 the
skin of a crocodile. The prices of d/:trl vary, no. 1 excepted, from 5 to 20 deben. Five
? For a picture of a skin used as water-sack, cf. the tomb of Nakht (Theban tomb times (the doubtful no. 3 excepted) we find 15 deben, four times 5 deben.
no. 52 = PORTER-MosS2, I.i, 99 (I), III = MEKHlTARJAN, Eg. Painting, 78). Cf. also Since no. 7 belongs to the latter category, the hide here weighing
Theban tomb no. 217 (= PORTER-Moss 2 , I.i, 316 (5), III).
8 Hier. Ostr. 31, 4, 6 and 7; O. Cairo 25 800, II, 2. 2.7 kilogrammes, it is likely that this was rather a small piece. Those
9 See Table Land p. 293, note 210. of 15 deben of copper will have been larger.
400 LEATHER 401
PRICES

It appears to be impossible to find a difference in price when as 'raw', 'undressed'. 13 That the second skin should be more expensive
instead of the hide sign (F 27) the determinative for basket (V 19) is self-evident, since it was cut and sewn; which is further proof that
is used, as in nos. 5 and 8; both state usual prices. Whether it may be hnt refers to the material and not to the state of dressing. Why the
concluded from this that all hides mentioned here are dressed is far former is called explicitly 'raw', if not only by way of contrast with
from certain. the second, is less clear. Its price is not unusual, though nos. 1, 2
and 6 are less expensive. If no. 3a was undressed, these three certainly
§ 149. bn!, 'skin' seem to have been so too. Or is the difference in price caused by
As pointed out in the preceding section, bnt-mostly written in the size and/or quality?
ostraca as bnw or bny-is the skin of an 'nb. It is also used for a bag The price of a skin is lower than that of a hide, which is to be
or sack made from this skin,IO but in the ostraca this object is expected, since cattle is far more expensive than small cattle. Further-
called (I)bi; see next section. more, the price of a bnt is lower than that of an 'nb, but this difference
may be smaller than expected. In Hier. Ostr. 31, 4 an 'nb even costs
TABLE LXVI
as much as the bnt, namely 2 deben (lines 10-11). It may be, of course,
that this particular skin was of a better quality than could be expected
bnt to be the case with the living animal, or that the bnt had been dressed,
which, however, is not stated. Nevertheless, the equality in price is
khar deben
slightly surprising.
I) O. Cairo 25 572, 5 late XIXth Dyn. '/. 2 for 2 aipt
Only in two or three instances of 1/2 deben or 1/4 khar is the value
2) Hier. Ostr. 31,4,8 Ram. Ill? 2 of the skin definitely below that of an average 'nb. A bnt of 3 deben
4 2 pr; 4 for 8 deben
3) P. Mallet, I, 5 yr. 31, Ram. III - yr. 3, Ram. IV (no. 5) leads us to expect an 'nb of 5 deben, which is indeed possible
4) Hier Ostr. 63, I, I, 8
5) Hier. Ostr. 59, 4, vs. 2
mid XXth Dyn.
mid XXth Dyn.
..
'I
5

3
bJkw m!rn
4 for I khar
(see Table XIII), though mentioned only twice ..Our conclusion may
be that the chief value of goats or sheep lay not so much in their
6) Hier. Ostr. 36, I, 6 yr. 7, Ram. VI/VII
,
12 wool, milk or meat, as in the leather which could be made from their
skins.
Of the prices in Table LXVI no. 6 requires a note. Two bny are
§ 150. (i)bi, 'leather sack'
said to cost 1 deben, but the entry adds "given m pi hi dbn 1". The
word hi is determined by a sign which the publication renders as JJ (?). The word bJiw or (i)bi or variants does not occur in the Wh., but
14
One would expect to find ilk .. or some variant thereof, meaning it cannot be anything other than a version of the older b3r. Possibly
'in addition', but for the article, which in this position would be quite it is in origin the same word as that used for a measure for grain and
unusualY Moreover, the facsimile points in another direction, the liquids, in that case always abbreviated to Ft, though as (I)b3 it appears
more so since what is rendered with JJ is followed by a vertical stroke. to be mostly determined by the sign for leather. 15 It may be that the
I am unable to explain the expression. Egyptians were no longer conscious of the semantic identity of the
In no. 3 there are two entries mentioning a bnt. The second entry is words. 16
clear, since the bnt is said to have been made into a lryn, which is a
'mail-shirt'Y The first bnt is called pr (~A) which the Wb. explains
13 Wh. I, 524, 8; possibly lit. 'as it comes'.
14 Wh. Ill, 363, 1-2. Cr. CAMINOS, lEA. 50, 1964,91.
10 Wh. Ill, 367, 14.
15 In O. Gardiner 238, 3 with Il (for A ); in O. Gardiner 286, 2 with ~ .
11 Note that the same words occur in the next line, though unfortunately broken
16 Very strange in this respect is, for exemple, O. Brussels 305, 2: "let them bring
off just before the determinative.
12 See p. 260.
to me quickly All n bJiw".
402 PRICES LEATHER 403

The word (i)bJ is not at all rare in the ostraca; 17 more than a TABLE LXVII
dozen instances are known to me. In some of them it is written as
IbJ with initial ~~,t8 but doubtless the same object is meant. In at (i)bJ

least three instances the material is said to be bnt, 'skin' (of a goat or khar deben
a sheep).19 The capacity of a sack is mentioned in O. DeM. 213, 2,
I) Hier. Os/r. 62, 1,9 Ram. 11 1'
which says "I blt (sic),20 makes I 1/2 khar, makes I 1/2 khar". The 5
2
3 for 2 " khar
2) o. Gardiner 286, 2-6 second half XIXth Dyn.
first I 1/2 khar is the capacity, the second the price. 21 This means
6
3
3) O. Brit. M us. 29 555, vs. 12 XIXth Dyn.? 4

that the bl could contain 105.32 litres, which is three times as much a
late XIXth/early XXth Dyn.
3
4) O. DeM. 695, 3, b 2 a small one
as a kbs-basket. 22 The fact that the bl here measures I 1/2 khar may
5) O. DeM. 213, 2 Ram. Ill/IV 1112

prove once more that the Egyptians lost feeling for the original 6) O. Cairo 25 590, 3 mid XXth Dyn. 2 2 for 4 dehen
meaning of ~. 23 7) O. Gardiner 238, 3 0 3

As to the shape of an (l)bl, we know from the texts 24 that blr,


which may indicate the same object, was also used as a haversack by Whether the difference-there are two prices for a bnt of I oipe, that
soldiers. Therefore I would suggest that it is the leather sack which is is, 1/2 deben, and one, which is doubtful, of 1/2 de ben-is due to the
seen in the tomb of Ipuy,25 for instance, where two of them are composition of our material, which is of course accidental, or whether
carried on a carrying-pole. 26 The same object, of a vaguely triangular the (l)bl was indeed generally more expensive than the skin from ,,:hi~h
shape, with a wide bottom and the neck tied up with a string, is also it was made, is difficult to say. The latter is likely, since the skm m
used for carrying grain. 2 7 that case had to be cut and sewn into a sack, though generally the
All prices in Table LXVII are clear. They range from c. 2 to 3 deben, price for such work seems to have been low. On the other hand, it
except no. 3, which is 3 oipe or 1 1/2 deben. This is the same value, would seem to be possible that more skins were needed for one sack.
or slightly higher, as we found for a bnt in the preceding section. In O. DeM. 321,2-3 'some' (nhyw) bny are said to have been made into
'one' sack. If in fact nhyw denotes a plural, which is probable, the
17 I know of its occurrence only twice in papyri, namely Pap. Ch. Beatty V, 8, higher price for a sack than for a skin is readily explained. The solution
4 and Pap. Anastasi V. 13, 4 (see note 23 below).
18 O. Cairo 25590,3; 25690, 4; O. DeM. 695, 3; O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, vs. 12. of the problem depends on the size of the sack, which ~rom ~he
19 O. DeM. 321,2-3; 338,12; 673, 5. In O. Gardiner 141, vs. 6-7 there is mentioned pictures appears to be large enough for two sheep- or goat-skms bemg
p3 b3 n p3 'nb.
required to make it.
20 HELCK, Materialien V, 832, takes b3t here to be the name of a fish, but the
determinative disproves this.
21 Cf. the kbs in line 5. § 151. mstl
22 In O. IFAO. 1017, 7 we find the sentence: "I gave him 2 oipe in a br. This
does not mean. however, that the hi was completely full. The word discussed in this section may seem to be out of place in a
23 One may suggest that the Egyptians confused b3r, when abbreviated into ~ , chapter on leather. Usually, indeed, mstl is supposed to be a basket,28
with the verb bly, 'to measure', and interpreted it as meaning simply 'measure' (of as would appear from its determinative ft. However, there are several
grain, etc.). Cf. Pap. Anastasi V, 13, 4, where the original form b3y was corrected
into hi (GARDINER, Late-Eg. Mise., 63 a, note 3 a-b). Contrary to CAMINOS, Late-Eg. instances of its being determined by <t,z9 indicating that it was made of
Mise., 243, I think that not a Middle Egyptian word b3wt but the Late Egyptian hi leather, and in at least five instances 30 it is said to consist of dbrl,
was meant, which is more logical since it is the latter form into which the writing 'hide', though in two of these the determinative is still ~. 31 Moreover,
was corrected.
24 Pap. Lansing, 10. 5; Pap. Koller, I, 3.
25 PORTER-Moss2. I.i, 316 (5), III. 28 Wb. n, 151,5-7: 'Art Korb'; tERN)', BIFAO. 27,1927,180: 'panier'.
26 See, however, the combination of m3wg and msti in Pap. Ch. Beatty IV, vs. 29 Some of these are: O. DeM. 416, I; 620, 2-3; O. Cairo 25 519, vs. 5. See also
6, 2. Remains of an actual leather sack, possibly of different shape, in the Cairo Table LXVIII.
Museum (no. 31 609; cf. WRESZINSKI, Atlas I, 97a). 30 Hier. Ostr. 63, I, I, 4 and n, I; O. DeM. 231, 5; 647, 2; O. Cairo 25 645, 7.

27 Cf. Louvre no. 8703 (PORTER-MosS2, I.ii, 819). Also in the tomb of Ipuy (see Possibly also O. Gardiner fragm. 104, 3 (see p. 133, note 4).
note 25), in the lower half of register III. 31 Hier. Ostr. 63, I, I, 4, as opposed to n, I, and O. DeM. 647, 2.
404 PRICES LEATHER 405

in a literary text 32 it is closely connected with bir, which points to TABLE LXVIII
leather for its material. All this does not imply that mstl is in
every instance a leather sack or bag. Possibly the word indicated only msti
a particular shape, independent of its material, which may sometimes
.milt· khar deben
have been reed or rushes or such-like. 33 But since some of the mstl
are certainly made of leather, and little can be said of the others, it I) o. Gardiner 231. vs. 4-5 XIXth Dyn.? I ?
2'
'\ I msti + 3 'rlf
seems best to deal with them all together in this section. for 2 snil!'
~) O. DeM. 307. 5 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn.? I A
As to the shape of the mstl, nothing seems certain about it. In 3) O. Cairo 25 242, vs. 3 yr. 29, Ram. III 4 A
O. DeM. 297, 4 two of them are said to contain I 1(4 khar each, 4) O. DeM. 231, 5-6 Ram. III/IV I
4 't dl;ri
5) Hier. Ostr. 63, 1, \, 4 mid XXth Dyn. 1/4 A- d!;ri
that is, lIS litres, this being I oiplless than the bit of O. DeM. 213, 2, 6) O. DeM. 297, 4 mid XXth Dyn. '/. A 2 for 3 (lip!'
and more than twice the capacity of a kbs-basket. In Pap. Berlin 1048734 1.6 1 A 3 for 3 denen
7) P. Turin 2003'11, 3 Ram. IX
it is said of two policemen that they are to be drowned, if found I A

guilty, in two mstl, which would hardly be possible if a basket or sack


of lIS litres is concerned. Whether the frequent use of the mstl in
Pap. Harris I proves that it there was of standard size is difficult to There are two prices which present difficulties, namely nos. I and 6.
establish, though it looks probable. 35 In no. 6 are mentioned, as said above, two msti, each with a capacity
In some instances the written form of the word mstl was confused of I 1/4 khar. Whether, however, the price of 3 oipe belongs to the
with that of the mss-garment. In Hier. Ostr. 63, I, I, 4 We find, e.g., mstl themselves-which would mean 3/ 8 khar or 3(4 deben for each,
mss determined by f'T, 36 but this determinative as well as the material, df:Jrl, and in which case the first word of the entry indicates the material-
and the price make it certain beyond doubt that a mstl was meant. or whether the msti are intended as a measure or container of the
On the other hand, in Pap. Leiden I 352, 9 37 the writer wrote srn' vegetables which are valued at 3 oipl is not certain. 38 Vegetables in
nlr msstl (with ~ ) for what was certainly a mss-garment. the middle of the Twentieth Dynasty cost 1/2 deben or I oipl per
Of the seven instances in Table LXVIII no. 2 is not completely bundle. 39 Although we do not know the size of a bundle, it seems
certain, though possible, since only the signs for ... tl and the deter- most improbable that each of the msti should have contained no
minative are legible. No. 3 calls the object' n msti, 'a piece of msti', more than 1 1/2 bundles, or, if the mstl themselves were included in
but this will be no more than a different expression for the same thing. the price, even only I bundle or less, leaving as little as IJ2 oip~ as
the price of each container. Since, on the other hand, I 1J2 oipl IS a
32 MULLER, Egyptol. Researches I, pI. 26, 46 (quoted by CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., low but not the lowest price for a msti, it looks almost certain that
408). the msti themselves were in fact being valued. This also means that
" An uncertain entry is found in O. DeM. 297, 4. The commodity here being here~ i was an indication of their material.
valued is called ~i III P04A- One might explain this as 'a msti-ful of vegetables',
or as a quantity of vegetables usually contained by a msti. However, as stated above In no. lone mstl and three 'r* are together valued at 2 sniw, 'r*,
(p. 360), vegetables are always measured in bundles. The other possibility is to take a container which is sometimes also said to be made of leather,40
the first word to be an indication of the material of the msti. In both cases the word varies in price, but in three out of six instances it costs 112 sniw. If the
~ : would precede msti. Below I will explain why I prefer the latter solution. What
in that case the abbreviation~: would mean is not certain. Possibly it indicates
same value is meant here, the price of the msti was also 1/2 sniw,
some kind of grass. Actual baskets of grass, particularly halfa grass, are known (cf. which would be somewhere in the middle of the range of the other
LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 129). prices.
34 tERNY, Late Ram. Letters, 36.

35 The msti looks to have been a container normally used on farms, since the
expression pi msti is used to indicate the peasant's toil (cf. Pap. Anastasi IJ, 7. I and
parallels). It seems hardly possible that in these instances a leather sack is meant. 38 See note 33 above.
36 Also in n, 1.
39 See Table LVIII.
37 tERNY, lEA. 23. 1937, 186.
40 See §21 and Table VIII.
406 PRICES

!he value of a msti appears to vary from 1/ to 4 db Wh t


t k . h 2 e en. a
s n es us IS t ~t two of the lower prices are said to refer to leather
sacks. It looks Improbable that the more expensive ones should have
been made of basketry. Unless, of course, the mSli of nos. 4 and 5 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
wer~ unusually small, and the others far larger; but on this no data are
avaIlable. VESSELS

§ 152. Vessels in general


In some of the preceding chapters we noted an inconvenient lack of
fundamental studies on the names of objects of daily use, and, more
particularly, an almost total absence of studies attempting to connect
archaeological and lexicographical data together. For the present
chapter there exists at least one study which discusses the names of
vessels and tries to connect them, if not with the archaeological material
itself, then at least with the objects in the pictures on tomb walls. This
work is the thesis of the COUNT DU MESNIL DU BUISSON, 1 which will be
quoted several times below for the above reason. For our particular
purpose the study appears to be inadequate since it is not concentrated
on the New Kingdom.
As regards the vessels from Deir el-Medina, a great many specimina of
all different types of pottery, and also some stone vases, though very
few bronze vessels are found, which latter, as will become apparent
below, are virtually the only kind that are mentioned in business
transactions. That very few bronze vessels have survived is explained
sufficiently by their expensiveness. When the Village was abandoned
the departing population will have taken these objects with them, while
those remaining behind in the ruins will have been fO'lnd and taken
away as valuables in the following centuries. Therefore only some tombs
contained bronze vessels, in particular those of Kha' 2 and Senniife,3
which are found intact. The tombs in the Western necropolis contained
only pottery and stone vessels, and no bf0nze ones.
As was stated above, nearly all the vessels mentioned in the price·
entries are made of metal. Several times they are either said to be of·
bsmn, 'bronze', or the name of the vessel is determined by .0 , but in
the instances where the determinative is ~ it appears from the

1 Les noms et signes egypliens designanl des vases ou objets similaires, Paris, 1935

[quoted as Noms et signes].


2 SCHIAPARELLl, La tomba intatta, 134f.

3 Tomb no. 1157: Rapport DeM. 1928, 58 and pI. 8. These tiny vessels are clearly

models.
408 PRICES
VESSELS 409

pr~ces that here too the material was bronze or copper. Only very few
MESNIL DU BUISSON 14 tried to connect kJ with the Old K~ngdom
pn~e~ are. low enough for us to suggest that they referred to pottery.
word ktwt, 'hearth', and suggests that from this the New Klllgdo~
ThiS Implies that the scant references to vases which are definitely not
ing of 'brasero' or 'cauldron' was derived. I doubt both thiS
of metal, particularly those to mnt or md/ft, most likely relate not to mea n . .h
the container but to its traditional contents, namely wine in the case d 'vation and the translations. More probable is the connectIOn Wit
en ew"T:> 'pitcher',15 and With . Cophc KAJ(.I , 16 POSSI'bl e a 1so
the .
of mnt and beer in that of mdlp.4 The prices referring to these vases theH ebr -, .. 17 d
that with the Greek Kots, which we find III Cophc as KO€IC€ an
do not differ from those of said contents. Whether they include the
which means ·cup'. All this, however, does not indicate the sha~e of
contai~er together with its contents is uncertain. If so, then the price
the kt. The prices show it to be a fairly expensive object for a simple
of the Jars was so low that it made no real difference whether it was
included or not. 5 cup, for which dydy will appear to be a more likely name. 18 However,
even though clearly a larger vessel is meant, this does not offer us a
Another point in question is whether there exists a real difference
clue as to its shape.
between the weight of the metal vessels, expressed in deben, and their
Usually the word kJ is written as VI~I-D, 19 but in Hier. Ostr. 46, 2,
~rice in debe~ of copper. 6 We shall see below that, though in some vs. 9 we come across a vessel called Jk, which will be a variant of kJ. 20
~nstances a slight difference due to the wages for making the vessels
In Pap. Turin 1883, vs. 3 (= PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 29) there occurs. a~ter
IS demonstrable, in general, and particularly in the case of the more
irr (see § 158) a vessel called, so far as legible in the .facslmlle,
expensive types, the weight and the price in deben are almost or
VI~lj(!.o. No object of this name is known to me, and a mistake for
completely equal. 7 The same conclusion is drawn above with regard to
kt seems most probable. In O. Cairo 25 588, 10, the word MH~.,
metal tools,8 though here the differences may have been slightly more
marked. kjk-mn, is added to kJ, and this word occurs by itself in the Story of
Wenamun as the name of a vessel. 2 I More compounds with kj are
known as names of vessels, e.g., kNJr-kj and Jbw-n-kj, the latter
§ 153. kJ
determined once by the sign for a CUp.22 Possibly, therefore, all these
. S.o far as we can see, kJ always indicates a bronze vessel. Not only names indicate cups, each of a different shape, which agrees with the
IS It explicitly said in some instances to be of hsmn 9 but its conclusion drawn above with regard to kJ.
determinatives are sometimes written as .0 I'~' 10 or D ~'.11 Whether in Difficult to explain are two occurrences of kl in Pap. Turin 1881. 23
all the. other instances the same material is used is hard to prove, but In line 8 kt is followed by a word which, judging from the facsimile,
the pnces contain no suggestion against this. has for th~ greater part become lost in a lacuna. In line 9 the signs
The Wb., obviously correctly, renders kJ as 'Krug aus Metall', 12 are still there, but are difficult to interpret. PEET rendered them
and adds that it is used among other things as drinking vessel. 13 hesitantly as 1+ .... 1 , but I can neither agree with him nor offer a better
solution. On the analogy of the instances discussed above one would
4 cr. pp. 350 and 347. expect a particular name for a cup, but kjk-mn looks impossible.
5 Note, e.g., that four ca no pie jars (~bw) of stone - certainly more expensive than
pottery - cost 5 deben (§54). whereas the price of one bronze kbw is 20 or more
deben (§ 154). A pottery jar will have cost far less than I deben. . 14 Noms et signes, 87.
IS Cf. also WARD, JNES. 20, 1961, 39f. .
6 Except in a few instances, the prices in this chapter are expressed in deben. The
16 CRUM, Copt. Diet .• 134b. Also mentioned by MEsNIL DU BUISSON, loc. Clt.
excephons may signify that a pottery vessel was meant.
7 Cf., e.g., p. 415. 17 CRUM. op. cit., 120a.

8 See pp. 313 ff. and 300 f. 18 See § 159. . .'


19 In the Rechnungen (see p. 408. note 9) as VI==-I~. The vanous ways III whICh
9 E.g., O. DeM. 239, I, 9; SPIEGELBERG, Rechnungen, pI. XVII, II, 9 and III 5'
JARCE. 6, 1967, p. 150 (D), line 76. See also Table LXIX . ' , it is written may prove that k1 was in fact a Semitic loan-word. but see p. 429. note 135~
10 20 For another instance of the metathesis of k and 1. cf. GARDlNER, Onom .. I, 70
1 O. DeM. 187, 1-2; O. Brussels E 304, vs. 5; Pap. DeM. 23, I.
1 Hier. Ostr. 26, 4, 4; 86, I, vs. II, 6.
(Jkt for kJl).
12 Wb. V, 148,9-10. 21 Wenamun, 2, 40.
22 CAMINOS, The Chronicle of Osorkon, 129, note o.
13 Cf. Pap. Leiden I 343-345. VI, 13; Pap. Sallier IV, vs. 3, 3.
23 PLEYTE-RosSI. pI. X (= PEET, Griffith Studies. pI. 10).
410 PRICES
VESSELS 411

In two texts the weight of a k[ is mentioned. The first one, O. IFAO.


TABLE LXIX
1501, is a receipt for certain Copper objects which have been handed
in; 24 although all three objects mentioned here are vessels, and not
tools as usual. The text begins with the words fly n /.Imti n /.Imtyw
khar deben
Mnt-nbtw, "weighing of the copper of the coppersmith Mentnakhte",
from which it appears that not a price but a weight is meant. The k[ I) o. Gardiner 157, 4 late XIXth Dyn. 4 {} i)smn
is said to be 2 deben (c. 180 grammes), which is lower than any of the 2) Hier. OSlr. 86, I, vs. II. 6 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 4 JJ~
3) Hier. Oslr. 26, 4. 4 yr. 2. Ram. III 5 JJ~
known prices (see Table LXIX). The second weight may occur in Hier.
4) O. Gardiner fragm. 33. 4 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 3 .D i)smn
Ostr. 46, 2, vs. 9, which deals with a theft. In this line we find the 5) P. Turin 2104. vs. Ill. 8 yr. I, mid XXth Dyn.? 7 ~
words w' n k! sri n dbn 1 1/ 2, That this is less still cannot be definite 6) O. Berlin 10 643, 2 yr. I, mid XXth Dyn. 5 .D Qsmn
7) O. Cairo 25 588, 10 yr. 2, mid XXth Dyn. I .j) kik-mn
proof that here the weight is meant, since the object is said to be a
emmer
'small' k!, although the formula without iri.n does not point to a price. 8) O. Brit. Mus. 50 737. 3-4 mid XXth Dyn. 5 .D
More doubtful is Pap. Leiden I 352, 5, the text which CERNY has 12 .j) Qsmn
9) P. Turin 1881, 8 yr. 7, Ram. IX
called a list of "stolen property". 2 5 A thief is fined with a penalty 8 .D Qsmn
(= P.-R., pI. 10) 9
amounting to three times the stolen objects. For each of the five bronze 10) P. Turin 1883, vs. 3
yr. 8, Ram. IX 6 -0
vessels (lines 2-6) a number of deben is mentioned, of which he had to (= P.-R., pI. 29)

pay the threefold as his penalty. Does this number of deben indicate
the price or the weight of the vessels? CERNY suggests the former, but
as regards the garments (lines 7-9), of which no price is mentioned, Of the eleven prices in Table LXIX no. 4 looks to be the most
the thief had to give three items for each stolen one, hence not three uncertain, In this fragment, the signs of which are somewhat damaged,
times their value. Consequently it may well be that he had to pay there occur four bronze objects, probably all of them vessels. Per~aps
three times the weight of the vessels, and not their value. However, it the top of the ostracon has been broken off, and it origi~ally contamed
may also be that there existed no significant difference between weight such words as fly n /.Imti, which would pr~ve that hke ~. I.FAO.
and value in deben. The k! in line 5 is said to be (ir/.n) 3 1/2 deben, 1501 it was a list of weights. The text ends With the words delivered
which would be a low, but not improbable price. Though its lowness to the scribe of the necropolis 1:16ri", which is not the set formula of
points in the direction of weight, I see no decisive argument in favour those receipts, but may be a variant. That indeed weights ar.e ~eant
of either of the two possibilities. 26 may follow from the low value of 3 deben, but once more thiS IS not
a decisive argument.
In no. 3, a list of vessels belonging to a coppersmith, the w~rd
24 Cf. p. 314. The object itself, called an ostracon, is a piece of limestone weighing iri,n which usually introduces prices is absent, but nevertheless prIces
(according to CERNY's notebook) 2322 grammes. The total weight of the three vessels
is stated to be 24 deben, which means that the deben here was 2322: 24 = 96 3/ gram- look to be more probable than weights, No, 7 gives as value of a. k!
4 1 khar (of emmer, like all the other prices in this os~racon), ~hl~h
mes instead of the usual 91 grammes. The deviation is certainly to be attributed to
the typical inaccuracy in cutting off the piece of limestone, which is also found in the means 4 deben, This is the vessel called klk-mn. The prIce notatIOn m
case of other weight-stones; e.g., O. IFAO. 1535, where 12 deben are mentioned on
a stone of 992 grammes, i.e., 82 2/3 grammes per deben. khar may point to pottery,27 but since the word k! is determined by ..v
25 lEA. 23, 1937, I 86ff. Note that the provenance of this text is unknown. It is this seems impossible, In fact, the vessel was exchanged for actual
highly improbable that it came from the Village.
emmer. .
26 tERNY. op. cit., 187 states that it was the price, but he says that the fine
"amounts to a threefold quantity of the copper". If this quantity was meant to be
The kt appears to weigh I 1/2 to 2 (or 3? cf. no. 4) deben, I.e., 135
'money' it seems indeed that the deben of each vessel refer to its weight, but it is to 180 grammes (or even 270 grammes), and to cost 4 to 7. de~en,
also likely that, since it was hardly possible to find vessels of exactly the required The even higher prices of no. 9 may be explained by the Illegible
weight, the thief had to make payment in vessels which together amounted to the total
weight of the fine. Here we know of no decisive argument.
27 cr. p. 408, note 6.
412 PRICES VESSELS 413

additions to the word kl. There is no difference in price between the those which are definitely of metal, which is too high a .price for
vessels which are said to be of bronze and those about which nothing pottery, we may assume that all nos. of Table LXX. are I?deed o,f
is stated. Generally there seems to be a trend towards higher prices at t I In one instance (no. 5b) we find as matenal .DI", , bmu,
the end of the Twentieth Dynasty, particularly if no. 5 should be ::t:a'd of the usual bsmn, although the price of this item is one of the
placed nearer the end of this period. highest. So either the word bmti was a scribal error f~r bsmn-only the
initial 1 being forgotten-or the scribe made no ~Ifference between
§154.Jr.bw hmti and bsmn. In other instances, too, the Egyptians seem to have
The feminine word Jr.bw or Jr.bt 28 occurs frequently in the ostraca. ~sed these terms very loosely. .
There is one instance in which the weight of a Jr.bw IS clearly stat.ed,
That it indicates a particular type of vessel is apparent from the
combination Jr.rbt Jr.bw, Jr.rbt being the generic word, which is usually name Iy0. IFAO . 1501 , 3. 34 It is said to be 20 deben or c. 1.8 kllo-
grammes. This is not lower than the price in deben of the cheaper
followed by the names of different types of vessels. 29 The material of
kbw-vessels of Table LXX, and even higher than some ~f them . In
which the Jr.bw is made is said to be bronze or copper,30 but probably
~ontrast with the conclusion regarding kl in the precedmg sectIOn,
the usual Jr.bw was made of pottery, since in the accounts for wood
it appears that the weight and the price of a Jr.bw are rough~y equ~l.
and pots in the ostraca 31 large numbers of them are mentioned, such
The reason for this may be that Jr.bw-vessels were rather sl~ple m
as in O. DeM. I, 7 thirty-seven, in O. DeM. 4, 5 forty, and in
shape and hence easy to make. Moreover, the higher the weight the
O. DeM. 7, 5 seventeen. It seems hardly possible that all these were
smaller the difference between the value of the material and that of the
bronze vessels, which, as will appear, were rather expensive. If these
texts refer to pottery, this will mean that Jr.bw indicates a particular vessel itself.
shape, which was found also in the case of metal containers.
TABLE LXX
As we saw above Jr.bw n wt is the name of canopic jars. 32 Therefore
it looks to be most probable that Jr.bw itself means 'jar'.33 Their large kbw
size is proved by their heavy weight, and, consequently, their high price
called
when made of metal. Whether all Jr.bw-jars were of exactly the same deben J:rsmn
shape as the canopic jars is uncertain. Probably all large jars with
small differences in shape are called Jr.bw, though we are unable to yr. 15, Ram. n 20 X 2 kitt' of silver
I) P. Cairo 65 739, 12
3a 20 X
state why other names such as mrjJr.t or mnt were used. So much is 9 sri
2) Hier. Ostr. 86, I, 3b late XIXth/early XXth Dyn.
clear, that the shape of the usual canopic jar was seldom used for vs. n, 4 6?
pottery or bronze vessels. 3) O. DeM. 399, 3 Ram. Ill/IV 22
4) O. Cairo 25 590, 2-5 mid XXth Dyn. 37
Whether those Jr.bw of which prices are mentioned were all made of 30 X
B, 3, 6 (= pI. 18)
metal is not quite certain, except where this is stated explicitly or where 5) Giornale 17, B, 5,13 (= pI. 22) yr. 17, Ram. IX 35 /:zmti
the determinative is.D, but since the others are about the same price as A. vs. 4, 9 (= pI. 46) 30? X
6) P. Brit. Mus. 10053, I, 9 yr. 17, Ram. IX 35 X
7) P. Brit. Mus. 10068,2, 19 Ram. IX 25 X wnnw?
28 Hier. Oslr. 74, 13; O. DeM. 346, 2; Pap. Cairo 65 739, 12. In some instances
we find the article d, e.g., O. DeM. 399, 3; O. Cairo 25 590, 1-2; Pap. Ambras, I, 9.
29 Cf., e.g., O. DeM. 1,6-8; 4,5-6; 10,4-7; Hier. Ostr. 26, 2, 5-7.

30 There also occur kbw-vessels of alabaster (0. DeM. 293, 6; O. Cairo 25 707, No. 1 in Table LXX says "1 Jr.bt of bronze, makes 20 deben, makes
2; cf. also Wb. V. 117, 11, with Belegstellen). Note, however, that in all these instances 2 kit~ of silver". Since the latter words refer to the price, the 20 de ben
the name of the vessel is written with V, hence kbw, not Isbw. For k> Is, cf. WARD,
JNES. 16, 1957, 200f. are the weight of the vessel. It is remarkable that the deben are not
31 E.g., O. DeM. 1-18.
32 See p. 243.

33 So, too, MESNIL DU BUISSON, Noms et signes, 29f. 34 See p. 411.


414 PRICES VESSELS 415

said to be deben of copper. 35 From other data it is clear that the 2 kite in which PEET 39 renders as 'for the toilet'. I am inclined to suggest that
this text are the equivalent of 20 deben of copper.36 This means that the first wnnw was a scribal error for wnbll'. Whether it in fact means
weight and value are the same, and that here nothing extra at 'for the toilet' seems to me doubtful. I would prefer to connect it with
all is included for shaping the material into a ~bw-vessel. Whether wnh, 'wreath' ,40 though pi is hard to explain.
this was the common practice remains uncertain, and even doubtful, The price in no. 6 is clear, but in this papyrus, r1. I, 17, there may
but at least in this instance the equality of price and weight is proved. occur another price, which seems to be illegible or partly los1. 41 There
The weight, 20 deben or c. 1.8 kilogrammes, is the same as that in exists, however, another problem in connection with no. 6. This ~bl\'
O. IFAO. 1501 (see above) and may have been a usual weight for a is said to be in the possession of a lady Iner, the wife of the deceased
~bw. scribe Seny, together with an <-vessel of 10 deben. In no. 5c there is also
Two of the ~bw-prices in no. 2 are said to belong to bronze vessels; mention of a lady Iner and an <-vessel of 10 deben. Since both texts
of the third, a cheap one, nothing is said, but the preceding line speaks date from the same year it looks to be impossible that these vessels
of the "amount of copper", and all the other objects in this column were not identical. 42 But in no. 6 the ~bw is said to cost 35 de ben ,
are metal ones, so that, notwithstanding its low price, the ~bw of vs. 11, and in no. 5c only 30 deben. It may be that this was an error on the
4 will also have been a metal one. The exact price is uncertain, however. part of the scribe writing the journal, it being more likely that he forgot
Six deben, as the text states, is far beyond the range, the 9 deben of the sign for 'five' than that the other scribe added an incorrect
the 'small' ~bw in rt. 3 being the lowest known price. Moreover, the 'five'. Although both entries contain prices of one and that same object I
total of 50 deben in vs. 11, 6 is not the total value of the bronze have listed them both in the Table.
objects mentioned, which would be 21 deben. If the other prices of I, Our conclusion can be that a ~blt', when made of bronze, is rather
10 and 4 deben, are correct, and the total was indeed 50, 35 deben an expensive vessel,43 costing from 20 to 37 deben. Of the two
remains for the ~bw. The number 'six' which we find repeated after the exceptions one is said to be 'small', while the other is doubtful.
name at the end of the line 4, where it seems to make no sense, is a Another conclusion is that the price in deben of copper was sometimes
problem. Does it mean: I ~bw, makes 6 deben, for X, 6 (times)? not higher than its weight in deben. It is certain, then, that bronze
That is : 6 ~blV of 6 deben each. Even then the total would be wrong, vessels are far more expensive than stone ones, four canopic jars
it coming to 50 instead of 51. And the way of stating that the number costing 5 deben,44 while one bronze ~blt' is 20 deben or more. Pottery
of ~bw was six is at least uncommon. I see no solution for the problem, jars will have been cheaper still.
but have strong doubts about the correctness of this price.
In no. 3 the price itself is damaged, only '20' being left, but from the § 155. ~~n
total it appears to have been 22. Note that the price is followed by
The word ~~n, usually written as ..!Il.t'l"iD, occurs also with
the word mtnw.s, 'its recompense'.37
omission of the final n 45 as Ll1\.i~.46 In instances outside the ostraca
In no. 4 no price is stated, but the total in line 5 is 28 deben with
we also find LlI_~ ,47 which proves that it was not a loan-word.
a balance of 9 deben, so that the value of the ~bw was 37 deben. No. 7
says of the ~bw that it was ~e~, which PE ET 38 hesitantly translates as
39 Op. cit., 92; cf. also 101, note 29.
'inscribed', stating that the word wnn is unknown. In the same papyrus,
40 Cf. GARDINER, Admonitions, 60.
however, rt. 6, 23, a ~bw is described as pi wnbw (determined by~), 41 PEET'S suggestion (Tomb Robberies, pI. XVII) of 'five' will not be correct.

Moreover, .01..1..1..5 would be incomplete, the word deben being absent.


42 In 5c lady Iner is not identified as the wife of the late Seny, but I see no reason

for doubting that she was the same person.


35 In line II the contents of the mnt-jar of honey are expressed in the same formula 43 Note that most prices come from papyri and not from ostraca, that is, not from
iri.n (see p. 352). the households of the common workmen in the Village.
36 In line 10 ten deben of beaten copper cost I kil~ of silver. 44 See p. 243.
37 See pp. 416 f.
45 Cf. CERN"\', JEA. 31, 1945,35, note y.
38 Tomb Robberies, 88; cf. also 100, note 8. 46 Pap. Mayer B, 11; O. Brussels E 304, vs. 6; Hier. Oslr. 26, 4, 3 (written as /fl/:11y).

47 E.g., Pap. Leiden I 343-345, IX, II and 12.


416 PRICES VESSELS 417

Whether it indicates the same object as klJn, which seems to be an F or the word mtnw we have suggested above the meaning of 'recompense'
Old Kingdom name for a pottery jug,48 looks doubtful. The Wb. or 'wages', 56 but since in other instances the difference between the
t!anslates ~lJn as 'Kessel',49 and is followed by GARDlNER 50 and raw material and the vessel itself, that is, between weight and value,
CERNY,51 but I fail to find definite proof for this translation. From seems to have been virtually or totally neglected, it seems quite
its weight and price it appears to be a rather heavy object, only impossible that here the remuneration for casting a ~lJn should itself
slightly less so than the ~bw-jar and virtually the same as the rhdt have been no less than 3 1/2 sniw. Therefore the meaning of the text
(see § 160), which is also said to be a 'cauldron'. It may be that the is most likely that the ~lJn made by the coppersmith was paid for with
latter was rather a frying-pan and ~lJn a 'cauldron', but it seems objects to a value of 3 1/2 sniw, so that mtnw in fact refers to the
impossible to prove this. 52 price, in which the wages of the craftsman are included. The same was
It is equally difficult to distinguish weight and price, or to discover found above 57 to be the case with a ~bw in O. DeM. 399, where a
whether both are meant to be the same. In Pap. Cairo 65 739, 11-12 a quite normal price is described as 'its mtnw'. Here there is no indication
~lJn is said to 'make' 20 deben and to cost 2 kite of silver, which is either that only this 'recompense' for its manufacture is valued.
equal to a value of 20 deben of copper. 53 A khn in the will of
Naunakhte (Doc. I, 5, 3) is also 20 deben, as app~~rs from the total TABLE LXXI
in 5, 6, but whether this is its weight, as CERNY suggests, or its price
is not certain.
A third text contains what certainly looks to be the weight of a sniw deben
~lJn. In Hier. Ostr. 47, I, vs. 10 we read: "another 28 deben of
copper in the shape of (m) a ~lJn". This is not the usual formula of I) P. Cairo 65 739. 11-12 yr. 15, Ram. II 20 2 kitl' of silver
2) Hier. Ostr. 56, 2, 2-9 Ram. IIIMerenptai) 3 '/2 mtnwy
a price, and whether 28 deben of copper was also the value of the 3) Hier. Ostr. 47, I, vs. 10 Sethos II/Siptah 28 weight?
vessel we do not know. The addition "of copper" may point that 4) 0 Gardiner 157,2 late XIXth Oyn. 25
way, since probably the ~lJn was in fact made of bronze, but, as stated 5) Hier. Ostr. 26, 4, 3 yr. 2, Ram. III 25
6) Will of Naunakhte, Doe. 1,5,3 yr. 3, Ram. V 20 weight
above, the difference may not have been clearly expressed by the 7) O. Gardiner 264 + o. Coehrane. old yr. I, mid XXth Oyn. 70 0

Egyptian scribe. text, 4


Hier. Ostr. 56, 2 presents another piece of information on the khn.
In this text several commodities are said to have been given to' the
coppersmith r tJ mtnwy of the ~lJn. 54 The total value of these items In view of all the uncertainties, it would seem best to include all the
is 3 1/2 snltv (line 9), which in the period of this ostracon (Ramesses 11 data concerning ~lJn, also those regarding weights, in Table LXXI.
or Merenptai:l) is probably the equivalent of 17 1/2 deben of copper. 55 Of the other nos. there, only no. 7 requires a note. The price occurs
in the older text on this ostracon, which is hardly legible, It contains
48 Wh. V, 138, 6.

49 Wh. V, 67, 4.
a list of copper objects, and CERNY suggests for line 4 the reading
50 lEA. 21, 1935, 142 (= Pap. Cairo 65 739, 11-12). ~J[IJJnJ] and a price of 70 deben. Since this is much higher than all the
51 Loc. cit. (note 45).
other prices it looks doubtful, which is why we have suggested above 58
52 Would it be too bold a suggestion to identify fs;1:m with the fairly large bronze
the possibility that ~f(jn may have to be restored and not ~lJn.
situlae with handles from the tomb of Kha' (SCHIAPARELLl, La tomha intalta, 135,
fig. 118)? Cf. also VON BISSING, Metallgeliisse, 30f. = Cairo Cat. gen. no. 3469. Except for this no. 7 the prices of ~lJn vary between 17 1/2 and
53 Cf. the fs;hw in this text, pp. 413 f. 28 deben, while the two texts mentioning 20 may refer to the weight,
54 The following words, n fs;n, 'of the first quality', will not belong to the preceding
though also that mentioning 28 deben. Compared with the ~bw, the
fs;lJn but to the following mss. For n fs;n as an indication of the quality of cloth, cf.
Pap. Vienna 34, 2 and 7 (in both instances followed by srn' nlr) and Pap. Ch. Beatty Ill,
vs. 5, 2 (in three instances followed by n"). 56 Cf. p. 183; for other instances, cf., e.g., pp. 230, 267, and 396, note 43.
ss To the Egyptian mind 3 1/2 sniw will also have been the equivalent of 20 dehen 57 See p. 414.
a price found in other texts. ' 58 Cf. p. 320, note 46.
418 PRICES VESSELS 419

average price of a Isl:m is lower, but in Pap. Cairo 65 739-the only pouring it over the feet must certainly have been bigger than one in
text where both occur- their prices and weights are the same. In this which the hands are washed.
respect it is striking that most of the Isbn-prices come from the As stated above, MESNIL DU BUISSON suggests that the i' was of the
Nineteenth and the early Twentieth Dynasty, while earlier Isbw prices same type as the '. He also remarks that both words refer to
are also lower. This may point to a rise in the prices of bronze vessels "cuvettes de petite taille", and though this may be correct for the "
during the second half of the Twentieth Dynasty. If this conclusion is according to all the prices except one (no. 3 in Table LXXII) most
correct, the prices of Isbw and Isbn will have differed even less than specimina of the i' do not seem to have been really small. Moreover,
Tables LXX and LXXI seem to suggest, which would imply that the in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053, I, 9-10 we find an ' and an i' in two
size of the vessels was about the same. successive entries, which points to at least some difference. Whether
in shape or in size is difficult to determine, though possibly both,
§ 156. I', ' and '-n-b'w despite the fact that the two words both roughly indicate 'bowls'.
That I' means something like 'wash-bowl' is clear from its connection The word '-n-b 'w, here used for a bronze vessel, namely a rather
with the verb I', 'to wash', and from its determinative S. In the wide bowl, is in other instances determined by the sign for basketry,64
Gior~ale, 1: A, vs. 4, 6 59 there is even mention of a 'bronze i' (for) in which case the prices are definitely lower than those of the bronze
pounng (dll) water (over) the feet'. In the following line, however, '-n-b 'w; yet further proof that not one and the same object is meant.
we find a bronze vessel referred to as '-n-b 'w, of which it is said It may be that '-n-b 'w is a more or less general word for a container,
that it is used for 'pouring (dit) water (over) the hands'.60 Clearly the which is sometimes made of basketry and sometimes of bronze. 65 I would
names are distinguished, but it is difficult to see that there should be hesistantly suggest the object depicted by sign W 10, which indeed
much difference between a wash-bowl for the hands and one for the feet. occurs as determinative of i' and which is known as part of sign A 9 (i).
This question is connected with the problem of the shape of the i'. Statues of servants carrying baskets of this shape or wooden trays are
Was it the ewer with which the water was poured out, or the basin well-known. If this is correct, '-n-b 'wand i' are different words for
into which it was poured? 61 In Pap. Mayer B, 11 there occur in one nearly the same type of vessel, only distinguished on the point of size,
entry two vessels, an /' and a nw, which are also said to be used 'for the i' probably being smaller. 66
pouring water (over) the hands'.62 Therefore, if i' is the bowl, nw Of the nine entries of Table LXXII nos. 1 and 8 will indicate weights.
will be the ewer, or vice versa. That nw is indeed the ewer is made For no. 1 see p. 410 above. The entry in no 8 runs i ' iw f irt /:zmti dbn 13.
likely below. Moreover, according to MESNIL DU BUISSON 63 ;' and' This is not the formula used to express prices, which nearly always
probably indicate vessels of the same type. The' occurs frequently in contains the word irl.n, so that tERNY concluded 67 that it is the
Pap. Harris I as a food container, and it seems far more probable weight of the I' which is expressed. It is apparent again from this that
that this was a bowl than an ewer or such-like vessel. So we may there is little, if any, difference between the price in deben and the
conclude that ;' was in fact a wash-bowl. weight. It also seems to make no substantial difference whether the
That ;' should be distinguished from '-n-b'w, though both are used vessel was made of bronze, which all except no. 8 are, or of copper,
for what seems to be approximately the same purpose, may be explained which is the material of the latter. We can even doubt whether the
by a difference in size. A bowl in which water is collected after scribe correctly distinguished between the two.

64 See §22.
59 BOTTI-PEET, pI. 46.
65 In O. Cairo 25 624 it occurs as a wooden object. See p. 153, note 88.
60 Also in 17 B, 3, 5 (= pI. 18).
66 The word b'w (without '-n) not only occurs as the name of a basket, but also
61 Sets of a bronze ewer and bowl are found in the tomb of Kha' (SCHIAPARELlI,
as that of a vessel; cf. O. Cairo 25 677, IS, where its meaning is clear from its
La tomba mtatta, 134, fig. 117) and (models) in that of Senniife (Rapport DeM. 1928, position in a list of vessels. Whether b'w here is only an abbreviation of '-n-b'w or
pI. 681. The latter bowl has an ear; the first set is more elegant-looking. whether it is a different type of container altogether is not certain; the former suggestion
For other Instances of niI', cf. the next section. seems the more probable.
63 Noms et signes, 57.
67 lEA. 31,1945,40, note c.
PRICES VESSELS 421
420

In no. 7 some words which CERNY hesitantly reads as ~ )\.......J~I~ Still it was larger than the kl-cuP, the value of which varies from 4 to
are added to i'. The first group of signs reminds us of the word wnh 8 deben, one price of 12 deben excepted (see Table LXIX). However,
found above with ~bw-vessels, 68 but the remainder I am unable t~ we should bear in mind that these prices of ' and '-n-IJ ')I' are derived
explain. Could it be that 'br should be connected wit!! Ibr, a particular from papyri of the 17th year of Ramesses IX, a period in which metal
unguent? prices may have risen above the usual level.

TABLE LXXII § 157. nw


In several instances nw occurs in close connection with 1',
i'
as, for example, in Pap. Brit. Mus. IO 053, 1, 15, where the value of
deben both together is stated in one price, and in Pap. Mayer B, 11.71 It was
suggested above that the combination proves that nw is the name of
I) P. Leiden I 352. 2 XIXth Dyn. 20 weight?
the ewer. 72 MESNIL DU BUISSON 73 states that the sign 0 (W 24) is
2) Hier. Os!r. 32, 2, 5 XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 3
3) Hier. Os!r. 86, 1,4 late XIXth/early XXth Dyn. 12 used rather loosely to indicate all types of vessels, but this does not
4) O. Gardiner 272, 5 yr. 14, Ram. III II imply that no special type called nw existed. 74 In Pap. Turin 2002, 11,
5) O. DeM. 410, 4 yr. 26, Ram. III 19
8 a nw is said to be n ssn, 'lotus-shaped'. 75 It is quite possible to
6) Hier. 05{r. 24, 1,2 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. 12
7) O. Gardiner 264 + O. Coehrane, 1 mid XXth Dyn. 10 imagine a lotus-shaped ewer, but more difficulty is presented by the
8) Will of Naunakhte, Doe. IV, 2-3 yr. 3, Ram. V 13 weight? weights and prices. In O. IFAO. 686, a 'receipt', a nw belonging to a
9) P. Brit. Mus. 10053, I, 10 yr. 17, Ram. IX 20
certain Khonsu is said to be 4 deben, i.e., 364 grammes, hence more
than a kl, but less than most other vessels. The prices (see Table
LXXIII) also point to a small object, though for an ewer we would
The prices in Table LXXII 69 show considerable variation, ranging
expect a not too small one. There is only one text in which both i'
from 3 to 20 deben, though 3 deben is clearly an exception. Probably
and nw are valued, namely Pap. Brit. Mus. 10053, 1, where in line 10
these variations are due to the size of the i'. A rise in prices towards
an i' costs 20 deben and in line 15 nw + i' 30 deben. If the two prices
the end of the Twentieth Dynasty which we may have found in the
can be combined, the ewer is half as expensive as the wash-bowl,
case of ~bn is not perceptible here, though again the price from the
which looks to be not quite impossible. The other nw-vessels of Table
reign of Ramesses IX is one of the highest. Note, however, that the
LXXIII will have been far smaller, except no.!.
definitely dated no. 5 shows a virtually equal price.
Whether nw-containers were always made of metal is uncertain, but
Since, as was stated above, there may be a close connection between
those mentioned in price-texts most probably were. In several instances
i' and the vessels called '-n-IJ'w and ' it seems appropriate to discuss
here the prices of these objects. Both occur in the Giornale, 17 A, vs. 4 the nw is said to consist of bsmn, 'bronze'. 76
(= pI. 46). In line 7 two bronze '-n-IJ 'w 'for pouring water (over) the Of the prices of Table LXXIII the first and the fifth are the highest
hands' together cost 4 kite (of silver), i.e., 12 deben of copper each. ones. Two snlw in no. 1 is the equivalent of 12 deben of copper, and
In line 9 a bronze ' ~osts 10 deben, while the same object 70 is
mentioned at the same price in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053, 1, 9. In the 7\ Also after each other in Pap. Turin 2002, 11, 7-11 (= PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. \02)
latter text this price contrasts with that of the i' in the next line , and in O. DeM. 239, I, 4-5, though here of what will have been I' only ~ is left.
namely 20 deben. Our conclusion may be that an '-n-h 'w is of about 72 See p. 418.
73 Noms et signes, 12.
the same value as an I'. The' was definitely cheaper: hence smaller. 74 He even doubts the reading as nw, since we usually find 01 D, though in

O. DeM. 105,6 it is written as ..... ,n-..,OID


7S For a lotus-shaped vessel, ef., e.g., Urk. IV, 629. See also JAMES, The British
68 See p. 414.
69 For a possible, though extremely doubtful price of an I', cf. p. 434, note 177. Museum Quarterly XXVII, 1963-64,74.
76 E.g., O. DeM. 239, I, 4; O. Cairo 25 690, vs. 3. See also Table LXXIII.
70 See p. 415.
422 PRICES VESSELS 423

TABLE LXXIII that of sgnn, Unfortunate1y t h ere seems t 0 be no indication as to its


shape anywhere.
mr
TABLE LXXIV

snht, deben
irr
1) O. DeM. 552, 4 XIXth.early XXth Dyn 2
2) P. Turin 1880, vs. 5, 4 yr. 29, Ram. III dehen
4 I;1smn
(= RAD. 47, 16)
3) O. Ashmolean 1945.36, 2 Ram. Ill/mid XXth Dyn. late XIXthjearly XXth Dyn. 10
2 I) Hier. Ostr. 86, I, vs. 11, 5
4) O. DeM. 105,6 mid(?) XXth Dyn. yr. 26, Ram. III 12
3 2) O. DeM. 410, 4
5) P. Brit. Mus. 10053, I, 15 yr. 17,Ram1X yr. 29, Ram. III 20 1;1.!mn
10? I;1smn; I nU" + I i' = 3) o. Cairo 25 242, vs. 2
4) Hier. Ostr. 31, 5, 3
Ram. Ill? 20
6) P. DeM. 23, 3 30 dehen
? yr. 3, Ram. V 7 weight"'
4? I;1smn 5) Will of Naunakhte, Doe. I, 5, 5
yr. 8, Ram. IX 5
6) P. Turin 1883, vs. 2
= PLEYTE·ROSSI, pI. 29
7) O. DeM. 454, vs. I, 4 XXth Dyn.? 20
no, 5, as stated above, will have cost 10 deben, Of no, 4 CERNY
thought 77 that nw here meant 'handle' of an adze, but the determinative
is that of metal, not of wood,78 The price of no, 6 is quite certain,
Possibly in one instance in Table LXXIV, n~m.ely no, 5: not a ~ri~~
CERNY gives in his notebook after hsmn '
nw a number 'three' , but but the weight of the vessel is indicated, but thIS IS not qU.lte certam,
states that two strokes are due to an unplaced fragment. It seems to
What strikes us is that this is one of the lowest notatIOns, ,tho~gh
me that this fragment cannot belong here, while 4 deben for one nw, judging by its determinative it is certainl~ that of a metal lrr, hke
instead of for three, looks to be a suitable price,
no. 6, which is cheaper stilL All other nos, III the Table ~re clear. .
In conclusion, it seems that no, 1 and no, 5 list prices of actual From the prices it appears that an lrr was usually fairly expenSive,
ewers, the latter indeed belonging to a wash-bowL The other prices much the same as the I', though less than a ~bw or a ~~n.86 This may
relate to small vessels, possibly ewers or jugs of about the same type mean that they were not as small as a kl, but that seems to be all
but used in different ways,79
we can conclude about it.87
§ 158, irr
§ 159. dydy
The word lrr occurs in several variants, such as ldr
~ -, etc,80 Even
- , lrd The vessel called dydy, written as '?S".o ,88 which is a variant of
~he, word lrm (with 1, ) in Hier, Ostr, 86, 1, vs, 11, 5 probably the older g ~, is according to the Wb,89 a flat dish. In, the Annals ~!
IlldIcates the same object. 81 In all likelihood, though this is not always Tuthmosis III we find ddt as a name for dishes with or Without a foot.
indicated, lrr was always a metal vesseL In 0, MichaeL 7, 8 82 the lrr MESNIL DU BUlSSON states that ddt "englobe les coupes et les
(called itjt) occurs as a container of sty,83 in a Turin papyrus 84 as crateres",91 but the latter meaning seems to be based only on the
77 Prices and Wages, 909.
78 See p, 322,
85 CL khn in this text; see p. 416, ,
79 Whether ewers with a spout were used in the Village is not known but at least 86 In th~ will of Naunakhte, in one and the same entry, the If/:m IS 20 and the
one instance of this type, which was usual in earlier times, bears an ins~ription with
Irr 7 deben. III
the8~ame of Ramesses II (Cairo Cat. gen, no. 3445 = VON BISSING, Metallge!iisse, 8f.). T . 2104
87 In Hier, Ostr. 86, 1, 5·6; Pap, Turin 1883, vs. 2·3; Pap. unn .' vs. ,
Cf, lEOL. 19, 1967, 445f.
7.8 (where the price of t~e Irr has become lost) ~n lrr and? a kl are mentIOned one
81 For the omission of the final n, cL p, 415, note 45. The writing Irm will be after the other. Does thiS Imply that both are dnnkmg·vessels ,
an attempt of the scribe at writing it correctly, though this time it is a mistake. 88 Also determined with ~, or with~ and.o together.
82 GOEDICKE.WENTE, pI. 62,
89 Wh. V, 501, 14ff.
83 See p. 355.
90 Urk. IV, 629; 631; 721.
84 No. unknown, Cr. Wh. I, 155, 16, Belegstellen,
91 Noms et signes, 54.
424 PRICES VESSELS 425
92
d eterminative. His connection of ddl with the Semitic i~i -after The price of a dydy varies from 2 to 5 deben, which proves that it is
B Fremd I 11
d URCHARDT ,w~r e ,no. 1199-, apart from being uncertain,93 cheaper than the average kf, If the latter is a 'cup', the dydy may
oes not prove anythmg about its shape. Therefore I would su est indeed be a flat, hence lighter bowl or dish; usually cups are deeper
that dydy s~ould be interpreted as indicating a flat dish or bowl o~gthe than dishes, I 00 and therefore heavier, and so also more expensive.
ty~ found m the tomb of Kha' and, as model, in the tomb of Sen'niife 94
. ro~ one ostrac~n w.e know the dydy to be a container of sgnn:95
§ 160. rhdl
while m Pap. HarrIs I It contains plants. 96 So far as we can see all
dydy-v~ssel.s are made of metal, which is apparent either from the The word rhdt, from which is derived the Coptic PAZT€, 101 is usually
determmatIve or from the addition of hsmn 97 I H' 0 2 translated as 'cauldron', or German 'Kessel'.1 02 This vessel is used in
d d f ' . . n ler. sIr 2 2 IQ a the kitchen for boiling or frying food. It was definitely made of copper
y y 0 metal (either bronze or copper' the word is p tl' .'.' ).
said to be wdhw (11 P=)' , 98 .' ' . ar y mlssmg IS or bronze. l03 Possibly it was a vessel of a similar type to Cairo cat.
d . - .
. I!~. , cast.
. To Its pnce IS added I deben fior ItS
.
gen. nos. 3501, 3508 and 3549,104 that is, rather flat round trays about
ecoratlOn, possIbly with an mscription. 99
10 cm in depth and 18 to 25 cm in width, with a slightly convex
TABLE LXXV
bottom. Another specimen, which comes from the tomb of Kha', I 05
has two handles. It is, however, hardly possible to distinguish the rhdt
dydy from the ~bn, which is also called 'cauldron' and of which the prices
belong to the same category as those of the rhdt. I hesitantly suggest
sniw deben for the latter the translation 'frying-pan', since it seems more appropriate,
\) O. DeM. 49, 4 Ram. 1I if the actual objects mentioned above were in fact called rhdt.
'/2
2) O. Varille 25, 5 Ram. II/Merenptal)
3) Hier. Os!r. 22, 2, \0
2 Prices of rhdt are rare. In Hier. Ostr. 24, I, 2 (Ramesses Ill/mid
early Ram. III '/2
4) O. DeM. 105, 8-9
2 + \ deben for its decoration XXth Dyn.) a bronze rhdt is valued at 22 deben. In Hier. Ostr. 67, 3, 2
mid(?) XXth Dyn. 5
5) P. DeM. 23. 2 ?
(year 31, Ramesses Ill) occurs a rhdt of 20 deben, for which the mtnw
2? 2 for 2 + x deben
was 15 deben. From the formula rhdt n dbn 20 it would seem probable
that the 20 deben indicates its weight, hence c. 1.8 kilogrammes. mtnw
Of t.he. prices_ in :able LXXV the last one is uncertain. The is the usual term indicating the 'recompense' for making objects,106
transcnptIon OfCERNY sh.ows as price for 2 dydy, probably of bronze, though above we came across texts in which mtnw clearly includes the
a number of de~en for whIch the signs are partly lost in a lacuna, only value of the material. 107 It seems impossible that the price for making
two strokes bemg left. So it may be either 3 or 4 d b d' the rhdt should have to be added to the value of the material here,
t i e en, an smce
wo vesse s are valued, the latter price looks to be most probable. since elsewhere the weight and price in deben are almost or completely
equal. That the mtnw should here in fact be the price is all the more
92 CERN\-, B/FAO. 27 1927 177 (0 . probable since the following lines mention an oath being sworn before
'chaudron'; MAssART, Pap.' Leide~ I 343-345' I~erhn 10 629, 4) tra~slates it as the officers of the necropolis r rjbs ts mtnw (line 4), meaning that the
For the former there seems to b f ' : 13 and vs. VI, 8, as pItcher', 'jug'.
I'
handles); for such a flat vessel 'di:h,no ~~oo whIle the latter is even less correct (no
mtnw is confirmed. However, how a vessel of 20 deben in weight could
93 CAMINOS L E ' or ow seems most appropriate.
94 ate- g. MIse., 119.
'
100 cr.
PETRIE, Stone and Metal Vases, pI. 40, nos. 30-40 and 41-53.
SCHIAPARELLl, La tomba intalta, figs. 118 and 143' BRUYERE R
pI. 8 and p. 58. See also PETRIE Stone and M t I v: 'I ,apport DeM. 1928, 101 CRUM, Copt. Diet., 312 a·b.
95 O. Berlin 10631,4-5.' ea ases, p. 40, nos. 30-40. 102 Wh. 11, 441, 5-7; MESNIL DU BUISSON, Noms et signes, 11.

103 Said to be of bronze in O. DeM. 293, 2; Hier. Ostr. 24, 1,2; Pap. Turin 2002,
Pap. Harris I 37a 2 and 3
96
97 " . 11,12 (= PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 102).
E.g., O. DeM. 239, 3 and 454, vs. I, 3.
98
104 VON BISSING, Metallgefiisse, 42, 44, 59.
99 Cf. Wb. I, 393, 11-12. For casting, cf. LUCAS-HARRIS .
105 SCHIAPARELLI, La tomba intalla, 136, fig. 119.
An Instance of a bowl with e . ' Anc. Eg. Matenals, 221 f.
(= Cairo Cat. gen. no. 3553). ngraved figures In VON BISSING. Metallgefiisse, 61 106 Cf. p. 183.

107 cr. p. 414.


426
PRICES
VESSELS 427
cost only 15 deben I cannot explain. Special circumstances which may
that in most, if not in all cases it will have been made of pottery.
have existed are not mentioned. The oath, so far as I know the only
' rare. 117
g3y-vesseI s 0 f meta I are . ., ,
one in such a contract, may point to such circumstances existing, but
this must remain purely hypothetical. I have to admit that I cannot The exact shape of the g3y is unknown, the translatIOn with bo~1
explain this text. being only approximately correct. CAMINOS 118 renders it with 'wide
cup', but MESNIL DU BUISSON 119 suggests a connection with thde vHer.b
§ 161. wsm . g3w, 'to be narrow'. Though not impossible, t~is is not prove. IS
other suggestion that the use ofag3y, full of water, III the Story of~he Two
The vessel called wsm was used particularly for beer.108 In a text Brothers 120 for putting a heart into points to a small vessel slllce the
from the Ethiopian Period 109 a silver wsm is mentioned which is heart was an jJrrt 121 is not really convincing either. We have to
determined with the sign for a situla with movable handle. This was admit that no identification of the g3y seems possible.
a common type of vessel in that period, but earlier we find as a usual Prices of the g3y are rare. Three of them, all of bronze items, occur
drinking-vessel a more or less pointed situla without a handle. 11 0 These in Pap. Cairo 65 739, 8-11 (year 15, Ramesses 11). As for the o~her
objects are quite small, I11 which agrees with the prices for wsmY 2 vessels in this text, not only the price in silver but also the weight
However, the vessel called l3bw (§ 170) is also said to be a situla. in deben is stated. These are:
A clear price of a bronze wsm is found in Hier. Ostr. 86, 1, 6
No. 1) lines 8-9 : weight 18 deben, price I 2/3 kite of silver;
(late XIXthjearly XXth Dyn.), where it is valued at 2 deben. A price
No. 2) line 9 : weight 14 deben, price 1 1/2 kite of silver;
in O. Gardiner 157, 5 (late XIXth Dyn.) is partly missing, only one
No. 3) lines 10-11: weight 16 deben, price 1 1/2 kite of silver.
stroke being left. It may be from 1 to 4 deben, the loss of one or more
signs for tens being improbable. 113 Though the exact value is uncertain, That both nos 2 and 3, though their weight differs by 2 deben, cost
it will have been fairly low, as in the preceding instance. I 1/2 kite of silver-which would be more precisely. the. equivalent of
15 deben of copper-does not prove that the price IS higher than the
§ 162. g3y weight, since in that case only no. 2 would be comprehensible. The
explanation is simply that the Egyptians were not as accurate as we
Like the IJ;bw, the g3y-vessel occurs in large numbers in some
tend to be. The kite-notation can only express prices of 1/ 3,1/ 2 or 2/ 3,
ostraca, 114 where it is called IJ;r/:lt g3y, in which expression krht is the
and for both 14 and 16 deben 1 1/2 kite is the nearest expressible
generic word for 'vessel' and g3y an indication of the particula; shape. I IS
equivalent, as I 2/3 kite is for 18 deben. .
It is clear that here the g3y is some kind of pottery vessel. Moreover,
The weights 14 to 18 deben, i.e. 1.274 to 1.638 kIlogrammes, show
g3y is a common container for food, both solids and liquids,116 so
that these g3y-vessels were no small bowls. Their prices are so much
108 See, e.g., HELCK, Das Bier, 47; 49; III , note 16'" 23 4 and 828 , 7.
Urk , higher than those of dydy and kl that clearly g3y was quite a different
109
Urk. III, 105, 4. Wb. I, 374, 3 translates it as 'Eimer mit Henkei' but this
word gives an impression of too large an object, and may better suit khn. ' type. . , 0 D M 232 I 4 (early
110 P S d .. There is one more g3y pnce, namely III . e . " .
ETRIE, tone an Metal Vases, pI. 39, nos. 27-29; VON BISSING, Metallgefiisse,
nos. 3489 and 3490; lhe latter with a small, fixed handle. Ram. III ?), but the entry is damaged. CERNY was able to recogmze
111 Cairo cat. gen. no. 3489: height II '/2 cm.; Cairo cat. gen. no. 3490: height
10cm. 117 Some instances are: SPIEGELBERG, Rechnungen, pI. XVII, I, 6; Pap. Berlin 9784,

112 The wsm in Hier. Ostr. 86, I costs 2 deben, whereas two kbw in this text are 24 (= ZA·S. 43, 1906, 30); Pap. Cairo 65 739, 8-10, in all cases said to be of bronze.
20 and 9 deben, an i' 12 deben and even a bronze knife (sft) 3 deben·. In O. IFAO. 514 (an unpublished 'receipt') we find the words fiy giy (with m~~:
113 The total in line 8 is 85 '! 2 deben of copper. The items, so far as legible, determinative). Unfortunately I do not know the weIght of thIS object, which
together amount to 77 '/2 deben, which leaves no more than 8 deben for the wsm. originally have been roughly equal to that of the giy.
Probably another low price is missing in line 7. 118 Late-Eg. Mise., 194f.

114 O. DeM. 5, 5 (eighty); ID, 7 (seventy-two); 22, 5 (thirty-nine). 119 Noms et signes, 72.
115 cr. p. 412.
120 Pap. d'Orbiney, 8, 5 and 13,8.
116 Cr. Ship's Logs, 25. 121 For the interpretation of this word, which means 'grape', cf. LEFEBvRE, Romans
et contes, 153, note 57.
428 PRICES VESSELS 429

. a sma 11
the signs ~1\.44 ..... 1 lrl.n AI;. Though a price in khar is quite a kt costs 5 deben. These two texts show t~at a mrs\\' was qUite
unusual for a vessel, and the value 3 deben is far lower than the other ves~el, probably a cup rather than a contamer for must.
gjy-prices, I do not see what object other than gjy could have been
122 § 164. pgs
meant. Probably, therefore, it was a pottery gjy, or rather a stone
one, for which 3 deben looks to be a suitable price. From its connection with the verb pgs, Old. psg,. 'to ~pit',. i.t is
It may be useful to compare the prices of Pap. Cairo 65 739 with pparent that pgs means 'spittoon'. The word IS wntten m vanous
a 0 iI ~ 131 oeI;\]..a,,,, ,132 o].l;\].P" ,133 OIOlP,.. ,134 and
one from Pap. Berlin 9784, 24,123 where a bronze gjy costs 2 1/2 sniw,124 ways, e.g. _~lI. :0 , ... Th h
the equivalent of 21 2/3 deben of copper. That this is a higher value ~rleo- 135 In all known instances It IS Said to be of bronze. e s a.pe
may be due to a difference in size. Whether any difference in price of this' vessel is unknown. It may be the same as that of vessels with
level was involved is unknown. other names such as, e.g. the i' or the ': . .
In P a Leiden I 352 4 a psg (sic!) IS Said to be of 6 deben, whlc~
p., .. . ht th
§ 163. mrsw may be either its weight or its price. 136 If It was ItS wel~, IS
means that the vessel weighed 546 grammes. In accordance With what
mrsw, written as ~~~~, means 'must', 'new wine',125 but it is also
we have found to be the case with other vessels, we. ~ay ~uggest that
the name of a vessel. In Cop tic the liquid is called M plC, the vessel
the price of this pgs will not have exceeded .by far, If ~t did so at all,
M Ay P€C . 126 WARD, who connects mrsw with Semitic words, 12 7 states,
these 6 deben. Another possible price occurs m Pap: B~It. r:tus. 10068,
probably correctly so, that the name of a liquid is given to the . said to be 11 deben: 137 Agam
h
2, 29, were a pgs IS .It . Will not make h
container in which it is usually kept or served in more instances, much difference whether this was its weight or pnce: If It was t e
though Coptic shows a difference in stress and consequently in . the difference between this object and the precedmg one may be
pronunciation of the vowels.
Pdncep'artly to the higher prices for bronze vessels which we have found
mrsw as a name of a vessel occurs neither in the Wb. nor in ue . 138
to apply in the late TwentIeth Dynasty.
MESNIL DU BUISSON's Noms et signes. Except for the two texts
discussed below, I know it only from O. DeM. 1079,128 where in a § 165. mhb~
fragment the context of which is lost n mrsw probably points to a A vessel called mhb~ C:;;;:!jLle~) occurs more.than once i~ t?e Gi~:~:~
vessel. All this offers no indication as to the shape of the mrsw. d 11 ' no 17 139 The only ostracon from which I know It IS O.
The weight of a mrsw is mentioned in O. IFAO. 1501 129 and is e an . 'P h . du Louvre
25 677, 13. Two other occurrences are the arc emm 141 In all
said to be 2 deben, the same as that of a kl. In Hier. Ostr. 26, 4, 3 no. A.F. 1577, 20 140 and Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053, 5, 10.
(year 2, Ramesses Ill) a mrsw 130 costs 3 deben, while in the next line
131 Pap. Leiden 1352.4 (= JEA. 23,1937,186).
122 The word for 'box', though written in various ways, never shows an qq; cf. pp. 198 ff. 132 Pap. Brit. Mus. 10068, 2, 29.
123 ZA·S. 43, 1906, 30 (year 3 of Amenophis IV).
133 Ibid., 6, 25. I 102)
124 Or in'?
134 Pap. Turin 2002, n, 6 (= PLEYTE-RoSSl, ~. Th . writings in so-called syllabic
125 GAROINER, Onom. 11, 235*.
135 SPIEGELBERG, Reehnungen, pI. XVI, .1, . de . h that we must be
126 CRUM, Copt. Diet. 183 a-b.
127 JNES.20, 1961,40.
orthography, here use d ~or a clearly Egyptian wor I ~ agam s ow
ds on the sole argument 0 f
careful in explaining words from the ostraca as oan wor
128 Whether in Pap. Harris I, 64a, 6 (irp mrsw mm) a particular kind of wine, their writing (cf. JEOL. 19, 1967, 443f.).
namely new wine, is meant, as GARDlNER (see note 125) suggests, or whether this entry 136 See p. 410. 't 'weighing' but iri.n is usually the
means that wine, tacitly induding new wine, is contained in mrsw and mm, is not 137 PEET, Tomb Robberies, 89, translates 1 as d I" 25-28 where amounts
certain. If a mrsw is a drinking-vessel, as the prices seem to indicate, the latter solution formula for prices. Note that it is absent m the prece mg mes ,
will be the correct one. of gold and silver are mentioned.
129 See p. 410. It is said of all three vessels in this text that they are 'copper for 138 See p. 418. . ( I 49)
the coppersmith', but probably they were in fact made of bronze. 139 B, 3,4 (pI. 18); B, 5, 6 (pI. 21); A, vs. 4, 4 (pI. 46), C, 7 p. .
130 Determined with.c and~, therefore a metal object. Moreover this text also 140 tERNY Melanges Maspero, I, 235.
mentions the vessels of a coppersmith. 141 PEET, Tomb Robberies, pI. XVIII and p. 100, note 16.
430 PRICES VESSELS 431

these instances the vessel is said to be made of either copper 142 or price of a IsbH'. Though all three instances may be due to inaccuracy,
bronze. The word m/:lbls itself looks foreign, though I am unable to there may possibly be question of some sort of system here, but I am
offer any connection. About its shape nothing is known. unable to explain it. 147 .
In Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053, 5, 10 a m/:lbls is said to 'make' 8 deben.
This vessel belonged to a lady Tsenty, the wife (?/:lbst) of the thief § 167. k5t-mrbt and sLink
Psen. The same woman occurs as the possessor of a mhbk in Giornale
Above it was found that there were two types of basketry sieves or
17 B, 5, 6, but this time the vessel is said to 'm~k~' 10 deben.
strainers, called either m(t)rbt or nlsr.148 The former occurs also under
That in both instances the same object is meant seems more
the name of k5t-m(t)rbt, 149 and this word is used once as the name of
than probable,143 but why the difference? Does it mean that the
a bronze strainer, namely in Hier. Ostr. 86, 1, 5 (late XIXth/early
m/:lbls 'weighed' 8 deben and 'cost' 10 deben? There seems to be no
XXth Dyn.). Since it is said to cost 1 deben it is clearly a small object,
proof ~or this supp~sition. Possibly it is simply the lack of accuracy
in fact no more expensive than some of the basketry stramers . ISO
an d
so typIcal of the SCrIbes of these papyri which is responsible for this
even cheaper than one of these. So it will have been much smaller
p.roblem. So much is certain that the mbbls was a vessel of middling
sIze. than these.
Another name for a strainer, found only for metal objects, is sbnk,
§ 166. Is'bt
which is derived from the verb Sb5k, written in Late Egyptian as sLink,
. h er SI'1 ver 152 or
meaning 'to sieve'. 151. This metal sLink was made 0 f elt
A vessel called Is 'bt is mentioned neither by the Wb. nor by MESNIL bronze. 153 Whether sbnk was a name used for different types of
DU BUISSON, though the former lists a beverage of this name from strainer, or whether it indicated a particular shape, is uncertain. There
the Greek period. 144 It may be that the word Is 'bt is derived from the existed in fact several types,1 54 but the differences between them
verb 'to bend' or its derative 'corner', but then it could hardly be the are sufficiently small for them to be covered by one name. .
name of a vessel. Still it occurs twice in the Giornale dell'anno 17145 The only sbnk price is also found in Hier. Ostr. 86, I, namely. m
and twice in the Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053 146 with the determinative -0. vs. n, 7. This proves that there was a difference between this object
In all four .instances-referring in fact to three different objects, as we and the k5t-mrbt, but we do not know what kind of difference. The
shall see-It is stated to be of copper, not of bronze. Could k 'ht be shnk here costs 3 deben, which is three times the value of the k5t-mrbt,
an angular vase-stand? . . s~ that the former will have been a larger object. I would suggest
One Is 'bt price occurs in Giornale 17 B, 5, 3, here being 20 deben. with some hesitancy that k5t-mrbt was rather an object such as that
In Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053, 5, 6, in which the same person who also
occurs in the preceding text is mentioned, namely a certain lady Treroy,
and where the same object may therefore be meant, the price is 10 deben,
which is repeated in the next line. It is curious that we have also 147 Here we may point to the price of an object made of /.lmti m If;m3 and called

\I I c>c!>
found a lower price for the mbbls in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 053 than for k 'ht n.L
'0'1<::> \\ \I ~,
which occurs in Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 068, 2, 6, and which costs
, k 3
ii deben. PEET, Tomb Robberies, 88 and 99, note 6, suggests that /.lmll m . m , mean~
the same object in the Giornale, and again the same difference in the 'hammered copper', but srdd is unknown, so that it is impossible to see what a c?rner
of a srdd could be. Cf. POSENER, ZA·S. 99, 1973, 131 f. Note that If;'/.lt occurs Without
any determinative here. I do not think that it has anything to do with vessels, but have
no suggestion as to its correct meaning.
142 In Giornale 17 B, 5, 6, but /.lmti may be a mistake for hsmn. 148 §§ 16 and 17.

143 For identical objects in both papyri, cf. pp. 415 and 420. In the case of the 149 See p. 145.
If;bw (p. 420) there is also a difference between the two entries. 150 See Table V.
144 Wb. V, 21, 3.
151 Wb. IV, 268, 5ff.; Wb. Med. 11, 792f. .
145 B, 3, 11 (pI. 19) and B, 5, 3 (pI. 21). The former text is partly lost, only 152 Pap. Harris I, 6, II and l3b, 8; LEFEBYRE, Inscr. conc. les grands pretres,. 67.
%j~ being left. 153 O. Cairo 25 677,9. In O. IFAO. 192 (unpubl.) determined as a metal object.
146 5, 6 and 7.
154 Cf. the objects mentioned on pp. 415 f., notes 60 and 61.
VESSELS 433
432 PRICES

found m the tomb of Kha', IS 5 while sbnk resembles more Cairo There may be two wdbw or wdw prices. In Pap. Leiden I 352: 6
cat. gen. no. 3536. 156 (XIXth Dyn.) a bronze wdw is .sai~ to. 'make' I debe~~6The questiOn
whether this is a weight or a pnce IS dIscussed above. !n O. ,DeM;
§ 168. wdbw 434, n, 8 (year 6, mid XXth Dyn.) a wdbw is. also saId to make
The verb wdb, old wdb, means 'to pour'. Its derative wdhw is the I deben. This time probably a price is meant. So It appears that wdbw,
name of a sacrificial vessel. 157 However, the verb also mea~~ 'to cast' whatever its shape, was rather small, in fact smaller and therefore
(metal),158 and wdbw may therefore be suggested to mean a 'cast cheaper than any other vessel so far discussed.
(bronze) vessel'. That this is not correct is proved by O. Cairo 25 677,
22-23, where we find three kinds of wdbw, one of alabaster, one of § 169. ~bbw
green or blue faience Ubnt) and one called dprt,159 while in line 11 The kbhw is a libation vessel. The word seems to be rare in th.e
a bronze wdbw occurs. So the wdbw is indeed a kind of vessel. The New Kingdom. It occurs in O. Cairo 25 692, 3 (XI.Xth Dyn. ?), ~ut ~s
name, like pgs, may be due rather to its use than to any particular followed by a group of signs which are not recogmzable. The. pnce IS
shape. 16o 5 deben, which proves that the ~bbw was not. r~all.y smal.1. Smce the
The Wb. distinguishes from this word another name of a vessel, word is only determined by the sign for metal It IS ImpossIble to state
namely wgw,161 which it renders as 'small vessel of metal' and for anything about its shape from this text. It may have been shaped
which it mentions only one reference. 162 The word seems to occur in like the sign ~ .167
Urk. IV, 1150,7, where it is depicted as a jug with a spout. Accordingly,
FAULKNER translates it as 'jug'.163 However, LEFEBVRE 164 and § 170. IJbw .
PETRIE 165 both suggest that wdw is in fact a variant of the word tJbw is the name of yet another of those vessels which occur III larg~
wdbw. We find strong proof of this identity in the Giornale dell'anno 17, 168
m;mbers in the accounts of wood and potS. The shape of the IJb'.t
where we read in S, 3, 10 (= pI. 19) .... nw wdw, and in S, 4, 5 is said to be the same as that of a bowl or situla, 16~ though the shape
(= pI. 20) hnw wdb. There seems to be little room for doubt that of the wsm (see § 161) may be the same. The IJbw IS oft~n a m~asure
in both instances this kind of vessel is referred to. In other instances, · C' r beer 170 Although apparently frequent III the VIllage,
or a con t amer 10 . . ' 7 3
such as O. Cairo 25 677 mentioned above, it is difficult even to see it occurs only once in one price-text, na~ely III O. Gardm:r 15, ; 71
whether wdw or wdbw was written, and it seems that such variations (late XIXth Dyn.). This particular IJbw IS made of dbty, l~ad.
in writing ( k~ ) were most likely the source of all the confusion. Actual vessels of lead are not un k nown,
172 th ugh as matenal of a
0 .
I tJbw it is further only mentioned in O. IFA~. 25 (unpubl.) and III
155 SCHlAPARELLI, La tomba intalta, 84, fig. 54.
156 VaN BISSING, Metallgefiisse, 53. This type is depicted in Theban tomb no. 89
O. DeM. 299, 2.173 Still, most IJbw-vessels WIll have been made of
(PORTER-Moss 2 , i.i, 181 (4), IV).
157 Cf. SCHOTT, zA·s. 98, 1970,41-42.

158 See p. 424 (Hier. Dstr. 22, 2,10).

159 cr. CERN)" Hier. Inscr . ... Tut'ankhamun, 6. 166 See p. 410. . .'
160 HELCK, MID. 4, 1956. 168f., suggests that \\41:111' is a dish, since in O. DeM. 318,
167 Cf. Noms et signes, II0ff.; JEQUIER, Les frlSes d objets, 306.
168 EgO DeM. I 8 (fifty-eight); 3, 4 (fifty); 6, 6 (a hundred). S d' t a('ta
5 it is said to be filled with My, and since in the inscription of Amenl)otpe, which is .." , , b I ') DANIEL tu IQ e
discussed here, there is a picture beside the text showing jugs and dishes. Jugs are 169 Wb
.V, 354 , \-9', Noms et signes, 64 k(go ed etIl' . . d from)
was d'enve t'b\\' .
not likely to contain biy, so it will have been a dish. However, the picture appears . t I' 5 6 (1967) 383 f suggests that the Gree wor £1Ta~ f H-
or/en a IQ - , ., • b 9 litres (c ELCK.
170 Ship's logs, 20. The capacity was 3 ds, whIch may e c. .
to be far from reliable (the numbers do not agree with those in the text) and there
is little reason to suppose that the l\'(j/:/\\' are in fact depicted accurately. Das Bier, 47). 8'/: . S d' 67 f 'Tin' another
171 Written asC>Jl -: . For gf:zty, cr. HARRIS, Lexlcogr. tu /eS, . ,
161 Wh. L 399. 10.

162 Pap. Leiden I 352, 6. meaning of gf:zty, looks to be im.probable here. . . . s 3546 and 3556-58).
163 Cone. Diet., 74. 172 VaN BISSING, Metallgefasse, 57 and 64 (CaIro Cat. gen .. no . 22 2 the
173 With an irr(?) in O. Cairo 25 677, 8 a-b; in O. Gardtner fragm. ,vs.
164 LEFEBVRE, Inscr. conc. les grands pretre" 69, note g.

165 PETRIE, Stone and Metal Vases, p. 32, no. 13. and pI. 45. name of the vessel is missing.
434
PRICES VESSELS 435

pottery, and that is the reason why so few of them appear in the
price-texts.
§ 172. lrb . . 0 86 1 there occurs
hessels mentioned m Hler. str. ,
The Isblt' of O. Gardiner 157, 3 is stated to 'make' 7 deben. Since
these deben are included in the total of line 8 as 'deben of copper'
Among t e v . nce most objects in this text are made of meta.l, ~~~
also a l:b, anhd, SI 'th this one, though this is not explicitly said ..
they will indicate the price of the Isblt' of lead. So the Isbw is more same will be t e case WI . t least tWice
expensive than the wsm of which we happen to know the prices (§ 161), The word lrb is fairly rare in the ostraca b~t. I~ ~~c~:~ :alled trr,182
but to what extent the material is due for this is not certain. 1 74 more.
181
It may point to the same ve~se . w IC i c. 183 MESNIL
. . I I in texts mentlOnmg goose lat, lr.
and possibly, parpcu ar y b ' 1'ant of tsbw but that seems
§ 171. 1nl} gests 184 that tr IS a var _,
DU BUISSON sug - 't 185 with the Arabic 'shorba' and
In the accounts of wood and pots a vessel called 1nl} is sometimes hardly possibl~ ..PETRdIE co:n:~ts ~s to its shape, however, I do not
suggests that It IS a eep 0 .
found,175 usually preceded, like ~bw and Isbw, by the generic term
~rl}t. From many instances it appears to be a usual container for k
now
of any indication.
. m
Th pnce . Hler.
.
h D ).
0 str. 86 " 1 8 (late XIXthjearly XXt f byn. IS
beer, 1 76 like ds and ps, but whereas these two never Occur with
prices since they are probably always made of pottery, there is at
2 deb:n, which points to a small vessel if it was ;b fa~or::~e ~ de~~:~e~
l77 The bronze I' in this text costs 12 deben, two . w. to be in
least one Inl}-price. This Occurs in Hier. Ostr. 50, I, 11, 2 (mid
wsm, on the other hand, also 2 de~eno' ThDe M 46 s~: ~~m;here it is
sma 11
XXth Dyn.), where I inl} costs I deben. There is no indication that . h 't of a tr m . e . , . ,
the inl} was made of metal. Moreover, we possess a piece of information contrast WIth t e capacI. y -5 3 rt Therefore the identification
said to contain 11 1j 2 hzn or c. . I ~es.
which seems to prove that it was a fairly large jar. In Hier. Ostr. 57, 4 of lrb with lr seems somewhat uncertam.
seven inl} 178 and eight mnt are said together to equal IQ 1nl}. If indeed
a mnt contained 10 hin or c. 5 litres,179 an 1nl} would be 2 2/3 mnt or
between 25 and 30 hin, i.e., between 11 and 12 1/2 litres. It would 180The dydy in line 9 has no ment ion of itsd material
' d either, though
by;<" and not.[)this
doesvessel
not
b h d'd and trb are etermme -v . . 'd
seem impossible for such a jar, if made of bronze, to have cost no is usually of metal. That ot y y - '. kbw and w§m, which are exphcltly sal
prove any thl'ng', the same holds true for I, .
more than 1 deben. So either the 1nl} was made of pottery, or it is the to be 'of bronze'.
181 0 Cairo 25 695, 3 and O. DeM. 625,1 .
°
beer, which was the common liquid contained in an 1nl}, which is 182 0 . C·alro 25 678 ,39. Possibly also mime 28.
valued. In the latter case the price of 1 deben agrees more or less with 183 Cf. p. 338. See, however, below.

that found above (§ 107), since a mg~t costs 1 to 2 deben. Still it does 184 Noms et signes, 65.
Stone and Metal Vases, 33, no. 60.
not seem very probable that the word I}n~t should have been omitted.
185

174 See §177.


175 O. DeM. 1,6 (seven); 15,3 (seven); 17,4 (three).
176 Hier. Ostr. 57, 4, 2 and 3; O. DeM. 19,3; 20, 2; 21, 2; etc.

177 In O. DeM. 579, 3 (Ram. Ill/IV) SAUNERON transcribes a line, which has been

crossed out by the scribe, as 4!:~, iri.n dbn 20. The second group of signs in the
first word is doubtful. in is not known from elsewhere as the name of a vessel, so
one would be inclined to suggest another reading, However, i., for which the price
would reallv fit. is hardly possible according to the facsimile. inJ:z, on the other hand,
is never m;ntioned as the name of a bronze vessel, and for a pottery inJ:z the price
would be too high.
178 Written as 41'''i:::~. See p. 429, note 135.
179 See pp. 330, 340 f and 352. Cf. also HELCK, Das Bier, 46 ff.
MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS 437

TABLE LXXVI

1111'1
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
yr. 36. Ram. 11 10 dehen for I snill'
I) P. Ashmolean \958.111. vs. II
late XIXth Dyn. 2 Ill) for 1/2 .'in;",
MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS 2) o. Cairo 25 572. 2
mid XXth Dyn. 10 deben for I 2 khllr 11"
3) Hier. OSlf. 63. I. 2
yr. 7. Ram. IX 15 (deben') equals 15 hin (of oil) kill
4) P. Turin 1881. Ill. 6
late XXth Dyn.' 3 (deben?) for I dehen
5) O. Gardiner 172. 3
§ 173. nwt, 'yarn'
The word nll't means 'thread' or 'yarn'. 1 It is written in ostraca as
0°" 1:1, but sometimes the sign °
is hardly distinguishable from ~. 2 In are valued at 1 sniw, which will mean 5 deben of copper, unless the
some texts is mentioned a particular kind called nwt kmt, 'black yarn'. 3 value of the sniw in the year 36 of Ramesses 11 was still 8 1/3 deben.
In Hier. Ostr. 63, 1, 2 the yarn is called n ", 'smooth', a term also In the first case a deben of yarn cost 1/2 deben of copper, in the
used to indicate the cheapest type of cloth.4 other case less than 1 deben.
More difficulty is presented by the expression nwt nrj (to ~). 5 It In no. 2 two nd cost 1/2 sniH', but, as was said above, this price
probably does not indicate a particular quality of yarn, since in that cannot be compar~d with the others since we do not know the meaning
case ng would precede nwt, but it may be an indication of quantity. of nd.
Usually mvt is measured in deben,6 hence in weight. Where only a N-o. 3, clear in itself, states the nwt to be of n" quality, which in
number and no measure follows,7 deben will also have been meant. accordance with the use of n" with garments will mean that it is
Other measures, such as b'w 8 and ~pt,9 are not mentioned with prices. ordinary, cheap yarn. The price fits in with this explanation, since
The meaning of ng, however, remains uncertain. One would expect °
1 deben cost 1/2 khar, or 1 deben, so that 1 deben of yarn only cost
something like 'clew', which the Wb. suggests for b'w 10 and tERN\' 1/
10
deben of copper.
for ~pt, 11 but the difference between the three words, if there is any, No. 4 states no measure, saying only that '15' yarn is equal to the
is not at all clear; no more is there any proof that ng indeed means price of 15 hin. Probably the measure is deben, which occurs in the
'clew'. I do not think that it can be the same word as that mentioned preceding line. The hin cannot be a unit of value, that is, 1/6 ~f a
in Wb. n, 376, 18-20, since this seems to mean 'thread' and is more sniw as the sniw-notation was out of use in the late Twenheth
or less synonymous with nwt itself. By comparing nos. 1 and 2 of Dyn~sty. Hence it will be a quantity of oil which is meant, b~t the
Table LXXVI one might conclude that a ng contains 5 deben or kind of oil and therefore its price are uncertain. It may be that It was
455 grammes of yarn, though other prices do not agree with this. nhh-oil which would mean that the price was 15 deben, or 1 deben for
Every number in the Table presents a problem. In no. 1, 10 deben l' debe~ of yarn. Another possibility would be, however, that sgnn is
meant, which appears in line 11 as a measure of value,12 and then the
price may be lower than 1 deben per hin. 13 Note that in this entry the
1 Wb. H, 217, 3. For 'to spin yarn' (/.1st nwt), as well as a picture of this, cf.

NEWBERRY, Beni Hasan H, pI. 4 and pI. 13. yarn is called 'black'.
2 Cf. GARDlNER, Late-Eg. Mise., 74a, note 4a. In no. 5 again no measure is mentioned, but here, too, '3' may
3 Pap. Cairo 58071 (= Pap. Bulaq XII), vs. 3; Pap. Turin 1881, III, 6; SPIEGEL-
mean 3 deben, which would result in a price of 1/3 deben of copper
BERG, Reehnungen, pI. XVII, II, 12 (as against /.Idt, 'white', in line 11). For snty, which
is also added to nwt in the last two instances, cf. pp. 443 f. per deben of yarn.
4 See p. 256, note 36.

5 O. Cairo 25 572, 2; Pap. Ch. Beatty III, vs. 5, 3.

6 Pap. Harris I, 12a, 14; 63c, 7; etc.; O. Cairo 25 594, 9. See also Table LXXVI.
11 lEA. 23, 1936, 187 (Pap. Leiden I 352, 10). Cf. also HELCK, Materialien V, 931.
7 Table LXXVI, nos. 4 and 5.
For an actual clew from the Village, cf. Rapport DeM. 1924-25, 80.
8 Pap. Harris I, 63c, 8 and 71a, 3.
12 In col. IV, 4 even 'g.
9 Cf. CERN\', ;(gyptol. Studien (Festschrift Grapow), 34f.
13 Cf.§103.
10 Wb. Ill, 242, 18.
438 PRICES MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS 439

All this may indicate a great variety of prices. The price of nos. I, In two instances the quantity of rope is said to be a 'piece' (,),1.9
3, 4 and 5 may be 1/ 2, 1/1o, I (or 1/ 2 ?) and 1/3 dehen per dehen while elsewhere an equally vague quantity 'handful' (drt) 20 IS
of yarn. That no. 3 is cheap seems logical, since it is of n" quality. mentioned. In the first column of the Giornale dell'anno 13,21 however,
No. 4 is black yarn, but it is hard to see whether this means different no less than eight entries mention ropes of different lengths. These
quality and whether the colour influences the price. If the 15 hin are ropes are clearly intended for ships, as is apparent not only from t.he
supposed to cost indeed 15 dehen, one might suggest a more expensive fact that the items are followed by different types of wooden shl~­
kind of yarn, though at the end of the Twentieth Dynasty several building materials, but also from 11. 4-6, where the longer ropes are said
prices may have exceeded the previous level.
to be "for the royal bark".
There is one text, however-not from the Village-which seems to The prices are:
suggest that black yarn was not an expensive, but an extremely cheap
kind. Pap. Bulaq XII (= Pap. Cairo 58 071),14 dating from the reign line 4: for 1400(?) 22 cubits: 14 dehen of silver;
of Tuthmosis Ill, mentions in vs. 2 a price of 1/2 deben of silver for line 5 : for 1200 cubits: 12 dehen of silver;
50 deben of yarn, which means that I deben of yarn cost a deben of line 6 : for 1000 23 cubits: 10 deben of silver;
line 7 : for 500 cubits: 5 kite of silver;
copper. This is more than what we found above, except, possibly, in no. 4.
In the next line, however, no less than 131 (?) deben 15 of black yarn .: for 300
line 9( I) cubits: I kite of silver;
line 10 : for 200(?) cubits: I kite of silver;
seem to be valued at 1 S'ty, which would mean a price of less than
line 11 : for 7(!! !) cubits: I kite of silver.
1/11 deben of copper per deben of yarn, a lower price than any of the

above four. From the occurrence in this text one would conclude, The first three prices are fairly clear. The price for 100 cubits was
therefore, that black yarn is far cheaper than ordinary yarn, whatever I deben of silver, which equals 60 deben of copper, hence 3/ 5 deben of
this may mean. This is in contradiction to the above conclusion that copper per cubit. In these entries th.e ~ope is .said to be very l~ng and
black yarn seems to be the most expensive kind. of excellent quality (nfr-nfr) , and It IS destmed for the royal bark.
On the whole the prices of yarn are far from clear, which is an Clearly 'cables' are meant, which explains the h~gh ~rice. .
unsatisfactory but inevitable conclusion. From line 7 onwards no quality and no destmatlOn are mentIOned.
The price is also definitely lower. In line 7 500 cubits cost 5 kite .of
§ 174. nwb, 'rope' silver, which is 3/ 50 deben of copper per cubit, or one tenth the pnce
nwb is a fairly common word for 'rope'. In several instances it is of the preceding entries. .
said to consist of wd, which WALLERT 16 explains after LORET as The last three entries are obscure. On account of Ime 7 one woul.d
expect 300 cubits to cost 3 kite of silver, and 200--i~ th.is is what IS
'palm leaf', whereas I have suggested 17 that wd was written instead of
meant in line 10--2 kite, while the last entry seems qUite mcongruous.
wM, 'papyrus plant'. Both are possible, since ropes from both materials
18 Not only because a length of 7 cubits or 3.875 m. is outside t~e ra~ge
are known. I am now inclined after all to agree with W ALLERT,
particularly since, as we shall see below, cables for ships were made in this list, but also because it seems highly improbable that ItS pr.lce
of wd, and this would hardly be possible if it were papyrus. should have been the same as that of ropes of 300 and. 200 cubits,
or 157 1/2 and 105 m. There is clearly something wrong With the te~t,
but I am unable to offer a well-founded suggestion as to how to explam
14 Published in facsimile by MAsPERo, Les papyrus egyptiens du Musee de Boulaq n,
pI. 5. Transcription by SPIEGELBERG, Rec. Trav. 15, 1893, 142fT.
19 O. DeM. 50, 4; O. Cairo 25 583, 5.
15 The number is almost illegible in the facsimile. One would be inclined to suppose
20 O. DeM. 97, vs. 6; 130,4.
that there is mentioned a particular name for a quantity, though SPIEGELBERG'S reading
:: Cl I cannot be correct. 21 BOTTI-PEET, pI. 1. . ~ 11 win
22 Of the hundreds, only two strokes are left, but in comparison With the 0 0 g
16 WALLERT, Die Palmen, 48f.
Ship's Logs, 87. prices 1400 seems probable. .
17
23 The text shows 11, but the last stroke will be either a mistake, or indicates
18 HELCK, Materialien V, 815 does not decide on either of the two possibilities. 'one' thousand.
440 PRICES MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS 441

it. This much looks certain, that if 500 cubits cost 5 kit~, 200 cubits rhomboidal pyramid. 28 Usually, however, IJsmn is found only in dbt,
will not have cost I kit~, rope being material the value of which depends salt in both measures or in khar only.29 The relation between the dbt
only to a lesser degree on its length-in contrast with the wooden and the khar appears from Hier. Ostr. 20, 2, 4, where 6 dbt equal 1 oip~,
beams which occur in the same text. that is, c. 3.2 litres to a dbt.
We have skipped line 8 above, since this entry presents a special Prices of salt and natron occur together in one entry, Pap. Turin
problem. While all the other lines mention ropes of a certain length 1907/8, III, 2-3 (Ramesses VII). Salt here costs 4 deben for 2 oip~, i.e.,
(m/.!) we find here the words n mlJ followed not by a number but by a 2 deben of copper per oip~, while 15 bricks cost 5 deben, hence also
word J~~~144~ and a stroke, possibly meaning 'one'. Obviously 2 deben per oip~, a brick being reckoned at 1/6 oip~. The price of the
the length of the rope is that of a b5ry, but I do not know what natron has been damaged. 30 dbt are said to cost x + 2 deben, but
this means. SPIEGELBERG 24 tried to connect it with BI p, 'basket', and it is uncertain whether ten or a multiple often, or only one or two strokes
with br, a type of ship, but I fail to see how the determinative could have become lost in the lacuna, in other words, whether or not natron
fit it, or what it could imply. The price of this rope is also I kit~. was cheaper than salt.
In conclusion, we can state no more than that ships' cables according Nowhere else does any natron price seem to have survived,30
to this text cost 3/ 5 deben per cubit, or I 1/5 deben per meter. The though there may be one additional salt price. In the Giornale dell'
shorter ropes, dearly of a lesser quality, are all valued at the same anno 17, B, vs. 8, 27, in what looks to be a list of food, we find an
price, independently of their length, which seems hardly possible. entry the first word of which was only partly legible to the authors
Comparison of these prices from the reign of Ramesses IX with the of the publication,31 but which from the facsimile and the last sign ~
only one from the ostraca, found in O. DeM. 50,4 (late XIXth Dyn.), looks to be hm5t. It was measured in oip~, moreover, 2 oip~ being
is impossible, since here a 'piece' of rope is valued. It costs 1 oip~, valued at 2 deben, i.e., 1 deben for 1 oip~, which is double the price
which is equal to 1/6 sniw,25 or c. 1 deben of copper. Speculation about found above in Pap. Turin 1907/8.
the length of this rope by comparing it with the data from the
Giornale is fruitless, not only because the prices there are uncertain, § 176. IJmti, 'copper'
but mostly because differences in quality clearly influence the price We have found throughout this study that prices occurring in the
of rope. Moreover, as we have stated above (§ 135), the prices for daily life of the workmen were usually expressed in deben of copper,
wooden ship's parts in the Giornale dell'anno 13 appear to be high, and in the minority of instances in which a different measure of value
well above the price level in the Village in earlier years. Therefore, was used we have tried to convert them in the above one. Therefore
comparison of the rope prices may have yet another uncertain element it may seem to be superfluous to discuss the price of IJmti,32 'copper',
added. itself, which cannot be anything other than its weight in deben.
Nevertheless, we shall give proof of this from some of the texts.
§ 175. IJm5t, 'salt' and IJsmn, 'natron' There are two instances offering an opportunity of comparing weights
The meaning of the words IJm5t and IJsmn, which are frequently of copper with prices in silver, namely Pap. Vienna 34 and Pap.
found in combination with one another, is clear beyond doubt. 26 Salt
was used mainly as a seasoning for food and for preserving fish, and
28 For actual lumps of salt from the Village, cf. Rapport DeM. 1934-35, Ill,
natron in a variety of ways.27 Both are measured in khar and in
221 and fig. 109.
'bricks' or lumps (dbt) the shape of which will have been that of a 29 Hier. Ostr. 20, 2, 4-5; 56, 1,8; O. Cairo 25 504, vs. H, 11-13; 25 678, vs. 28-31;

O. Michael. 10, I, 3-4 (= pI. 79).


30 The entry in Hier. Ostr. 20, 2, 4 is too complicated for us to draw any con-

24 Rechnungen, 60. clusion from it with regard to /:zsmn, since it is combined difTerent types of
25 See p. 123. basketry in one price.
26 HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 189f. and 195f. 3! BOTTI-PEET, pI. 41.

27 LucAs-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materia/s, 263fT. (natron) and 268 (salt). 32 For the reading of .D"~I. cf. HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 62.
442 MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS 443
PRICES

Cairo 65 739. In both a quantity of scrap copper, bmti m /f-n/f-n, is from the end of the period covered by this study, namely Pap.
valued in kite of silver. In Pap. Vienna 34, 8 this is 26 deben for Ashmolean 1958.111 (Ramesses II) and Pap. Turin 1881 (Ramesses IX).
2 1/2 kite, in Pap. Cairo 65 739, 10 it is 10 deben for I kite. In Prices from ostraca do not seem to have survived. This may point to
another, ~arlier text, Pap. Bulaq XII,33 which is not from the Village, the secondary role of this metal in the daily life of the workmen,
we find m vs. 4-5 that 4 deben of copper cost 1/2 s'ty. As was it being far less important than the frequently mentioned copper and
mentioned above,34 tERNY concluded from these data that there was bronze.
a somewhat oscillating silver-copper ratio. In the Cairo papyrus it In Pap. Ashmolean 1958.111, vs. 10, eight deben of dbty cost 5 sniw,40
was exactly 1: 100, in the Vienna papyrus I: 104, and in the Bulaq i.e., -30 deben of copper, or, if this was before the depreciation of
papyrus 1:.96. However, these differences seem to exist only in the silver, even 43 1/3 deben. So the price per deben of lead was either
mO.dern mmd. In actual fact the Egyptians will have imaginated the almost 4 or almost 5 1/2 deben of copper. At any rate, lead seems
ratIO as I: .100. Th~t in Pap. Vienna 34 not 25 but 26 deben 35 happened to have been far more expensive than copper. However, in the other
to be aVailable did not worry them; the nearest equivalent in silver text, Pap. Turin 1881, Ill, 9, sixty deben of dbty are valued at 30 hin.
was 2 1/2 kite, just as 1/2 S'ty was for 4 deben of copper in Pap. The value of the hin here has been discussed above. 41 It cannot very
Bulaq XII.36 Ifin the latter case 5 deben of copper had been available well have been more than 1 deben of copper, which means that 1
the equivalent would have definitely also been stated as 1/2 S'ty. ' deben of lead cost only 1/2 deben of copper, which is in striking
There also exists a number of texts in which quantities of copper, contrast with the first price.
though not always called (m) /f-n/f-n,37 are treated as a commodity, Whether the difference is due to the dbty itself--one might suggest
their value, which is equal to their weight, being included in the that it indicated 'tin' in the Ashmolean papyrus, though there is not
totals. Some instances in which this is clear are: Hier. Ostr. 16, 3, 5 the slightest proof of this-or whether it is due to a depreciation of
and 86, 4, 6; O. DeM. 73, vs. 2 and 223, vs. 2; O. Cairo 25 606, lead during the intervening one and a half centuries between these texts,
vs. 2. In many more the same will originally have been the case, but or even special circumstances not known to us, is difficult to see. The
through loss of parts of the text this is not exactly easy to prove. data are too scanty for us to attach much value to this difference
All this, however, proves beyond any doubt that scrap copper was and to draw conclusions from it. This much is clear, that the two
valued according to its weight in deben. texts contain prices of commodities which are not really exceptional
one way or another.
§ 177. d~lty, 'lead'
§ 178. snw, 'wool'
dbty, in these texts always written as dbty, is the name of a metal,
mostly 'lead', though it may have been used to indicate 'tin' more The word snw usually means 'hair', but there are texts in which this
specially called dbty bd. 38 Lead was used among other things as ~aterial appears to be impossible. In Pap. Bologna 1094, I, 1 we find nJ ,fmr
for vessels. 39 dJiw 50, which CAMINOS 42 translated with "the 50 woollen loin-
We know of two dbty prices, one from the very beginning and one clothes". He refers to Pap. Leiden I 352, 11, where we find snw n .... 1.
Although the word after n is illegible, it is clearly impossible for 'one
hair' to be meant. Another text where the same use seems to occur is
33 See p. 438, note 14.
34 See p. 106, note 28.
40 The text shows what may be a scribal error. It runs dl;ty dhn 8 iri.n . iri.n . 5. The
35 A correction into 26 was in fact written over 25!

36 See p. 427, for a comparable lack of exactitude.


second dot represents inverted commas, repeating the word ~Io of line 9, but the
37 I;mti (m) J,nJ,n occurs in, e.g., Hier. Ostr. 22, 2. 11; 86, 2, 8; O. DeM. 223,
first irl.n and the first dot appear to be meaningless. Note that in the line above
vs. 2; 579, 5; O. Brit. Mus. 50 737, 4. there is a lacuna at this point. In the following lines the place where the first
:: HARRls, Lexicogr. Studies, 67f. Cf. also HELCK, Materialien VI, 987.
irl.n should occur is left blank.
41 See p. 437.
244. For vessels made of dl;ty, cf. p. 433. See also LUCAS-HARRls, Anc. Eg. Materials,
42 Late-Eg. Mise., 3-4. See also 432 (= Pap. Koller, 1,2).
MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS 445
444 PRICES

the donation stela of <Al)mose-Nofreteroi, line 9,43 where ifd n .~ny are protracted ~ are written only as five ticks, the last but one being
mentioned. 44 . larger and upright, like a markedly cursive ~ , so that the word may
A speci~1 meaning of .~ml' is that indicating parts of plants, as, for have ended on . ti. Above we found a word [lti, form of the verb [It,
example. In Pap. Harris I, 65c. 10 and 74 10 where we find sn)' 'to be rough',49 indicating a particular technique of making basketry,
h •45' . "
nn, or? Cairo 25 680, I, which mentions sml' n tir (for II', 'willow'). but this is determined by ~ and appears to be unconnected with the
However, It seems more than doubtful that these materials could have present word.
been used for the manufacture of garments. Therefore I am inclined The Wh., however, lists an expression bt n nh,50 which is hesistantly
to interp,ret, .with CAMINOS, the word snll' as 'wool',46 that is sheep's translated as 'Bast(?) des n-Baumes', while the nh is the .Iicus
or goats hair, as a parallel to .~ml' <j, 'donkeys' hair', mentioned in sycomorus L. 51 The expression seems to be known only from the Book
Hier. Ostr. 63, 1,11,4. 47 of the Dead, but it is curious that in O. Michael. 6 the preceding
In the latter instance, as well as in Pap. Leiden I 352, 11, quoted line mentions the price of a piece of nil-wood. Therefore I would
above, w.e find an indication of 'one' unit, but the quantity itself is suggest that Lzt should here be interpreted as an indication of a part
not mentIOned. The same occurs in O. Michael. 8, 6 (Ramesses Ill/mid of this tree, possibly 'bark', which the determinative would fit. One
XXth Dyn.), where the entry runs sml' 1 iri.n dbn 2,48 and in the might even suggest that the correct reading is not bt but brt, and that
?~her ~ri,ce, O. Gardine: 222',6 (of unknown .d~te) whi~h says snll' iri.n it is the same word as the brt, occurring in medical texts,52 but this
l!:.l.n (SIC.) dbn 1. The dJttography looks SUSpICIOUS, while according to may be stretching the hypothesis too far without further proof. 53
CERNY's notebook even snw is uncertain. If we accept it as a price The bt of O. Michael. 6 is said to cost I oipe for 2 units. Since
nevertheless, we shall have to assume the unit to be 'one', since this we do not know in what kind of measure bark-if that is what was
was sometimes not expressed. This means that the price was half that indeed meant-was measured, the price remains vague. We can only
of O. Michael. 8. state that the price for 2 units was fairly low, which again would agree
What kind of q.uantity is meant in these instances is obscure. It may with what we might expect for bark.
have been a weight, but this is sheer speculation. Therefore the
implications of the two prices remain uncertain. § 180. snIr, 'incense'
The word snIr, usually translated as 'incense', probably refers specially
§ 179. bt(?) to frankincense. 54 Four prices of it occur in Pap. Turin 1907/8
In O. Michael. 6, vs. 4 (= pI. 57; mid XXth Dyn.) we find, (Ramesses VII),5 5 namely:
a~cording to the publication, the words bt 2 iri.n A- 6 3/ 4, The last No. I) 1,10: 10 hin for 21/2 deben;
signs are definitely incorrectly transcribed, the price being, as the No. 2) 11, 5: 15 hin for 3 1/2 deben;
facsimile shows, . . CD., 'I oipe'. The transcription of the first word is No. 3) 11, 19: 15 hin for 3 deben;
uncertain. The determinative is the wood sign, but the signs under a No. 4) Ill, 6: 10 hin for 2 1/2 deben.

43 ASAE. 56, 1959. pI. 11. 49 See p. 140.


50 Wb. IJI, 359, 7.
44 See also Pap. Bremner-Rhind, 26, 3, and the commentary by FAuLKNER, JEA.
51 See p. 370.
23, 1937, 179. For nll'l snt)', ef. p. 436, note 3.
52 Cf. Wb. Ill, 385, 13; Drogenll'b., 415f.
45 Cf. WALLERT, Die Palmen, 49.
53 Whether the writing of the present bt(?) is influenced by the more common
:: For the use of wool, cf. LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 146f.
bti, which appears, for example, in the next line of O. Michael. 6 (with a dnit-basket),
A SIeve made partly of horse or donkey hair in CARNARVON-CARTER, Five Years'
Exploration at Thebes, 31 and pI. XXII, 2, L. is equally uncertain. ..
54 LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 91, referring to STEUER, Uber das lI'ohl-
48 The publication (pI. 60) says 'three', but tERNY saw only two strokes, as the
riechende Natron bei den alten A'gypter; cf. also Drogenll'b., 452 f.
faCSImIle also shows. After these strokes there may be one or two signs missing
55 The entries in col. I may belong to the reign of Ramesses VI; cf. JEA. 52, 1966,
but the traces on the facsimile, which are too far to the left, do not suggest a third'
stroke. 9lf.
446 PRICES
MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS 447
In all four the snlr is measured in hin, as in some other instances,56
whereas we usually find the measure deben,57 or different types of also occurs a price of *my, but the quantity is obscure. tERNY. in his
58 notebook transcribed the sign 9- after *my,66 and the same sign he
containers. The prices per hin in Pap. Turin 1907/8 vary, those in
nos. 1 and 4 being 1/4 dehen, in no. 2 7/30 deben, and in no. 3 thought to read in the preceding line. 67 What this might b~ I ?o not
59 know. Probably it indicates a small quantity, since the pnce IS only
1/3 deben. It seems doubtful whether these variations are in fact real
and due to a difference in the value of snlr. They may equally well 1 deben.
be caused by the inability of the system to express fractions smaller All we can conclude from this scanty material is that gum will have
than 1/2 deben and the Egyptian indifference for accuracy. The only been quite expensive-I 1 1/2 deben per khar-though of an adhesive
obvious deviation is found in no. 3, particularly when compared with only small quantities will have been needed. 68
no. 2, but possibly another half deben should be added to no. 3. 60
This much is clear, that one hin or half a litre of snlr cost about § 182. gm', 'papyrus'
1/4 deben. dm' is the papyrus in the form of prepared wntmg matena . I.. 69
There is one more snlr price mentioned, but owing to vanous U~ually it is measured in 'mt or 'm, 'rolls', which in this p~nod
circumstances it is of no use to us. In O. Michael. 28, vs. 4-5 measure 40 to 48 cm. and up to 4 m.70 Papyrus is generally believed
(= pI. 75; XXth Dyn.?) we read "1/ 2 khar of barley-as-barley (and) to be expensive,71 this being one reason why the workmen should
5 .... of snlr (makes) 61 5 deben". Since the exact date of the ostracon have used ostraca in daily life. Now, papyrus appears to have been far
is unknown we are unable to suggest a price for the barley, and, from scarce in the Village, since the excavations have brought to light
moreover, the measure of the snlr has become lost in a lacuna. Even fragments in several of the houses, particularly those outside the walls.
assuming that the latter was a hin, the value of the incense could still Still, it is by a happy coincidence that we are able to see from two
be from 1-3 deben for 5 hin. The text is clearly too full of prices from the ostraca exactly how expensive papyrus was. These
difficulties to establish the price of snlr. two prices are:
No. I) O. terny 5, vs. 4 (XIXth Dyn.): 1 roll for 1/2 (snllt');
§ 181. *myt, 'gum'
No. 2) O. terny 20, 10 (mid XXth Dyn.) : 2 rolls for 4 deben.
The word *myt, which occurs not infrequently in the ostraca, means Ifwe take 1 snllt' to be equal to 4 deben, these two prices both indicate
'gum'.62 It is measured either in khar and oipe 63 or in hin. 64 There 2 deben for a roll.
is one price, which is also in khar, in Pap. Turin 2003, I, 10 (Ramesses A third price, not from the Village, may be added for the sake
IX), where 3 oipe of *my 65 cost 8 1/2 deben, which is nearly 11 1/2 deben
per khar of gum. of comparison. It occurs in Pap. Turin 2008 + 2016, vs. n, 1, wher~
50 rolls are said to have cost the equivalent of 20 mss-garments of n
In another papyrus from the same reign, Pap. DeM. 14, 4, there

56 E.g., O. DeM. 122,3; Pap. Harris I, 38b, 13. . .


66 Since ... ("!) is written after the determmatlves • .It canno t ve ry well be \t- ,
III

57 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 55, 3, 5; O. DeM. 127, 5-6; 289, 4; O. Berlin 10 631, 9; which also occurs as a determinative of *myt; cf. Wb. V, 39.
O. Cairo 25 677, 30. 67 Here used to indicate a quantity ~f ibw (see § 112). The res.t of the en~£;.

58 E.g., Pap. Harris I, 38b, 7-12. For different forms of snlr, cf. HELCK, Mate- which will have contained a price, is mlssmg With the begmlllng of Ime 4. Smce b
rialien IV, 713. and *my are measured in khar, one wo~ld expect a fraction of khar or DIpi'. ut
59 Cf. JEA. 52, 1966, 92f. CERNY'S facsimile fits in with nothing of thiS kmd.
60 Cf. op. cit., 93, note I and pI. XVI. 68 Usually it is mentioned in quantities of 2 to 5 hin or 2 oipi' and I~ss. .
61 Throughout the text iri.n has been omitted. 69 Wb. V, 574, 4ff; cf. also Ship's Logs, 84, and WEBER, Bellrage zur Kenntms

62 Cf. HARRIS, Lexicogr. Studies, 158f.; LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 5f. des SchriJi- und Buchwesens (Diss. Koln 1969), Ill. . _.
63 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 69, I, vs. 8; O. Cairo 25 678, 5; Pap. Harris I, 65a, I. 70 A roll consisted of 20 sheets of about 16 to 20 cm. Width each; cf. CERNY,

64 E.g., O. DeM. 183,4; 280, 3 and vs. 3; O. Gardiner 134, vs. 2-3. Paper and Books, 8 ff. Cf. also MbL~ER, Hierat. Paliiographie, n, 4f., BORCHARDT,
65 The feminine ending t is usually left out in the ostraca. ZA."S. 27, 1889, 120, and WEBER, op. Clt., 95.
71 Cf., e.g., CERNY, op. cit., 23; BAKIR, Egyptian Epistolography, 23.
I 448 MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS 449
PRICES

quality. It is not quite certain how much these garments cost,72 since this XXth Dyn.), where 15 ass-loads of water (3t n mw) are valued at
tex~ values them at 3 hin of oil each. This means either 3 deben, in 3 oip~. The same price may have occurred in O. Cairo 25 687, 2, where
which case the rolls together cost 60 deben, or I 1/5 deben each; or 15 ass-loads are also mentioned, but the price itself has become lost.
else the mss-garments here cost 5 deben too, the oil being more In O. Brussels E 6339, 4 (of unknown date) probably 10 ass-loads of
expensive, in which case each roll costs 2 deben, the same price as water 80 occur, valued at 2 oip~. So it seems that 1 oip~ for 5 ass-loads
that found in the ostraca. was the usual price in the Village.
Hence we find in two, possibly three instances as the price of one This price does not include the wages of the water-carriers. According
roll 2 deben. Except for some official texts these rolls were usually to Pap. Turin 2003 81 (of a year 3 of the late XXth Dyn.) a certain
halved, or even quartered. 73 Papyrus sheets of these sizes were used for Pkharu received for what may have been 21 months (the number is
letters and accounts. This means that a halved roll (of 4 m.) cost no missing) 105 deben of copper, namely 5 deben a month. Like the wages of
more than I deben. A letter of 25 cm. height, hence a fairly long one,74 the ordinary workmen this was paid in grain. The latter, however,
cost only 1/16 deben, far less than could be expressed in the prices received 4 khar of emmer and 1 1/2 khar of barley, 82 together
anyway. 75 Though of course ostraca, being quite without value, were 5 1/2 khar, or 11 deben. The water-carriers clearly belonged to a poorer
cheaper still, one can hardly say that papyrus was expensive. class of the popUlation.
One might even ask how the water-carrier has been able to hire his
§ 183. Water, Firewood, Straw and Dung donkey, which cost him 1/2 oip~ a day, 83 or c. 3 1/2 khar a month,
All four materials discussed in this section were usually delivered to that is, more than his monthly earnings. From some texts, e.g. O. DeM.
the workmen by the administration. Normally, therefore, they occur 369 and 580, it is apparent that the water-carriers used to run errands
without prices, but in a few instances quantities of them still appear for the inhabitants of the Village. 84 Do we have to understand that they
in payments. These quantities are in all four instances called '3t, meaning were paid for these? Did perhaps these payments constitute the
'ass-Ioads'.76 earnings which they needed for the hire of the animals and for their
As to the importance of water, we should remind the reader that fodder?
the Village itself had no well, all water being carried up from some So much is certain, that water could have a price in the Village.
point nearer to the Nile. 77 This was done by the inw-mw, the 'water- Whether the workmen had to pay for all their daily need of water
carriers', a special category of subaltern workmen (smdt),7B who for this is doubtful. Probably their usual ration was gratis delivered, like all
work used the donkeys so frequently mentioned in contracts in the other necessaries of life. 85 Why the above texts mention a price for
ostraca. 79 In this context should be placed Hier. Ostr. 63, I, 5 (mid ass-loads of water is not clear; we may suggest that for some reason
they were extra rations, or that they have been carried farther than
72 See p. 264. the Village itself, but the text do not offer us any indication
86
73 S:f.
CERNY, Late Ram. Letters, p. XVIII, and Paper and Books, 16. Firewood (bt n smw) is delivered in large quantities to the workmen.
74 CERNY, Late Ram. Letters, p. VIlff. Only a few, such as Pap. Geneva 0407,

Pap. Phillips and particularly Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 375, are longer.
80 The signs immediately preceding mw (,.11 n?) are missing, and those between
75 Note that, if the price of the mss-garments in Pap. Turin 2008 + 2016 was in
mw and iri.n uncertain, though 'ten' is probable.
fact 3 deben, the roll of papyrus and consequently the sheet for a letter would have
81 PLEYTE-ROSSI, pI. 91; cf. HELCK, Materialien V, 846f.
been cheaper still.
76 C."'MINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 310f.
82 See Part III, ch. I, §2.
83 cr. HELCK, op. cit. III, 495f.
77 Cf. BRUYERE, Rapporl DeM. 1934-35, Ill, 33 f. In modern times the few inha-
84 HELCK concluded from O. DeM. 351, 3 that a water-carrier was obliged to carry
bitants of Deir el-Medina are still provided with water with the aid of a donkey, 10 3/ khar a day (op. cit. V, 846). How many trips this meant is, however, uncertain,
but the place where it can be drawn is now nearer the Village than in ancient 4
nor is it known how much time was left to him for his private occupations.
times, namely just beyond the Ramesseum. The water for the inhabitants of 'Abd
85 A supply of water to particular workmen is recorded in Pap. Turin 1880, vs. 6,
el-Qurna and Qurnet Mura'i, which are farther to the East, is now carried by women
6-14 (= RAD. 51), though without any mention of the period for which It was meant;
and girls instead of by donkeys.
78 See p. 20, note 23.
ef. p. 493.
86 See pp. 481 ff.
79 Cf. HELCK, Materialien Ill, 491 ff.
450 PRICES MISCELLANEOUS MATERIALS
451

Its only price occurs in O. DeM. 69, 6 (mid XXth Dyn.) and is 3/ 4 oipe . . . b its very
Although the capacity of an ass-load IS unknown, bemg y T
for I ass-load. From its occurrence here it is clear that not a quantity tea vague notion it appears that water and fuel were cheap. 00
of wood but its value is meant, the oip~ being understood as an oip!! na ur . fact to m;ke it worthwhile including them in payme~~s,
of grain and the equivalent of 1/2 deben of copper. cheap, m .' . d'f then only in large quanttttes
except in speCIal CIrcumstances, an ,1 so,
In the same text, line 4, is mentioned one ass-load of d/:tJy, 'straw'.87
such as an ass-load.
No price is added, and it is uncertain from the total in line 7 88 what
was the value of the straw. Whether it was used as fodder or as fuel
is equally uncertain. Another entry with ass-loads of straw is found
in O. DeM. 557, 9. Here 2 loads are said to be the equivalent of 4 days,
that is, the hire of a donkey for 4 days, though this hire seems to
have been lower than usual. 89 Possibly it was 1/3 oip!! a day, but 1/6 is
also possible, so that the value of an ass-load of straw was either
2/3 or 1/3 oip~.
The fourth material is /:try, 'dung',90 which is also used as fuel, as it
is still in modern times. It is usually measured in khar,91 though it is
done so in ass-loads in the only price entry, O. Turin 9750, 4,92 where
it costs I oip!! per load. CERNY seems to have interpreted this as an
indication of its quantity, but comparison with the other prices in this
section makes it more probable that indeed here, too, a price is meant. 93
It may be worth noting that 1 khar of dung is frequently equated
with 40 units of wood,94 though we do not know how much wood
a unit contained.
Comparison of the four materials presents the following data:
water: 1 ass-load costs 1/5 oip~;
firewood: 1 ass-load costs 3/4 oip!!;
straw: 1 ass-load costs 1/3 or 2/3 oip~;
dung: 1 ass-load costs I oip~.

87 For dl.d, cf. HaCK, Materialien V, 808. 'Ass-loads' of straw are frequently

mentioned: e.g., Hier. Ostr. 32, I, 1-5; O. DeM. 131, 3; O. Gardiner 135,3; O. Turin
9611, vs. 10
88 The calculation is not correct, since the hire for a donkey was I! 2 oipi' a day,

while for 15 days only 7 oipi' (1 314 khar) are paid. That this total is in fact meant
is apparent from the last line, which states that I khar has been paid and 3 oipi' are
still due. The total of 1 '/4 khar, however, is less than listed in lines 4-6, which
add up to more than 2 khar.
89 Cf. HELCK, Materialien HI, 496.

90 Cf. CERNY, ;{gyptol. Studien (Festschrift Grapow), 36f.

91 E.g .. O. DeM. 3, 6; 42, vs. 11 ff.; etc. Cf. CERNY, lac. cit., note 6.
92 UnpUblished. Also in O. DeM. 131,2-3.

93 Unfortunately I have been unable to collate this text, so that I do not know
its further contents.
94 See CERNY, loc. cit.
CHAPTER ONE

WAGES

§ I. Organization of payments to the workmen


Although this book is mainly concerned with prices, it may be useful
to give at least a general idea of the wages earned by the workmen
of the Village in order to offer some insight into the cost of living. 1
Unfortunately, the material on this subject will appear to be less
extensive and more difficult to evaluate than that on prices.
All wages were paid in kind, as one would expect in the economy
of ancient Egypt; but in contrast to the prices they are never expressed
in deben of copper or in any other measure of value. In order to
calculate the cost of living we could try to show the relationship
between the wages and the commodity prices found in part Il of this
book. This is hardly possible, however, since wages appear to have
been paid mainly in foodstuffs, which occur seldom or never in the
price texts. The reason is probably that in general the workmen were
well provided with food by the administration, so that they bartered
only those goods with which they were issued in insufficient quantities
and which they manufactured themselves, such as furniture and tomb
equipment.
The second problem is that of the size of the wages. Although the
ostraca containing the so-called 'journal of the necropolis', which for
some years form a more or less continuous series, bear numerous
entries referring to the delivery of food to the workmen, it is virtually
impossible to discover any regular system here. With a few exceptions
the quantities supplied monthly differed widely and were issued at
irregular intervals. The irregularity is due not only to the arrears which
caused the well known strikes at the end of the reign of Ramesses III
and in later years.2 I shall demonstrate below that in years in which
there was no crisis the monthly rations in the 'journal of the necropolis'
also differed widely. It is obviously impossible, moreover, to recognize
any system from the data of those ostraca which mention only a parti-

I For this chapter I have used mainly published texts.


2 Cf. tERNY, CAH.2, vo!. 11, ch. 35,21.
J::CONOMICS WAGES 457

cular delivery on a particular day. How many of these texts have become by the VIZIer, the first prophet of Amiin and the controllers of the
los~ to .us cannot be calculated even approximately. Texts summarizing Treasury of Amiin to the controllers of the necropolis.
dehvenes over a longer period are relatively rare. 3 From all this it is clear beyond a doubt that the workmen's wages
The Egyptian term for the workmen's wages is &tri. In a model werecalled&tri. Usually &trlw is translated with 'imposts'9 or 'taxes"O or -
letter to the vizier Psiiir (Hier. Ostr. 30), of the reign of Ramesses H, similar words, which may indeed be the correct rendering in other
an unknown person states: "The &tri of the necropolis has been cases. 11 The original meaning of the word is probably 'what one is
delivered, being absolutely complete, without arrears in it. The obliged to pay', but in the texts ofDeir el-Medina it is not the inhabitant
controllers of the outside (rwgw n bnr) received it and took it to the but the employer-in fact the Pharaoh-who has incurred this liability.
necropolis". The same is said in several other letters from the Nineteenth The &tri consisted of various goods, as, for example, Pap. Turin
Dynasty.4 In O. Cairo 25 515, vs. IV, 4-5 (year I of Siptab) we are 1903 shows. They are broadly indicated in O. DeM. 306, 2 ("wood,
told that the policeman Khonsembab came with a letter of vizier vegetables and fish") and in O. Berlin I I 238, 4 ("vegetables, fish,
Pra'embab saying "Receive the &tri which are in the ship of the firewood, vessels of beer, small cattle and wine"). Most of them we
August Staff of Amiin", and in Hier. Ostr. 55,2 (year 4 of Ramesses V) shall find in the entries of the 'journal of the necropolis', to be dealt
the overseer of the Treasury Kha'emtore is said to have moored in with below.
the harbour of Thebes bringing alabaster for the Pharaoh and the htrl From the aforegoing it appears that the viziers, and in some
of the necropolis. 5 . instances the overseers of the Treasury of Pharaoh were responsible for
Particularly informative in this respect are two passages in the paying wages, the workmen being in the service of Pharaoh. In O. Or.
~iornale,6 where the workmen are said to be suffering from hunger Inst. Chicago 16991,12 a letter to vizier To (the reign of Ramesses Ill),
SlOce they have not received their &tri. Another text, Pap. Turin no. the writer, ss Neferbotpe, who was probably an ordinary workman,13
cat. 1903 (unpub1.), of the years 4 and 5 of the W&m-mswt era, contains complains that "all the goods for us (i.e. the workmen) which (come
the "record (mitt) of the &tri given to the Great and Noble Necropolis from) the Treasury of Pharaoh, which (come from) the Granary and
of Millions of Years of Pharaoh on the West of Thebes"/ by the which (come from) the Storehouse" are exhausted. It seems that the
overseer of the Treasury of Pharaoh WennOfre. The text on the recto Treasury was responsible for supplying the various kinds of food,
mentions deliveries of copper, garments and oil by various institutions firewood and possibly garments, the Granary of course delivering the
s
a~d temples. The verso contains only one short column, beginning grain (0. DeM. 177, 4). In some cases there is reference to a granary
WIth the words "Entered by the hand of the deputy of the Treasury of the necropolis itself (0. DeM. 252, 2 and 276, 4), which may have
I:Iori, being the annual &tri from the revenues (inw) of Kush". There been either the particular department of the Granary in Thebes which
follow five lines of entries mentioning various kinds of plants and dealt with the rations for the workmen, or a branch thereof situated near
fruit. The last two lines of the verso tell of the delivery of lsy-plants the Village. The Storehouse (wgi) should certainly be sought in the
neighbourhood of the Village, possibly in the Valley of the Kings. 14
3 O. Berlin 12 337 (Hier. Pap .. Ill, pI. 31) gives an account of the yearly /:ltriw Here the lamps 15 and tools 16 wen; issued to the workmen. Once it is
(see below) to the workmen, but smce it seems to be a model letter the amounts of
foodstuffs may be fictitious.
4 E.g., O. Berlin 1I 238 (Hier. Pap. III, pI. 32), in which the mayor of Thebes 9 GARDINER, Pap. Wilbo~r 11, 57.
R~'mose writes to the chief workmen saying that vizier Psiiir has asked to deliver 10 CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 386.
(fil) the /:ltri to the 'crew'. See also O. DeM. 114; O. Toronto A 11, vs. 21 = 11 Sometimes, as e.g. in Pap. Gurob 2, 12 (RAD. 15, 7) it has also clearly the

Th~ban Ostraca, p. 16 n; O. Cairo 25 832; Pap. Turin 2007 = PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 83A. meaning suggested here.
Cf. also Hier. Ostr. 68, I, 1-7 and O. DeM. 100. 12 Published by WENTE, lNES. 20, 1961, 252ff.
617B,rt.I,9(pI.14)andrt.9,9(pI.25). 13 WENTE seems to assume that he was a professional scribe, but the word ss is

7 For this official name of the necropolis cf. lEA. 49, 1963, 57. used in conjunction with the names of all kinds of people in letters. See p. 7.
14 cr. CERNY, CAH. , vo!. 11, ch. 35,18.
2
8 Some are said to have come from the inw, or revenues, of the temples. inw is
here clearly contrasted to /:ltriw. In this light SPIEGELBERG'S explanation of Pap. Bibl. IS Hier. Ostr. 35, 3; O. Cair9 25 536 vs.; 25 540-25 542, and many more.

Nat. 205 a, 4-5 (Rechnungen, 14 and 51) stands in need of revision. 16 E.g. O. Cairo 25 521, 22a. For an inspection of the tools in the Storehouse,
ECONOMICS WAGES 459

called wql n Pr- '1, 1 7 proving once again the position of the Pharaoh the size of these families is still completely unknown,23 and a great
as employer of the workmen. 18 deal more research will be required to gain even a rough insight into
In several instances 19 various kinds of food, particularly those the demographic situation in this community. Hence we have as yet
which occur frequently in the 'journal of the necropolis', are said to no idea as to the number of people by whom the rations had to be
have been issued by an official called 'chief of the Royal Provisions of shared even if we were able to establish their quantity.
Pharaoh at Thebes' ('1 n 'nbw nsw n Pr-'l m niwt). This functionary Moreover, in the 'journal of the necropolis' and in many other texts
may have belonged to the Treasury, and may have been responsible to the besides the goods are said to have been delivered to the entire 'crew',
vizier and the overseer of the Treasury for the provisions to the or in some instances to one 'side' of it. Of how many workmen each
workmen. 'side' or the complete 'crew' was made up is hard to say. Usually
From Pap. Turin 1903 it is evident that the supplies came not only there were about sixty workmen proper, except during and after the
from the Treasury but also from various persons and temples, such as reign of Ramesses IV, when the strenght was brought up to a hundred
the steward of Amen-Re', King of the Gods, the shrine of Menma're'- and twenty.24 But how many additional workers (smdt n bnr) received
Seti 20 and the temple of Medinet Habu. According to this text they their share of the provisions? In 0, Cairo 25 234 25 are mentioned
provided the workmen with copper, oil and garments. In some ostraca "sixty men from the interior of the Village and sixty smdt from outside".
bread and beer are said to have come from temples, collectively In the Turin strike papyrus the doorkeeper Kha'emwese, who was
called rw-prw Imntiw Wlst. 21 Probably the mortuary temples are obviously responsible for the recruitment of the smdt, is stated to have
specifically meant, as appears from O. DeM. 447 ("given to the promised (vs. 2, 8-19 = RAD. 49, 4-12) to bring their total up to
necropolis by the hand of the priest I:fuy of the Mansion of 88 men, which may have been the ideal strenght, although actually
Tuthmosis I") and O. DeM. 101 ("given to the necropolis by the there were at first only 20 men (vs. 1,1 - 2,7 = RAD. 45,1 - 46,5) and
prophet I:fuy of the Mansion of Tuthmosis IV"). In these instances on III lbt 2, exactly one month prior to Kha'emwese's promise,
offering bread is delivered, as also in O. DeM. 124, 2-3 ("offering 23 men (vs. 3, 2 - 4, 11 = RAD. 46, 7 - 47, 9).26 Whether these smdt
bread from l:fatbor").22 received a share of the rations paid to the 'crew' as a whole is not
We may therefore conclude that the provisions for the workmen certain. In those texts in which the grain rations mentioned and
were issued by various institutions, lay as well as spiritual ones. It may different categories of workmen enumerated, there appear only foremen,
be noted in passing that this is further proof of the inseparability of scribes, ordinary workmen, guards and female slaves, but no fishermen,
State and Temple in Egypt. Clearly the very multitudinousness of the wood-cutters or washermen. Their wages in grain seem to have been
sources from which the workmen's wages are derived constitutes an mentioned nowhere, which would suggest that other deliveries to the
obstacle in our attempt to calculate their total quantity. workmen were not meant for the smdt either. If this is correct, the
Two more points have to be considered in an attempt at determining rations would usually have been divided between about 60 households.
the cost of living. Although the wages are paid to the workmen, they
are of course consumed by their families as well as themselves. Now
23 Regrettably the 'house-list', about which BOTTI has provided some information

cf. O. Cairo 25 798. That it was under the supervision of the Overseer of the (Rend. R. Accad. Naz. dei Lincei, Cl. di Scienzi morale etc., ser. 5, vol. 31, 1923,
Treasury appears from Hier. Ostr. 88. 391 fT.), has not yet been published.
17 O. Cairo 25 539. I, 1 and 6. 24 CAH 2 , vol. n, ch. 35, 4. According to O. DeM. 149, e.g., the 'crew' consisted

, 18 A particular institution unknown to me from elsewhere is called jby Pr- 'j m


of 112 men with 3 leaders, a physician and an unknown number of water-carriers.
25 cr. CERNY, B/FAO. 27, 1927, 184. The word after bny, tentatively transcribed
nlwt (0. DeM. 647, 2). from which are delivered leather msti-sacks, 19 for each ·side'.
These sacks probably formed part of the professional equipment of the workmen. ,
by CERNY as ~44~@ cannot very well mean anything other than 'village', whatever the
19 O. Cairo 25 591, vs. 1-2; 25 632, 2; 25 810,1-2; O. DeM. 249,1-2. scribe wrote.
20 Cf. CERNY, lEA. 15, 1929, 195. 26 CHRISTOPHE (B/FAO. 65, 1967, 185f.) suggests that the first group is that of

21 O. Cairo 25799,2; O. DeM. 257, 2; O. Cairo 25719,3. the 'right side', the second that of the 'left', but he has to admit (185, note 3) that both
22 Cr. also O. Michael. 33, 9 (pI. 67). groups may also have been attached to the entire 'crew'.
'tOU l:CUNUMICS

In O. Cairo 25 608, quoted above, two of them receive 1 1/2 plus


§2. The grain rations 1/2 khar each. Why these young men are encountered only in some
The basic wages of the workmen consisted of monthly supplies of ostraca and not in most is not clear. Possibly they are sometimes
grain, emmer (bdt) for bread, and barley (it) for beer. These are the indistinguishable from the group of men receiving smaller rations,
only deliveries of which the quantities can be established. From a great though certainly not all of these were young.
number of texts tERNY 27 has concluded that the two chiefs of the There is one point on which I fail to agree with tERNY and HELCK.
'crew' ('j n ist) each received 5 1/2 khar of emmer and 2 khar of They state 32 that the scribe earned half the amount of wages of the
barley monthly, the scribe half this amount, and the ordinary workman chiefs. We gain the impression from a variety of texts that the scribe
4 plus I 1/2 khar respectively. Other people attached to the crew, was not less important than those. For instance, Amennakhte, the son
such as the guards, the doorkeepers and the physician, received less, of Ipuy, is sometimes seen to act as the head of the community.
but it may be that these quantities were meant to be additional to a Nevertheless, his wages (2 2/3 plus 1 khar) would have been even
normal workman's salary. This at least was certainly the case with the lower than those of an ordinary workman (4 pi us 1 1/2 khar). This
physician, who was one of the ordinary workmen. From O. Cairo 25608 seems almost impossible.
(according to tERNY from the mid Twentieth Dynasty), in which full Most texts refer to the delivery of grain to only one 'side', which is
rations are mentioned-the chief receiving 5 1/2 plus 2 khar and 17 apparent from the mention of one chief, and in that case the scribe
men each 4 plus I 1/2 khar--one may conclude that the guard received usually receives half the chiefs ration. 33 In one instance,34 however,
a smaller ration, namely 3 1/4 plus I 1/4 khar.28 The physician's where both chiefs are said to receive their full rations of 7 1/2 khar
ration here is 1 plus 1/4 khar, which, added to a workman's salary, each (emmer and barley combined), the scribe's portion is the same.
brings his wages up to 5 plus I 3/4 khar, somewhat less than those of An obvious solution would be that the scribe, functioning for both
a chief. The doorkeeper received 1 plus 1/2 khar, which seems too 'sides' of the 'crew', for some administrative reason received his salary
35
little for such an important man as this functionary appears to have in two equal amounts, the total being the same as that of the chiefs.
been according to the texts. He would even have received less than This suggestion is based upon the assumption that there was only
the young men (see below). Added to the normal 4 plus 1 1/2 khar, one scribe for the entire crew at a time. In point of fact, several texts
however, his wages would have been only slightly less than those of a mention as the workmen's superiors "the three bwtyw", 36 and where
chief, which may have been more in keeping with his position in the they occur in the lists of deliveries they always receive an equal
Village. Unfortunately, as full rations seldom are mentioned, it is quantity of grain. 37 However, in one case we find the expression
almost impossible to corroborate this suggestion by means of other data. hwtiw 4 38 while elsewhere we read about "the two scribes". 39 What
In several texts there is also mention of slave women, but these are is even' more important, we sometimes come across more than one
always combined in one entry without any indication as to their scribe in one text. The two most frequently mentioned during the
number. 29 Moreover, there invariably occur a number of workmen
who receive a smaller quantity than the main group, though the reason
is never stated. 32 HELCK, op. cit. 604, does not seem to be quite certain.
33 E.g., O. DeM. 179,5; 329, 1-2; 377,4-5; 638, 4 and 8; Hier. Osl'.. 31, 3,1-2
In studying the same category of texts HELCK 30 arrives at the same (cf. note 3b there). On O. Cairo 25 608, 4 the scribe by way of exceptIOn receIves
conclusion as regards the rations as tERNY, but he also mentions the same amount as the chief. For an explanation, see below.
many instances of payment to 'young men' (mnbw) in his translations. 31 34 O. DeM. 180 vs.
35 Cf., e.g., the Turin strike papyrus, vs. 3, 24-32 (RAD. 50), where the rations of

both 'sides' are enumerated separately. On each 'side' the scribe receives 3 3/4 khar,
27 Prices and Wages, 9171T. See also CAH 2 ., vo!. 11, ch. 35, 20. i.e., half the amount of the chiefs.
28 CERN'\', loc. cit., mentions for the guard a ration of 2 plus '/2 khar, but gives 36 E.g., Hier. Oslr. 35. 3, 3; 68, I. 8-9; 77, 8. Cr. also Hier. Oslr. 45, I, vs. 7-8.
no reference for this. 37 cr. O. DeM. 141, I; 149,4; 181.3-4; 378. 2.
29 As an exception 5 slave women are mentioned in Hier. Oslr. 66, 3, 7. 38 O. DeM. 381. 3; in vs. 2 again 3 bWliw.
30 Malerialien IV, 604. 39 O. Turin 9611. 5, from the year 18 of Ramesses Ill.
31 Op. cit., 5891T.
462 ECONOMICS WAGES 463

Twentieth Dynasty are Amennakhte, the son of Ipuy,40 and l:Iori,41 weighing about 40 pounds 48_5 kilogrammes. Compared to the 5 modii
both called ss n pi br. They held office in about the same period,42 (c. 45 litres) received monthly by an adult Roman workman,49 or to
though they seldom occur in one text. 43 Does this imply that there the daily consumption of c. I litre by the people of the Southern
were two scribes, as PEET 44 seems to think? CERNY speaks of "the Netherlands from the mid sixteenth until the early eighteenth century, 50
two foremen and a scribe" ,45 and if this is correct, so is our suggestion the Egyptian rations seem to be quite high. Even making allowance
that the scribe received his ration in two halves. All the evidence from for the better quality of Roman wheat as compared to Egyptian
the deliveries seems to point in this direction. I would tentatively emmer, the difference looks to be considerable, while data from various
suggest that there was a division of the function during the reign of other countries and periods present the same picture. Of course one
Ramesses 111,46 so that in the bulk of the texts concerning rations, which would have to know the quantities of other kinds of food such as
most of them seem to date from the preceding period, there is no vegetables, oil and fish as well, though these will also appear to be
evidence yet of this. But even after that larger rations for the anything but low. So we may venture the suggestion that the monthly
scribes seem most probable. ration of 4 khar of emmer-to which should be added 1 1/2 khar of
HELCK points 47 to an important ostracon, O. Cairo 25 809, which barley monthly, or 3 3/4 litres daily-was amply sufficient for a family
mentions not only wages that were actually paid, but also those-as of about ten persons, including some small children. 51
indicated by the preposition r-which were in fact due. For the chiefs This means also that lower rations for young men (1 1/2 plus 1/2 khar)
this is 5 1/2 khar (of emmer) each, for 46 workmen 4 khar each, and are well above the margin of existence. Whether this was also the case
for the scribe Ra'mose 4 1/2 khar. I am unable to explain this with the rations for the slave women is far from certain, since we do
amount. Since there are no reasons for suspecting a scribal error, it know neither their number nor their exact rations.
may have been that there were particular circumstances responsible Another possible conclusion is that, if a workman with his family
for the lower wages, which, as usual, are not indicated. It should be could be fed on 4 khar of grain monthly, the rations of 5 1/2 khar for
noted, however, that this ostracon dates from the year 38 of Ramesses his superiors were definitely over and above what they needed for
11, and is hence far earlier than most other texts. A change in the their subsistence. We may therefore conclude that these grain supplies
salary of the scribe seems not improbable. were meant, at least in part, as real wages. In Part I we have seen
It is possible to draw the following conclusions from the grain that grain was used as a standard of value, while here we find it as a
rations. Certainly they were meant for the entire family of the means of payment. 52 The ordinary workmen, and to a higher degree
workmen. A monthly ration of 4 khar of bread-corn (emmer), that is, the chiefs and scribes, received more grain than they needed for their
roughly 300 litres, comes to IO litres a day, or-a bushel of emmer daily bread, and used part of their rations to barter in exchange
for other commodities.

40 See p. 44.
41 See p. 63. 48 cr. JARCE. I, 1962,42.
42 Amennakhte from the year 16 of Ramesses Ill, J:l6ri from the year 23. J:lar- 49 Cf. DUNCAN-JONEs, Papers Brit. School at Rome 33, 1965, 223. CRAWFORD,
shire, the son of Amennakhte, succeeded his father and held the office concurrently Kerkeosiris, 129, calculated that the average yearly wheat consumption for a family in
with the latter years of J:l6ri. Other scribes, such as 'Akhpe, Wennofre and Pentwere, that village during the last decades of the 2nd century B.C. was 101.7 modii or c.
are never or seldom called ss n pi br. 890 litres, but the calculation, as the author admits, is full of uncertainties. Forty-one
43 An exception is O. DeM. 32, 12. officials in the same village received in 119-118 B.C. each roughly 93 1/2 artabes, i.e.,
44 Tomb Robberies, 13. Further down on this page PEET states that the ~wtyw 300 litres monthly, but probably they had to pay their cultivators out of these amounts.
consisted of "two chief workmen and one of the scribes". 50 Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 82, 1969, 58r. These quantities dropped by 50% after

45 CAH.2, vo\. 11, ch. 35,17. the introduction of the potato.


46 An indication may be given by O. Cairo 25 608 (from the mid Twentieth 51 Cr. the daily ration of a Tudor soldier in England, which consisted of 24 oz.

Dynasty), mentioning the full rations of the 'right side' only, where one scribe received of wheat bread (= 680 grammes), 2/3 gallon of beer (= I 1/2 litre), 1/2 pound of butter
the same ration as one chief. Equal amounts for both occur also in O. DeM. 380 (= 225 grammes), I pound of cheese and 2 pounds of beef or mutton; er. BURNETT,
(a year 2, mid Twentieth Dynasty), though there are no full rations listed here. A History of the Cost of Living (1969), 125.
47 Materialien IV,. 603. 52 Of course grain was also used as a means of storing wealth.
464 ECONOMICS WAGES 465

TABLE A
each workman it may be intended as payment to make up for arrears.
During the Twentieth Dynasty such a payment was called :!. /),I . . ~ ;55
Days of issuing grain rations
but it nonetheless appears that some texts omit this term, even though
Issued on Intended f(>r in fact they contain accounts of payments of arrears.
I) O. DeM. 621, I yr. 64, Ram. II
The next group of three ostraca, all three in their present state
IV prt 20 I smw
2) O. DeM. 177, I yr. I, Amenmesse? 11 prt 13 11 prt undated, belong to the reign of Ramesses Ill. They mention payments
3) O. DeM. 611, 1-2 yr. I, Siptah') III smw 19 I prt (sic!) on a day at a more or less advanced stage of the month for which the
4) O. DeM. 345, 5 XXth Dyn. IV lbt 10 (+ x) IV IVt rations are intended, though this month itself is not mentioned. Nos. 7
5) O. DeM 379, 1-2 XXth Dyn. IV prt 25 IV prt
6) 0, DeM. 386, I XXth Dyn. III prt 6 IV prt to 10, of the same type, are dated, or datable with certainty, to the
7) 0, DeM. 32. 12 yr. 25, Ram. reign of Ramesses Ill. 56 The series from nos. 12 to 20 cover the
8) Hier. Os!r. 19, 1,9
yr. 25. Ram.
'" IV smw 21
I lI:tt 10 -
-

years 31 and 32, as well as the first two years of Ramesses IV,
9) O. DeM. 34, II
vs. 7
'"
yr. 27, Ram. III
I lI:tt 19
IV prt 13
-

- If no. 12 contains no payment of arrears, of which there is no indication,


vs. 4 IV prt 23 (24?) - the wages for the year 31 were again behind schedule, as for the
10) O. DeM. 156,6
year 29. 57 From no. 13 it is apparent that these arrears were only for
yr. 28, Ram. IIJ IV smw 5 -

11) Turin strike pap. vs. 2. 5 11 prt 12 I pn


yr. 29, Ram.
12) O. DeM. 159,6
vs. 3, 24
yr.
'"
31, Ram. III
11 prt 17
I prt 6
11 prt
IV IVt
half a month, but no. 14 mentions the delivery on Ismlt' 5 for the
previous month, while the rations for I smw were not paid until
13) O. Michael. 73, 2
14}O. DeM. 153. 3-4
yr. 31, Ram. III III prt 16 III prt the 27th. 58 During the first year of Ramesses IV payment of the
yr. 31, Ram. III I smw 5 IV prt
vs. 9 yr. 32a. Ram. 1II I smw 27 I smw
arrears had caught up somewhat, but in the year 2 the crisis seems
15) O. DeM. 38, 10 yr. 32, Ram. III 11 smw II to begin anew.
I smw (sic!)

~.J
16) 0, DeM. 42, vs. 8 yr. l, Ram. IV 1Jl ll)t 15 III il)t The data show that regular payment of the rations was not at all
17} 0, DeM. 43, vs. 9 yr. I, Ram. IV I prt 13 I prt
usual, and that arrears occurred not only in the year 29 of Ramesses Ill,

!
18) O. DeM. 162,8 yr. I, Ram. IV 1 smw I (2?) I smw
19)0. DeM. 44, 18-19 yr. 2, Ram. IV 1Jl smw 28 The crew complains (nb about which is so well known for its strikes. The only instance, so far as we
the rations of III and IV smw know, of deliveries being well in advance is no. 1 of the Table, which
20) 0, DeM. 45, 19-20 yr. 2, Ram. IV 11 ibt 19/20 1l-1II IVt
dates from the latter years of Ramesses II. Arrears of half a month
seem to have been the rule rather than the exception. Although in
a On I smw 26 begins the year 32.
b fir mhd: the latter word is unknown.

55 Cf., e.g., Hier. Ostr. 26, I vs.; 66. 3 (paid on If jOt 16 for I jOt); O. Cairo 25
Whether the workmen were well off also depends on the regularity
592; 25 685; O. DeM. 184; 374.
of payment. Probably the official pay-day was the 28th day of the 56 The second entry of no, 9 (IV prt 23 or 24) clearly concerns the payment of

previous month,53 but the practice was nowhere near the ideal. In arrears, since each man is said to have received 3/ 4 khar, According to O. Munich
Table A a list is presented of the dated entries concerning the AS 397 (unpubl.), of I jOt 30 of a year 28, probably of the same reign, the 'right
side' of the 'crew' received rations for the next month, which were delivered in two
payment of grain rations, 54 The first three numbers, from the portions. The chief workman received 2 + 2 khar, the scribe 1/2 + I khar. twenty
Nineteenth Dynasty, mention one case of delivery on the 20th-not workmen 3/ 4 + \ khar each, and a female slave 2 khar; hence, each less than the
normal ration. At the same day there were paid arrears amounting to I khar for the
the 28th-for the next month, another for the month itself on the
chief workman, 1/2 for the scribe, I 1/4 for each of the twenty workmen, and I for the
13th of the month, and yet another for I prt on III .~mw 19, which slave.
is six months late! Since the latter text concerns only I or 2 oipe for 57 These arrears may possibly be connected with the strike ("passing the walls")

on the 15th of If prt, a fortnight later (0. DeM. 36, 9). Seven weeks after that (If smw
29-30, now in the year 32) there is another strike mentioned (0. DeM. 38, 21-23).
53 cr.
ZABA, Arch, Or" 20, 1952, 642ff.
58 In the entry of 0, DeM. 38 (no. \5) the month for which the deliveries were
Partly the same texts are enumerated by HELCK, Materia/ie" IV, saltY., parti-
54
intended is stated to be I smw, but since the rations for this month had already been
cularly 605, but he includes some of which the exact date seems to me to be doubtful. delivered on I smw 27 (no. 14b) it may be a scribal error for 11 smw.

1
, \

466 ECONOMICS WAGES 467

theory, therefore, the workmen may have been well fed, the practice
was probably altogether different in the various periods.

§ 3. The rations in the 'journal of the necropolis'


Some of the rations delivered to the workmen have been recorded
in the ostraca containing the so-called 'journal of the necropolis'. As
was said above, 59 HELCK has very convincingly reconstructed the
order of these texts. Except for the place of O. DeM. 167 and that
of O. DeM. 160 I fully agree with him.60 For the present study the
differences are of no consequence.
The 'journal' contains daily entries stating the name of the workman
responsible in some way for the receipt of the deliveries of that
particular day, various events which were of importance to the Village, o
N
;; o
N

such as, for instance, the burial of a Pharaoh or a tour of inspection


by the vizier, and also the rations delivered to the 'crew'. To what
extent are the latter entries reliable? By chance it IS possible to
supply an answer of sorts to this question. O. DeM. 45 contains the
'journal' of n 50t of the year 2 of Ramesses IV, down to the end of
the month and continuing until day 5 of III 50t. The same five days
of III jot also occur in O. DeM. 46, which covers the entire month.
In both ostraca the entries are largely the same, though there are
slight differences of arrangement. More important for our purpose are
the differences in the numbers. In O. DeM. 45, vs. 15 Pedes is said
to have delivered 175 units of wood, and in O. DeM. 46, 1 only 150,
this being clearly an error as line 3 shows. In O. DeM. 45, vs. 16
there occur 24 psn-cakes, while the number listed in O. DeM. 46, 4 is
20. Whereas according to the first text Bekenkhonsu brought 160 units
of wood, the latter states this to be 166. Though not really important,
such differences raise some doubt as to the accuracy of the scribes. 61
Since we shaH try to formulate some conclusions about the quantities
of the rations it is proper to bear in mind to what extent we can rely rIl'
upon the correctness of the basic evidence. ....;.1,
.... ,
'01

59 P. 20, note 21; Cf. HELCK. ZDMG. 105, 1955, 27 ff.


- -~
60 The reasons for my doubt as to the correctness of his placing of O. DeM. 160

are too complicated to present them here. I am convinced that it should be dated
some months earlier, the recto in III prl of the year I of Ramesses IV. the verso in IV prl.
61 More important are the differences between O. DeM. 39, 10-16 and Pap. Turin
1949 + 1946, vs. I. 5-10 (published by CERNY, ZA·S. 72, 1936, 110f.). Since the ostracon
mentions only wood, it omits the 2 ds and I unit of dates on the 12th.
468 ECONO MICS
.~ WAGES 469

In the following sections the data from the 'journa l' will be
assembled and compar ed. Most complete are the texts of the calenda
r
year coinciding with the year I and the beginning of the year
:; :; :;
2 of
:;1 ~ '" '"
Ramesses IV.62 As shown in Table B, the entries for c. 225 days have
00
N
~ ~°1 ~ survived, though some of them not undam aged. This means
that
roughly 70 % of the year is covered, so that the totals have to
be
multiplied by a factor 1°/ 7 in order to obtain the yearly rations 63
"".......; .
As a means of checking the results we shall compa re them with
;>,
the
totals for the preceding calenda r year, beginning in the year 31
of
~ Ramesses III and continu ing up to his death 64 and the succession
by
Ramesses IV, including the first 1 1/2 month of his first year. From
;::; Table C it appears that the entries for c. 190 days, or 50 % of the year,
N
~ ;: '" have survived, so that we have to multiply the totals by a factor 2.
A third series of data is to be found in O. DeM. 45 and 46,
...... ~ ~
......
...... 2 covering almost completely the months 11 and III 3bt 65 of the year
2
~
en
> &1 2: of Ramesses IV, and Hier. Os!r. 73, 1, which contain s the entries
~ -"C
~
for
'" en ~ ~ I prt. In between these there remains a gap of one complete month.
E ~ 5 -:-
'" en
t:o::"'::"
g ...; The totals for these three months have to be multiplied by a factor
U
\.l.l
..J
r:tl
'- E
o '"
""t:o::::s....
f( ~ ~Q,
;;:;-~
:f :1 ;>,
in order to establish the deliveries for one year. Of course the shorter
the period, that is, the higher the factor, the less reliable the results
4

-<
..... ....~ ....
~
'"
!!.J
tend to be, since it is uncerta in whether the rations were intende
d to
'" '"
;>';>'",....
be the same every month. Moreov er, the shorter the period the more
'" ",..c
..c..c~
~~..c
the totals calculated are bound to reflect the influence of gaps in
~]:B the

~
~ texts, irregularity in the deliveries, and errors on the part of the scribes.
~ '" ~ :E
'" ....
...s The three years from the year 31 of Ramesses III to the year 2
Cl
Cl'" of
0 his successor belong to a period full of turmoil 66 and change for
~I
the
I
'-
0 Village. 07 Therefore, it might be suggested that the rations were
I not
'"en0
,
I
-5
I delivered accordi ng to the normal scheme, so that it seems worthw
hile
I

i~
. . ~
compa ring them with those of an earlier and probab ly more normal

t
!"ll- .... '....'""
'"
.D
E 62 The day of his accession to the throne
::s is III srnlt' 15, so that this calendar year
'"
~ Cl

_!:a - Q)
.c:
.....
covers also 1'/2 month of his year 2.
63 The five epagome nal days are neglected
, since this short period will not influence
...... ......
...... ...... 2:; :::
=~ - 52: 00
the somewhat rough calculations over much .
64 His 32rd year begins as I JI:Jt 26, lasting
less than two months.
65 With an overlap of five days; see above.
.<:.
...., t:
"""
"
~
.'" $'" 66 See p. 465, note 57. Whether the
political troubles at the end of the reign of
Ramesses III had any influence on the life in the Village is uncertain
.
67 According to Pap. Turin 1891 (PLEYTE
-RoSSI, pI. 49) Ramesses IV doubled the
strength of the labour force in III Jot of the year 2, but this
seems to have no
consequences for the rations. as far as we can see from Hier. Os!r.
73, 1 (of the next
month).
I
471
WAGES
470 ECONO MICS
would
291, 3, which exceed the usual quantit ies by so much that we
is no
year. Unfort unately , as regards the publish ed ostraca there be incline d to suspect an error of some kind. On the whole these texts
to 2. The most appro-
continu ous series such as that for the years 31 confirm the impres sion given by the rations of the 'journa l', namely
es Ill,
priate seem to be two ostraca from the year 25 of Ramess that these deliveries were relatively unimpo rtant for the subsiste
nce of
aIJ the
O. DeM. 32 and Hier. Ostr. 19, 1, which cover almost entirely the workm en.
reasons of compa rison we have to
days of IV smw and I Jbt. For
howeve r, further increas es the
mUltiply the totals by a factor 6, which, § 4. Cakes and beer, dates and vegetab les
ion
margin of error. Even so the results seem to force the conclus the
in the Two kinds of bread, or rather cake, occur in the entries of
upon us that at the end of the reign of Ramess es III and is seldom , the latter nev;~
atively 'journa l', namely psn and bit.70 The former
subseq uent years the supplie s to the workm en were compar ted,
also take into accoun t the data from found in the price texts. psn and bit seem to be closely connec
smaIJ and irregula r. When we to day
year 27, it appear s that the but for what reason I do not know. Since they occur rarely in day
O. DeM. 34, coverin g IV prt of the first
month -althou gh life and frequen tly in temple lists HELCK suggests 72 that they are
situatio n graduaIJy deterio rated, the totals for this
they have to be handle d with caution since multipl ication by a
factor and foremo st sacrificial bread.
n psn and bit are almost invaria bly delivered o~ one .and the same day.
12 makes them stiIJ more unrelia ble-gen eral\y pointin g to a positio or 24
the years 31 to 2. Usually the numbe r of psn is higher, the ratlO bemg 12 to 8
halfwa y betwee n the year 25 and DeM.
in to 10 while in a few instanc es the difference is far greater . In O.
In conclus ion we can say that the amoun ts of food mentio ned are mentio ned 82 psn as against 8 bit, the
ute minima 47, 6', for instanc e, there
the 'journa l of the necrop olis' studied in detail below constit is incline d to doubt its .correct nes~.
of the first numbe r being so high that one
or were even below the minimu m require d for the subsist ence thIS
figures calcula ted for the year 25 are Usually both numbe rs are even,73 an obviou s explanatlOn for
ViJlage. Wheth er the far higher In contras t
being that half of the cakes were meant for each 'side'.
• I

e in peacefu l times, or I
more in accord ance with the normal practic ~ever
deliveri es, in to the practic e with respect to dates and ps-vessels (see below) we
whethe r these, too, are below those of the actual the cakes were intende d for any partIcu lar
remain find an indicat ion that
conseq uence of neglect on the part of the scribes, must .
uncerta in. 'side'.
is psn and bit are delivered several times monthl y. In normal year.s th.IS
Before turning to the 'journa l' entries it may be noted that this ty m
es to the workm en are may have been three or four times a month, 74 but the re~ulan
not the only kind of text in which deliveri of the
the survivi ng texts is not sufficient for a reliable reconst ructlOn
mentio ned. Apart from extraor dinary supplies, which will be studied
of scheme .
further on, there is a group of ostraca 68 on which the same sorts y
psn- In Table D we have assemb led the quantIt Ies of cakes actuall
goods are mentio ned as those occurri ng in the 'journa l', namely totals which can
mes they are said to have deliver ed accord ing to the 'journa l', and .the annual
and bit-cakes, dates, beer and wood. Someti the
h at thus be calcula ted. That these numbe rs should be treated with
been received from the Chief of the Royal Provisi ons of Pharao n
Some utmost caution has already been in<hcated above. The difference betwee
Thebes ; 69 in other texts there is no indicat ion as to their origin. e, is explain ed. by the. fact that
in a the years 25 and 27, for instanc
of them are dated or were so in their origina l state, though never only
writing most of them seem to belong during IV prt of the year 27 a ration of cakes IS mentlOned
particu lar year. Judgin g by their
ute
to the Ninete enth Dynast y. It seems probab le that these texts constit
which were afterwa rds
receipt s for those deliveries to the Village See p. 345. The frequent use of the expression s'y bit points to the ~eaning
'cakes~.
tions 70
noted in the 'journa l'. The amoun ts of food are of the same propor 71 In the Onomas tica they occur after eachothe r; cf. Onom. I, 65 and 11, 228 .
DeM.
as those in the 'journa l', except for the 97 (units of) dates in O. 72 Materialien IV, 645.
,
73 Some exceptions are: O. DeM. 34,9
(25 psn); O. DeM. 42, 7 (3 bit)! o. DeM. 44,
14 (7 bit).
vs. 9 (5? bit; tERN)' was not certain of the number) ; O. DeM. 47,
249; 291.
68 E.g., O. Cairo 25 591 VS.; 25 614; 25 632; 25 753; 25 810; O. DeM. 74 See O. DeM. 32 and Hier. Ostr. 19, 1, both from the year 25.
69 For this official, see p. 458.
472 ECONOMICS WAGES 473

TABLE D never occur in one and the same text, and, although he has overlooked
Hier. Ostr. 73, I, 13-14, on the whole his observation is correct.
Rations of pSI! and hit
In O. DeM. 32, for instance, is noted the almost daily delivery of one
yearly totals ps up to day 26-in total 20 ps-vessels in 26 days-, but over the last
pSI! hit factor pSI! hit four days of the month there is instead a mention twice of 4 ds-vessels
yr. 25 (IV "mll' - I ibt) 152 142
each_ 7 7 We would suggest that, supposing the text is indeed meant to
6 912 852
yr. 27 (IV prt) 41 28 12 492 336 record a daily or virtually daily delivery of one ps, 2 ds-vessels
yr. 31 - yr. I 154 112 2 308 224 equalled 1 ps in contents. This much at least is clear, that the
yr. I - 2 386 137 10
551 196
yr. 2 (11 - HI i[lt + I pr!) 116 52
number of ds-vessels in most texts is far greater than that of ps-vessels,
4 464 204 . 78
suggesting that the former are of a smal I er capacity.
ps-vessels are frequently mentioned during the years 25 and 27, and
twice; perhaps the scribe omitted to note one, or the supplier was
delaying. The differences between the years 31-1 and 1-2 are rather again, though less frequently, during the year 2. In the year 31 they
curious, as in the former the number of psn is the lower and in the still occur in II lbt (0. DeM. 155), and then never again after that
latter that of bit. Even eliminating the influence of the unreliably high until III lht of the year 2 (0. DeM. 46). This may be due to a change
number 82 ofO. DeM. 47, 6 (I prt 25; see above) the total for psn in either in ihe actual system of delivery of the beer, or in the scribes'
the year 1-2 would still exceed that of the year 31-1 by more than a custom of recording the quantities of beer delivered. Since the latter
hundred_ This may be explained by the fact that in some months of the suggestion seems the most likely, 79 one would be inclined to suppose ~~at
the words ps and ds are not intended to indicate vessels but quantities
year 31-1 no bread at all is mentioned (cf., e.g_, 0_ DeM. 153), though
of beer which may have been, though they were not always in actual
other kinds of food are not entirely absent from the texts. Again,
fact contained in such vessels.
carelessness on the part of the scribes appears to hamper us in gaining
While the ds-vessels are usually mentioned in even numbers-in most
proper knowledge. Without a doubt the quantity of the actual deliveries
was greater than that noted. instances 2 or 4-the number of the ps-vessels for one day is almost
However, even if we consider the high figures for the year 25, we always 1. 80 Moreover, in contrast to the practice with regard to the ds,
may conclude that, since the 'crew' consisted of about 60 men, each of where it is seldom found, the word ps is usually followed by either
them received no more than an annual average of about 15 psn and the word 'right' or 'left', obviously indicating the 'side' for which the
14 1/5 bit, that is, not more than I to 2 each month. In later years beer was intended. The even numbers of the ds-vessels of course mean
this number seems to have decreased to 8 psn and 4 bit yearly. Whatever that each 'side' received half. 81
the size of these cakes, which is wholly unknown, it is clear that the 77 In Hier. Ostr. 19, I there also occurs a ps for a large number of days, except
psn and the bit did not constitute a considerable addition to the for days 2 to 4, whereas on day 3, 4 ds are mentioned.. .
monthly ration of 4 khar of em mer. The cakes were supposedly 78 As regards the capacity of the ds, HELCK suggests that It may have been c. 3 lItres

delicacies rather than essential food. (Das Bier, 46). .


79 It seems to be hardly possible to suggest a reason why the contamer of beer

would have changed abruptly in lIibt of the year 31, and again, though not con-
Apart from their monthly rations of barley, which were intended for sistently, in 1II ibt of the year 2. Note also that in O. DeM. 138 and .156 (of the
year 28) and in O. DeM. 158 and 170 (of the year 31, I ibt) no ps entnes, but also
beer, the workmen also received some vessels of beer monthly, which, ds entries appear. This may be far from accidental, though these texts are rather
like the cakes, may have come from the Offerings to the gods. The fragmentary. . .
vessels are called either ds or ps (£<61{}).75 HELCK states 76 that they 80 The number 'five' for the right side alone in O. DeM. 32, 5 IS so exceptIonal

that one would be inclined to doubt its correctness. In Hier. Ostr. 73, I, 9 and 14 one
finds 'two' both times, meaning one for each side.
75 That they contained beer appears from the addition of /.Inkt in some instances; 81 There are a few exceptions. In O. DeM. 157, lithe 30 ds are sai.d to have
cf., e.g., O. DeM. 32, vs. 2; 47, 3; 154, 12. been divided into 14 for the 'right side' and 16 for the 'left'. The 5 of Ime 16 are
76 Materialien IV, 643. For Hier. Ostr. 73, I, see op. cit., 689. divided into 2 for right and 3 for left. In O. DeM. 37, 8, 2 of the 3 are for the left.
474 ECONOMICS WAGES 475

TABLE E intended. Seldom more than two measures are delivered at anyone time,
while usually the destination alternates between the two 'sides' in the
Rations of ds and ps course of the month. As far as we can see, both received equal
amounts. How many units for each workman this implies we are not
yearly totals
ds ps factor ds ps able to say, but as with the cakes and beer it seems that these rations
were not really important. Even the highest number, 30 units in two
yr. 25 (IV srnw - I lal) 12 33 6 72 198
24
months of the year 25, would mean no more than half a unit per
yr. 27 (IV prt) 2 7 12 84
yr. 31 - yr. I 120 8 2 240 16 workman, that is 3 units annually.
yr. I - 2 155 1°/7 221
yr. 2 (11 - III lal + I prt) 23 4 92 28 TABLE F

Rations of Dates
Table E presents the same picture as Table D, though the unknown
factor yearly totals
relation between the size of a ds and a ps prevents us from drawing
almost any conclusion. The numbers for the year 27 again are yr. 25 (IV .imw - I lhO 30 6 180
27 (IV prO 10 12 120
unexpectedly low, as are those of the year 2 this time. The explanation yr.
yr. 31 - yr. 1 49 98
should perhaps be sought at least in part in the carelessness of the yr. 1-2 51 10! 73
"
scribes. All we are able to state is, again, that these rations seem to yr. 2 (11 - 1II JI;I + I pr I) 24 4 96

be rather small. If indeed the contents of a ps were twice those of a


ds, we come to a total number of 468 ds-vessels of beer for the year 25, Since the measure is unknown the data for the dates of Table F
which would mean something over 70 vessels a year or less than 6 a possess only a relative value. We can conclude that they confirm the
month for each workman. Although this may be more than the few conclusions drawn from the preceding tables, namely that the rations
cakes he received, it looks insignificant compared with the I 1/2 khar for the year 25 were higher than those of latter years. The fluctuation
of barley which were also intended for beer. between the years 31 and 2 looks to be smaller than that which we
have found for cakes and beer.
In the 'journal' there are also entries for dates (bnrl), this word
always being followed immediately by a number, with never a mention The fourth kind of food delivered to the workmen was vegetables.
of the measure. In one ostracon dealing with deliveries of dates only, Above we discussed the question as to whether we should distinguish
Hier. Ostr. 24, 2, they are said to have been measured in mbt-dishes. 82 between wig and smw. 86 Both words occur in a few instances in the
This may have been the general use, but it does not help us in 'journal', but usually the abbreviation with the plant sign is found.
establishing the quantities since the capacity of a mbt is unknown. In The vegetables are always measured in bundles (::) of unknown, and
Hier. Ostr. 21, 3, 3 four ds-vessels (of beer) and two (measures of) possibly varying size. In some ostraca no vegetables at all are
dates are added up to make six, which might mean that the ds and mentioned, probably as a result of carelessness on the part of the
the measure of dates are of the same capacity. HELCK concluded 83 scribes. As we found to be the case for the ps-vessels, for the vegetables
from the mention of the mbt-dish that the dates were fresh, or at least as well there is only one month in the year 31-1 in which they occur
not pressed into the blocks which are called mgi. 84 Still, the dates in the 'journal', but it is not the same as that in which the ps appear.
may have been used chiefly in beer-brewing. 85 While the word ps is absent in the entries of the year 1-2, the vegetables
The date entries always indicate the 'side' for which the ration was are mentioned regularly, though they do not appear in Hier. Ostr.
73, 1 of I prt of the year 2, whereas some ps-vessels do occur here. Such
82 Also in O. Cairo 25 614, 2.
83 Materialien V, 760. irregularity seems to point to lack of consistency on the part of the
84 E.g., O. DeM. 106, vs. 5; 318, 9-10.
85 HELCK, Materialien IV, 680. Cf. LUCAS-HARRIS, Anc. Eg. Materials, 15. 86 See pp. 359 f.
476 ECONOMICS
WAGES 477

scribe rather than to several different scribes each with their own results. The same may hold true for the low numbers of the year 27.
Apart from that the general picture is the same as we found it to be
method.
Vegetables were delivered in numbers of bundles, the numbers before: higher rations in the year 25 than after that. If we accept the
ranging from 4 to 10. Usually they are even numbers, half of them numbers for the year 25 as normal, each workman received at least one
being intended for each 'side', but a few odd numbers also occur. bundle monthly. Again, this seems to be a rather insignificant amount.
Nowhere do we find reference to a particular 'side', not even in the There are two texts which seem to contradict such a conclusion.
case of the odd numbers. In the Turin strike papyrus, vs. 4, 12-18 (RAD. 50-51) we find a
statement about quantities of vegetables for the necropolis from the
TABLE G year 29, the year of the strikes. The gardener Pkhore is said to have
delivered the following: for the chief, 170 bundles; for the scribe, 85;
Ra tions of Vegeta bles
for the 'crew', 15; for 8 men, 350; in total, 620 bundles. The distribution
factor yearly totals is quite curious, since the entire 'crew' (tJ 1st) received IS bundles,
while 8 men were able to share between them 350 bundles. The
yr. 25 (IV srnll' - I 1&1) 67 6 402
reason for this is not stated; one guess is as good as another.
yr, 27 (IV prl) 8 12 96
yr. 31 - yr. I (Ill ,irnll' only I) 48 12(1) 576 It is further uncertain whether these quantities were delivered all at
yr. 1-2 291 10, , 416 once-the account is undated--or gradually over a space of time.
yr, 2 (11 - III 1&1) 28 6(!) 168
Moreover, there is no indication as to the reason for the delivery.
In view of the context we would suggest that they were meant as a
In 11 smw of the year 32 (0. DeM. 38) deliveries of vegetables substitute to make up for the arrears in grain deliveries in that year.
occur frequently: eleven times over the first 22 days, though only once On comparison with the data of Table G the total of 620 seems to
during the last 8 days. In all other texts the rations came only a few be radically different, and this holds even more true for the 170 bundles
times monthly. Whether such irregularity is due to the actual facts or for the chief only. Another text, Pap. Chester Beatty XVI verso,89
to the scribe's habits is hard to say. In III smw of the year 1-2 shows the same overall picture. Here six gardeners of the 'right side'
(0. DeM. 44 rt.) there is no mention of vegetables at all during the are said to have brought no less than 6100 bundles of vegetables (smw).
first twenty-three days; between day 24 and day 30 they are mentioned CERNY suggested 90 from the scanty remains of the following lines
four times, while on the verso (IV smw) they are found six times for that these amounts were meant to make up for arrears in the supply
the entire month. The silence of the text with regard to vegetables of grain, as we have suggested above for the Turin strike papyrus.
during the whole of the first twenty-three days of the first month Clearly, 6100 bundles exceeds by far what the workmen used to receive
seems hardly in accordance with the facts, although we are unable to in rations according to the 'journal', 91 though we should bear in mind
prove its incorrectness. Other texts, on the other hand, mention that they are said to have come not from the administration but directly
deliveries at not too irregular intervals. s7 from the gardeners attached to the 'crew'. The same may have been
The high yearly total for the year 31-1 (see Table G) is calculated the case with the vegetables of the Turin strike papyrus, though this
from the data of one single month. These may have been exceptional for is less clear. Tentatively I would suggest that the workmen received
some unknown reason. ss Hence we shoul" not rely too heavily on the most of their vegetables from this source, the amounts delivered by
the administration being only small supplementary quantities, these
87 E.g., O. DeM. 40 (J iot of the year I): 4th day (8 bundles); 6th day (4 bundles);

15th day (8 bundles); 26th day (4 bundles); 28th day (8 bundles). Total: 32 bundles.
88 To what extent one high number may disturb the total picture can be seen
89 GARDlNER, Hier. Pap. Brit. Mus., pI. 17 and pp. 127fT.
from O. DeM. 401, vs. 5-8 (year 2 of Ramesses IV). In these lines from III prt 9 the
90 Op. cit., 128.
chief policeman Nebsmen is said to have delivered 300 bundles of vegetables and,
9! Note that they are brought by the gardeners of one 'side' only. The total
if we have interpreted the text correctly, 400 dnrg-fruits (probably 'gourds', but cf.
for both 'sides' will have been double these quantities.
HELCK, Materialien V, 804f.).
478 ECONOMICS WAGES 479

alone being noted in the 'journal'. Unfortunately, there seem to exist In O. DeM. 395 (year 3, probably of Ramesses IV) four fishermen
no texts which prove this. are said to have brought fish on four different days during III and IV
jot. Together this amounts to 2520 deben. However, since we know
§ 5. Fish and fuel neither whether this was the total ration delivered for the period, nor
In the workmen's rations was also included fish, which was delivered whether it was meant for one 'side' only-which looks to be very
by fishermen in some way attached to the 'crew'. Several ostraca contain probable-such a number cannot very well be compared with those
accounts of their deliveries,92 with sometimes details of the kind of found above. This holds even more true for O. Cairo 25 697, 5-6,
fish, and mention either of the numbers of fish or of their weight in which mentions for the 'right' a total of 1340 deben and for the 'left'
deben. Though some of these texts are dated they are mostly of little 1060 deben. Since the beginning of the text has become lost we do
importance for the solution of our main problem, namely that of the not even know for which period this was meant, though it may be for
quantity of the rations. It is not really relevant to us that on a certain the entire month of III smw. Whether it is the total delivery is unknown.
day the workmen were supplied with a specific quantity. One text, More information is provided by O. DeM. 143, 7-9 (Ramesses Ill).
however, sheds more light on the problem, namely O. DeM. 142.93 The fishermen (n3 w~ 'w) are said to have supplied 2080 deben over two
This ostracon mentions tl\e quantities of fish delivered by different months, while their arrears are 3480 deben, so that they were bound
fishermen during the month IV jot of the year 26 of Ramesses Ill, to supply 5560 deben. It is uncertain whether this was the amount for
divided into that for the 'left' and that for the 'right side'. The right both 'sides'. If so, this would be about the same amount as that of
received 2440 de ben in total,94 the left 2640 deben. Moreover, there is O. DeM. 142; if only for one 'side', the total is about twice that in
said to be a deficiency of 320 deben for the right and 120 deben for this ostracon. The first suggestion seems the more probable.
the left (rt. 13-14), which was made up on the second day of the Since all texts so far mentioned give different numbers it seems that
next month. The total supply of fish in this month for the entire the monthly rations varied. Whether this means a variation between
'crew' was therefore 5520 deben. the months of one particular year or a variation between different
Other texts contain similar entries, but nowhere does it become clear years is not clear. The latter could be explained by a difference in
either whether they refer to the total amounts actually delivered by all strength of the 'crew' over the years, but we have insufficient data to
fishermen over the said period, or whether they cover the total supply prove this point. Clearly arrears were large in some periods, though
due. In O. DeM. 394, of II prt of the year 29, right and left are said they will seldom have been as large as those mentioned in Giornale
to have both received 2050 fish. Although the word deben does not 17 B, vs. 1, a-b (pI. 27), where we find that the quantity due C~ ') from
occur here, it is possible that it was indeed meant, since 2050 fish will a fisherman was 4500 deben for 6 months, whereas his actual deliveries
have weighed considerably more than the total number of deben found amounted to no more than 978 (deben), the amount short supplied by
in the text mentioned above. If this suggestion is correct, the workmen him being 3522. From this entry we can also derive that his
in this month received 4100 deben, which is a third less than what was monthly dues were 750 deben. One might suggest that this number
due for IV 30t of the year 26, and nearly a thousand deben less than could help us to determine the total supplies for the workmen if we
what was actually delivered at that time. This may point again to low knew the number of fishermen delivering fish in a certain period.
rations at the end of the reign of Ramesses Ill. However, neither is this number known, nor is it probable that every
fisherman was obliged to the same amount, so that this does not open
a way to solving the problem.
92 cr.HELCK, Materialien V, 817 ff. From the total for IV jot of the year 26, namely 5520 deben
93 For this ostracon, see CHRISTOPHE, BIFAO. 65, 1967, 194. In the following it (0. DeM. 142), and supposing that the supplies for each month were
will become apparent that I do not agree with all of CHRISTOPHE'S conclusions. equal, we may conclude that the annual ration for the workmen was
94 Though usually only numbers are given, which could just as well be numbers

of fish, in two instances (lines 4 and vs. I) the word deben is added, which must 66,240 deben, or over six thousand kilogrammes. On comparing this
therefore have been meant throughout the text.
480 ECONOMICS WAGES 481

number with the numbers occurring in the 'journal' (Table H) 95 it This may warn us once more not to draw too definite conclusions
appears to be double that calculated for the year 2. Of the three from the entries of the 'journal'. It seems doubtful whether the amount
monthly totals here added up the first one, that for 11 Jot, is by far of fish actually delivered in the year 2 was indeed more than double
the lowest (860), while the other two, 3830 for III Jot and 2940 for I prt, that of the preceding year. Hence we shall take the 5520 de ben for a
are both still below the 5520 of IV Jot of the year 26. Since the month of the year 26 as the most reliable indication for the usual
rations.
TABLE H
This amount implies that each workman, supposing that the labour
force consisted of 60 men, received 92 deben or c. 8.4 kilogrammes of
Fish - rations fish a month, that is, an average of 0.28 kilogrammes a day. Even
making allowances for the usual arrears, it is clear that this ration is
cleben factor yearly totals
of a different size from the few cakes or units of dates which the workmen
yr. 25 (IV .!m,r - 1 j!lI) 2820 6 16,920 received according to the 'journal', and was more in accordance with
yr. 27 (IV pr!) 200 12 2,400 the 4 khar of emmer a month. Since meat was probably rarely consumed
yr. 31 - yr. 1 3787 2 7,574
yr. I - 2 9500 10/ 13.590
in the Village, fish constituted its main source of proteins. 99 Whether
7

yr. 2 (11 - III jbt + 1 prt) 7630 4 30,520 8.4 kilogrammes a month will have been sufficient for a workman's
family is hard to say, but we may conclude that at least in years of
'journal' doubtless states the rations for both sides 96 we have to regular deliveries the workmen were not badly provided for. Even the
conclude that the numbers here, even the highest ones, are incomplete smaller amounts shown on Table H for the years 25 and 1-2, which
-which is probably the explanation for the 860 for 11 Jot of the are about a quarter to a fifth of those for the year 26, still constitute
year 2-and that the scribes were abominably incompetent throughout. a considerable amount of fish. While the small quantities of psn, bit,
However, what can then have been the value of the entries in the dates and vegetables, found in the preceding paragraphs, seem to have
'journal' for the administration? Even considering that they were been of no consequence for the subsistence of the Village, the rations
inaccurate there will have been some measure of truth in them. So it of fish contributed substantially to the daily menu. 100
seems to me that we may conclude from the comparison of the data
for III Jot and I prt of the year 2 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM. 46 and Since wood was scarce in Egypt it was not easy to provide a household
Hier. Ostr. 73, 1) with those for IV Jot of the year 26 (0. Dem. 142) 97 with fuel. In the Village this was the task of the special wood-cutters
that the year 2 was definitely a year of reduced provisions for the who were attached to the 'crew' and who, like the fishermen and the
workmen. gardeners, belonged to the so-called smdt. Their supplies have also been
The other figures for the annual totals calculated in Table H are all noted down in the 'journal', while there are also ostraca containing
far lower than that for the year 2. This will be partly due to the gaps accounts of these people in particular. 1 0 1 O. DeM. 151, for example,
in the surviving texts, and partly, again, to carelessness of the scribes.
The 200 deben for the entire month of IV prt of the year 27, for there are mentioned 800 deben for the 'right side' and 700 for the 'left'. Even if this
instance, which occur in a single entry, cannot be all for this period. 98 was all for this month it would agree with an annual delivery of 12 x 1500 deben =
18,000 deben.
99 Beans may have been the other source, but the quantities consumed in the
95 Note that in the 'journal' the same fishermen's names occur as in several

separate fish accounts (cf. HELCK, Materialien V, 830f.). The fish in the' 'journal' Village do not seem to have been large.
100 The quantities of fish mentioned in the Giornale dell'anno 17, B (e.g. pI. 33-35)
was not drawn from other sources, such as the Royal Storehouse or the temples,
are too unreliable and the entries too riddled with errors to be of much use. All
therefore.
we can say of them is that they seem to be of the same size as those dealt with
96 The ps-vessels and the dates are stated to be allocated to a particular 'side', but

no such indication is ever found in the fish entries. above (cf. HELCK, Materialien V, 82Sff.).
101 E.g., O. DeM. 144-145, 147, 150-152. O. Berlin 10 632 (Hier. Pap. Ill, pI. 40)
97 Note that this month covers the interval between those of the year 2, so that
is of a somewhat different type. It is not very useful for our purpose, though the
the difference cannot be explained by seasonal variation in fish hauls.
total (5060 units) is in accordance with the general picture.
98 In O. DeM. 653, vs. 5-6, dating from I J!Jt 6 (probably of the same year 27),
482 ECONOMICS WAGES 483

mentions on the recto the deliveries of Bekenkhonsu over a period from amount should be added to those supplied by Bekenkhonsu and
IV ibt to 11 smw of the year 27 (Ramesses Ill), on the verso among Ptal:Imose is uncertain. It is apparent that we cannot simply add up the
others those of 'Ashaikh (,si-ibt) from 11 prt to 11 smw of the same deliveries by all the wood-cutters known to us in order to discover the
year. The entries were made every tenth day. Where the stipulated total supplies for the 'crew'.
quantities have been delivered, the text contains the word mf:J; where
there are arrears, it states how much was delivered (lw) and how much TABLE I

was still due (wgit). From this text it appears that Bekenkhonsu had Fuel-rations
to supply 700 units and 'Ashaikh 620 every decade. Whether the
factor yearly totals
combined amount of 1320 units constituted the total amount due to
the workmen for one decade is uncertain. At the bottom of the verso yr. 25 (IV .'rnll· - I i[lI) 5980 6 35,880
we find a note about the deliveries by a certain Sary (elsewere CERNY yr. 27 (IV prt) 2510 12 30,120
yr.31-yr.1 22,045 44,090
transcribes Sady), whose account for the year 29 appears in O. DeM. 152. yr. I - 2 37,378 + 50 fagots 10
53,400 + 70 f.
HELCK, in trying to reconstruct the history of the wood rations,I02 yr. 2 (II-III i{!t + I prt) 10,567 + 91 fagots 4 42,268 + 364 f.
suggests that there were always two persons responsible for them,
though judging from some texts they seem to have shared this There is also the problem of the arrears. Totals for anyone
responsibility with others. In view of the internal organization of the particular month, as can be deduced from the 'journal' (Table I),
'crew' we would expect that each 'side' had its own wood-cutter with invariably include payments of arrears for the preceding month-some-
his helpers, but it is impossible to find evidence for such a system in times, though certainly not everywhere, explicitly called so-; on the
the texts. Not only is it nowhere said to which 'side' a particular other hand, the wood-cutters will seldom have delivered all they were
wood-cutter belonged, but the rations for all of them seem to obliged to. Therefore we can do no more than add up the actual
have varied, while the two 'sides' will have received more or less equal deliveries during a particular month as far as they are mentioned in
rations. The responsibility also seems to have shifted at times, as the ostraca. Whether the total exceeded or fell short of the amount due
O. DeM. 144, 1-2 may prove, but whether it stayed on the same 'side' for that month we are unable to say. It was probably usually below
is again obscure. the official ration.
Another important fact to be discovered on comparison of the Yet another problem is the unit for calculating the amount of
different texts is the inconsistency in the amounts due from anyone firewood, 105 which is nowhere mentioned. In some instances dung was
particular wood-cutter. 103 While Bekenkhonsu delivered 700 units every supplied as fuel instead of wood. From several entries it is apparent
decade during the year 27, his deliveries in the year 31 seem to have that one khar of dung was equal to 40 units of firewood, which is all
come to only 630 units (0. DeM. 157,6 and 172,4). However, according we are able to state about the unit of measure for wood. A third kind
to O. DeM. 36,10-11, ifCERNY'S restoration is correct, he delivered of fuel is called gngr, 106 a word derived from gnr, 'branch', and
for the first decade of I prt 500 plus 750 units; even if the therefore probably meaning 'fagot'. About the ratio between the unit
restoration of line 10 is incorrect, there is still mention of 750 units of wood and these fagots nothing is known. Clearly a fagot was far
for this period, the same amount as occurs for Ptal:Imose, Bekenkhonsu's larger, since the numbers are considerably smaller. Fagots are known
colleague in this year 31 (0. DeM. 43, vs. 4-5, and 172, 3).104 In the to have been used for making charcoal.
year I of Ramesses IV we come across a certain Amenbotpe, who was Although in the accounts of particular wood-cutters, such as O. DeM.
obliged to deliver 500 units (0. DeM. 47, vs. 14), but whether this 151 and 152, the deliveries are noted per decade, the wood was in fact

102 Malerialien V, 872f. We may now add to his list O. DeM. 646, which precedes 105 That all this wood was firewood is confirmed by O. DeM. 48, an account of

the dates of O. DeM. 145. arrears, which mentions in line I hI n smw, but in the rest of the text only 1;1.
IDJ Op. cit., 858. 106 Written in various ways, ;uch as d3ng3rl, g3g3nr, g3nrg3nr, etc. Cr. SAUNERON,

104 From O. DeM. 39, 2-4 one might even decide on 1250 units for Pta/:lmo~. Rev. d'Eg. 7, 1950, 182ff.
41S4 ECONOMICS
WAGES 485

delivered all through the month. This is apparent from, apart from An annual ration of 54,000 units would imply 75 units monthly for
the 'journal', O. Cairo 25 635, an account of Bekenkhonsu over each workman. Whether this would be sufficient for a family for
11 smw of the year 31. He is stated to have brought 1764 units in cooking its food is quite uncertain. The equivalent of 1.875 khar of
varying quantities and on nine different days. Once more it is impossible dung seems a reasonable amount, and probably the rations were in fact
to say whether this was higher or lower than the quantities due from higher than this. We may therefore conclude that such amounts are
him. It is even uncertain whether indeed all the 'wood' came in the more in accordance with the needs of the Village, like the rations of
form of actual wood, or whether dung and fagots were included, fish studied above, than the small numbers of cakes etc. There is at
the units of wood being handled as no more than a measure, just as least no indication that the provisions of wood were too smal1. 109
the ds- and ps-vessels are measures for beer. It may be that the
scribe's slip of the pen in O. DeM. 39, 15 ( ~, instead of 70) points §6. Pottery
in this direction. Wherever an actual delivery of dung is mentioned, Yet another regular delivery is mentioned in the 'journal', though
there is always an indication of its equivalent in wood, a habit which its nature is more doubtful. The delivery is always indicated by the
is nowhere found with regard to fagots. However, it seems improbable trade's name of the man responsible for it during the latter years of
that dung was supplied to the workmen only in a few instances Ramesses III and after, namely pj If-d. Since the word If-d is nowhere
in particular months, while there pass whole years without any foIIowed by a determinative, except in O. DeM. 38, 23, it cannot
mention of it. For this reason we have calculated the fuel in units very weII be a private name and may mean either 'mason' or 'potter'.
of wood, also where the actual delivery is said to have been in dung. His products are called bjkw, usually determined by a jar, though in
Comparing the figures of Table I with the quantities due from the some cases by a papyrus-roll. I 10 From the combination with a jar it
different wood-cutters mentioned above it becomes apparent that even seems likely that an (unknown) amount of pottery is meant, and
the highest known amounts 107 for Bekenkhonsu and Ptal:1mose, namely hence If-d has to be translated as 'potter'. III
each 750 units per decade, or in total 4500 units a month, or 54,000 That pottery was issued to the workmen is apparent from several
units a year, are lower than the actual deliveries mentioned in the ostraca such as, e.g., O. DeM. 1-28, where it occurs together with
'journal' would suggest. The total for the year 1-2 at least seems to firewood and dung and, more rarely, various kinds of food and tools. I 12
have been higher, since the 70 fagots will have come to more than Different types of pots are mentioned, some of them in large numbers,
600 units of wood. Moreover, our study of the 'journal' in the as, for instance, 541n/:l (0. DeM. 19,3), 70 ds (0. DeM. 6, 4) or even
preceding pages has revealed that the amounts were always below 290 lbw (0. DeM. 17, 3). Since these ostraca date from the Nineteenth
those actually delivered, owing to the carelessness of the scribes and Dynasty it may be suggested that they record deliveries which in the
the gaps in the texts. The multiplication factors are certainly too low. time of Ramesses III were listed in the 'journal'.
So by taking 54,000 units as the annual ration of wood due to the UsuaIIy we find an entry mentioning 'the potter' about every ten
workmen we remain on the safe side. The lower figures for all the
other years in Table I are easily explainable, while the difference 109 Note that the workmen in the Turin strike papyrus (rt. 2, 3f. = RAD. 53-54)
between the years 1-2 and the three months of the year 2 is quite complained that they were hungry and had no clothes, oil, fish or vegetables, but that
insignificant. los there is no mention of firewood.
110 E.g., O. DeM. 45, 4 and 47, 11.

I I I The name of the man is mentioned only once, namely in O. DeM. 44, 8, where

we find for day 13 the usual formula m qrt pJ fr.d bJkll' 1 (with, above the line, the
addition "for 11 smw 30"), followed by the entry for the next day 'lmn-I}tp bJkw 1
107 Except the slightly doubtful 1250 also mentioned for each. If this amount is
(clearly the delivery due at III sml1' 10). Hence the name of the man who everywhere
correct the annual total would be 90,000 units.
else is only called 'the potter' was Amen\:Iotpe, at least during the year 2 of Ramesses IV.
108 That this total is smaller than the preceding one is mainly due to Hier. Os!r. 73,
1I2 E.g., O. DeM. I, 4-5 (2 mJI1.q and I nnw); O. DeM. 19, 4-5 (200 'kkll' and
I. For II and III Jut we find 4616 + 7 fagots and 3301 + 84 fagots + 53 '/2 khar of
160 handfuls of smw); O. DeM. 20, 3-5 (120 units of smw, 150 S'yt-cakes and
dung (= 2140 units of wood) respectively. Both totals exceed the 4500 units suggested
100 units of rl}s).
here as the monthly supplies, the last one even being considerably higher.
'tou t:.LVl"1VlVJlL~ WAGES 487

days. In O. DeM. 34, for instance, he occurs in rt. 7 113 and 17, and TABLE K
in vs. 11, that is, on days 10, 20 and 30 of IV pr! of the year 27,
each time followed by the word m/:!, 'completed'. In other texts we Deliveries of the Potter

find such words as lw m gr! P5 *d, "entered by the hand of the potter", year 31/32 - year I year 1-2
while sometimes the words P5 *d are preceded by wg5!, 'remainder',114 month 'day month/day
meaning that the delivery did not take place. 115 That arrears used to
I x "'if> for ep.
be delivered afterwards is apparent from the relation between O. DeM. 11 24 3(1)
153, vs. 15 and O. DeM. 38, 7. In the former we read in the entry of III 30 "'if>
I smw 30 of the year 32: wg5 n P5 *d; in the latter, an entry of IV 13 I for IV 10 114 I for I 30
21 I [for IV 20] 10 "'rJi
11 smw 7 of the same year-that is, seven days later-: "entered by V III
the potter, 2 b5kw, 1 for I smw 30, 1 for 11 smw 10". The first unit VI 3 I for V 30 IV 11 ml:z
was, therefore, meant to make up for the arrears of the preceding 30 ml:z V 20 ml:z
VII 10 wif> 30 >I'd>
month. VIII VI 3-4 I [for V 30)
It is clear that one unit was due at the beginning of each decade,116 IX 22 I [for IX 20] 11 ml:z
and a great number of instances confirm this. However, the potter used to 30 wd> 22 ml:z
X7 I for IX 30 VII
be behind hand in some years. In the year 27 he was still punctual, I for X 10 VIII 8 2; ml:z
but from the year 31 onwards he was most times one or more days late. 21 wd> for X 20 IX 21 ml:z
Table K presents the data for this as far as they are mentioned in the 30 wdJ X 20 wdJ
+ I for X 30
ostraca which are left. 117
XI2 2 for X 20 30 XII3
XII 14. I [for XI 10]
The first conclusion which this Table enables us to draw is, again, ep. 29 I '/2 (sic!)
that the scribes of the 'journal' were hopelessly inaccurate. In some XII
ep. I
ostraca which are almost complete, such as O. DeM. 42 and 46, no
mention at all is found to the potter,t 18 though it is more than
likely that during this period as well pottery was delivered. So we can the next month, that is, 12 days late for the ration for 11 smw 20.119
conclude that no rations arrived from entries which say so explicitly, In the next year the potter is said to have been punctual only in
but not from any lack of such entries. five or six instances out of the 18 for which entries have been left,
Further, obvious arrears in delivery occurred in 11 and III smw of while the mention of 2 units on one day points to further arrears.
the year 32. Whereas the potter was three days ahead with his In the entry in O. DeM. 40, written in far to the left of the
obligations on the 7th of 11 smw, he failed to deliver any for the rest column level with rt. 5 and divided from it by a blank line, we read
of the month, making up for these arrears only on the second day of the words "remainder of the potter for the five epagomenal days".
Since on the 24th of this same month he delivered no less than 3 units
113 Inserted afterwards in front of the column. at once, two of which were intended for the first two decades-the
114 A variant is wtfJ n PJ *d.
115 A detailed account of his deliveries from III smw 30 to I Jot 20 of an non-delivery is nowhere stated-it seems that the third unit was
unknown year is found in O. DeM. 143 vs. intended for the five epagomenal days of the year 1. 120 One would
116 The entry of O. DeM. 38, 7 is the only one in which the potter is stated to
expect that the ration for these five days would have been only half a
have delivered his products before they were due.
117 For the sake of brevity all months of the year are numbered.
118 Also in O. DeM. 44 vs., except at the end in line 20, for the first epagomenal 119 It remains uncertain to what extent this fact reflects the troubles during the

day, though on the recto of this ostracon the potter occurs at least two times. So his last days of Ramesses Ill, who died on the 15th of III smw.
ration is absent in the text for the whole of the month IV smw, clearly because 120 Note, however, that this delivery took place on the day of the burial of
of inaccuracy of the scribe. Since the text on both sides was written by the same hand Ramesses Ill. It may be that this was the reason for an extra ration, though nothing
this is not to be explained by difference in habits on the part of different scribes. of this kind is stated in the text.
488 ECONOMICS WAGES 489

unit, but this does not seem to be so. The only occurrence of half a in between, so that HELCK'S suggestion that these supplies were given
unit (0. DeM 44, 20; in fact 1 1/ 2 ) is too far removed from the end by husbands to their wives does not seem very convincing. 124 I fail to see
of the year (Ill smw 29) to be connected with the last days. Why 1 1/2 units why in normal circumstances people whould want to write down what
are brought here is not clear. Note that we know of no mention of they give their wives, or why several households are mentioned in one
the 20th,121 so that the I 1/2 units may have been meant for two text. There must have been particular reasons for asking a scribe to
decades, which would point at a scarcity of material at this moment. note down these things, but I cannot offer any suggestion why they
The frequent arrears during the last years of Ramesses III and the did so.
first ones of his successor are in sharp contrast with the punctuality Whatever ,the reason, these texts mention mostly bread of various
of the potter in the year 27. They confirm our conclusions in the kinds, fish, vegetables, beer-all of it food which, as we have seen,
preceding sections that this period, the only one from which we possess constituted part of the usual workmen's rations. Other entries mention
sufficient material to allow of any conclusions, was full of irregularities, manufactured goods, mainly basketry and sandals. There also occur
while it seems that supplies in the preceding years were more normal. several kinds of fruit, beans, meat, etc., however, which were not
As regards the quantities of the potter's deliveries, it is impossible regularlv distributed. Some of these we come across in texts dealing
to give any suggestions, since we do not know what was meant by with extraordinary deliveries, e.g. on feast days, and it may be that
b3kw 1. On account of O. DeM. 1-28 one would be inclined to suggest this was the usual way in which such goods entered the Village.
that a delivery comprised considerable numbers of vessels of various Although it is of course impossible to state anything about the quantities
types. Such would be in accordance with the fact that breaking pots received in this way over longer periods of time, it may be useful to
will have been a daily accident in the community where pots were study some of the extra provisions in order to present a general
common containers, and also with the large amounts of sherds found picture of the way in which the Village was supplied.
in the rubbish-heaps of the Village. 122 Whether we may suppose The extra provisions were called mkw, which CERNY renders as
that the deliveries of the potter covered the needs of the community is, 'rewards. 125 In O. DeM. 40, 18-19 we find the simple statement that the
however, quite uncertain. 'crew' received mkw. In O. DeM. 41, vs. 10 we are told that the
royal scribe l;I6ri came to 'reward' 126 the 'crew', from which we may
§ 7. Extra provisions infer that mkw were distinguished from the usual IJtri and distributed
Apart from the rations which were delivered with at least some by an official. In O. DeM. 46, 10 we read that mkw are brought at
regularity, other supplies entered the Village at irregular intervals. The the festival of Opet, and that they consist of cattle, meat and hides.
workmen will in this way have been provided with goods which occur A 'reward' of meat occurs also in O. DeM. 353, vs. 2. A complete list
in a group of ostraca containing, as HELCK suggests, lists of supplies of what such a 'reward' could be composed of is found in O. Cairo
given by the workmen to their households. 123 HELCK arrived at this 25 504, vs. n, 9 ff. (year 8 of Merenptal).). From the preceding lines it
explanation on account of the names of women in these lists, each is apparent that some high officials came to the workmen with an
time followed by one or more entries mentioning goods. However, order from the Pharaoh to 'reward' them for their services. This reward
though for what reason we do not know, there are also names of men consisted of; 9000 loaves ('~w), 20 mnt-vessels of sesame-oil (nlJlJ),
9000 fish, 20 khar and 400 blocks of salt, 500 blocks of natron,
121 However, the lines containing entries for days 19 to 22 have become partly

lost (0. DeM. 44, 11-15). 124 HELCK will have been influenced by the contents of Hier. Os!r. 31, I, which
122 BRUYERE (Rapport DeM. 1934-35, Ill, 391) suggests that the majority of the in fact mentions deliveries by a man to a woman on feast days, though it is not
pottery found at Deir el-Medina was locally made; possibly one of the houses (SE I) stated that she was his wife. Note, however, that in this text only one woman receives the
contained the pottery-kiln (op. cit., 264). food. whereas in those of the preceding note there are several recipients. Hier. Ostr. 31,
123 Materialien IV, 651 ff. Whether all ostraca here translated indeed belonged to I may possess quite a different meaning.
this type seems less certain, but some of them, e.g. Hier. Os!r. 35, I and 85, I, 125 CAH 2 vo!. n, ch. 35, 21. Although rnkw may have had the general meaning

O. DeM. 134, 222, 259, 643, O. Cairo 25 624 and 25 660 certainly constitute a of 'food' (Wh. n, 162,5), in these texts it is used in a more specific way.
special type of text. 126 rnk is used here and elsewhere as a verb.
If. 490 ECONOMICS WAGES 491
I
6 khar of malt (bSl), 3 khar of beans (1ry) , a quantity of *dy-beer 'rewards'. There appear to be several types, apart from the hit 133 and
I and 10 oxen. More kinds of food were originally noted, but the entries
127

psn which occur in the 'journal' and which, as suggested above, will
have become lost through damage to the ostracon. However, what is have been bread of the offerings. O. Cairo 25 595, for instance,
left presents a clear picture of the nature of such a 'reward'. mentions the distribution of 1500 '*w,
of which each of the 31 men is
The same text gives yet another list of mkw in rt. 11, 1-5, being for said to have received 58 loaves. 134 Similar quantities occur in
the year 7 of Merenptal:I. Unfortunately there is still greater damage O. DeM. 95, namely 1000 large loaves and 1000 kyllestis loaves.
in this part of the ostracon. All we are able to read is a reference In O. DeM. 604,135 an instance of a special type of text which records
to 1000 kyllestis loaves, 1000 large loaves, 2000 loaves from the the work in the necropolis but also contains deliveries, there occurs in
Storehouse and 15 mnt-vessels of sesame oil. This time the provisions line 2 the exceptional number of 180 bit-cakes and in line 4 a number
seem to have consisted mainly of bread. A third list, also of the year 7, of 260 white triangular loaves. To the same category of texts also
occurs in vs. I, but the beginning of each line is lost. What is left belongs O. DeM. 427.136 It mentions the same kinds of food which
contains, among other things, 12,000 loaves from the Storehouse, occur in the 'journal', such as bit and psn, ds- and ps-vessels, dates
another 200 loaves, probably of a particular shape, 6 oxen, 420 bit- and fish, all in the usual quantities, but in rt. 8-9 we find some other
cakes, 80 garments and several kinds of meat. provisions, namely white triangular loaves (number lost), 100 plwt-loaves
Most of these goods are also mentioned elsewhere. Sesame oil, for and 100 mnt-vessels with cakes (S'y)y7 The next line contains also an
instance, occurs in O. Cairo 25 543, vs. 1-2. The 57 hin here said to entry for bread, namely 30 large white triangular loaves and 100 p3wt-
have been distributed may have been used by the workmen in their loaves.
work at the tombs, since the rest of the ostracon deals with the lamps It appears that, apart from the cakes mentioned in the 'journal', there
which were part of the equipment of the workmen, and which were were also distributed, in large quantities, several kinds of 'normal'
distributed from the Storehouse together with their tools. For the lamps loaves. Unfortunately we do not know even approximately how many
however, in most instances sgnn was used,128 which was delivered in total there were usually given to the workmen. The number of
together with rags 129 and thread 130 for the wicks. Such provisions 5000 '*w in Pap. Turin 1881 138 seems quite reliable; more so than
belong to a different category from the rations intended for the the enormous quantities mentioned in O. Berlin 12 337, namely
workmen's subsistence. Whether the nbb-oil of this ostracon was part 31,270 gjy-vessels of '*wand 22,763 kyllestis loaves. Since this
of their equipment is uncertain. Though it is seldom mentioned,l31 we ostracon contains a model letter 139 there seems to be no reason for
find one more list of oil distributed to the 'crew' in Pap. Turin 1881, accepting such numbers as being realistic.
IV, 11_13. 132 Twenty-nine men of the 'right side' and thirty-two of Meat was a luxury for the workmen's community, but was by no
the 'left side' received each 4 hin, while two bwtyw of each 'side' means rare. In O. Cairo 25 504, vs. I, 2 is mentioned the delivery of
received a double portion. The total had to be 276 hin, but is given six oxen, in vs. IV, 2 that of ten,140 in O. DeM. 46, 10 even eleven.
by mistake as 274 hin.
Loaves occur frequently and in large quantities in the texts mentioning 133 bit sometimes occurs in these texts in large numbers; e.g., O. Cairo 25 504,

vs. I, 3 and O. DeM. 604.2.


134 There is obviously something wrong with the text, since 31 x 58 is 1798.

127 Cf. CAMINOS, Late-Eg. Mise., 82. The chief workmen are said to receive 236 loaves, which would leave no more than
128 Cf. O. Cairo 25 502 vs; RAD. 64, 2. In O. Toronto All, vs. 11-12 'g wig, 1164 of the 1500 to divide among the ordinary workmen.
'fresh fat', is said to be used for burning in the lamps. 135 JUdging from the names Kha'emwese and Kener belonging to the reign of

129 O. Cairo 25 613, 4; 25 820, vs. 4; O. Toronto All, vs. 12 (I}bsw isw r Ramesses III or the mid Twentieth Dynasty.
blblsw, 'old cloths for the lamps'). 136 Probably of the year 28 of Ramesses lB. The transcription gives the year 18,

130 Hier. Ostr. 35, 3, 1-2. but the number is partly lost. The names point to the later date.
131 E.g., in O. DeM. 95, I. On account of the large numbers of loaves and fish 137 Also 60 ds-vessels. which is far more than the usual ration.

this text possibly relates of a 'reward' to the 'crew'. O. DeM. 204 records the 138 PLEYTE-ROSSI, pI. VIII. I.

"shares" of particular workmen in the distribution of various kinds of oil. 139 See p. 456, note 3. ,
l32 Partly published in PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 8. 140 In both instances the sign for oxen is folJowed by a word tmJ, meaning that

they are to be slaughtered.


492 ECONOMICS WAGES 493

The latter text mentions in rt. 15 nine more beasts, which were shared -normal deliveries--consisting of, among other things, 2000 oipe of
out the next day, and in vs. 10 five, four for the 'crew' and one for ~~~-fruits, 148 200 bundles of palm leaves (J3w) 149 and 20 fans (bh) of
the three ~wtyw .141 Such deliveries will have provided the meat which this material. Such a text shows the wide range of supplies to the Village.
occurs in several 'household lists',142 though meat itself was also Of course there is nothing to enable us to say anything about the
distributed by the pharaoh as 'reward', as O. DeM. 353, vs. 2 proves. frequency of these deliveries, and consequently the total quantity is
Moreover, the workmen themselves also possessed oxen. This is unknown.
apparent not only from price ostraca, but also from texts with accounts It may be useful to remember here that water was also distributed
of legal disputes, e.g. O. DeM. 433 and Hier. Ostr. 33, 2. Whether the to the workmen. It was carried to the Village from a source near the
oxen slaughtered according to Hier. Ostr. 26, 3, vs. 4 and 7-8 were Nile by a particular group of smdt called water-carriers (inw-mw).
private property is not certain. Accounts of their deliveries are found in Pap. Turin 1880, vs. 6, 6-14
O. Cairo 25 504, vs. I, 4 mentions the distribution to the 'crew' (= RAD., 51), O. DeM, 60, O. DeM. 391, Hier. Ostr. 43, 3 and
of 80 garments of various types, all made of fine thin cloth (sm' nfr). Hier. Ostr. 87, l. In Hier. Ostr. 29, I, vs. 3 a workman complains
About the same number, namely 78 garments, is found in Pap. that he had not received any water for 12 days, this amount being
Turin 1881, Ill, 2ff. (unpubl.), specified as 4 dJiw, 16 rwgw and 58 mss. 15 khar: this would mean that his daily ration was 1 1/4 khar. Since
It may be that the figures 80 and 78 imply that every member of the other texts mention only arrears it is impossible to confirm this
'crew' received one garment. 143 Another distribution, this time to conclusion.
12 men, is recorded in O. DeM. 406 (of the year 15 of Ramesses Ill). Even the houses in the Village itself were probably provided by the
In fact, these 12 garments are called a 'remainder' (spyt), so that the authorities. They seem to have been the property of "Amenophis, Lord
original quantity may have been larger. In Pap. Turin 2004 each man, of the Village". 150
fishermen and other smdt included, is said to have received one
garment. 144 Clearly the administration provided the workmen with 148 Cf. HELCK, Materialien V, 756f.
clothes, and this may be the explanation for the expression pJ dJiw 149 Op. cit., 815.
150 Cf., e.g., Hier. Oslr. 52, 2, 9-10 and 47,1, vs. 9.
i.m n.l pJ Pr_'3. 145 However, the workmen also made garments
themselves, as several texts testify,146 so that the provisions will not
have been sufficient for everyone. How many garments a family was
accustomed to receive annually is unknown.
Except for these provisions there is evidence for the supply of many
other kinds of food. In O. Cairo 25 559,147 for instance, we are told
that on the occasion of the procession of Amenophis to the Valley
the Storehouse (wg3t) was opened and 4 pots of curd (smy) were given
to the 'crew'. Pap. Turin 1903 verso (unpubl.) contains a list of ~trl

141 No less than 33 head of cattle of various types, an unknown number of


rnn-oxen, and a large quantity of meat in various cuts are mentioned in O. Berlin 12
337. For its reliability, cf. above.
142 E.g., O. Cairo 25 660.14; Hier. Ostr. 35, I, 1,10; 11, 4; 6; 15; vs. I.

143 Cf. also PLEYTE-RoSSI, pI. 3, right side (for the left side. er. GARDINER, Late-

Eg. Mise., 125f.). This text is part of the verso of Pap. Turin 1881.
144 Op. cit., pI. 90. See also pI. 76 vs.

145 Hier. Ostr. 70. 1,5. Cr. also the expression Iwt n Pr-'j (above, pp. 293ff.).

146 Cf., e.g., O. Cairo 25 725; Hier. Ostr. 33, 1,3; 54, 4 vs.

142 Translated by tERNY, BIFAO. 27, 1927, 185f.


THE TRANSACTIONS 495

received his payment. But clearly this text belongs to group IV (see
below).
The formulae can be divided into seven groups, while an eighth
CHAPTER TWO category is formed by those introductory sentences which occur only
once or twice and which cannot under any circumstances be called
THE TRANSACTIONS fixed formulae. It will appear, however, that even the more or less
fixed formulae each have a number of variants. This may be proof
In order to establish the significance of the prices studied in Part II that the scribes of the Village did not follow a legally prescribed
for the economic life of the Village it is necessary to examine the example; the wording of their records of the transaction was obviously
transactions in which they figure. 1 This can be done with the aid of free, only usage leading to more or less similar expressions.
an analysis of the sentences with which the texts begin.2 Most of them 1. The simplest formula, which occurs in many instances, contains
will appear to be more or less fixed formulae, which enables us to the key words r db3, 'in exchange for'. One frequent variant is rdyt
divide the texts into a number of groups. A n B r db) P, "what A gives to B in exchange for P", in which A
Some texts, however, do not begin with a formula at al1. 3 They stands for the party who buys P, and B for its seller. For the
contain no more than a list of commodities, each or some of them Egyptian, however, there was no question of a 'seller' and a 'buyer',
followed by a price. A few examples are furnished by Hier. Ostr. 31,4 every commercial transaction being in fact barter. That we regard A
and 5, and 32, 2. In some of them the total value of the commodities to be the "buyer' of P and B its 'seller' is mainly a consequence of the
enumerated is mentioned at the end of the text, as, for example, in mention of "money', either deben of copper or sniw of silver or khar
O. Cairo 25 602 and O. Berlin II 259, without any indication for of grain. In fact this "money' is merely a measure of value. This type
whom or for what this total was meant. Other texts, such as of exchange is termed 'money-barter', as distinct from "pure barter'
O. Cairo 25 655 and O. DeM. 105, begin with the mention of one where no value of the commodities exchanged is mentioned. Below it
single name, but do not reveal the meaning of the document. In one will become apparent that in the latter instance the same formulae are
instance, namely Hier. Ostr. 62, 3, it is possible to determine to used, which shows that the Egyptians did not perceive any difference.
which group the transaction belongs in spite of the absence of an This means that in these transactions not only does A 'buy' P, but he
introduction. There the total of 112 deben is said to constitute "all the also 'sells' the commodities given in exchange for p.5
products (b3kw) which I made for him".4 It is not said who 'him' Some instances of the formula rdyt A n B r db3 P are furnished by
and T are, while it is equally obscure how the unknown workman, Hier. Ostr. 22, 2a,6 where P is a statue, Hier. Ostr. 59, 4 (a ~niw),
who according to the recto made tomb equipment and basketry, Hier. Ostr. 61, 2 vs. (a §~r) 7 and O. Michael. 14 (a coffin).
A somewhat rare variant occurs in Hier. Ostr. 86, 3 and O. DeM. 410,
1 Self-evidently we are leaving out of consideration all fragments of ostraca from . where we find rdyt n B in A r db3 P, "what is given to B by A in
which the beginning of the texts is missing, since it is impossible to identify the exchange for P". The difference is that here the name of B, the
transactions mentioned in them. We shall also leave aside all papyri, since each of
these possesses its own character, which is sometimes clear (e.g., the tomb robbery 'seller' of P, comes first. The transposition of seller and buyer is
papyri), sometimes obscure (e.g., Pap. Turin 1907/8; cf. JEA. 52,1966, 93f.). illustrative of the Egyptian mind perceiving the transaction as barter.
2 In some instances the text begins with a date, but this does not constitute an
Closely resembling the second variant, but possessing its own
essential part of the formulae. For this reason dates are ignored in this chapter.
3 There are also texts which, though lacking an introduction at the beginning,
characteristics, is the sentence at the beginning of O. Turin 9753, where
contain one of the introductory sentences a few lines further on. Moreover, some
texts relate more than one transaction, of which each may be of a different nature, 5 This point is stressed, though in a different way, by THEODORIDES in RIDA.,
each of them being introduced by a different formula. Some examples are dealt with
3' serie, 6, 1959, 126f.
below. 6 a means the first part of the text. In line 9 is found a second formula, another
4 I would explain the point after lrw as an abbreviation for .i. It WOUld, however,
variant of this type.
also be possible to neglect the point and to translate the phrase as "which he has 7 This is an example of pure barter, no prices being mentioned.
made".
496 ECONOMICS THE TRANSACTIONS 497

we read: "What is given to B by A : one ox, makes 120 deben; given The period in which this formula with all its variants was used
to him,s etc.", after which follow the commodities which constitute the covers the second half of the Nineteenth and all of the Twentieth
'price' for the ox, coming indeed to a total value of 120 deben. Dynasty. The slightly different form used in O. DeM. 31 (see above),
Although the key words r dM are absent, the sentence clearly belongs a text dating from the year 19 of Ramesses 11, mayor may not
to this group. indicate that the formula was given its shape during the Nineteenth
More problems appear in the third variant. In O. DeM. 553 we find Dynasty, but there are not sufficient instances left to prove this. This
rdyt n N r db3 wt '3. 9 Grammatically this may be rendered as "given much is clear, that O. Michael. 14 from the late Nineteenth Dynasty
to B in exchange for a large coffin", but also as "what A has given and Hier. Ostr. 59, 4 from the mid Twentieth Dynasty both contain
(rdyt.n) in exchange for a large coffin". On the analogy of the first the first variant.
variant (rdyt A n B) we may suggest that the verb form was rdyt, so There is yet another formula which, though it may not be regarded as
that the name of A is omitted, and proof for this may be given by a variant of this type but as a category in itself, is best connected
O. DeM. 31, which says rdit n3 n wt n B. There exist, however, a few with it. Omitting the words r gb3 it reads simply rdyt A n B.13 The
variants which suggest the reading rdyt.n, namely the formulae rdyt.n difference with those preceding is that here it is not indicated for
A n B, I 0 rdyt.nf n B 11 and rdyt f n B. 12 Clearly these instances mean what reason A has given the commodities enumerated to B; in other
"which A gave to B". From one instance one might be inclined to words, half of the transaction is left out of consideration. Still, in
conclude that the preposition n before B stands for in, in which case some instances the object P turns up in a subsequent sentence (e.g.,
we are dealing with the construction rdyt n B in A mentioned above. O. Michael. 13, 2-3), but elsewhere, e.g. in O. Cairo 25 606, every
In Hier. Ostr. 52, 2, vs. A, 1 not a single",","", but..:... occurs, reference to it is missing. A simpler variant still runs rdyt n B, which
indicated by the word 'sic' in the publication. None of the other once more gives rise to the question whether we should not read rdyt.n
instances, so far as I know, show anything of this kind. Moreover, A, "which A gave".14
the interpretation that n was written instead of in is not very likely, Summing up, I would state that type I presents two difficulties,
though one need not put this past the scribes of the ostraca. It namely that sometimes we are unable to discover who is selling and
seems to me that all five instances listed above are to be interpreted who is buying the goods exchanged here, and sometimes one side of
as rdyt.n A n B, with variations. Parallel to this the third variant here the transaction is left unmentioned. The latter is caused by an omission
under discussion would have to be read as rdyt.n A r db3 P, the name of the text itself, the former by ambiguity of the grammatical construc-
of B being omitted. tion. However, even in all of these instances it seems to be a barter
It appears to be difficult to determine in this variant who was the transaction which is recorded. 1 5
'seller' and who the 'buyer' of P. For the authors of the texts this was 11. The second group of texts begins with the words r rdit rbtw 3bt
of course clear; the formula is ambiguous only to us. The deeper nb l.diw A n B, "list 16 of all the objects which A gave to B". 1 7 This
reason for this ambiguity seems again to be the fundamental equality formula seems to occur not before the early Twentieth Dynasty. There
on both sides of the transaction. Sometimes the scribe stressed that are several slight variants. Hier. Ostr. 58, 3 rt., for instance, has dit
the object P was given to A, in other instances that the equivalent instead ofr rdit; O. DeM. 241 p3 [3]bt instead of 3bt nb; O. Berlin 14260
value of P was given to B. has r rdit rbtw 3bt nb n A i.dif n B. The earliest instance known to

8 rdyt n.f Whether this should be read as rdyt.n.f, "what he has given", is discussed
below. 13 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 65, 2; O. DeM. 195; O. Cairo 25 606 rt.; O. Michael. 13 (three

.9 Other instances are Hier. Ostr. 24, I (probably an ox); O. Cairo 25 590 (a /fbw?). times).
WIth rdyt nJ (or rdyt.nf) Hier. Ostr. 52, 2 vs., A, II (a /fniw) and O. DeM. 73 vs. 14 O. DeM. 213; O. Cairo 25 606 vs.; O. Berlin 10643.
(a coffin). 15 Unless in a few of them the payment is being made for work. For such texts,

10 Hier. Ostr. 52, 2 vs., A, I (with r gbi pi I,z'ti); O. Gardiner 133 (a hnw). see below.
11 O. DeM. 195 vs. (without r gbi). In O. DeM. 195, 3 : rdy < t> .n.s-n.f 16 Lit.: "to make known"; a common expression.
12 O. Gardiner 247 (rdytJ n B r [sic] pi il.z). 17 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 63, I; O. DeM. 556; O. Gardiner 162.
498 ECONOMICS THE TRANSACTIONS 499

me, Hier. Os!r. 72, I (late XIXth or early XXth Dynasty), which which I sold", while the rest of the ostracon mentions the quantities
contains no prices except at the end of the recto reads r dit rhlH' Jht delivered by the unknown seller, to whom they are given, and in
nbt rdyt (for i.dit) A n B. All these variants are ~Iosely related- to the exchange for what commodities.
standard type. We may conclude that in some instances type 11 definitely contains
The formula is so clear that it is possible to restore some texts barter transactions. In most other instances this is probable though
in which parts of the first lines are damaged, as, for example, Hier. uncertain, as we are not told which object(s) constituted the equivalent of
Ostr. 61, 3,18 where doubtless the present formula was originally the commodities enumerated. It is equally obscure why sometimes type I
written. There exists not a doubt as to who gave the objects to whom, and in other instances type 11 was used. Both contain wordings in
but in most instances 19 the text is silent about the reason for the which both sides of the transaction are mentioned as well as those in
transaction. A few exceptions are Hier. Ostr. 18, 5 (r qb) pJ /:I'ti), which one of them is missing. Although the latter situation may occur
O. DeM. 556 (r pJ wt-wJw) and Hier. Ostr. 58, 3 rt. (m pJ M pJyj more frequently in the case of type 11 than type I, the distinction is far
IVt). 20 All three differ in the way of indicating the object, which proves from absolute. The cause for the use of one or the other is not a change
that these words were not part of the formula. The reason for the during the period being studied here either, for both are found during
transaction is also indicated in one entry in O. Berlin 12 405 (late the Twentieth Dynasty, although type I also occurs earlier. For the
XXth Dynasty), which contains a later variant of the present formula. present the question has to remain unanswered.
In vs. I we read r rdit rbtw pJ diw fib A n B. Probably the same Ill. The third group, which is much like the second, contains texts
words were used in the now damaged first line of the recto, but in the opening in their clearest version 24 with r rdit rbtw pJ /:Iq i.d/w A n B,
third entry, rt. 5, there follows r qbJ .... ; unfortunately, the most "list of the 'money' which A gave to B". In contrast to the type 11
important word is lost at the end of the line. the key word here is M, the meaning of which has recently been studied
Other formulae also closely related to type 11 can hardly be called by ALLAM. 25 In refutation of PEET's suggestion 26 that /:Iq might
variants. In O. DeM. 579 we find r dit rbtw Jbt nb i.swnw.i, "list of sometimes mean 'money', or at least 'payment' he tried to show that
all the objects which I sold", 21 and in Hier. Ostr. 86, I r dit rbtw Jbt 'prestation' (,Leistung') more adequately covers the Egyptian idea.
nbt r swnw (for i.swnw.i) 22 i (q:t., for r) B, "list of all the objects This much is clear, that in the present formula, as in many other
which I sold to B". The reason for the sale is again not mentioned. passages in the ostraca, 'silver' would be the wrong translation. 27 For
Similarly in O. Michael. 8 (pI. 60), beginning with r rdit rbtw Jbrt (sic) instance, we find in the summation at the end of O. DeM. 113 the
nb i.(/bJ(.i), "list of all the objects which I repaid".23 In O. Cairo 25588 words dmq M dbn 120, "total, 'silver', 120 deben", though the deben
the text runs r rdit rbtw bdt flbt i.di.i r bnr, "list of all the emmer are doubtless deben of copper. This is stated explicitly in Hier. Ostr. 16, 3,
vs. 2, which says dmq /:Iq r (for i.)dltj r j /:Imti dbn 50, "total,
18 No prices.
19 I known of a dozen instances of this type.
'silver', which he gave for it, 50 deben of copper". 28 On the other hand,
20 For IJd, see pp. 500 f. in most of the instances in which the word /:Iq is used in a summation 29
21 Though by itself Sl1'n may be translated with 'to buy' as well as 'to sell' (cf. the value is expressed in sniw, which in fact was a silver measure of
THEoDoRIDEs, article quoted above, p. 495, note 5), since it simply indicates both sides value, indicating that the use of /:Iq with the deben of copper was derived
of the transaction, the next ostracon suggests that 'to sell' is meant here, too.
22 Both r for i and the reverse are usual; for example, r for I in Hier. Ostr. 16, 3 vs. 2,

and i for r in Hier. Ostr. 86, 4, I. Cf. GARDINER, Late-Eg. Stories, 87a, note 2, 5.
23 dM, 'to replace', 'to compensate', sometimes seems to imply 'to repay', cf., e.g., 25 Orientalia 36, 1967, 416fT.
Hier. Ostr. 49, 3, II and 61, I, vs. I. See also MALlNINE, BIFAO. 46, 1947, 108. It 26 Griffith Studies, 125.
also occurs in this meaning in Demotic (cf. PESTMAN, Papyrologica Lugduno-Batava 17, 27 Excellent proof may be found in the expression IJd m IJd, lit. 'silver as silver'
1968, 110) and in Coptic (cf. CRUM, Copt. Diet., 398b). In O. Turin 9611, 6 we read (0. Cairo 25 543, 6 and passim), which means that indeed silver dehen were meant;
[twi] r dhi, "(1 swear that I) shall repay". The function of the words r dM here cf. the expression It m it for actual barley. Cf. also Giomale dell'anno 13, 12-17
difTers from that in the phrase r dM, 'in exchange of. Similarly in O. DeM. 57, 2 and (BOTTI-PEET, pI. 1-2), where M m IJd and M m ibt alternate.
Hier. Ostr. 67, 3, 4. 28 See also O. Berlin 10626, vs. 7-8.
24 All variants combined c. twenty instances. 29 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 24, 4, 4; 52, 2 vs., A 14; 65, 4, 6; O. Cairo 25 572, vs. 14.
500 ECONOMICS THE TRANSACTIONS 501

from a more natural expression. It appears that the Egyptians during better rendered as "all the money". In Hier. Ostr. 45, 1, 3, for instance,
the period here studied were still aware of the original meaning. the ~d is by no means indefinite; the objects are enumerated immediately
The word M also occurs in the phrase '~' n ~d,30 'amount of ~g, below. My point is that the objects do not constitute an undefined
followed either by a summation of the values mentioned before or by equivalent of a certain value, but a group of actual commodities, and
the words nty m-di B, which will be dealt with below. Whether the it is doubtful whether the other party would have accepted other
translation with 'prestation' is correct in the latter instances depends objects of the same value. The transaction is a barter one, not a sale.
upon the interpretation of these words. In many instances ALLAM Returning to the formula r rdit rbtw ps ~d i.diw A n B, we find
seems to be right. Even so, I tend to doubt whether his translation is again some variants. In Hier. Ostr. 58, 3 vs. the words r rdlt rbtw are
indeed quite adequate. In Hier. Ostr. 18, 1, 1-2 we read: "When my lacking; 36 in O. Berlin 10 665 is written, instead of i.diw A n B, the
letter reaches you, you shall give ~d and buy the things for Mertseger". 31 expression rdyt A n B, and about the same thing may be meant in
It looks to be impossible to render ~d as 'prestation' here, while 'to O. Turin 9599 (r rdit.n A for i.d/t.n A), in contrast with which
spend money' may be more or less correct if one bears in mind that Hier. Ostr. 54, 1, 3 has rdyt n.s A, "which A gave to her".
money proper was unknown in Egypt. In O. Edgerton 1, 1-2, "you In a few instances the expression i.diw A n B is followed by r dbj P,
shall let them bring 20 deben of copper to compensate for 32 your so that both sides of the transaction are mentioned. The object P in
donkey with ~d", again, 'money' seems to be better for ~d than three instances is a bed (Hier. Ostr. 53, 1; O. Berlin 12 652;
'prestation' . O. Berlin [CD, once a ~bw-vesseJ (0. DeM. 399) and once a headrest,
My objections to ALLAM'S translation are not so much that he did among other things (Hier. Ostr, 54, 2). In many other texts P is not
not grasp the meaning of the Egyptian word, as that, in the first place, mentioned (e.g., O. Berlin 10665; Hier. Ostr. 58, 3 vs.), but there, too,
the word 'prestation' is an abstract, legal term, derived from Roman it is probably a barter transaction which is recorded.
law (prestatio), which by its nature is unable to cover the more Once more we may put the question why this formula, and not type I
concrete Egyptian expression-the reason why I have translated hd or 11, is used. The date of the ostracon seems of no consequence;
with 'money' above-and, secondly, the transactions here dealt wi'th type III occurs during the Twentieth Dynasty, like types I and 11.
are, more than ALLAM seems to have recognized, essentially barter The nature of the object P is not of any importance either. Above we
transactions, not sales. Moreover, even if indeed ~d indicates prestation, listed three instances of type III referring to the barter of a bed, but
which is obviously correct, it is still not the correct rendering. Although Hier. Ostr. 18, 5 (type 11) deals with the same article of furniture, and
in the payment of 1 Pound for a book, this money may be the in O. Brit. Mus. 29 555, 5 the transaction involving another bed is
'prestation', we should not for that reason translate 'Pound' with introduced by the words rdyt n B r ~'ti, a special variant of type 1.
'prestation'. What the consequences of this may be for the texts Therefore it seems that the choice between the three possibilities depends
concerning legal actions 33 which constitute ALLAM's main subject in upon the habits, or perhaps a whim. of the scribe in question. His
his article I shall leave aside. intention was always to note down in writing the content of a barter
Another argument for my objections is provided by the use of the transaction. From the wide range of possible expressions from which
phrase ~d nb,34 translated by ALLAM as "irgendeine Gegenleistung", the scribe made his choice-three types, each with several variants-it
but-as shown by the analogy with the words jbt nbt of type 11 35_ is apparent that no fixed formula was laid down by any law. Only custom
led to the use of some more or less fixed expressions. The similarity
30 Hier. OSlr. 22, 2, vs. 3; 50, I, vs. 3 and 6; O. Berlin 10 626, vs. 4; O. Gar- is the result of the fact that all were records of the same kind of
diner 162, vs. I.
31 Cf. CERNY, Studies Polotsky, 85.
transaction. This does not mean, however, that texts such as those dealt
32 rn/:!, lit. 'to fill'. with here, whatever their wording, did not constitute legally valid
33 Examples in ALLAM. op. cit., passim.

34 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 45, I, 3; O. MichaeI. I, 4 (pI. 51); O. Gardiner 288, I;


O. Varille 5, 7. 36 Also in Hier. Oslr. 19, 3, but here these words may have been lost through
35 cr. also wpwl nb (below. p. 503), which means 'every commission', not 'some'. damage to the ostracon.
502 ECONOMICS THE TRANSACTIONS 503

documents. Why else should the transactions have been recorded on an itself (0. DeM. 255). In other instances the words r rdlt rbtw are
ostracon? omitted, the text beginning with ni bikw.45 A variant of this shorter
IV. There are two characteristics which distinguish texts of type IV version mentions ni sS-f/d, 'the decorations', instead of bikw.46
from other documents: the use of the word mtna' and their occurrence Shorter still are the formulae where even i.lrw is missing, occurring
exclusively under the Nineteenth Dynasty.37 The most common form only with ss-I[.d or ss, however; in three of them we find ni
of the formula is rdl.n A n B r ti mtna' n P.38 The usual variants 39 ss-I[.d n A,47 twice simply ni ss or only ss, followed by the list of
occur, one of which once more gives rise to the question as to whether objects which have been decorated. 48 In one variant the words i.lrw A
we should read rdyt n B or rdyt.n A (e.g., O. DeM. 49 rt.), certain are replaced by rdyt A n B (0. Berlin 12 343 vs. and O. Strasbourg
parallels suggesting the former possibility.40 More important, however, H 84---the latter with ni ss-I[.d) , although here, too, is was probably
is the question as to the exact meaning of mtnw, the key word of this the work which was rewarded and not coffins made by other people
formula. were being bartered.
We have suggested above 41 that mtnw means 'recompense' for Closely connected with the present type V are some texts in which
making things, though the words of Hier. Ostr. 67, 3 and 56, 2 seem a commission for the work is referred to with the formula r rdlt rbtw
hardly to accord with this explanation. Here it appears that mtna' not wpwt nb Ur A n B. 49 In these instances, as in the preceding ones,
only points to the wages for the craftsman, but also includes the costs mostly wooden objects such as coffins, furniture and statues are
of the materia1. 42 In the latter case we do not see a clear difference referred to.
with other transactions, since mtna' then in fact indicates the 'price'. The question raised above in respect of mtnw, namely whether the
Possibly the scribe wanted to stress the fact that the selling party made costs of the raw materials are included or whether wages only are
the object himself, perhaps on the commission of the other party. meant, is scarcely relevant with regard to decoration, since here skill
That would mean that where other formulae are used this is not the will have been the most important factor. With furniture, coffins and
case, or at least not explicitly so. In other words: the use of the word the like it seems that the cost of the materials is indeed included, since
mtnw seems to stress the fact that the object concerned was new. 43 the prices do not differ from the usual ones, and the same holds true
V. So far as I know there are no instances of the preceding type for basketry.
which date from the Twentieth Dynasty. Wherever the recompense for In general it is uncertain with regard to this group in what way the
the manufacture of an object is indicated in that period we find the work was paid for. Hence these texts do not refer to barter transactions,
formula r rdit rbtw bikw nb l.lrw A n B.44 Some variants are: pi but constitute receipts for the delivery of manufactured objects. In some
(i.ir.j) instead of bikw (0. Berlin 12 652), and once pi hdmw, the object of them indeed a summation of the value is given, but nothing is
said about the actual payment. Clearly this group, together with
group IV (mtnw-texts), constitutes a separate category of documents,
37 Apart from the present formula mtnw also occurs later, e.g., in Hier. Ostr. 67,
although there are some instances mentioning both sides of the
3, 3 and 4 (the year 31 of Ramesses Ill) and O. Strasbourg H 84, 9 (the year 7 of
Ramesses VII). transactions.
38 Hier. Ostr. 56,2; O. Varille 13; O. DeM. 215. VI. Up to this point we have not dealt with any documents which
39 O. DeM. 49; 50; O. Turin 9609, 4.
might be called actual contracts of sales. There are, however, a few
40 Similarly rdyt(.)n.f in O. Turin 9609, 4 and O. Varille 13, 3. The latter text

as a whole makes rdyt.n.fmost improbable.


41 See p. 183. 45 Hier. Ostr. 33, 3; O. Gardiner 134 vs.; O. Berlin 12 343 vs. In the latter

42 The value of the If;l:m in Hier. Ostr. 56, 2 is normal, that of the bed and the instead of bikw the term bikw-(n-)/:!mww, 'craftman's work' is found.
coffin in O. Varille 13, however, extremely low. 46 O. Gardiner 151 vs. In O. Berlin 11 260 the formula now is broken off; in

43 ~his could be, e.g, a pyramid (0. DeM. 215), a sarcophagus (0. DeM. 233) O. Strasbourg H 84 ni ss-If;d is followed by rdyl.n A n B.
or a ditw-garment (0. DeM. 49). All of them manufactured objects, like those of the 47 Hier. Oslr. 60, 5; O. Gardiner 134 rt.; O. IFAO. 764.

preceding note, but among them no preference is apparent. 48 O. Gardiner 139; O. Cerny 20, 3. ..
49 O. Gardiner 183; O. Turin 9618; O. Varille 18. For wpwt see also O. Cairo 25
44 Hier. Ostr. 28, 2; O. DeM. 146; O. Gardiner 171; O. Brit. Mus. 50 736.
Cr. also O. DeM. 92 (no prices). 242,3.
504 ECONOMICS
THE TRANSACTIONS 505
texts in which the verb 1nl occurs,
which literally means 'to bring', but,
as PEET has proved,50 is also used suggest the tran slat ion "wh ich
for 'to buy'. Some instances in the A bou ght from B", alth oug h
ostr aca seem to confirm PEET'S inte prep osit ion n look s rath er odd . the
rpretation.
The texts of this gro up open with Possibly also the fragmentary text
a formula which occurs in several of Hier. Ostr. 21, 2 (r rdit rbfw
versions. Three times 51 we find the iht inn A .... ) deals with the
words hrw pn, In pi ki n B In A, sale of an animal, but too much
"thi s day, buying the ox of B by become lost for us to be sure. The has
A". If one has any hesitation as same may hold true for O. DeM . 411
whether the translation should not to (twk r int n.l), thou gh no animal
be "bri ngin g the ox to A by B", is mentioned. 56
that is, whether perhaps the second It app ears that the Egyptians used
person was the buyer instead of the the verb lni because the tran sact ion
first, there exists one vari ant whi involved animals. 57 Still, they som
ch may be rega rded as decisive. etimes used othe r formulae for the
O. Tur in 6628 we find : "Da y of In purchase of animals. 58 Since we kno
the Ini which the doo rkee per Tja w of no texts with inl in wh~ch the
did of the ox of Amenemope, by 'o principal object was not an animal,
the han d of the chantress of Am on the othe r han d, t.here ~vldent1
Bek(en)seti. Wh at she gav e: one bed iin existed some con nec tion between y
, etc.".52 The lady pays on beh alf the two for the scn bes ; 10 othe
ofT ja'o ; therefore Tja 'o is the buy words, when an animal changed han r
er, and consequently 1nl here mea ds in retu rn for certain commodities
'buying'. ns it was not in their view an ord inar
y case of bart er, at least most of
A fifth instance, Hier. Ostr. 86, 2, the times. This may have been the
is less clear, since only one nam e result of the app aren t individuality
is mentioned. The formula run s: of the animals, which received grea
"Gi ven in exchange (for) the ox, ter emphasis than in the case of
inn A". Alth oug h this might be othe r kinds of commodities. How
translated as "wh ich A bro ugh t", ever, it may be useful to note that
analogy with the preceding instanc the even when the verb inl was used, the ,
es indicates that the scribe intende tran sact ion was in fact still bart er,
to say that indeed A 'bou ght ' the d thou gh this wor d may seem to
ox. stress that one part y received the
Gre ater difficulty is presented by principal object.
the formula in O. Berlin 1268:
"Re cor d (mit t) 53 of the 'mo ney ' for VII . There is yet ano ther form
the female donkey of B, Inn A n B". ula which differs from all thos
If the wor d inn should be connec preceding. In its most frequent form e
ted with t) 'it one would expect it reads r rdit rlztw i[u n A nty
innt, which is certainly not wha t m-d l (or: m-') B. 59 One vari ant
is written. 54 However, the scribes omi ts the first three wor ds; 60 othe
exceedingly careless in these mat ters were replace ibt by pi M61 or n3 rs
! If, on the othe r han d, Inn should ss( -~d); 62 ano ther still only read
be connected with pi ~g, this nty m-d l B,63 sometimes add ing s
sentence would present the uniq m ~nw, meaning "consisting of
phe nom eno n of the transfer of 'mo ue objects .. , . ".64 Related to the last the
ney ' being indicated by the verb ini, vari ant are the wor ds of O. DeM
whereas everywhere else the wor 49 vs. : nty m-' A m n3 n b3kw-brtyw .
d rdl is used for this.55 Therefore
I /.ir f.
50 PEET, Griff ith Stud 'sold' at a certain price. The formula "wh
ies, 123.
51 O. Vienna H 2;
Hier., Os!r. 16, 3; O. Gardiner fragm that not A, who 'gives', but B is the 'selleat A gave to B in exchange for P'.' proves
'ox' is lost, but what is left of the form . 3. In the latter the word possible to say that A 'sells' a group of r' of P. According to our Ideas It IS hardly
than probable that it was in fact an ox.ula, as well as the price (47 dehen), make it more c~mmodities in exchange for P, which
then be the 'price'. We have to speak here would
52 The same formula III terms of barter.
occurs in O. Cairo 25 589, but here no 56 The total value, .
nor a person "by whose hand" the anim price is mentioned 16 112 + 23 1/2 = 40 dehen, may confirm this suggestion ..
57 PEET discovered
formula (hrw pn n in iri.n.i pi 'i) occurs in al is bought. A variant of the 'normal' the meaning 'to buy' for ini in connectio n With Pap. TUrIn 1881
(Griffith Studies, 122ff.), where a
also have contained the contract of the saleO. Munich As 1547; the text may originally 58 O. Gardiner 247;
donkey is the object.
53 'Copy' is not corre
of a donkey. Hier. Ostr. 24, I; O. TUrIn 9753.
ct here, since is said to be a mitt of 59 O. DeM. 261 (pric .
of a document. Possibibly mitt was the itnam the transaction, not es lost) and 402 rt. (no prices); O. Cair
and vs.; O. Gardiner fragm. 104; Hier. Ostr o 25 572 rt. (twice)
HELCK, JAR CE. 6, 1967, 143. Note that, e or one of the names for such texts; cf. 60 Hier. Ostr. 28,
. 50, I (m-d
I and 57, I; O. DeM. 403 (no price i omitted).
draughtsman I;I6ri in the house (pr) of according to 11. 15-16, it was "made by the s) and 428; O. Cairo 25
house in the Village itself. the scribe Psiur". The word pr points 242 vs.
to a 61 E.g., Hier. Ostr
. 18, 3. In O. Berlin 10 626, vs.
54 The photograph
gives clear indications on this point. we find oh' n hd n A nty m-m B. 4 and O. Gardiner 162 vs.
55 It might be sugg
ested that rm, 62 O. 'Berl;~ 12 343
way in group I. This would only whic h could also mean 'to sell', was
make sense, however, if one objectused in this 63 O. Ashmolean 1945
rt.; Lady Franklyn Hier. Inscr., 4.
had been 64 O. Cairo 25 362;
.36.
possibly also O. Gardiner 141 (now lost) .
8 : rdit rhtw ni IJnw nty m-' B, i.e., IJnw . In O. Vanlle 25,
instead of iut (cf. also Hler. Ostr. 26,
4).
506 ECONO MICS THE TRANS ACTION S 507
As is appare nt from the last instance we sometimes find m-' instead to him (i.e. Penne) 54 deben. His remainder (still) to be given to him:
of m-m. The latter occurs only during the middle and late Twentieth 22, in order to complete the amoun t of 'money' of Shedemdei. She
Dynasty, the former also during the Nineteenth Dynasty. Both has brough t 71 to Penne in all (kinds ot) 'money' : 54 deben of copper
apparently have the same meaning. 65 Literally m-' could mean 'from', .
Her remainder to complete it : 22". The same point seems to have been
while m-dlf (Copt. N T~q) in Late Egyptian texts is sometimes best stated twice, namely that Mrs. Shedemdei was indebted to Penne for
translated as 'which he has'. Still, it seems to me that this does not a
total of 76 deben, of which she had redeemed 54 deben, 22 deben
render the meaning of the expression in the texts here under discussion stiII remaining to be paid. Hence the words nty m-di Sdyt-m-dwit (vs.
. adequately. This can be demonstrated on the basis of O. Cairo 25 670, 4) mean in fact "which Shedemdei owes".
1-2, where we read dit rljtw ni n IJnw is* <4rLl].1..,\) m-dU m pi dmi, A similar instance is found in O. Gardin er 162. The recto begins
"to let you know the objects remaining with me in the Village".66 with a "list of all the objects which workman Khnemmose gave
Clearly m-di indicates objects which are 'with' a certain person (B), to
policeman Nebsmen" (formula 11). The verso, summing up the conten
that is, of which B has the actual disposal, though anothe r person (A) ts
of the text, says "amou nt of 'money' of Khnemmose which is with
possesses the rights of ownership over them. 67 This is very likely the Nebsm en: 76 deben. Come to him, 43 deben. His remain der: 2[3]".
implication of the expression in all the texts mentioned above. Nebsmen owed 76 deben to Khnemmose, and had repaid 43 of these.
In studying the various ways in which nty m-m is used we may begin The way in which he had made payment is not mentioned, but it
with O. Cairo 25 242. The text relates that a certain Kha'emwese is
obvious that he stiII owed 23 deben.
delivered some commodities to a J:Cenna. Not content with the 'price' There are more instances of the same use of m-di. In O. DeM. 67
which J:Cenna paid for them, Kha'emwese appealed to the oracle, which we are told that someone had granted the use of a donkey
answered that the value of the commodities delivered by Kha'emwese to
Usima' re'nakh te for carrying out some work, and that later on the
was 31 I! 2 deben. From the verso it is appare nt that Kenna had animal had been returned to him. The owner, whose name is not
previously paid only 24 deben. This is indicated by the words "Objec mentioned, says iw mn iljt nb m-dif, "there is nothing with him",
ts
of the workman J:Cenna which are with Kha'emwese". These objects that is, there is no longer any property of mine in his possession, or,
are therefore actually in the possession of the latter, though, since the Usima' re'nakh te does not owe me anything. Possibly the debt had
transaction is not yet settled, they are still property of J:Cenna. been settled in some way, or had been remitted.
A second stage may be illustrated by Hier. Ostr. 50, l. On the recto In O. DeM. 232, 11, 6-10 we first find mentioned the 'money ' of
are enumerated commodities of Penne, "which are with"68 Mrs. draughtsman Amennakhte, to a total of 4 sniw and I khar. This
Shedemdei. Their total value is 76 deben. Apparently (the text in the is
summarized in line lOin the words "total which he gave, 4 sniw
lower left hand corner is obscure) 54 deben thereof has been repaid. 69 (and) I khar; nty m-di] m lJiw, I khar" , "which is (still) with him
The verso, from vs. 3 onwards, says: "Amou nt of 'money ' (1Jd) of the in
addition, I khar". Clearly this means: "which he owes me still,
workman Penne which is with Shedemdei : 75 70 deben of copper. Come in
addition (i.e., to the 4 sniw and I khar): one more khar".
A last instance 72 which we shall mention occurs in Hier. Os!r. 28, I.
65 For the alternati on of m-dl and m-', cf. ERMAN, Neuiigypt. Gramm. 2
We are told here about several commodities of a certain Amenemone
, §§622f.
66 Cf. also the last sentence of O. Gardiner 141 vs.: "the sack of that they "are with" different persons. In connection with the precedi
the 'nh is with ng
him (m-dij) until today". I would suggest that in this list the credit position of Amenemone
- is
67 cr. HAVES, A Papyrus oJ the Late
Middle Kingdom, 118. nty m-di stands in
contrast with the expression iw ink sw, which means "it is my
property ". See also
THEoDoRIDEs, Rev. d'Eg. 22, 1970, 139ff. 71 It would be in contradic tion with
our views to translate inl here as 'bought' (cf.
68 nty [m-di]. The latter has evidently
been omitted by mistake. Cf. Hier. Ostr. 28, above. group VI).
1,6. 72 The matters dealt with in O. Cairo
25 572 are barely interpret able because of
69 ALLAM (BiOr. 26, 1969, 158) calls
the transacti on a loan (Darlehen), but the total lack of knowledge about their backgrou nd. There is stated
reason for which Shedemdei received the commodities from Penne to be a disagreement
is not stated. in which the court intervenes, but the use of suffix-pronouns
70 An error for 76.
in rt. 12-14 obscures
the main point, namely who actually was the culprit.
508 ECONOMICS THE TRANSACTIONS 509

recorded. The reason for which the text was written is obscure, since also occurs in O. DeM. 29, where we find in rt. 2 pl snny pl
it seems hardly probable that Amenemone did not himself know where and in rt. 3 rdyt m snw .... (:::: oe iJ ~). The fragmentary state, as a
his property was. The total value of all the commodities is not recorded, result of which the determinatives of snw seem to be partly lost,
and, since for some of them no price is stated, cannot be calculated precludes any certainty. It may be that snw is nothing but the indication
exactly. However, it may be up to 100 deben in all. Was it meant of the value in silver, usually written QICJ, though sometimes occurring
to prove to a third party that Amenemone was able to buy an expensive in longer variants. 76 However, this explanation seems hardly possible
object, such as an ox? for O. DeM. 113, though the determinative there may have been
This much is certain, that the formula nty m-di in several instances derived from snlw. 77 Until more material is available the most likely
points to debts which either had been, or still remained to be paid.73 hypothesis is that this snw is a word which has so far not been
The background is again a barter transaction, but the use of this recognized elsewhere, and which may mean something like 'account'.78
formula stresses not the transaction itself but the results, namely the There also occur prices in texts of quite a different nature. The
indebtedness of one of the parties. The interpretation of nty m-di will above mentioned O. Cairo 25 242, for instance, contains a question
depend upon the situation, which is not always clear to us. put to the oracle, the question itself concerning a barter transaction,
VIII. Besides the seven types dealt with above there occur a number however. The introductory words read smi n A, "Declaration by A".79
of expressions which are so rare that they cannot be called formulae, In O. terny 1 the first words are sbl CV 80 lbt nbt n A rdyt n B,
but are isolated phrases depending on the nature of the text. O. IFAO. "Charge concerning all the objects of A given to B". O. Gardiner 285
1020 vs., for instance, begins with nty r rjb) tl isbwt, "what is (given) begins simply with r n (::) A, "Deposition of A", and O. Cairo 25 725
in exchange for the folding-stool"; O. Gardiner 286, briefer still, with with r n A n tl *nbt. The latter text evidently contains a charge.
n B r rjbl pl 3 bliw, "for B in exchange for the three sacks"; and Whether the same holds true for O. Gardiner 285 is doubtful because
Hier. Ostr. 65, 4 with nty n B r rjb) pl b'ti sri, "that which is for B of its fragmentary condition. Most probably a legal dispute also consti-
in exchange for the small bed". It seems that in all three instances the tutes the background of O. DeM. 434, beginning with the words srjm
word rdit is missing. r n A bn' nlyj snw, "Hearing the deposition of A together with his
Very exceptional is the beginning of O. Gardiner 157: n 74 lbt n A brothers".81 In all these instances, except in O. Cairo 25 242-unless
nty m pr j m-bt bJ'j B, tlyj bmt blwty. The meaning is most one regards the god, too, as a judge-the subject is a lawsuit, in
probably: "List of the objects of A which are in his house after he most of them a lawsuit concerning a barter transaction, however.
divorced B, his former wife", but how exactly should be explained Although the legal significance of these texts may differ from those
n lbt I do not know. Clearly the sentence expresses the occurrence of dealt with before, their economic background and, consequently, the
a somewhat exceptional situation, namely of a man who, having meaning of the prices listed in them is one and the same.
divorced his wife, has left in his house some commodities which he
wants described for obvious reasons. It is clear that no barter is 76 See part 11, §2.
concerned. 77 The use of I:zr in O. DeM. 113 to indicate the principal object of the transaction
is equally uncommon.
Equally unique is the expression in O. DeM. 113: snw (::::oeo) 78 Cf. O. Cairo 25 242, 3, where we find a verb sniw, probably also determined
n A br pl kl. The meaning of snw is uncertain. It does not look like with the block sign. tERN"\', BIFAO. 27, 1927, 180 tentatively translates it as 'eva-
a variant of swnwt, 'price', since this is always feminine and written luer (?)'.
79 So, too, in O. Turin 9611, 2: hrw pn srni iri.n A ...
with an arrow; 75 nor of snny, 'document', which has a double n and as 80 Cf., e.g., lEA. 27, 1941, 60, note 2.
determinative the sign V 12 throughout. Possibly the snw in question 81 For srjrn rn, cf. also e.g. O. DeM. 580 and 582.

73 This is clearly the situation of O. DeM. 57, where the expression occurs in vs. 2.
74 A long, drawn out sign.
75 E.g., Hier. Ostr. 54, 4 (three times, once as a verb); 86, I, 1; O. DeM. 359, 2
(verb); 361, 3-4; 552, 3.
FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 511

Whether the decoration of the coffins and the construction of a bed


constituted part of the first transaction is not quite certain, but doubtless
CHAPTER THREE we have here an instance of pure barter. In the same text, however,
rt. 8, occurs among the items of another deal a dnit-basket which is
FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE said to cost 1/ 2, sc. sniw. This is the only object the value of which
IN THE VILLAGE is stated in this ostracon, but it proves that there exists no absolute
difference between pure barter and money-barter.
As we saw in the preceding chapter, the majority of texts list
§ 1. Why were the transactions recorded? transactions of the money-barter type. 6 The question touched on in
Usuallly Egyptian families obtained the necessities of daily life by passing above, and which will be dealt with here more fully, is: why
barter. So far as recorded, these transactions consist of two types: one in are these transactions recorded on the ostraca? Certainly most barter
which the value of the objects was explicitly mentioned, and one in was not recorded at all, objects changing hands by common agreement
which this is not done, although of course the participants possessed without more ado, as we are accustomed to buy in shops. Still, in
at least a rough notion of the respective values. How we should some particular instances we desire a receipt from the shopkeeper.
conceive of the attitude of a workman intending to obtain a particular What may have been the reasons for the Egyptians to do so?
kind of object is demonstrated vividly by the words of Hier. Ostr. One point should be made clear from the beginning: ostraca did
54,4: possess some value as legal documents. As ALLAM has shown in a
recent article,7 the traditional idea that texts on ostraca were merely
1. Draughtsman Pay said to this son, draughtsman Pre'eml:mb :
'brouillons' or rough drafts is incorrect. The Egyptians made no
2. "Carry out the plan to obtain 1 the two hearts of faience
distinction in this respect between papyri and ostraca. Probably ostraca
3. of which I have said to you: I shall pay 2 to their owner
were used in daily life by ordinary people, and papyri more in the
4. all that he shall demand 1 for their price".
administration, but even this difference is far from absolute. Their
This text, which continues by mentioning plans to buy other com- value in legal proceedings was the same.
modities, shows clearly the nature of the purchase. The workman Pay For the question as to why some transactions were recorded we have
is willing to pay with whatever objects the seller may want. In fact, to look to the texts themselves. Now, many ostraca do not present
the transaction is not purchase but barter. information on the backgound of the matters they deal with, only a
Another text illustrates the pure barter transaction. O. Michael. 13 minority beginning with a clear introductory formula. Still, there
(pI. 46) lists several of these transactions. The first lines read: seem to be two methods by which we may be able to discern at least
1. What draughtsman Neferbotpe gave to l:Iaremwia : something of the reason for their recording.
2. one wooden stela of Nofreteroy, may she live, while he gave to me Firstly, we can find out what are the principal objects for which
3. one chest 3 in exchange for it. Further: (I) 4 decorated two coffins other commodities are stated to be given in exchange, since it looks
for him as though they constitute one of the reasons for writing these texts.
4. on the riverbank(?) 5 and he made one bed for me. The objects, which are unfortunately relatively seldom mentioned, are

I whJ, lit. 'search'.


2 di~i swnl.
6 There are also texts in which the 'recompense' for making objects or doing such
3 mhr.
4 Though the personal pronoun is not written this looks to be the most likely work as decorating coffins is recorded, but here the word 'barter' is also suitable.
interpretation. Texts concerning charges and lawsuits, and those with the m-di formula, belong to
. ' n mryl. I do not think that we should interpret it as IVI n mryl, for what would other categories, but in these instances, too, the cause was mostly a purchase .
thiS mean? However, for an indication of place we would expect /:lr mryt. 7 JEA. 54, 1968, 121 ff.
FEATUR ES OF ECONO MIC LIFE IN THE VILLAG E 513
512 ECONO MICS

in several instances an OX,8 abed, 9 a coffin 10 or a bronze vessel.1


1 seem usually to have been exchanged without more ado. When more
14 expensive objects such as an ox, a coffin or a bed were purchased the
Only once do we come across a donkey,12 garments, 13 sacks, t
frequen t are oxen, which are parties went to a scribe in order to avoid the possibility of any conflic
different kinds of furniture,15 etc. Most howeve r, that nowher e are witness es
ve afterwards. It should be noted,
found in eleven instances. Since oxen are generally the most expensi
high price mentioned; actual legal deeds these ostraca never were.
commodity found in the present study,t6 it seems that their
Turning to those texts in which the total value was expressed in
constituted the reason for recording the transaction, and the same the
snlw of silver or in khar of grain, however, it appears that there
may hold true, to a lesser degree, for most other objects mentioned. is
totals are lower. Of the 14 instances in which sniw is used there
Anothe r way of approaching the problem is by studying the total six of 4 to 5 sniw, and the
is one involving more than 7 1/2 sniw,18
value of the transactions. In some, not so very few instances this
but others 3 or less sniw. The situation is complicated by the totals
stated in the text itself; in others it is possible to calculate it,
is being expressed both in sniw and khar together in several texts,19 but
since not many ostraca have been preserved intact this group
texts in which the total is express ed the overall picture is clear. The highest total, 7 1/2 sniw + 1 khar,
rather small. Of the approximately 50 to
in deben of copper we may draw up the following list: 17 may be equivalent to 50 deben. Therefore it only just belongs
group III of the deben totals. All the others are lower, one even
20
value number being under 10 deben.
I 1-9 deben 0 One might be inclined to ascribe the striking phenomenon that totals
in
II 10-25 deben 16 (including twice 25 1/2 deben) in sniw tend to be lower than totals in deben to the difference
as a measur e of value seems to
III 26-50 deben 15 (including twice 50 deben) the dates of the texts, since the sniw
have gone out of use during the first half of the reign of Ramess es Ill.
IV 51-75 deben 5
V 76-100 deben 6 (including once 100 deben) However, it would hardly be possible to find a suitable explanation for
VI 101-125 deben 6 the increase in the values after the disappearance of the sniw, since
VII 126-150 deben 4 there does not seem to be any indication of a rise in prices during
n
the time of Ramesses Ill. Moreover, there is at least one ostraco
It appears that a relatively small number of these transactions containing quite a high total expressed in silver, though not in sniw
involved lower values, those concerning under 10 deben even being alone. Although in O. Berlin 1268 (of the year 14 of Ramesses Ill)
?on-existent, while a relatively numerous group (10 out of 52 instances). the values of the commodities themselves are expressed in sniw,21 the
n
Involve totals of over 100 deben. Again this points in the directio total is said to be 2 deben of silver and 1 sniw and 1 khar, that
is,
with a
indicated above, namely that transactions in which goods the equivalent of c. 127 deben of copper. So far as I know, such a
considerable value changed hands were recorded. Simple, cheap objects situati on-wh ere prices are expressed in sniw and the total partly in
de ben of silver- is unique,22 but it proves that high sums could
in fact
8 E.g., Hier. Oslr. 16, 3; 86, 2; O. Gardiner
247; O. DeM. 113; O. Turin 6628. n
In O. DeM. 194 an offer of 89 deben for an ox was refused.
be expressed in a silver measure of value. That thi::; particular ostraco
9 E.g., Hier. OSlr. 18,5; 53, I; 65, 4; O.
Berlin [C]; O. Brit. Mus. 50 737.
10 Hier. Oslr. 58, 3; O. DeM. 31; 73 vs.; 223; O. Michael. 14 (twice). including one
DeM. 399 (kbw). Hier. Oscr. 28, 4. There is no total mentioned, but all the items,
11 Hier. Oslr. 26, 4 (several vessels); O.
18

12 Hier. Oslr. 45, 1.


. of 3 khar, are clear.
19 E.g., Hier. Os Cr. 65, 4 and O. DeM.
232, H. I know of no deben text in which the
13 O. DeM. 185.
14 O. Gardiner 286. same occurs.
Berlin 10665 b (g.iwl). Hier. OSCr. 65,4: I sniw + I khar.
:: Hier. Oslr. 52,2 vs., A, b (If:niw); O. DeM. 255 (hdmw); O.
20
the purchase
Except for a few extremely expensive coffins. 21 Unfortun ately nearly all numbers are lost. Note that on the verso
120 deben is recorded , which shows that in the days of this text the
usually one for the recto and one for of an ox for
17 In some texts there occur two totals,
separately. Doubtfu l deben was not less common than the sniw.
the verso. If both relate to different objects we have included them an 1958.111, dating from the early years
hand some debts (m-di texts) and recom- 22 Except for one papyrus, Pap. Ashmole
Instances are omitted, while on the other
penses are included. of Ramesses H.

I

514 ECONOMICS FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 515

dates from the very end of the period in which the snlw was used-it In this section we shall examine the frequency with which the various
is the latest dated text in which it occurs-may be coincidental, as the values expressed in each system occur, in order to find out whether
lack of earlier examples of this kind may also be. there is any regularity in their use. We shall begin with some
As stated above, the number of snlw totals is far smaller than that preliminary remarks.
of deben totals. So that even if we include them, converted into copper The tables in this section contain only prices as they actually occur,
measure of value, in the list presented above, the impression remains not the averages calculated by me. Where, for example, O. Gardiner 247,
that the majority of the transactions which were recorded involved 8 says that 7 hin of n~~-oil cost 10 deben, we shall use here the total
higher total values, while those in which small articles of value were price of 10 deben, not that of I 3/ 7 deben per hin. The latter was not
exchanged were merely recorded in special circumstances, about which real to the Egyptian. He probably valued one hin at 1 1/2 deben, but
nothing is said anywhere. one party was willing to offer 7 hin for the 10 deben which it had to
The picture remains the same when the few texts with totals expressed fetch. From this example it is clear that the Egyptians preferred round
in khar are included,23 though generally only lower prices were figures, or, what may in fact amount to the same thing, that these
expressed in grain (see next section). If a khar of grain is equal to prices do not have the precise meaning that prices are supposed to have
2 deben, two of the four instances involve totals of 40 to 60 deben in our society. We shall come across further evidence for this mentality.
one of almost 20 deben, and only one of 5 deben; in the terms of th~ The tables list only those prices which are certain. Doubtful instances,
deben list, there is one of these to everyone of the groups from I to IV. studied in Part 11 because they may enlarge our knowledge concerning
There are no high values, of which it is scarcely to be expected that they a particular commodity, are omitted here. On the other hand, we have
should have been expressed in khar, but also only one below 10 deben. included those clearly stated prices (irl.n dbn x) for which the name of
The conclusion that only exchanges involving goods with high values the commodity to which they refer has now become lost. To mention
were recorded seems to be confirmed. each one separately seems useless.
The consequence of this is that the ostraca do not at all present an Prices expressed in kit~ and deben of silver are also omitted. Except
adequate picture of barter in the Village. If such a large number of for O. Cairo 25 543 they only occur in papyri, and are too rare to
records about barter have been preserved, how many more transactions allow of conclusions of the kind we are looking for here. There are
will have been carried on without being recorded in any written also problems in connection with those texts in which the value of the
document,24 since they involved small values? Clearly barter was part commodities is not stated in khar of grain, but where grain is actually
of the workmen's daily life. For an understanding of the economic given in exchange for the objects. Some instances of this are O. IFAO.
life of the Village this conclusion may be of outstanding importance. 1393 and O. Cairo 25 588. In one entry in the latter (rt. 5-7) neither
Nevertheless, there is no reason for suggesting that the system of barter copper nor grain is used as a measure of value, but quantities of emmer
in these unrecorded transactions differed from that we know of from are given in exchange for actual copper. Here we are dealing with pure
the ostraca. barter. Although such entries are useful for the study of the price of
emmer, they will be omitted from this section.
§2. The frequency of the use of each measure of value The figures in the tables do not represent absolute value, since there
. The .prices in this book have been expressed in three different ways, are so many instances in which one hesitates as to whether or not the
eIther III deben of copper, or in sniw of silver, or in khar of grain. price is certain. However, it will become apparent that those included
present quite a clear overall picture. Particularly for the deben prices
23 O. DeM. 369 (21 khar); O. Gardiner 226 (9 khar); O. Gardiner 286 (2 1/2 khar);
O. IFAO. 1298 (28 khar). the figures are high enough to be reliable.
24 That no purchase of food is recorded anywhere may be explained by the fact As for the reason why the prices are expressed in khar, snlw or deben
that the workmen received their wages in kind. However. small manufactured articles in any particular text we shall have to refer to the next section. Here
such as baskets, which according to the texts were made by the workmen themselves
and which appear frequently as part of the 'price' for more expensive commodities, we shall study only their frequency. This is doubtless the highest for
WIll have changed hands in return for other goods almost daily. the deben prices. In the 1225 instances listed the value is expressed in

f
516 ECONOMICS

de ben 888 times (72 %), as against 150 times in snlw (12 %) and 187 times
in khaT (15 %). Note that the khaT prices mostly occur in combination
with the two other types in one and the same ostracon. Pure khar
,
1
FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE

TABLE L

Frequency of Prices in deben


517

I texts are rare,2s while texts in which sniw and deben of copper occur Prices 'I. r-- III
in 'I, f..-
together are even more SO.26 deben [1 / ;-- 13'
2
In Table L are collected the prices expressed in deben of copper. 2'/] 1--- 10 61

l'/l I- 4S
Its salient feature is certainly the preference for particular values. That 4
4'/,
, '8
lower values appear more frequently than those of over fifty will not ~
surprise us; objects of such a high value were seldom exchanged in 16

26
the Village. But this does not explain why there are only three
instances of 9 deben as against no less than 84 of 10 deben. -J 84
10
Some other particularities can be noticed: IO'/l
1I !--
21
I. Prices with half a deben are rather unusual. They should be " !--
13
divided into two groups. Prices of 1/ 2, 1 1/ 2, 2 1/ 2, 3 1/2 and 4 1/2 deben,
although not frequent, do appear to some extent. In the case of higher
14

IS
r---
.
numbers halves are very rare. As actual prices we find 7 1/2, 8 1/2, f--

101/2,171/2,201/2 and 25 1/ 2.27 While 7 1/2 and 17 1/2 may merely


stand for a price exactly in between 5 and 10 or 15 and 20, the numbers
'=-
55
20
10 1/2, 20 1/2 and 25 1/2 clearly indicate a value not essentially 20',
21
different from 10, 20 and 25 respectively. The slight difference, usually 22 r--2
the result of an addition, seems to have been unimportant to the Egyptian
mind (see the next section). The lower numbers with a half, however, 24 I--
22

clearly possess a specific meaning, 2 1/ 2, for instance, indicating a sum "


'25'/
26

halfway between 2 and 3, while it is in fact quite a different kind of 7

value from 20 1/ 2, which means no more than a little over 20. '" 9
2. The rare occurrence of 1/2 de ben (five times) is conspicuous, since 0
21

we would expect to find a larger number of small objects for this I


2
price. 28 Below we shall see that in such a case the price was by )

preference expressed in oipe instead of deben. 4


,~
3. Except for the whole numbers 1 to 5 there clearly appears to
exist a preference for multiples of 5,29 and, less clearly so, for numbers ?~
44 -
25 Some instances are O. DeM. 183; 213; 369; O. Gardiner 226; O. Cairo 25 587. 7
26 An example of this may be provided by O. Berlin 1268, but even here the two
or--2
measures of value appear on different sides of the ostracon, in different texts.
27 25 112 deben as a total in O. Cairo 25 602 may be intended to represent the
60 ~
price for an object or the reward for a particular job of work, but there is no mention 5
of this object or work. The 19 1/2 of O. DeM. 231 is stated to be a ps; for this word, o I-
see § 6 below. 0
28 All three instances of 1/4 deben occur in one text, Hier. Ostr. 86, 4.
29 Prof. PESTMAN has drawn my attention to a parallel in Greek texts, where the
-.
100 ~
age of persons is stated either precisely or in multiples of five (cf. CALDERINI, Rassegna I
I 19 r-
I
12 I:; l=---'
27

41 r
518 ECONOMICS FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 519

halfway between them.30 Between 5 and 10 this halfway number is nine, or 6 1/2 %, are over 25 deben. This picture is about the same as
clearly 8 (26 times) rather than 7 (16 times), while the only instance that found above for the deben prices, where 8 1/3 % was over 25 deben
of 7 1/2 shows a preciseness which is absent elsewhere. Between 10 and and more than half the total below 6 deben.
15 there is a preference for 12. Above 25 we find as the most usual Really low prices, however, could not be expressed in snlw, since
prices 30 and 40 deben, in a few instances also 50 and 60 deben, and 1/2 sniw equals 2 to 3 deben.
32
For this purpose the Egyptians used the
then again 100 and 120 deben. One instance of 119 deben shows the hin, originally a quantity of oil, which is equal to 1/6 snlw. 33 Actually
same approximation as found above in the case of 20 1/2 and 25 1/2, it seems to have been used where in the deben prices 1 to 3 deben were
since it clearly means almost 120. noted. There are six occurrences of 1 hin, two of 2 hin and seven of
4. The prices of over 25 deben, 75 instances altogether, constitute 3 hin. Higher numbers I have not found. The relatively frequent use
8 1/3 % of the total. On the other hand, no less than 488 of the of the latter value is somewhat surprising, since it could as well have
888 instances, hence more than half the total, involve prices of less been noted down as 1/2 snlw. Why the unit of account sniw was replaced
than 6 deben. This means that 25 deben, or even 15 deben, was indeed here by the more concrete measure of value of hin (of oil) is seldom
a considerable sum for a workman, though most of them were able to clear. 34 However, the low frequency with which the hin was used
collect several commodities of such a price in order to acquire a really (15 times) is in accordance with the rare occurrence of 1/2 deben. In
expensive object. these cases the Egyptians preferred to express the value in oip~.
In the case of the higher values in sniw we again observe the
TABLE M tendency to avoid halves, at any rate in the actual prices. 35 Only 1/2 itself
is frequently used, while there are only three instances of 3 1/2 sniw,
Frequency of Prices in snil<'
as against fourteen of 3 and eight of 4 snlw. Since the same tendency
snilt' number sniw number has also been noticed in the case of the deben prices we may conclude
that the values were more or less approximate. Buyer and seller were
1/, 35 4
1 38 4 1/, 2
apt to fix the value of an object at either 3 or 4 snlw, avoiding if
1 1/, 6 5 possible the value 3 1/2 sniw.
2 15 5 1/, 1 In accordance with these conclusions the khar prices assembled in
2 1/, 4 6 4
3 14 Table N mostly represent low values. No less than 49 of the total of
3 1/, 3 187, or about 26 %, are prices of 1 oip~. Since 1 khar equals 2 deben,
these 49 instances should be compared to the five instances of 1/2 deben.
When we turn to the prices expressed in snlw (Table M), it appears By this the supposition that low values were expressed by preference
that here higher prices are even more rare. There are only three with the designation khar seems to be proved. 36
instances of8 snlw, which all occur in one text, namely Pap. Ashmolean
1958.111. Over half of all these snlw prices (135 instances) are of 1/2 and
32 In some instances it seems to be equal to 2 deben, in others to 3 deben.
1 snlw (73 instances altogether). Although the ratio between copper 33 See Part 11, §4.
and silver was not constant 31 we shall here take it to be 5: 1, which 34 Twice, in Hier. Ostr. 62, I, 8 and O. DeM. 31. 4. three hin is the price of

will be roughly correct for the majority of the instances. In that case three hin of actual oil, but why, for example, in the same O. DeM. 31, 3 a mat is
valued at 3 hin is obscure.
half the values expressed in snlw are lower than 6 deben and only 35 Not in totals, for there the number of sniw is found by adding all the separate
prices in the text. If this total, as may easily happen, does not come to a whole
ital. di lingue e left. class. 2, 1920, 317-325, and HOBS.CH, Die Personalangaben als number of sniw, the fraction is expressed either in hin (e.g., O. DeM. 31) or in khar
ldentijizierungsvermerke im Recht der griiko-iigypt. Papyri, 22). (e.g., Hier. Ostr. 65, 4).
36 The use of a grain measure to express low prices is not unique. D.W. AMEs
30 Note that 2 1/2 occurs more frequently than 3 1/2 and even more than I 1/ 2 ,
mentions a similar use in the case of the Wolof, a people living near the Gambia river.
31 See Part H, §3.
Though the usual medium of exchange there is cloth-money, "grain in small amounts,
520 ECONOMICS FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 521

TABLE N
There also existed a preference for using the khar where the value
of the grain container is expressed. In Hier. Ostr. 28, 4 a coffin, sandals
Frequency of Prices in khar
and garments are valued in snlw, but a kbs-basket full of emmer in
oip!' number khar number khar number khar. In Hier. Ostr. 50, 1 all kinds of commodities such as a coffin,
1,
I 1/. 4 3 1/,
garments and baskets have prices expressed in deben, but in vs. 1-2 a
"
49 I 1/, 21 4 wooden oip~-measure in khar. Such use of the khar is in accordance
I l'
I, I '/. 4 5 with the custom of expressing prices of copper implements and vessels
2 35 2 10 6
in deben, as we have seen above. Clearly the measure of value was less
18 2 1/, 2
4 33 3 3 abstract in Egyptian eyes than it is in ourS. 39
Possibly there was yet a third reason for using the khar instead of
In the middle group of 1/2 to 2 khar, which is the equivalent to the deben or the sniw, namely where it was baskets and sandals that
to 4 deben, there are 125 khar prices as against 381 deben prices. were valued. 40 There are instances where neither the low price nor the
1 deben even occurs 113 times, and its equivalent 1/2 khar only 35 times. possibility of grain being contained seems to be the decisive factor in
Here a preference for the khar seems absent, though use of the grain determining the choice of the measure of value. In the case of sandals
measure is still important. Prices of more than 3 khar, however, are of course the latter reason is precluded, but nevertheless about one
extremely rare. Their use is restricted to a few particular instances, in third of the sandal prices is expressed in khar, even where either sniw
some of which actual grain may have been exchanged, so that they in or deben seems to be equally possible. In O. DeM. 232, I, 2 one pair
fact belong to the category of pure barter transactions. is said to cost 1 sniw, in 11, 8, however, 1 khar, which is the
The conclusion of this section may be that generally prices of very equivalent to 1/2 sniw, a fairly frequent price. It may be that the
cheap commodities were expressed in khar, more expensive ones either material influenced the choice of sniw in the first instance, since this
in khar or sniw, but mostly in deben, and really expensive ones nearly pair is explicitly stated to be of leather. The other pair, of which
always in deben of copper. 37 nothing is said, may have been made of grass or suchlike material.
In Hier. Ostr. 57, 1, 5 three pairs are said to cost 3 1/2 khar which
§ 3. Why was a particular measure of value used? is equal to 7 deben. Clearly not the value is the reason for the use
In the preceding section we have seen that low prices were expressed of the khar, but the fact that sandals are being sold.
by preference in khar of grain, high prices in deben of copper. Clear Except with regard to basketry and sandals, there are no commodities,
proof of the former is found in O. DeM. 241, where in one case a pair so far as we are able to see, of which the price was by preference
of sandals is valued at 2 deben, twice at 1 deben, but three times at stated in grain. For other objects the choice seems to have been made
1 oip~. The latter value is equal to 1/2 deben, a price which is by the scribe in question for no particular reason. In Hier. Ostr. 86, 3, 4
usually avoided. Further proof is given in O. Gardiner 151. Two dnit- an 'nb is said to cost 2 deben, while in the parallel text, O. Brooklyn
baskets here together cost 5 deben, but a mrbt 2 oip~ and a krl:zt 1 oip~; 37.1880 E, recording the same transaction, the 'nb is said (rt. 4) to
an 'nb is 4 deben, but a pair of birds 1 oip~. 38 cost 1 khar. The value is the same, only the way of expressing it

measured out in gourds, was the 'petty cash' used in such payments" (Markets in
Africa, 38). 39 That grain itself is usually not valued is self-evident in this system. Obviously,
37 Except for some papyri, as, e.g., the Giornale dell'anno 13 (prices for parts for
3 oipi' of barley cost 3 oipi'. However, even in a period when the price of grain had
ships) and the rather extraordinary O. Cairo 25 543 I know of only one price in risen to over 2 deben per khar, we never find an expression of such a rise in khar.
deben of silver, namely for a Book of the Dead, in O. Gardiner 133, 3-4. For one In itself an entry such as "I khar of barley makes 2 khar" would be reasonable, but
text in which the prices are expressed in snlw and the (fairly high) totals are converted it was in contradiction with the Egyptian way of thinking. In such cases the price
into deben of silver and snlw, see p. 513. is always expressed in deben or snlw.
38 cr. also O. Cairo 25 602: a *rlJt, an lrl);s and a pair of sandals, each at 2 deben,
40 Cf., e.g., Hier. Ostr. 28, 2 and 58, 3. The most expensive basket, the dnlt,
but a skr' for I oipi'. however, is nearly always valued in sniw or in deben (see Table Ill).
522 ECONOMICS FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 523

differing. Such instances are useful in reminding us that in the actual recto still expresses prices in sniw (and in deben of silver), the verso in
transactions neither copper nor grain was involved. deben of copper. 43
There are more instances in which we are unable to see what motives In conclusion it should be remarked that there are no silver objects
prompted the scribe. In Hier. Ostr. 24, 4, 5, for instance, a woman's mentioned in the ostraca. In what way their prices were expressed, if
bed costs 3 sniw, while in the next line what may be the decoration of ever they changed hands in the Village, we do not know; probably in
such a bed (the same object?) is priced at 1 1/2 khar. The latter is deben and kite of silver, in accordance with the use of deben of copper
indeed lower, since it is probably roughly equal to 1/2 sniw, but there for bronze objects.44
are five instances of the use of 1/2 sniw in this ostracon. It could be
suggested that 1 1/2 khar expressed the value more accurately; however,
§4. An ancient Egyptian price list
elsewhere exactitude is clearly not really important in the expression of
the prices. The reason may be that actual grain was paid, but this It may be useful to draw up here a list of the most usual-one
must remain purely a guess. would be inclined to say 'normal'-prices of the various commodities
In Hier. Ostr. 53, I basketry, vegetables and a garment are all studied in Part 11. With the aid of such a list it will be possible to
valued in khar; in the second column another basket and a mat in recognize at a glance the relative value of any particular object, which
deben, however. The reason should not be sought in the commodities may enable us to draw conclusions concerning its size and quality.
themselves. Possibly it was provided by the actual transaction, though Such a list may also be useful for comparison with isolated prices
we shall never know. occurring in other texts.
In a few instances we find all prices expressed in khar, also of those The usual prices here listed are not averages, since either extremely
commodities of which the value is almost always stated in deben. Such cheap or very expensive items are not taken into account. For each of
as, for instance, in O. DeM. 213, that of half a wooden bed (price these there will have been special reasons, either of quality or size, or
lost) and in O. Gardiner 226 that of a sheet (price also lost). Here connected with the kind of transaction in which they occur, but they
homogeneity of the text may have been the reason for the choice, but will not have constituted 'usual' or 'normal' representatives of their
why khar is used throughout the text is obscure. kind. Moreover, any possible fluctuation in prices during the period
The use of either deben or sniw is mostly a question of date, the studied here is neglected; this will be the subject of a separate section
sniw going out of use during the reign of Ramesses Ill. Although the below. 45
de ben of copper sometimes occurs in early papyri,41 dated ostraca from In accordance with the Egyptian custom, preference is given to prices
the Nineteenth Dynasty with deben prices are unknown. At least one such as 8 or 12 deben over rare values such as 9 or 13 deben. This is done
ostracon, however, which I have ascribed to that period on account of partly because the latter values seldom occur, and partly since the prices
the names, namely Hier. Ostr. 59, I, uses deben to express the value in the present list are meant only to give a rough indication of the
of coffins. I doubt whether this is sufficient reason for suggesting a relative value of commodities. As a result objects of which only a few
later date. Ostraca from the transition of the Nineteenth to the prices are known have been omitted. Generally a minimum of five
Twentieth Dynasties and from the beginning of the latter more instances will be required before anything can be stated about the
frequently use the deben. As an example I would point to Hier. Ostr.
21, 1. 42 The time at which the sniw disappeared may be fixed around 43 O. Gardiner 272 is dated to the same year, but both dehen prices apply to

the year 15 of Ramesses Ill. In O. Berlin 1268 (of the year 14) the bronze objects. O. Turin 6672, which may also be of the year 14 (though possibly
from the year 24) uses dehen prices for garments.
44 For the use of the hin for oil, cf. p. 519.
45 There, too, belong the grain prices. Since grain is used as a measure of value

41 E.g .• Pap. Vienna 34, 7. it seems useless to compare its price· with other prices here; the Egyptians did so
42 For its date. cf. JESHO. 11, 1968, 155. Another instance is Hier. Os/r. 26, 4 implicitly in stating the value of commodities in khar. The fluctuation in the grain
(Year 2 of Ramesses Ill), but here only bronze objects are mentioned. Cr. also Hier. prices is so clear, however, that it will be the basis for the study of price fluctuations
Ostr. 86, I and O. Gardiner 157. in general.
.
524 ECONOMICS FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 525

'normalness' of the price. Also omitted are those objects of which the A. Basketry 47
prices vary too greatly, such as some types of furniture, although in a mngm + n~r 1/2 deben
few instances a note about them is added. It will be clear that we !:ztp 1/2 deben
cannot aim at completeness in this list, and that some inconsistencies mat (tms) 1/2-1 deben
cannot be avoided. m(t)rbt 1/2-2 deben
The number of instances in which the value of a particular commodity kbs 1 deben
is stated varies enormously. By way of illustration of this statement I skr 1 deben
have drawn up here a table of the most frequent ones,46 each followed kr!:zt 1-2 deben
by the number of prices known to me. 'r~ 1-2 deben
1) sandals 66 8) goats/sheep ('nb) 28 sgr + tms 2 deben
2) mss-garments 43 9) kbs-baskets 27 lrgs 2-3 deben
3) coffins (wt) 34 10) dnlt-baskets 26 dnlt 2-5 deben
4) beds 34 11) mats 25
5) sesame oil (nbl:z) 31 12) dslw-garments 24 B. Animals
6) vegetables 30 13) s~r/sgr-baskets 24 birds 1/4-1/2 deben
7) oxen 29 sheep/goat ('nb) 1-3 deben
The reason why these particular commodities occur frequently varies. pigs 3-5 deben
Sandals, the most frequent one, will have been exchanged for making donkeys 25-40 deben
up a required total if a buyer's payment was just below this; they are cattle either 20-50 deben (no prices between 50 and
relatively cheap. Sesame oil will appear frequently for a similar reason. 100 deben are known)
It was easily measured out in different quantities to make up the or 100-120 deben
required total. Coffins, beds and oxen are frequently found since their
purchase was usually the principal motive for a transaction. However, C. Furniture
this does not explain why there are so many prices for an 'nb, or even chairs (~nlw) 12-20 deben
much more so for a mss. This much is certain, that all these beds 12-25 deben
commodities-probably the oxen excepted-were common in the tables? (msr) 15 deben
workmen's households; so common, that they were frequently 'bought',
Other types of furniture vary considerably in price: footstools, for
or used to 'buy' other objects. In the latter case the household will
example, from 1 to 10 deben, folding-stools from 1 to 30 deben. It
have possessed spare items of this commodity, since it is not likely
seems that chairs, beds and tables(?) were more or less standard objects.
that a man will have given his only mss-garment in exchange for an
ox, for instance.
D. Boxes
Turning to the 'normal' prices, we shall go through the categories
roughly in the order in which they are dealt with in Part 11. In each bs 1/2-2 deben
category the objects are arranged more or less going from the cheapest id! 1-3 deben
to the most expensive, though some categories are divided into two s~rlsgr 1-3 deben
different groups. dbt 8-10 deben
gswt 10 deben

47 Although the prices of basketry are usually stated in kluu, all are calculated
46 With the exclusion of grains, which - as was said above - present their own
problems. See below, ch. IV, §4. in deben here for the sake of comparison.
,I 526
; ECONOMICS FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 527

The price of a 13y, which is also frequent (seven instances), varies from I. Implements and vessels of bronze
1 1/2 to 15 deben. razors 1-2 deben
spikes (b3) 3-7 deben
E. Tomb equipment
nw 2-4 deben
swlJt 15-20 deben (with some much higher pri- dydy 2-5 deben
ces) k1 4-8 deben
ytlt 20-30 deben (only three instances) irr 10-20 deben
wt 20-40 deben I' 10-20 deben
mn 'nb / wt '3 25-40 deben ~lJn 20-25 de ben
decoration of a swlJt 3-6 deben ~bw 20-35 deben
decoration of a wt 8-12 deben
decoration of a ytlt 10-15 deben J. Plants and wood
It is striking that the decoration of an ytit costs more than that of a vegetables (per bundle) 1/2-1 deben
wt, though the prices of the ytit itself are lower. Note, however, that sycamore wood (per log) I deben
no more than 3 ytit prices are known, as against 34 of a wt. beams 2-5 deben
sbd-sticks 1-2 deben
F. Garments
mss 5 deben The log (S'd) is too indefinite an object to have a 'normal' price.
mrw 5 deben The prices for these vary from 1/4 deben for a piece of ebony to 16 deben
rwgw 5-15 deben for what may be quite a large log.
idg 8-15 deben
sgw 5-20 deben §5. Comparison with some prices from other sources
d3iw 15-25 deben Nowhere in this study is there an attempt at converting Egyptian
glyt 20-25 deben prices into modern values of silver or gold. Such conversion seems to
Here two related commodities should be added, namely: me rather pointless,48 since here two factors are acting in combination.
sheet (lfd) 8-12 deben They are : the value of silver and copper in ancient Egypt and that of silver
sandals 1/ 2-3 deben and gold in modern times, and the relative value of a particular
commodity in ancient Egyptian civilization, which may differ widely
G. Oils (per hin) from the value of its equivalent in Western civilization. The last factor
depends entirely upon the standard of living. Whether, for instance, a
mrlJt 1/2 deben mss-garment of 5 deben was an expensive object or not, does not so
'g (fat) 1/2-1 deben much depend upon the value of 5 deben or c. 450 grammes of copper
nM (sesame) 1 deben in our days, as upon the wages and the prices of other commodities
in Ramessid times.
H. Leather and sacks Hence the attempt of DRIOTON in his article Un document sur la
i
bnt 1/2-3 deben t

dlJri 5-15 deben


48 The pointlessness of such conversion is now a matter of common opinion
msti 1/ 2-5 deben among students of price history. Cf.. e.g., BEVERIDGE. Prices and Wages in England,
ib3 2-3 deben vol. I, p. xlvii f.
528 ECONOMICS FEA TURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 529
il·
. '". .
,
·1
vie chere cl Thebes au debut de la XV/lIe dynastie 49 at relating some were not expensive at all. Whether this implies that they were of an
prices to modern values creates, in my opinion, a wrong impression. ordinary quality, or whether we should infer a considerable difference
DRIOTON studied the well-known donation text of Queen 'Ahmose- in price level between the early Eighteenth and the Twentieth Dynasties,
Nofreteroi. In lines 9-10 there occur three prices, namely: 200 dJiw- is a question which cannot be answered unless more material becomes
garments for 400 sn', 80 ifd n sny for 210 sn', and 13 snw-vessels available. In itself the latter conclusion seems not improbable, although
with mrbt-oil for 78 sn'.50 Since the sn', which is consistently called the fine quality of the garments which this would imply is nowhere
snlw in this study, was the equivalent of 8 1/3 deben of copper 51 in referred to in the text. However this may be, the price of the dJlw-
the Eighteenth Dynasty, the dJiw cost 16 2/3 deben each, the ifd c. 22 garments in the donation text of Queen 'Ahmose-Nofreteroi does not
deben each, and the vessels of oil 50 deben each. by itself point to "la vie chere" during the Eighteenth Dynasty.
On p. 18 of his article DRIOTON studied the economic implications of DRIOTON's conclusion was at least premature.
these prices. "11 en ressort que la vie etait assez chere cl Thebes, au By way of demonstration how the price list of the preceding section
lendemain de la guerre de liberation «ontre les Hyksos, puisqu'un may be used, a few more examples will be dealt with. In Pap. Brit.
vetement de femme .... y coutait environ 46 francs-or, soit environ Mus. 10 383, one of the tomb robbery papyri,52 the second column
9.000 francs-papier" (etc.). This conclusion, which is repeated in the enumerates the amounts of copper stolen. They are respectively: 1100,
title of the article, seems to me unwarranted. One might equally well 150, 222 and 1200 deben. Only on comparing these amounts with the
conclude that silver was cheap in ancient Egypt in comparison with value of an ox, which is usually not more than 120 deben, do we gain
its modern value. The only point to be decided would be whether an impression of the size of this booty. It should be noted, moreover,
these prices were high or low within the context of the standard of that the setting of the thefts was the neighbourhood of the Village and
living in those days. the time only a little after that of most of the texts studied in the
On comparing these prices with those from Deir el-Medina we find present work. Even if we had to conclude that prices have risen during
that there a dJlw costs 15 to 25 deben, while those of Queen 'Ahmose- the second half of the Twentieth Dynasty, amounts of over 1000 deben
Nofreteroi are 16 2/3 deben each. In the Village an ifd costs 8 to represent a considerable value.
12 deben, those of the Queen c. 22 deben each. However, the latter are For another instance I would refer to § 135 of Part 11. There the
said to be made of sny, 'wool', and may, therefore, in fact have been prices of wooden parts for ships which occur in the Giornale dell'anno 13
blankets rather than sheets. The price of mrbt-oil is not comparable are compared with the prices of other commodities, and appear to
with those in the Village, since we do not know the capacity of a exceed the price level in the Village. In passing I mentioned as one
snw-vessel. The usual price of mrbt was 1/2 deben per hin, but whether of the possible explanations the expensiveness of 's-wood, which came
a snw contains about 100 hin, or more or less, is completely unknown. from Syria and may have been difficult to obtain at this period, that
The only comparison possible, therefore, is with the dilw, and from is, the end of the Twentieth Dynasty. Another factor may be a
this it becomes apparent that the garments of Queen 'Ahmose-Nofreteroi general rise in prices as this time, which in its turn might be connected
with the infusion of large quantities of copper and silver into the
49 BSFE. no. 12, 1953, 11 fT. See also ASAE. 56,1959, 139ff. economy as a result of the tomb robberies, to which I pointed above.
50 DRIOTON restores a word partly lost in a lacuna (line 8) as mdJ:z, 'diadem'.
Even if this restoration is correct, which seems uncertain, we do not know of Whether indeed inflation led to a high level of prices at the end of
such an object from the Village. The value of 6 .sn' for each is, therefore, useless for the Twentieth Dynasty will be examined below. The point is only
comparison. brought up here for the sake of indicating a possible use of the
S! That the sn' used here is a quantity of silver, and not of gold, is not stated in

the text. In lines 7-8 we find first mention of 160 sn' of gold, and this is followed price list.
by 250 sn' of silver. From the total in line 11 it appears that both, together with Yet another point to be discussed is the comparison of the present
other prices in sn', were simply added, which would be odd if not all prices were in fact list with the-unfortunately rare-prices of land and slaves which are
expressed in the same measure. In most cases sn' is clearly a quantity of silver.
Therefore I would suggest that this is also the case here, and that the entry" 160 sn' of
gold" in lines 7-8 points to a quantity of gold, valued at 160 sn' of silver. 52 PEET, Tomb Robberies, 125 and pI. xxii.
530 ECONOMICS FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 531

known from a few texts. In his article The Low Prices of Land in higher than those listed from the XXIst and XXIIIrd Dynasties. Whether
1ncient EgY/J.t 53 BAER followed a complicated method of throwing the reason for the difference in price has to be sought in a rise in the
hght upon this subject, namely by comparing land prices with what is general price level, that is, in a depreciation of copper and/or silver,
known of or what we are able to deduce about land revenues. In the first or in the value of slaves in general, or in that of these slaves in
pages of his study, however, he also tries to compare the prices of particular, would be the subject of a study of the prices of each separate
land with those of cattle and slaves, though for the former he was not slave.
yet able to refer to the material presented in the present book. We The first figure quoted above, which occurs in a papyrus frequently
shall take as an example here his list of prices for slaves,54 and for referred to throughout the present book, looks to be most suitable for
our purpose convert these into deben of copper. comparison with our price list. It appears that the girl was expensive,
BAER gives the following data: her value being higher than that of three oxen. The next two examples,
No. 1. Pap. Cairo 65 739 (Ramesses 11): which date from the end of the Twentieth Dynasty, are both definitely
a girl for 4 deben + 1 kit~ of silver (= 410 deben of copper) lower, which seems to be in contradiction with a possible rise in
No. 2. Pap. Mayer A, 8, 12-13 (the year 1 of the Wl;zm-mswt era): prices in the late Twentieth Dynasty. Moreover, we, notice the striking
a woman for 4 deben of silver (= 240 deben of c.) fact that the price of the woman is twice as high as that for the man,
No. 3. Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052, 10, 19 (idem): though generally able-bodied male slaves are known all over the world
a man for 2 deben of silver (= 120 deben of c.) to be the most expensive, except cases of exceptionally beautiful girls.
No. 4. Cairo Museum stela 66 285 (= stela of Sheshonq, late XXIst Several theories could be brought forward to explain this fact: here we
Dynasty) : shall merely state that the price of the man was equal to that of an ox,
several persons 55 for 6 2/3 ki!~ of silver each (= 40 deben of while that of the woman was twice as much.
copper) 56 The prices for slaves in nos. 4 and 5 are very low. The reason is
No. 5. stela of Ewerot (late XXIIIrd Dynasty) : uncertain,58 and may be either a relative cheapness of slaves during
32 slaves, male and female, together for 14 deben and 1/3 kit~
this period, or a generally low price level, or a special circumstance
of silver (= an average of c. 26 deben of copper) influencing these particular prices, such as that the persons sold were
not actually slaves but bondsmen, whatever the precise difference may
Later prices listed by BAER (of the reign of Piankhi 57 and later) have been. However, the price list from Deir el-Medina shows that
are still further removed in time from the Ramessid period and are later slave prices were definitely low, 40 deben (no. 4) being the value
better left aside here. It should be noted, however, that they are mostly of a good coffin in the Village, 26 deben (no. 5) that of a cheap
donkey. Whatever the explanation, the price list clearly constitutes a
fair basis for comparison.
53 lA RCE. I, 1962, 25-45.
54 Op. cit., 27.
55 BAER also quotes from this stela a price of 1.43 deben of silver for an 'hll'tv. § 6. Joint property
In Imes 13-14 this 'blt'ty and four of his slaves are together valued at 4 deben' a~d
I kitt' of silver. BAER follows BLACK MAN, who in his commentary on the edition of In some of the texts from the Village there appear to be traces of
of the text (lEA. 27, 1941, 90, note 58) suggests that "the four bondsmen were what we might call 'joint property', and this may be the suitable place
worth 6 2/3 kitt' each, as are most of the people listed below", so that the price for for drawing attention to this phenomenon.
the 'b~'ty was I deben and 4 '/3 kite. Though this is possible, it seems to me that
there IS no proof of BLACK MAN'S theory: the price for the bmll" may just as well Joint property is indicated by the verb ps. Usually this means 'to
have been either lower or higher than 6 2/3 kite. Therefore I have omitted this entry divide', 'to share'. It is used in records with regard to inheritance
from the list.
(e.g., Hier. Os!r. 43, 4, 2; 52, 2, 7; O. DeM. 108, 3) and in texts
56 Assuming that the silver: copper ration was still I: 60, which has not been
proved.
57 BAER gives th~. date of Pap. Vatican 10 574 as "Dynasty XXV" with a query. 58 Note that prices of land in these texts were also low, particularly on the stela
See now PARKER, ZAS. 93, 1966, III f. of Ewerot (cf. BAER, lA RCE. I, 1962,26 and note 10).
532 ECONOMICS

recording the division of provisions among the workmen (e.g., Hier.


Ostr. 35, 3, 2; O. DeM. 406, I). In a few instances, however, it seems
to indicate that several persons, having acquired an object together,
, :
, I
FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE

amount of 3 dehen. This is certainly not the price of the dJlw, since it
is far too low for that. 65 Therefore, it must be one share in the
recompense. This the other buys from his colleague, so that in the end
533

shared its possession thereafter. the entire property passed into his hands.
In O. Michael. 14, 9 (pI. 48) we read: "What he gave me in Yet another, more obscure use of ps occurs in Hier. Ostr. 85, 2, 9,
exchange for the two shares, which (I had?) in the pig, for 59 the where we read: "Share of wood .... makes 2 dehen; half a djiw-
food ...... ,60 makes 3 oipe". Clearer still are two entries in the so- garment, makes 10 deben". As was said above,66 it is hard to see what
called Lady Franklyn Hier. Inscription. Lines 10-12 read: "My share in could have been the value of half a djlw, the more so since its value
the ox which he bought, makes 2 1/2 deben. My share in the sheep is stated to be 10 deben, or half the average price of a dJiw. As a result,
('no), which he bought, makes 1 deben. It belongs to me (iw ink sw) 1 am inclined to suggest that here, too, a 'share' in the property in
together with J:l6ri, son of Ruti: copper, 1 (deben), in two times of question is indicated. Possibly the word ps at the beginning of line 9
giving (it) to him".61 The last words are obscure and may have to be also refers to the garment, though the lacuna precludes an understanding
translated otherwise. It would seem to me that the scribe means that of the connection.
the aforementioned 'money' was paid on two separate occasions. Unfortunately these texts are not conclusive, but they do suggest
However, it is quite clear that the ox and the sheep both constitute the existence of joint ownership. This may result from inheritance,
property purchased by two persons jointly. The first share, 2 1/2 dehen from joint work (0. Gardiner 135), or from joint purchase (Lady
in an ox, seems surprisingly small; the other party will have had to Franklyn Hier. Inscr.). How the sharing of the ownership of an object
pay far more than that. It does not seem likely that one party was put into practice in daily life we do not know. The joint exploitation
borrowed a sum of 'money' and that the other acquired a share in the of cattle seems quite possible, the joint use of a garment, however,
object by way of security. The security for the lender would be extremely rather difficult. Was this the reason why, according to O. Gardiner 135,
small in that case. 62 Hence it seems more probable that in particular one of the parties bought off the other? What is meant in Hier. Ostr.
circumstances two or more persons made a joint purchase, from which 85, 2 remains uncertain. Obviously more data will be needed to shed
joint ownership ensued. light upon this interesting feature of the economy of the Village.
Another situation is found in O. Gardiner 135. The text opens with
th~ words: "Received by the hand of deputy J:lay his share (in) the § 7. The wealth of the workmen
dj/IV-garment .... 63 (of?) Nakhtamiin, 3 deben,64 for the decorations Some scholars have stated that the workmen of the necropolis were
which I made together with him on the sarcophagus of workman poor people. OTTO, for instance, calls them proletarians,67 and ERIKA
Khnemmose". Here we find an instance of joint work and joint ENDESFELDER described them as a poor lot. 68 With the material of
recompense. Two workmen received a garment jointly. One of them, the present study as a basis, it may be possible to collect some facts
evidently having done less than his partner, earned by his work an concerning the economic status of the inhabitants of the Village.
1. There are two texts in which a workman is said to be the owner
5~ The n at the end of line 9 does not occur in the facsimile, but it was also seen of outstanding sums of 'money' to a total of 76 deben. According to
by CERNY, judging from his transcription. Hier. Ostr. 50, I a Mrs. Shedemdei owes this sum to Penne, according
60 Unfortunately, line 10 is partly lost.
61 m sp 2 n dit nf
to O. Gardiner 162 Nebsmen owes the same sum to Khnemmose.
62 Pror. PESTMAN informs me that he knows of no clear instance of such a pledge
from Egypt, except In the case where the lender was given right to dwell in a house 65 The price of a diiw is usually 15 deben or more (see Table XLII).
of the borrower's. 66 See pp. 268 f.
3
,63 I do not understand the text here as transcribed by tERNY. He writes after 67 E. Ono, A.gyplen. Der Weg des Pharaonenreiches , 191.

dlllt' the words fly Nbtw-'Imn. Nakhtamun is a well known name, but I doubt whether 68 In Sozialokonomische Verhiiltnisse im AlIen Orienl und im klassischen Allertum

we can. read Tly-nbtw- '/mn as such. Moreover, the determinative seems to be masculine. (Berlin, 1961), 88ff. Unfortunately, this study is bristling with errors, inaccuracies and
64 CERNY read 3 112, but the 112 is far from certain. unproven assertions.

1
534 ECONOMICS FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 535

Penne and Khnemmose are stated to be ordinary workmen (rml-ist), expensive bull, is disproportionate to a monthly income of 5 1/2 khar
while Nebsmen is a policeman and Shedemdei a chantress of Amiin, or 11 deben. Note, moreover, that there is no reason to suppose that
an office held as part-time occupation by wives of the workmen. The this was all the work Bekenwernero did over this period; he may
price list of § 4 shows that 76 deben was a considerable amount of have decorated other coffins and made other wooden objects besides
'money'. Compared with the monthly wages of an ordinary workman, in this time.
namely 5 1/2 khar of grain or 11 deben, it looks to be an important 5. That such an income was not exceptional is proven by Hier.
capital. Nevertheless, it is not the highest known total of a debt. Ostr. 62, 3, where an unknown person is said to have made woodwork
In Hier. Ostr. 57, 1 the value of all the objects owned by Pra'l:lOtpe, and basketry to a total value of 112 deben, besides which he also
which are in the possession of Neferl).otpe, is said to be as high as delivered a coffin and three bags of good lapis lazuli. Some more
102 1/2 deben. People who had outstanding debts to these amounts instances of this kind are: work for the deputy Amennakhte to a total
could hardly be called poor. value of93 deben (0. DeM. 140) and the decoration of tomb equipment
2. When the workman Nakhtmin divorced his wife, he drew up a by Amenwa' for 83 deben (0. Strasbourg H 84).
record (0. Gardiner 157) with regard to the bronze objects in his Of course there are many texts which mention lower, sometimes
house. Their total weight or value is stated to be 77 1/2 deben, to much lower totals, though again those under discussion here are not
which has to be added another 8 deben which he gave to a Pentwere, the only high ones. That such high sums changed hands does not
hence 85 1/2 deben in all. It is worth noting that this is not the value point to poverty among the workmen. In my opinion this should
of his furniture, garments, and so on, but merely of bronze vessels similarly not be concluded on the basis of the fact that a workman
and tools. . carried on a lawsuit concerning a pot of fresh fat, which costs only
3. According to Pap. Turin 1880, vs. 5, 2 ff. 69 a certain Usil).e paid 30 deben, for no less than 18 years (Hier. Ostr. 77). The obvious
a 'doctor' 22 deben. The reason for this payment is not stated, but pleasure which the Egyptians took-and still take-in lawsuits
since the physician's name is not mentioned it seems probable that provides a satisfactory explanation for the long duration.
this was a remuneration for professional attendance. The implication 6. For quite a different indication of the wealth of the workmen
of this is that a workman had at his disposal objects to the value of I would point to the relative luxury of their tombs. Of course these
a bed or a coffin to spend on the physical fitness of himself or his cannot compete with the tombs of the high officials of the Pharaoh,
family, which seems rather a large sum. but for poor workmen's tombs they display an unexpected degree of
4. According to Hier. Ostr. 60, 5 Bekenwernero received for the grandeur, even if one takes into account the circumstance that the
decoration of coffins and other tomb equipment 91 deben in total. workmen were able to build and decorate these themselves. In examining
O. Berlin 12 343 70 records the payment to the same Bekenwernero of the tomb of Senniidjem and its contents,72 for instance, one is struck
52 deben for making various wooden objects. We do not know whether by its quality. Even more impressive is the lay-out of tomb no. 216,
Bekenwernero did work in his spare time, and so received the usual that of the chief workman Neferl).otpe, with its ramp, its two courts
wages from the administration 71 over and above these sums. Nor do and its chapel. 73 The statues, though now partly destroyed, still display
we know how much time he spent on this work. But even if it took something of the original magnificence. 74
him some months and during that period he did not work as a member Admittedly these tombs date from the Nineteenth Dynasty, while
of the 'crew', the total of 143 deben, that is, the price of a very
72 For the coffins, cf. pp. 210 f. For the tomb itself, cf. BRUYERE, La tombe no. 1
69 RAD., 47-48. de Sen-nedjem d Deir et Medineh (Mem. IFAO. LXXXVIII).
2
70 The total of the recto, which records the decoration of tomb equipment, is 73 For the plan, cf. BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1924-25, pI. 11, and PORTER-Moss ,

uncertain. Moreover, possibly it mentions partly the same objects as Hier. Os!r. 60, 5. l. i, 308. For a picture of its present state, cf. Rapport DeM. 1923-24, pI. X.
71 He is called rml-lst in O. Berlin 12 343, 1. The designation bmww, 'carpenter, 74 The tomb at the southernmost corner of the Western ridge (see Rapport DeM. 1927,

in vs. I may be explained by the fact that here woodwork is in question. It does not 27f. and pI. J) with its long ramp and wide forecourt, now partly caved in, is even
necessarily point to regular employment. more impressive, but anonymous.
536 ECONOMICS FEATURES OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN THE VILLAGE 537

those from the Twentieth Dynasty are less splendid-though that of TABLE 0
the chief workman AnQerkhew the younger (Tomb no. 359) reveals
some fine paintings in its various chambers.? 5 All these tombs point Sales of Oxen

to anything but poverty of their owners. date seller buyer price in


deben
One may observe that it was particularly the chiefs who built these
more impressive tombs, the ordinary workmen being, at least during I) O. Turin 9584 yr. 18, Ram. III doorkeeper Kha'emwese ? ?
the Twentieth Dynasty, of simpler means. In other words, that there 2) O. Turin 6628 yr. 19. Ram. III Amenemop~ doorkeeper Tja '0 45
3) O. [FAO. 1373 yr. 24. Ram. III scribe J:Iiiri chief workman 141
existed social stratification in the Village, which will have resulted in [Anl)erjkhew
three layers: an upper class of chiefs and scribes, a middle class of 4) O. OeM.56 yr. 25. Ram. III doorkeeper Kha 'emwese ? 50
ordinary workmen, and a proletariat of smdt, water-carriers, wood- 5) O. Gardiner 247 Ram. III/mid XXth Oyn. .. mo~ workman Minkhew· 100
6) Hier. OSlr. 24. I Ram. III/mid XXth Oyn. scribe of the necropolis ? 127
cutters, fishermen and gardeners, of whom the last two groups did not
J:Iori
even dwell in the valley. It may be worth investigating whether the 7) O. OeM. I I3 yr. I. mid XXth Oyn. ? Bekenmiit 120
documents contain any indications confirming such stratification. 8) O. Vienna H 2 yr. 3. mid XXth Oyn. Amenkhew policeman Amenkhew 44
9) Hier. OSlr. 16. 3 yr. 4. mid XXth Oyn. workman Penamiin policeman Amenmo~ 50
Firstly, it becomes apparent that the chief workman Pneb, a chief-policeman Nebsmen 120
0) O. Turin 9753 yr. 5, mid XXth Oyn. J:Iay
particularly nasty fellow, who secured his post in quite an irregular I) Hier. Oslr. 86. 2 mid(?) XXth Oyn. ? Amenmo~ 119
way, managed to put several of his subordinates to work for him.?!> 2) O. Gard. fragm. 3 mid/late XXth Oyn. policeman Shedsukhonsu scribe Nekhemmiit 47

We are informed that they decorated his sarcophagus, tended his


cattle, cut wood and made baskets for him. Even their wives had to a The beginning of the text is for the greater part lost. The name Minkhew (vs. 2) occurs in the sentence
work for him by weaving cloth. However, his colleague l:Iay, about swg in rml-1;1 Mnl-IJ'w. "remitted by workman Minkhew". Since he remitted the price he will have been the buyer.
whose character nothing unpleasant is stated, occasionally did the
same.?? That the workmen were rewarded for this work does not Of the others, only two were workmen, as against six instances of a
become apparent anywhere. We may conclude that chiefs possessed high official (1:I6ri twice) and five of lower officials. It should also be
sufficient power to employ ordinary workmen for private ends. Whether noted that nowhere does a water-carrier or a wood-cutter occur.
they had the right to do so is doubtful, but that there existed social By way of a check I have collected the same kind of data from
differences within the community is clear. nine texts in which a bed is the principal object,79 Here is mentioned
Another way of approaching the problem is found by studying to and 14 times the name of a seller or buyer,BO of whom two are said to be
by whom the most expensive commodities were sold. Taking the cattle, 'carpenters' (bmww), both of them sellers and probably makers of the
for instance (Table 0), we notice that among the 18 persons mentioned beds; they were probably actually ordinary workmen. No less than
either as seller or as buyer in 12 transactions there are: two chief nine times a particular person is said to be a rml-ist, one is a
workmen (if the Nekhemmiit, though called ss in O. Gardiner fragm. 3, chantress of Amiin, and two occur without any indication as to their
indeed held that office); the scribe of the necropolis 1:16ri (mentioned function but are both known as workmen. Nowhere does any member
twice, once simply called sS); one chief policeman; two ordinary of the upper class of the Village occur. A sample from a group of
policemen; two doorkeepers, of whom Kha'emwese twice; two ordinary texts chosen at random, in which the sale of a coffin is recorded,
workmen; and five times an unspecified person. It may be that among presented a similar result.
the latter yet another one or more important men are concealed. 78

;5 Rapport DeM. 1930, pIs. Ill-XXIII. of O. Turin 9753 mayor may not also be an idnw, but here a:gain there were
;6 Cf. Pap. Salt 124.2, 19f.; O. Cairo 25 516, vs. 3ff.; O. Cairo 25 521, passim. more possibilities.
;; Cf. O. Cairo 25 516, vs. 26f.; O. Cairo 25 517, 15, Ilf. ;9 Hier. Os!r. 18, 5; 52, 2 vs., A; 53, I; 65, 4; 86, 3 (+ O. Brooklyn 37.1880 E);
;8 It is not impossible, for instance, that the Amenkhew of O. Vienna H 2 was O. Berlin 12652; 14365; [e]; O. Brit. Mus. 50737.
the idnw by that name, though there were more persons called Amenkhew. The J:Iay 80 In three instances we find only "I", in one text only the name of the seller.
538 ECONOMICS

The conclusion must be that ordinary objects such as coffins or


beds were bought and sold by all workmen. In some instances one of
the parties might, of course, have been an official, since they, too,
CHAPTER FOUR
will have acquired coffins and beds, but the likelihood of finding their
names in those transactions still left to us is rather small. On the other
hand, in texts recording the sale of an ox, leading members of the
ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS
community occur more frequently than ordinary workmen. This
contrast proves that cattle was, though not exclusively, at least chiefly § 1. Preliminary remarks
the property of these officials. This is once more an indication of their
To what extent may the material from Deir el-Medina be con-
relative prosperity.
sidered as relevant for the Egyptian economy as a whole? The present
It is of course quite impossible to give even a rough estimate of
work would not be complete without an answer, if only a tentative
the 'capital' which a single workman possessed. In order to give what
one, to this question.
must remain a vague idea I shall mention here what is known of the
Two points seem to me to be beyond doubt. The economic outlook
scribe of the necropolis I:Iori, who seems to have been one of the
of the workman will not have differed from that of their contem-
most prosperous members of the 'crew'. It is twice recorded that he
poraries, and the role of 'money' in the Village will have been the
sold an ox, in Hier. Ostr. 24, 1 for 127 deben and in O. IFAO. 1373
same as elsewhere in the country, at least during the New Kingdom.
for 141 deben. According to O. Turin 9599 he bought tomb equipment
It also seems probable that price fluctuations, if such a phenomenon can
to a value of 165 deben, practically the most expensive coffins ever
be inferred from the material of this book, will not have been restricted
mentioned, for which he paid two oxen, one of which having a
to the community of the necropolis workmen. However, there certainly
value of 100 deben,81 and some garments. It is also stated that he
existed profound differences between the macro-economic structure
owed a certain Amenemope some 'money' in commodities (Hier. Ostr.
of Egyptian society and the particular organization of economic life
28, 1, vs. 2 ff.), but their value is not stated; it may have been
in the Village. Each of these four subjects will be dealt with in a
about 25 deben.
separate section. Together they constitute an attempt at throwing
These data do not allow of any conclusion other than that considerable
light on some aspects of the still obscure economic history of ancient
sums were involved in Hori's transactions. 82 Those of ordinary
Egypt.
workmen were generally le~s important, but this does not mean that
It will become apparent in the following sections that Egyptian
they should be called poor. The two debts of 76 deben referred to above
economics show a clear resemblance with the economic outlook and
may prove this. I fail to see how from the material of the present
customs of peoples we are accustomed to call, and who will be called
work more could be concluded within a reasonable degree of certainty.
in this study, 'primitive' peoples. It may be needless to state that I use
Clearly the higher classes of the community were relatively well off,
the word 'primitive' without any implication other than indicating
living well beyond the subsistence level. Whether the lowest stratum,
the principal subject of cultural anthropology. I neither want to suggest
the smdt, was one of poor people is uncertain, though possible. The
that these peoples were more 'primeval' or 'lower', or whatever else
ordinary workmen (rmJ-ist) could hardly be called proletarians in the
the term may have implied, than modern Westerners, nor that Egyp-
usual sense of the word. Comparison with the position of modern or
tian society as a whole should be regarded as 'primitive'. This subject
nineteenth century factory workers seems to me unfeasible. It would
is outside the scope of the present study. In my opinion, however, the
also be useless, since 'poor' is too relative a notion.
distance between ancient Egyptian and modern European economics
81 The price of the other is uncertain.
is so wide that it is useful to stress and perhaps even over stress it
82 One may compare this with the landed property which I:Iay divided among in order to avoid a too modern conception of economic life in
his children (Pap. Bulaq X vs.; cf. JESHO. 11, 1968, 147ff.). Though it is impossible ancient Egypt.
to evaluate these five patches of ground with their buildings, they will certainly have
possessed a considerable value.
From the vast literature of cultural anthropology on this topic
540 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 541

I have chosen by preference, though not exclusively, examples from not want money as such, she wants her blouse. If she cannot obtain
Africa to illustrate the ways of thinking and acting which I think her 5/-, then there is no point in selling her chicken. If on the other
I have recognized in the material of the present book. The reason for hand her intended purchase will cost only 3/-, then she will sell her
this choice lies partly in the geographical-which is not the same as chicken for 3/-."
cultural-proximity, but mostly in the coincidence of a collection of Although we are unable to present a parallel from Egypt, since
articles about a large number of African peoples and their markets purchases of a single garment or sales of a single chicken have
recently having been published. 1 The reader will find frequent refer- not been recorded, the description may give a clear picture of the
ences to it in the following pages. trade in the Village. Except, of course, that the Tonga use modern
By way of illustration I quote here a description of the Zande currency as medium of exchange, whereas Egyptian trade was basically
markets in the Sudan by REINING. After recording the various kinds of barter. The mentality was the same, however. One may formulate it
food which are sold, such as meat, beer and fruits, the author proceeds as follows: Egyptian trade was more concrete than ours. It is not
to say: 2 "The craft items most often found were sleeping mats of money that was wanted-the Egyptians did not use any money at
various types, pots of many sizes, baskets of many types and sizes, all-not valuables in so far as they represented money, but it was
plaited sieves, cups made of gourds, and locally made iron im- the objects themselves which they tried to obtain.4
plements. Less frequent in appearance were brooms of the local We came across various instances of this mentality. One of them
pattern, wooden basins, barkcloth, wooden furniture on the traditional is the price of a kbs-basket, which is a common grain container,
patterns, such as stools carved out of a single block of wood, or chairs, its capacity being roughly half a khar. Half a khar of grain costs 1
stools and beds made of wooden poles doweled together". With a few deben, and, therefore-in the Egyptian mind-the price of the kbs
variations, these articles are the same as those studied above in itself is also either 1 deben or 1/2 khar. Basket and contents belong
Part 11. Clearly not much has changed in Africa over three millennia. together. A close parallel is observed by MANNERS among the
Kipsigis, a Nilo-Hamitic tribe in the border area of Kenya. 5 Though
§ 2. The mentality in economic matters the practice of barter has declined in recent years, "even today one
may occasionally see a pot bartered for the amount of husked maize
Throughout this book we have come across examples of the Egyp- req uired to fill it".
tian mentality in economic matters, which appears to differ widely It is the same 'concrete' way of thinking that nearly always leads to
from Western economic ideas. The working of the Egyptian mind the choice of the deben of copper as the unit of account when prices
seems roughly stated to be concrete in relation to commodities, but of copper and bronze objects are recorded. Consequently, when a
vague in relation to their prices. I shall try to show that these are two certain amount of scrap copper occurs among the commodities ex-
aspects of one and the same mentality.
changed, its price is never indicated. Its weight in deben was the price.
The ostraca show the Egyptians to be what is usually called 'target
Weight and price, both expressed in deben, are hardly distinguishable
traders'. Of this type of trade the ethnographic literature presents
from one another. In the Egyptian mind there was no difference at
several examples. As one among many I refer to the description of
all, for the de ben 'was not 'money'. As MISS COLSON states about
the trade of the Tonga, a tribe of Southern Rhodesia, by EUSABETH
the Tonga: 6 "Frequently they treat money as though it were an
COLSON. 3 She relates of a woman on her way to the trading store
to buy a blouse worth 5/-. In order to acquire this sum she tries 4 SIMON and PHOEBE OTTENBERG, in speaking of the Afikpo markets of Nigeria
to sell a chicken for 5/-, not in the least disturbed by the fact that as they were around 1900, state (Markets in Africa, 128): " ... most trade was more
this is an exhorbitant price in terms of local exchanges. "She does (sc. than in 1960) casual and limited, and the profit motive does not appear to have
been as important as the desire to obtain required goods through simple exchange
I Markets in Africa, ed. by PAUL BOHANNAN and GEORGE DALTON (Northwestern
for more or less immediate use".
5 Op. cit., 493 fr. Quotation from p. 511.
University Press, 1962).
o Op. cit., 614. Cr. also HORNER about the Bulu in Cameroon (op. cit., 184):
2 Op. cit., 541 f.
"The modern Bulu conceptualize cash as a commodity".
3 Op. cit., 614f.
542 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 543

equivalent of some other valuable". If this holds true for a people In this example we find in combination what I termed above a
using modern currency, then it does even more so for the Egyptians, concrete way of thinking in relation to commodities and vagueness
who did not have wins. in relation to the prices. As soon as we are fully aware of this
A clear illustration of the working of the Egyptian mind in economic vagueness we develop caution in the explanation of odd prices.
matters is found in O. DeM. 73 vs., a text quoted several times In O. DeM. 223, for instance, coffins are sold for 20 1/2 deben.
elsewhere in this book. It runs: The half is the result of the price of a pair of sandals, valued at
I. Given to him in exchange for the coffin: 1 1/2 deben, while all the other prices are stated in round figures.
2. copper, 8 1/2 deben; further, copper, 5 deben; However, the exactitude which we would be inclined to presuppose
3. I pig, makes 5 deben; I goat, makes 3 deben; 1 goat, makes may exist only in appearance. The last item contributing to the total
[2 deben]; is called "handiwork on a s~r which he made", and is valued at
4. 2 (logs of) sycomore wood, makes 2 deben. Total, 25 1/2 deben. I deben. This was certainly a rough estimate, since it was hardly
Prices with half a deben are extremely rare, and no doubt the total possible to put an exact value upon the time and skill required to
is meant to be roughly 25 deben, quite a normal price for a coffin. make such a basket. Custom tended to express the notion of the
The total is obtained by adding together the value of a pig, two goats, value of objects and work in round figures. Hence the price of the
skr was stated to be 1 deben, that of the sandals about halfway
two pieces of wood and two quantities of copper. About the value
of the animals and the wood both parties had roughly the same between 1 and 2 deben, that is 1 1/2 deben. That by this procedure the
notion, as they did about the value of the coffin. That of the quan- total turned out to be just above the not uncommon price of
20deben for a coffin was of no consequence; it is not as exact a price
tities of copper-probably, though this is not stated, copper in scrap
pieces-was not clear at first sight, but the material can be weighed. as it suggests itself to us to be.
The scale showed that the first amount was roughly 8 1/2 deben, This inexactitude and vagueness is not a characteristic of the Egyp-
tian economy alone, but is found everywhere among primitive peoples.
the second 3 deben. Weights smaller than halfa deben were overlooked.
I shall quote here two examples. ROTBERG, in his study on Rhodesian
After bringing together all the commodities, both parties agreed
markets, states 8 : "Measurements by vendors and buyers were usually
to the transaction and the coffin changed hands. That the buyer paid
inexact. Scales ... were almost unknown. Produce tended ... to be
what seems to be somewhat more than the usual 25 deben did not
measured in terms of heaps, shallow or deep bowls, four-gallon
trouble him. Being a target trader, he wanted this particular object,
paraffin tins, smaller tins, baskets or by guesswork"; and REINING
and he was willing to offer for it the objects which the seller required. 7
states about the Azande 9: "In selling, Azande are not precise, in a
Therefore there is no reason for suggesting on the basis of the price
western sense, for they are content with estimates and rough judgments
that the seller took advantage in any way of the buyer's wish to
of quantities involved".
obtain this particular coffin, or to obtain it at that particular moment.
This inexactitude is apparent everywhere in Egyptian texts. In the
That the total was recorded as 25 1/2 deben instead of the usual 25
Giornale dell'anno 17, B, vs. 2 A, 9 10 are added together two quan-
is a result of the circumstance that the buyer by chance possessed
tities of fish, one of 120 deben and one of275 deben. The total is supposed
two quantities of copper which the seller was willing to accept as
to be 400 deben. This is not an error, but the result of what we regard
part of the payment, and that copper can by its nature be weighed,
as a vague notion of the quantity of '400 deben'. Another instance
while all the other prices had to be fixed by estimation.
is found in Pap. Cairo 65 739. 11 In line 10 ten deben of scrap copper
7 The same mentality in a seller is demonstrated by Pap. Cairo 65 739 (JEA. 21, are valued at 1 kite of silver, but in line 8-9 a bronze vessel weighing
1935, 140ff.). A merchant selling a Syrian girl received payment mainly in garments
and bronze vessels, although he also accepted a pot of honey, but not furniture or 8 Markets in Africa, 591.
suchlike, though the lady buying the girl will have possessed this too. The seller, 9 Op. cit., 537.
who will have been an itinerant merchant, did not want the latter, but wanted easily 10 BOTTI-PEET, pI. 29.
movable objects. . 11 See p. 542 note 7.
544 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 545

18 deben costs 1 2/3 kit~, in line 9 one of 14 deben 1 1/2 kit~, whereas economic life of ancient Greece and Rome. 13 Still further removed
a third one of 16 deben in line 10 also costs 1 1/2 kite. Of course the from us are the ancient Egyptians, for whom a price of 20 1/2 deben
main reason for this inexactitude is the impossibility of expressing was the same as one of 20 deben. It is the desired object on which their
the exact equivalent of 14, 16 or 18 deben of copper in terms of the attention is concentrated, not its abstract price. In this respect the
silver measure; but whereas we would look for means of making the Egyptians were 'primitive'.
expression of the actual value more exact, the Egyptians were not
troubled at all. Their prices were merely rough means for noting § 3. The money
different values. They were mainly interested in the objects themselves,
and not so much in their abstract prices. The trade of which the records are here being studied is either
Another aspect of this inexactitude is found in texts where the hire barter or money-barter. The latter is the system in which an object
of a donkey is recorded. The usual price for this was 1/2 oip~ a day. or an abstract unit serves as unit of account. Although the unit itself
In Hier. Ostr. 29, 1 the period was 107 days, whereas the price is said may be regarded as 'money', the system cannot be considered to be
to be 25 deben instead of 107 X l / 2 oipe = 13 khar and 1 1/2 oipe, a monetary system 14. Money-barter logically constitutes an inter-
which would be a little over 26 deben. That the difference is not due mediate stage in the progress from a barter economy to a money
to a lower value of the khar is apparent from comparison with economy. Logically, that is to say, a stage in a theoretically evolu-
O. DeM. 69. Here a donkey is hired for 15 days, which would cost tionary development. That the actual historical development does not
7 1/2 oipe or 1 khar and 3 1/2 oip~. In fact, it is noted down as alway progress along theoretical lines is too well-known a fact to
I khar and 3 oip~. The implication is not that the owner of the donkey need argumentation. 15
received less than usual, but that the price is expressed only in Money-barter is not confined to ancient Egypt. It is, for example,
vague terms. described by HERSKOVITS in his handbook 16 as the economic system
It is this mentality that is the cause of our main problem in of the Ifugao of the Philippines, where rice is found as the unit of
converting prices expressed in sniw and hin into deben prices. Some- account. Other instances are mentioned by AMES (cloth money among
times the sniw is quite obviously meant to be the equivalent of 5 deben, the Wolof of the Gambia) 17 and DORJAHN (salt in central Sierra
as, for example, in the prices of mss-garments. In other instances, Leone).18 In all these instances it is suggested that the existence of
however, 1/2 sniw seems to correspond to 2 deben rather than 2 1/ 2, money-barter indicates that the economic system is in transition,
while again 1 hin, though equalling 1/6 sniw, may sometimes be equal since Western influence is always clearly perceptible. That this is
to 1/2 deben. not the only possible factor may follow from a remark of MICHELL's
In all these instances the mental process appears to be more akin about the use of the ox as a unit of account in early Greek history:
to what we know of primitive peoples than to a modern Western "It must be understood that the ox was seldom used as a medium of
mentality. It is to ethnography that we have turned to find parallels exchange, but rather as a unit with reference to which prices could be
which will enable us to understand the ancient Egyptians, whereas
modern economic science proves to be of a very limited value.
13 Cf., e.g., the remarks made by MIC HELL (The Economics of Ancient Greece,
Economic anthropology has begun to realize the effects of this 1957, 325) that Greek silver coins were never "minted according to individual weight,
difference between modern economic laws and reality among the but according to the number of pieces which could be made from a state amount of
primitive peoples,12 and students of economic history of the classical silver, thus giving rise to the inexactness in weight of coins that has proved so
tantalizing to numismatics". Here we come across the same conflict between the
antiquity are also beginning to understand that they need the help modern and primitive mind.
of ethnography in the explanation of some of the features of the 14 Cf. PAUL EINZIG, Primitive Money, 1951, 327ff.

15 Cf. MELVILLE J. HERSKOVITS, Economic Anthropology, 1952, 184.


16 Op. cit., 213ff.

12 Cf. e.g., G. DALTON, Economic Theory and Primitive Society (Amer. Anthropo- 17 Markets in Africa, 37 f. and 43.
18 Op. cit., 84.
logy 63, 1961, 1-25) and R. FIRTH, Elements of Social Organisation 3 , 1961, 122ff.
546 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 547

indicated".19 In Egypt neither, of course, can Western influence have payment largely with the intention of employing it for making
contributed to the origin of the system, nor is it proof of a state of payments". It is clear that the three Egyptian kinds of 'money' all
transition in the economy. On the contrary, Egyptian society appears conform to the required standard, and that they are employed for
to us as one of the most stable in the world. Twice a collapse was reckoning payments, but not for making such actual payments.
survived, namely the First and the Second Intermediate Period; Although copper and grain may occur among the commodities with
and so far as we are able to see, the use of silver 20 and grain 21 which payment is made, one cannot say that they are accepted with the
as units of account has survived with it. intention of using them again for the same purpose. The sniw, being
That the workmen of the Village used three different units of a silver unit, is not even known ever to have been used as an actual
account may seem to us rather complicated, but this is not a unique object in the Village. Our conclusion must be that the three units
phenomenon either. A few 'parallels can be listed. SKINNER states are money only in certain respects, and not in all.
about the Mossi of the Voltaic Republic 22: "... the equivalence In another section of his book EINZIG mentions a number of
between the cowrie, the old brass franc, and the franc C.F.A. works qualifications which money mayor may not possess and according
splendidly, (at least) when products are sold in small quantities ... ", to which it may be classified. 25 Some of them do not apply to
and EpSTEIN describes the intricate situation among the Tolai of Egyptian 'money'; in the case of others this is uncertain. The study
New Britain 23, where modern coins and the tambu, an indigenous of others still may shed light upon the problem.
shell currency, are used side by side. An important point is whether the three units were mutually
One may, however, ask whether the three Egyptian units of account, exchangeable or not. So far as trade is concerned, this seems indeed
the sniw of silver, the deben of copper and the khar of grain, can be to have been the case. The preference for grain in particular situations
regarded as 'money'. We have said above that money-barter is not a was due, as we have seen,26 to the fact that the khar could be
monetary system, though in some respects the units used are in fact divided into smaller fractions than the deben. Even the oipi!, or
money. It all depends upon the definition of that notion. We shall 1/4 khar, is sometimes again divided. Whether there existed a pre-
quote here the definition given by EINZIG, since he included in his ference for prices in khar in valuing basketry, and whether the
study all kinds of primitive money, in contrast to most economists material itself or the cheapness of basketry is responsible for this,
who take into account only the modern aspects of the problem. is a question dealt with above. There we have also mentioned the
EINZIG circumscribes money 24 as Ha unit or object conforming to a preference for deben prices in sales of bronze and copper objects. In
reasonable degree to some standard of uniformity, which is employed general, however the three units of account appear to have been freely
for reckoning or for making a large proportion of the payments interchangeable.
customary in the community concerned, and which is accepted in As for the rate of exchange between the khar of grain and the
deben of copper, this seems to have been more or less fixed, 1 khar
equalling 2 deben. This may surprise us, since the actual price of a
19 MICHELL, The Economics o( Ancient Greece, 314. Another instance of what

may be called money-barter is described by BARTH in Capital, Saving and Credit in khar of grain shows rather wide fluctuations in the course of the years.
Peasant Societies, 72. The pastoral nomads of southern Persia indeed are familiar There are, however, parallels to be found in the ethnographic litera-
with the use of currency, but it seems to be seldom used in the market and is, ture. ROBERT GRAY observed during his study of a Sonjo viJlage in
therefore. rather a unit of account than a medium of exchange. The same is found in
N. Somaliland (LEWIS, Markets in A/i"ica. 373). East Africa 27 that the people there, who used goats as means of
20 Cf. the so-called Hauskauf-Urkunde (Urk. I. 157f.) of the Old Kingdom, in payment, had an implicit idea of an average or standard goat against
which the .\"/ occurs as a unit of value. which the value of goods is measured, though of course individual
21 On the ~iiw-bowl, also from the Old Kingdom (GARDINER-SETHE, Egyptian

Letters to the Dead, 3ff. and 18), the value of a loan of several commodities is
expressed in grain.
22 Markets in Africa, 261.
25 Op. cit., 335 ff.
26 Cf. chapter JII, §3.
23 Capitan, Saving and Credit, 56f.
27 Markets in Africa, 487f.
24 Primitive Money, 326.
548 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 549

animals may differ widely in quality depending on sex, age, size and from the threefold value of the objects, but in the case of garments
health. Here we see the force of tradition, which also plays an impor- the stolen objects are not valued, and the penalty for a particular
tant role in ancient Egyptian economy. We shall quote here only two garment is said to be three garments of the same kind. The same
examples, namely the standard price of 5 deben for a mss-garment, is found in O. Or. Inst. Chicago 16 987. 33 However, these penalties
and the preference for particular values such as 5, 8, 10 and 12 deben may have been paid to the victim of the theft.34 Whether fines
above such as 9 or 13 deben. The price of 2 deben for a khar were ever paid to the government, or in what form they were paid
of grain may have been the average price during the Nineteenth or reckoned, is not known. 35
Dynasty, and on this the rate of exchange between the two units was Another point which may be of importance is whether Egyptian
still based, even when the actual price of grain had risen. money was fiduciary or had a full intrinsic value. The answer to this
The rate of exchange between sniw and khar and between sniw question varies in accordance with each of the three units of value.
and deben seems to have been somewhat more fluid. 28 This does The deben was by nature a weight; one deben of copper, that is
not mean that all three cannot be regarded as interchangeable. There c. 90 grammes, cost in fact 1 deben. The khar of actual grain, however,
existed hardly any preference for the use of one or the other in sale in the mid Twentieth Dynasty had an intrinsic value exceeding the
transactions. 29 Whether they were used as units of account in spheres artificial value ascribed to it as a unit of account. The sniw seems
of life other than trade is not clear. to have been the most abstract of the three. It stands for a certain
As for marriage presents, in later times indeed a certain amount amount of silver, but actual sniw objects-such as perhaps rings-
of money was given by the groom to his bride,30 but this was do not occur in the texts. Probably they did not exist at all. In that
done in times when coins were in use. Whether the value of case the sniw would approximate to fiduciary money.
such presents was ever reckoned in deben or khar dUJing the The last problem to which we shall refer is that of the influence
New Kingdom we do not know. The gift from the father of the bride of the State upon money. Do we know anything of what might be
mentioned in O. Berlin 10 629 31 consisted of grain, but its value called a monetary policy of the Pharaohs? There may be a few
in deben is not recorded. We gain the impression that bridal gifts indirect indications that certain aspects of the measures taken by the
belong to the same sphere as pure barter, and that the system of State influenced the value of money. In Hier. Os!r. 34. 4 is recorded
money-barter has not influenced this. a dispute about the contents of an oipe measure, which appeared to
Taxes seem also to have been levied in kind, though it is not known have been too small, since it contained only 38 hin instead of the
whether in some instances their value was perhaps reckoned in deben. required 40 hin. This only seems possible if some more or less
Since all the taxes we know of are grain taxes, the question seems officially established and gauged standard was in use. 36 Since an
rather pointless inasmuch as grain itself was used as 'money'. Of the oipe of grain was one of the units of value, however, there may have
possible influence of the fluctuation of grain prices expressed in been some government influence, though this was of course due
deben in the course of the year on the extent of the taxes nothing is rather to the custom of levying taxes in kind than to a deliberate
known. monetary policy.
Whether fines were reckoned in 'money' is equally unknown. In Decisive proof of the latter would be supplied when we would be
Pap. Leiden I 352 32 a threefold penalty is mentioned. In the case able to state that the change in the ratio between silver and copper,
of the bronze objects which were part of the loot and of which the which occurred sometime,during the Nineteenth Dynasty, took place
weight (= the price?) is noted, the penalty is hardly distinguishable
33 Loc. cit.
28 See p. '544. 34 The same seems to be the case in O. Berlin 14 214 (unpub1.), where a woman
29 See Part Ill, chapter Ill, §3. who had failed to pay a debt of 20 deben was condemned to payment of 30 deben.
30 Cf. PESTMAN, Marriage and Matrimonial Property, i31T. 35 Cr. LURJE, Studien zum altiigyptischen Recht (German ed. by SCHAFIK ALLAM,

31 cr. ALLAM, BiDr. 26, 1969, 155. 1971), 154.


36 cr. Pap. Geneva D 191.9 (= CERNY, Late Ram. Letters, 57,13).
32 Cf. CERNY, lEA. 23, 1937, 186-189.
550 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 551

at a particular moment. Then this would clearly be the result of inter- we have to take into account the vagueness of the measure used,
vention by the Pharaoh. Unfortunately there is at the moment insuffi- namely the 'bundle'. Adaptation of the size of the unit to fluctuating
cient material for either proving or disproving such a sudden change. prices, rather than a change in the price itself, is a common phenomenon
The results of this section do not appear to be very satisfactory, top in the markets of Africa in our days.37
many questions remaining unanswered. For a more profound study Another important point is the number of prices of a particular
of Egyptian 'money' the time does not yet seem to be ready. Far commodity left to us, which for our purpose should not be too small.
more material is required to prevent our falling into the trap of The combination of all these factors leaves us with an exceedingly
preconceived theories which are so widespread among students of the small group of commodity prices to base reliable conclusions upon.
origin of money. It will become apparent that together they point to the same, fairly
certain conclusion.
§4. Price fluctuations In Part 11, §8 we have seen that there was marked fluctuation in
One of the reasons for studying the date of each separate ostracon the prices for both kinds of grain, emmer and barley. In his article
(Part I) was the possibility that, if arranged chronologically, the Fluctuations in Grain Prices during the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty 38
tables of Part 11 would present a picture of the development of the tERNY has already stated that "the enormous ascent of both spelt
price level during the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties, and (that is, what we have called emmer) and barley prices towards the
thereby enable us to draw conclusions concerning economic fluc- middle of the XXth Dynasty is quite conspicuous". Although the
tuations during that time. Although it turned out to be impossible quantity of data used above is larger than that used by tERNY,
to establish the exact date of undated texts, the majority of them his conclusion still stands unchallenged. We are able to extend the
could be ascribed with reasonable certainty to a particular period, period for which grain prices are known, but this does not alter the
and may therefore confirm the picture derived from the actually dated results either. From the late Nineteenth until the middle of the
ostraca. Twentieth Dynasty the price of emmer oscillates between I and 2 deben
Less suitable for the study of price movements are the prices of per khar, or, what is probably roughly the same, between 1/4 and
objects the value of which depends mainly on size, material and so on. 1/2 snlw. 39 The material does not allow of conclusions as to the
For instance, the prices of cattle are less useful in this respect, and reason for this oscillation, though the obvious suggestion would be
this holds even more true for those objects the manufacture of which that it was due to seasonal movements, prices rising gradually between
requires an important degree of craftsmanship, such as furniture or one harvest and the next as stores became depleted. For barley prices
decorated coffins. The prices of an Isbwt, for instance, collected in the same holds true, although they tend to be somewhat higher
Table XXI (see p. 193), which range from 1/4 snlw or c. I deben to as than those of emmer,40 2 deben being the usual value of one khar.41
high as 30 deben, important as they are in demonstrating the variety For the middle of the Twentieth Dynasty, either in the reign of
which this object may have shown, are of no use in the study of price Ramesses VII or a few years earlier,42 we have found a sharp rise
fluctuations. Still, we cannot help noticing that variations in the quality
of a particular commodity in the Village were small in comparison
with those in the Western world. Garments indeed differed according 37 Cr. Markets in Africa, 95ff. and 346.
to the cloth from which they were made, but their cut was quite 38 Arch. Or. 6, 1934, 173 ff. Quotation from p. 176.
simple and uniform. Though by their nature not a really suitable kind 39 A few higher prices for both kinds of grain from the end of the Nineteenth

Dynasty may suggest a moderate rise at that time, but the data are too scanty to
of object for tracing price movements in our society, they are not to be conclusive.
be neglected in the present section, at least where the kind of cloth 40 Cf. Hier. Ostr. 50, I and O. Berlin [C] in Table I.

of which they were made has been recorded. 41 On account of the equivalence of 2 deben and I khar when the khar occurs

as a measure of value one may suggest that this price was quite stable over a long,
Most suitable for our purpose, however, are the data on some basic preceding period.
articles such as grain, oil and vegetables, though as regards the latter 42 In Hier. Ostr. 36, I, vs. 5, a text dated in a year 7, either of Ramesses VI or VII,
552 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 553

in grain prices, to an amount of 4 and even more deben per khar Other commodities such as garments, basketry, cattle, and so on,
for both kinds. In one text 43 the extremely high price of 8 deben for do not show signs anywhere of a regular fluctuation in prices. Higher
khar of barley is mentioned, but this is accompanied by a price of and lower values occur at random, with no apparent system. Our
4 deben for emmer. At the end of the Dynasty the level dropped to tentative conclusion must be, that an obvious rise in grain prices
2 deben for emmer and 2 to 4 for barley, which is still above that can be established around the reign of Ramesses VII; that there are
in the reign of Ramesses III and prior. 44 faint traces of a similar rise in oil prices; and that such a rise in the
Fluctuations in oil prices are less obvious (see Tables UII and UV). prices of vegetables, or of any other commodity, is not demonstrable.
Except in a few instances the value of I hin of sesame oil is always 1 For a period of high prices at the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty
deben. Some of the exceptions should be dated to the late Nineteenth the data are less clear. There seem to occur at this time a few prices
or the early Twentieth Dynasty, others to the mid Twentieth Dynasty. exceeding the level usual under Ramesses Ill, for grain as well as
The latter are contemporary with the high grain prices, but in contrast for oils and vegetables, so that a second, less sharply defined move-
with these they do not point to a closed period of expensiveness. ment in prices is not improbable. Unfortunately the material does not
Indeed, Pap. Turin 1907/8 and O. Cairo 25 588 both contain entries allmA' ".s to draw a more definite conclusion.
with an emmer price of 4 deben a khar and a sesame oil price of 2 deben There is yet another approach to the problem, namely by studying
a hin, but that is all we are able to state. Prices of mr~t-oil appear those texts which, since they bear a date, definitely belong to a
to possess striking stability. The only two above 1/2 deben per hin, particular reign. The majority of these 45 belongs to the time of
however, both again date from the mid Twentieth Dynasty. It may Ramesses Ill. Apart from a few isolated instances all the entries
possibly be suggested from these data that fluctuation in the prices reveal what may be called the 'normal' price level. Attempts at
of grain is reflected in those of oil, but the data are not conclusive. comparing with it the prices from the three ostraca dated in the
As for vegetables (Table LVIII), there is nothing that points to reign of Ramesses 11 46 were without result, since they do not record
rise in prices during the middle of the Twentieth Dynasty. Whereas really comparable values. The only exception is the price of 3 hin
at the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty some entries stating values of sesame oil in O. DeM. 31,4, which is 3 hin, that is 1/2 sniw. This
higher then 1/2 deben per bundle are found, the price in the mid means that the oil cost 1/6 sniw or roughly 1 deben per hin, that is,
Twentieth Dynasty is constant. As pointed out above, we cannot the 'normal' price. There is also a group of ostraca which on account
exclude the possibility that, keeping the price of a bundle constant, of the names may be ascribed to the same period 47. Excepting
sellers reduced its size. The records do not give any indication of variations which are to be expected everywhere, the value of the
this, but then this is not to be expected of them. commodities appears to be generally the same as later under Ra-
messes Ill. Prices in Hier. Ostr. 65, 2 are fairly low, but not con-
spicuously so. They cannot be used as indication of a generally low
a khs-basket filled with emmer costs 2 dehen, that is, 2 dehen for I khar of emmer. 1 level.

:·..I~·.
The conclusion that this low price proves that the price movement began after the
reign of Ramesses VI and that this ostracon has, therefore, to be ascribed to this reign, There are many ostraca which on the basis of the names are
seems to me too daring. We cannot rule out the possibility that here, too, the contents ascribed to the late Nineteenth or early Twentieth Dynasty, but
of thl! basket were adapted to the rising price. dated ones from this period appear to be almost completely absent. 48
43 Pap. Turin 1907/8. These values occur several times (cf. Arch. Or. 6, 1934, 177,

and JEA. 52, 1966,93, note 2). In one entry we even find 8 deben for a khar of emmer Attempts at establishing some reliable facts for these years have
and 24 for barley.
44 1 have refrained from drawing a graphic representation of these data, since in

my opinion this would create a false, because over-exact, impression considering the 45 Sixteen texts in all.
uncertainties as to dates and transcription of so many texts. For this reason HELCK'S 46 O. DeM. 31; O. Berlin 12647; O. Gardiner \33.
47 O. DeM. 49; Hier. Ostr. 62, I; 65, 2. Others do not mention suitable prices for
graphs (Materialien IV, 619) do not seem to me to be an improvement on CERNY'S
first attempt. HELCK dates a whole group of ostraca in the reign of Ramesses IV, comparison.
48 The only exception is O. Univ. College, from the year 2 of Sethnakhte, but its
though himself stating that this is far from certain. If this date is incorrect, the impression
from the graphs will be equally incorrect. prices are again not very helpful.
554 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 555

failed, possibly because the datings "late XIXth Dynasty" and "late correspondence does not point to a period of overall high costs of
XIXth to early XXth Dynasty" are too vague. Any fluctuation that living.
has occurred will have done so within these years, so that it would Hier. Ostr. 86, 2 may confirm this conclusion. It is undated, but
become apparent only by arranging the texts in a more accurate must be ascribed to the middle of the Twentieth Dynasty. 1 khar of
order than is possible. emmer here costs 5 1/3 deben, that is, even more than in Pap. Turin
From the ostraca bearing dates from the middle of the Twentieth 1907/8. A hin of mr~t-oil is valued at 2/3 deben, which means that
Dynasty it appears to be equally impossible to draw unequivocal it is one of the two prices above the normal 1/2 deben. However,
conclusions. 49 Hier. Ostr. 36, 1, from a year 7, either of Ramesses VI a sheet (lfd) costs 10 deben, and a coffin (wt) 20 deben, both quite
or VII, reveals throughout the price level of the previous period, normal prices. This accords too well with the data from Pap. Turin
as stated above in connection with grain prices. 50 O. Strasbourg H 84, 1907/8 for it to be likely that the latter should for some unknown
from the year 7 of Ramesses VII, records prices for the decoration reason represent an exceptional situation. Thus we are obliged to
of tomb equipment which are all quite normal. However, the material draw the surprising conclusion that the fluctuation in grain prices
for this subject is restricted to the mid Twentieth Dynasty, and not did not influence the prices of other commodities, with the possible
one of these texts is datable to a particular reign (cf. Tables XXXI, exception of those for oils.
XXXV and XXXVI). We can only draw the conclusion that the rise On the other hand, an examination of the Tables in Part 11 leads
in grain prices is not reflected by those for the decoration of coffins. to the equally striking conclusion that a considerable number of
Pap. Turin 1907/8 51 , which, as was said above, contains several commodities show impressive stability in price. I shall refer to a few
instances of the higher prices of both barley and emmer, also presents of the most obvious instances. A kbs-basket costs 1 deben (or 1/2 khar
in two entries (col. 11, 3 and 21) a price of 2 deben for 1 hin of or 1/4 sniw, which are equivalent values) 24 out of 27 times. One of
sesame oil, twice as much as the normal value. Though this is in the three exceptions is described as "a large kbs", and another is
accordance with the prices of grain in this text, the value of 1 bundle very doubtful. The value of a kbs does not appear to have altered
of vegetables was only 1/4 deben (I, 19 and 11, 8 52), that is, half the from Ramesses 11 until Ramesses VI or VII (Table 11). The same holds
normal price. Bearing in mind how easy it would have been to alter true for the pair of mnrjm + nlsr, which costs either 1/8 snlw or 1/4 khar
the size of a bundle instead of the price, its cheapness is all the more (Table VI), and for tmj + srjr, which costs 2 deben in eight out of the
conspicuous. Of the other prices in this papyrus those of garments eleven instances 53 (Table X). Fairly stable in price are also: the
may also be suitable for comparison. An idg (I, 20) costs 15 deben, wooden object called msr (Table XXII), which costs 15 deben in five
which is normal, but 12 srjy, even though made of sm' nfr cloth, out of eight instances; the gjwt-box, which is 10 deben in eight out
which was better than the ordinary n", are sold for 60 deben, that is, of the ten instances 54 (Table XXIV); and the sheet (lfd), nearly
5 deben each, and a dj/w, also of the more expensive material, for always 8 or 10 deben (Table XLIX). Very striking also is the price
15 deben (all in 11, 2). Though not quite unparallelled, these are of a mss-garment, which is mentioned 43 times, out of which it is
extremely low prices. Hence it appears that although the high level 5 deben or 1 sniw per mss no less than 37 times. Once more,
of grain prices in this text was indeed reflected in those of sesame such a stability in value is found throughout all periods, from
oil, all the others were normal or even fairly low. Such lack of Ramesses 11 up to Ramesses IX.
Here I would draw attention to a related phenomenon. The wages
of the workmen, insofar as they were paid in grain, also seem to
49 Hier. Ostr. 28, 2 (year 2 of Ramesses V) contains as comparable values those

of some kinds of basketry, which are normal; O. Gardiner 181 (a year 7, either of
Ramesses VI or VII) contains only those of a donkey and an ox, which are also 53 Once it is bartered for 1/2 khar of actual emmer, which is not a real 'price'.

neither high nor low. Note that two other exceptions, both of 3/ 4 khar, that is, I oipi' below normal, belong
50 See pp. 551 f., note 42. to the mid Twentieth Dynasty.
51 Published in lEA. 52, 1966,81 ff. 54 The first instance in the table is uncertain. On one occasion a giwt cost 10 1/2 deben,
52 In I, 19 fifteen bundles for 4 deben, with the usual Egyptian inexactitude. which is, in accordance with the Egyptian idea, about the same as 10 deben.
556 ECONOMICS

have remained constant during the Twentieth Dynasty. They were


7 1/2 khar for a chief workman and 5 1/2 for an ordinary workman
throughout. 55 Since it was basically food that was distributed, and
I ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS

primitive economies. Y AMEY formulates it thus 58: "It seems as if


for long periods particular prices, wages-rates, or rates of interest
remain unchanged, despite other changes in the peasant economy
557

not 'money', there was of course no reason for altering the quantity. at large. The economist, with his firmly entrenched idea that changes
If a family could live on this early in the Twentieth Dynasty, it could in prices both reflect changes in economic conditions and also bring
do so still at the end of that period. Hence the stability of the wages about adaptation to the changes, is perhaps somewhat suspicious
is further proof of the 'concrete' mentality; it was food, not wages of the reality of such inflexibilities". Not only the economist, I would
which was received by the workmen. Nevertheless, grain was also a be inclined to say, but everyone living in a Western society. Never-
commodity which could be exchanged, as its occurrence in many theless, the fact of the stability of prices is too common to be doubted.
transactions proves. It was even used as a unit of account, though not For an explanation we shall have to take into consideration the
as medium of exchange. To make up for the costs of a rise in grain overall picture of the economy as sketched in the preceding sections,
prices by reducing the quantitites distributed monthly, that is, to namely the target type of trading, the vagueness of prices, the dual
adapt the wages to the higher prices of grain, did not fit in with character of 'money', which is also a commodity, 59 and the peripheral
Egyptian conceptions. The wages in grain remained constant throug- position of the market, which will be studied in the next section.
hout the years, and this may have been a factor which contributed to A special factor which has to be taken into account is pointed out
the stability of prices. by BOHANNAN and DALTON in the introduction to the studies of
The lack of movement in prices except in the case of grains and oils African markets. 60 "Sellers of home-produced items", they observe,
may surprise the reader, as it did the author at first. Since I started "frequently are unable to calculate money costs of production because
off with the idea in mind-derived form CERNY'S article-that the they have bought no factor ingredients". Now, the majority of the
firmly established fluctuation in the prices of grain was a reflection commodities studied in the present book are home-produced, and the
of a general progression in the price level, it is all the more con- raw materials will have been mainly provided by the government. At
vincing proof of the contrary that I have been obliged to conclude least, there is no trace of any purchase thereof by the workmen from
to the incorrectness of this idea. outside the Village. So this will be one, though not the only reason for
An ethnologist, however, would probably have been less surprised. the stability of prices. In fact, it is but another facet of the same
Once more African peoples present a, number of parallels. ROTBERG, economic structure, in which tradition played a far more important
for instance, observes concerning Rhodesian markets 56 "Prices follow role than in our world. Variations in price of a particular commodity
supply and demand, but the elements entering into a man's decisions occur, as the present study amply proves, but they were due not so
about selling price are more diverse than they are in market-oriented much to the influence of rational economic laws such as that of
societies". One of these elements, as ROTBERG demonstrates, is the supply and demand, or to varying costs of production, as to irrational
conception of the trader of his own skill and initiative. KLUCKHOHN, factors such as the desire for a particular object, skill in haggling,
writing about Southern Ethiopia, states 57 that "generally accepted the pride of the maker in his product.
price ranges existed and for the most part still do, subject of course The relative absence of price movements, except in the case of
to haggling ... In general, it may be said that prices seem to have grain and oil, and stability in the prices of several commodities, are
stayed within a fairly narrow range". characteristics of the economy of the Village. Whether they are typical
These facts have been observed by several economists studying
58 Capital, Saving and Credit, 383. See also POLANYI in Trade and Market in the

Early Empires, 268 f.


59 Cf., e.g., EINZIG, Primitive Money, 425ff. EINZIG states that "in many communi-
ss See p. 460, ties fluctuation in the crops fail to affect price levels in either way, owing to the strength
56 Markets in Africa, 589. tradition by which prices are maintained for generations" (p, 428).
57 Op. cit., 419f. 60 Markets in Africa, 8.
558 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 559

for the Egyptian economy as a whole is not yet certain, as the Taxes are levied by the State, and redistributed throughout the country
material supplying the answer to this question is still quite scarce. in the form of education, traffic provisions, etc. Doubtless, however,
It looks to me to be probable, just as it is also probable, if not market exchange is the predominant pattern in a Western country.
certain, that the fluctuations in grain prices were not limited to the "Everyone derives his livelyhood from selling something to the mar-
Village. With this suggestion, however, we are touching on the relation ket",62 either products, labor, or the use of land.
between the economy of the Village and that of the country as a The lines of division between the three patterns in ancient Egypt
whole, which forms the subject of the next section. are still fairly obscure. I would suggest in a most tentative way that
the importance of redistribution was much greater than in our society,
§ 5. The economy of the Village, a sector of the Egyptian economy whereas market exchange was a mere peripheral phenomenon. Neither
To what extent does the economic structure of the workmen's production for the market nor buying in order to resell seems to have
community present a picture of Egypt as a whole during the New been common, if indeed they existed at all. Whether we are entitled
Kingdom? From the outset one point should be clear, namely that, to speak of a market in the sense of the determination of prices by
while all the data known so far point to the predominance of a the forces of supply and demand is still extremely doubtful.
subsistence economy in the country, the workmen did not produce On the other hand, the macro-economic structure seems to have
their own necessities of life. They were in the service of the Pharaoh, been that of a relatively self-sufficient peasantry dominated by the
for whom they had to build and decorate a tomb, and who provided State (the Pharaoh) and the Temples. Whether the State and the
them, both directly and indirectly, with all the provisions they needed Temples should, as far as the economy is concerned, be regarded as
for their daily life. This means that the Village represented an one and the same organization, is one of the main problems of Egyp-
exception rather than the rule in Egypt. Though of course it was tian economic history.63 This much is certain, however, that over
connected in several ways with the peasant society surrounding it, and above the more or less closed village economy, there existed
it constituted a particular sector of this, and obviously this was a centralized organization of State and Temple, which has left its
reflected in its way of life, above all in economic matters. traces in several texts. 64 The principle upon which this organization
As for the Egyptian economy in general, it would seem to me that acted was that of redistribution, and it is against this background
it is too early yet to draw the definite outlines of its structure. that the economy of the Village should be placed. 65 State and Temple
By way of a working hypothesis, though no more than that, one collected part of the produce of the land-whether as taxes or as
may perhaps proceed from a division into three main patterns of land rent is still uncertain 66_ and provided the workmen with the
economic structure, namely that governed by the principle of reci- necessities of life from their stores. In this system there was no place
procity, that of redistribution, and that of market exchange. 61 It for a market. There is, for instance, not the slightest proof that the
should be stressed that these principles are not mutually exclusive. Pharaoh ever bought food in order to provide the workmen.
In the Western world we are familiar with and use all three alter- In this light the picture presented by the ostraca of trade in the
natively. Reciprocity, the system of gift-giving, prevails at Christmas Village tends to be somewhat deceptive. Although commodities appear
time, at weddings, and so on. In the West, however, it is restricted to have been frequently purchased and sold, this is not yet proof
to a relatively limited personal sphere, whereas among some primitive of the existence of a market system. It does not imply that there was
peoples it is the driving force of the entire economy. The pattern of
redistribution plays an important role in our national economies. 62 DALTON, Economic Theory and Primitive Society, Amer. Anthropologist 63, 1961, I.
63 See BARRY l. KEMP, Temple and Town in Ancient Egypt, in: Man, Settlement
and Urbanism, ed. by P.l. Ucko, Ruth Tringham and G. w. Dimbleby, 657ff.
61 Cf. ·KARL POLANYI, CONRAD M. ARENSBERG and HARRY W. PEARSON, Trade 64 I would merely refer here to the Wilbour Papyrus and the Amiens Papyrus.

and Market in the Early Empires, particularly ch. XII and XIII; Markets in Africa, 65 cr. POLANYl, Primitive, Archaic and Modern Economies, 186f.

Introduction, 1-26; POLANYI, Primitive, Archaic and Modern Economies, ed. by GEORGE 66 Cf. BERNADETTE MENu, Le regime juridique des terres et du personnel attache

DALTON, Introduction, p. xiv. d la terre dans le Papyrus Wilbour (1970).


560 ECONOMICS ANCIENT EGYPTIAN ECONOMICS 561

production for the market, or that people bought in order to resell; from elsewhere in Egypt.72 Never, however, does the word swty seem
neither does it mean that the prices studied in this book were the to occur in the ostraca. The only text drawn on for the present study
result of the forces of supply and demand. It may be noted in in which we find a merchant mentioned is Pap. Cairo 65 739, but
passing that all proof of the existence of a labor market is also it does not originate from the Village itself. Moreover, it records the
lacking. How the workmen were recruited we do not know, but it purchase of a Syrian slave girl, and the transaction was therefore
may be suggested that they were appointed by officials and did not one of the category of foreign commerce. No doubt such commerce
come of their own free will, while later on membership of the 'crew' existed during the New Kingdom, but its importance in relation to
was definitely hereditary. the economic life as a whole will have been small, and whether it
Above I have used the words 'market system' in order to avoid ever touched the community of the workmen is unknown. The foreign
the ambiguity of the word 'market', also meaning market-place. It is products which they possessed were probably acquired through 're-
relevant to observe that the Village of the necropolis workmen had wards' from the Pharaoh.
no proper market-place. Where the transactions studied in this book The majority of the objects mentioned in the barter transactions
were carried on is seldom recorded. Pap. Turin 1907/8, 11, 1 says: were derived from the same source, apart from a possibly still larger
"Given to him in the fortress of the necropolis". According to Miss group of objects manufactured by the workmen themselves, such
THOMAS 67 p3 btm n p3 br was the name for Biban el-Mohlq, but as basketry, coffins and furniture. Whether the community acquired
it seems quite improbable that most of the trade should have taken some of the more valuable commodities such as oxen or bronze vessels
place so far away from the Village itself. Possibly the commodities by barter with people from other villages or from the city of Thebes we
changed hands from house to house 68. The small alleys in the do not know. These, too, may have been provided by the Pharaoh
Village did not provide suitable room for the long pal avers with which and the temples on festive occasions.
every transaction will have been accompanied. 69 The principal place How were the prices established when such commodities were ex-
for bartering, however, was most probably the square in front of the changed? We have seen that notions about prices were rather vague,
gateway, on the northern side of the Village. There we find the main though some notion thereof certainly existed, since people were able
public water reservoir, filled daily by the water-carriers,70 and there to express the value of commodities in relation to either copper,
we can picture a scene not unlike that at present seen every Tuesday silver or grain. In the preceding section we stated that tradition was
on the riverside at Luxor and on the opposite bank, where women the most important factor. The profit-making motive, though perhaps
from the neighbourhood flock to purchase and sell small quantities not completely absent, seems to have been of minor importance, as
of food and suchlike. 71 usually in the case of target traders.
All this cannot be proved from the texts, however. Moreover, the Whether all this holds true to the same extent for other categories
presence or absence of a proper market-place is not decisive proof of people, such as peasants or artisans, is not known owing to lack
either for or against the existence of a market system. An important of records of daily life from other villages and from the main cities.
indication would be given by the presence of professional traders, One should not preclude the possibility of artisans in Thebes making
who are sometimes, though relatively seldom, mentioned in texts their p~oducts for selling on the markets, for instance, and of prices
having indeed been determined by the law of supply and demand.
67 JEA. 49, 1963,62. The provisional impression from what we know of the Egyptian
68 Cf., e.g., O. Berlin 1268, 15-16 (see p. 504, note 53). economy at present is that such a market system, if it existed, was a
69 By their very nature the texts record only the results of the discussions. That

haggling was the common procedure, as always in the case of barter, is more than
peripheral phenomenon everywhere, but decisive proof still to be
probable. A small glimpse is shown by O. DeM. 194, where the offer of 89 deben for furnished.
an ox was rejected by its owner. Therefore we may conclude with the statement that we seem to
70 BRUYERE, Rapport DeM. 1934-35, Ill, 34.

71 Regular markets at fixed days have been rare in Africa previous to the European
occupation; cf. Markets in Africa, 470; 537; 582. 72 Cf. JANSSEN, Ship's Logs, 101 ff.
562 ECONOMICS

be in the following paradoxical situation: the only community about


which our knowledge of its economy is at present sufficiently extensive
to allow of reliable conclusions cannot be regarded as representative
of the situation in the rest of the country_

INDEXES

J
ADDENDUM
DOCUMENTS
The following documents quoted in the present book as "un-
Numbers in italics refer to pages on which the date of the text is discussed.
published" have now been published in L:ERNY'S transcription by Numbers in bold type refer to pages on which tables. The reader has to keep
SCHAFIK ALLAM in Hieratische Ostraka und Papyri. Tafelteil (Tiibingen, in mind that in the immediate context of these tables the same texts are referred to
under the number they bear on the tables.
1973) : (u.) means that the document is unpublished.
O. Berlin 11241 = pIs. 8-9
12654 = pIs. 12-15 A. GRAFFITI
14214 = pIs. 16-19 1081 30
no.61 72
O. Gardiner 140 = pI. 42 92 31 1082 61,80
152 = pI. 43 223 44 1109 90
280 65 1111 44, 74
181 = pI. 47 65 1114 70
285
182 = pI. 48 297 41 1125 44
O. Turin 5941 = pIs. 64-65 298 30 1140 45 n. 61
305 61 n. 96 1143 44,74
6672 = pIs. 66-67 1162 54 n. 81
306 61 n. 96
9611 = pIs. 68-71 307 65 1207 72
352 41 1217 65
445 82 1252 25 n. 6
774 72 1273 70
803 47 n. 65 1280 45
839 80,81 1282 284 n. 165,290
851 70 1288 30 n. 19
885 72 1289 30 n. 19
886 63 n. 99 1297 65
889 72 1355 30 n. 19
1022 44 1376 43 n. 56

B.OSTRACA
O. Aberdeen 9897 (u.) 38, 71
1317 see Hier. Ostr. 61, 2 10626 (u.) 24, 80, 141, 166, 203,
O. Amarna 386,499 n. 28, 500 n. 30,
4 337 n. 46 505 n. 61
O. Ashmolean Mus. 10629 24, 301, 424 n. 92, 548
1933.810 (u.) 62 10631 154 n. 96,364 n. 23, 424
1945.36 (u.) 23,422,505 n. 63 n. 95, 446 n. 57
1945.39 see Hier. Os!r. 72, I 10632 481 n. 101
1949.335 (u.) 83 10 643 (u.) 24, 222, 266, 300, 372,
O. Berlin 411,497 n. 14
1121 23,61,168 10655 198
1268 (u.) 16, 23, 27, 65, 71, 102 10663 47,66 n. 110
n. 6, 103 n. 13, 105, 106, 10665 25, 58, 77 n. 151, 91,
171, 172, 173, 181, 214 114, 117, 124, 127, 128,
n.50,216,233,266,399, 131, 144, 158 n. 106,
504,513,516 n. 26,522, 159, 199, 295, 331, 361,
560 501,512 n. 15
566 INDEXES DOCUMENTS 567

11 238 456 n. 4, 457 5649 see Hier. Ostr. 86,2 25 510 70 n. 210, 360 n. 9, 361.
11 241 (u.) 78 8510 65 25511 18 439n.19
11254 75 n. 144 29555 (u.) 28, 48, 57. 62, 141, 150, 25512 18,60,71 25584 32
11 259 (u.) 25, 141, 266, 267 n. 74, 152, 153, 156, 181, 239 25 515 18,456 25585 32, 113. 131, 140. 141.
275, 279, 295, 337 n. 45, n. 159, 241, 262, 331, 25516 18, 536 n. 76 and 77 262, 304. 305, 351
339, 399. 494 372,402 n. 18,403, 501 25517 18, 73, 536 n. 77 25587 32. 156, 374, 516 n. 2S
11 260 (u.) 7 n. 14, 25. 185 n. 21, 50 730 (u.) 21,45,80,91 25518 18 25588 32. 34. 57. 64, 84, 89.
190, 198. 200, 202, 206, 50 736 (u.) 29, 134, 159, 186, 295. 25519 18,29,60,81,403 n. 29 110, 114, 118, 131, 166.
391, 392. 503 n. 56 302 n. 19, 502 n. 44 25 520 18,86 193,207,283,295,317.
12337 355, 456 n. 3, 491, 492 50737 (u.) 29, 102 n. 7, 134, 181, 25521 18, 19, 37, 71, 81, 86, 331, 349, 350, 394, 409.
n.141 275.287,411,442 n. 37, 215 n. 61 and 62, 312 411,498,515,552
12343 26, 74, 151, 181, 183 512 n. 9, 537 n. 79 n. 4, 316 n. 27, 318 n. 33, 25589 504 n. 52
n. 12, 196 n. 61, 198, 50 744 (u.) 33, 42, 49, 65, 71 457 n. 16, 536 n. 76 25 590 33, 108, 156, 262, 331.
199,203, 204, 205, 214, 65935 see Hier. Os!r. 56, 2 25522 18,56 334 n. 21,335,402, n. 18.
215 n. 63. 224, 225 n. 92, 65941 see Hier. Os!r. 57,1 25523 18 403,412 n. 28, 413, 496
229, 230 n. 109, 235, 65956 see Hier. Ostr. 47,1 25525 18 n. 12 n. 9
237, 241, 279, 386, 389 O. Brooklyn Mus. 25526 18 n. 12 25591 458 n. 19,470 n. 68
n. 4, 390, 391, 503, 505 37 1880E (u.) 24, 30, 66, 73, 80, 123, 25532 64 25 592 465 n. 55
n. 62, 534 130, 134, 145 n. 58, 148 25534 31 25593 18,58
12405 (u.) 26, 83, 115, 122, 129, n. 72, 149, 166, 180, 25536 457 n. 15 25594 436 n. 6
132, 167, 168, 173, 177, 184,186,331,370, 371, 25539 458 n. 17 25595 491
184,221 n. 83, 236, 347, 521,537 n. 79 25540 457 n. 15 25596 33, 110 n. 42, 288, 385
371,498 O. Brussels 25541 457 n. 15 25597 27, 33, 40, 49, 58, 83,
12 647 (u.) 26,256 n. 36, 272 n. 97, E 301 65, 84 25542 72,457 n. 15 295,390
275, 294, 302 n. 19, 553 E303 49,66 25543 31, 46, 102 n. 6, 119, 25598 24,61,76,81 n. 161
n.46 E 304 408 n. 10,415 n. 46 130, 170, 172, 281 n. 25599 54
12 652 (u.) 27, 80, 178, 179, 182, E 305 34,212 n. 32, 232 n. 133, 152,286,336 n. 38, 351, 25601 34, 101, 216, 221 n. 82,
206, 308, 501, 502, 537 401 n. 16 365, 369, 374, 375, 376, 232, 233
n.79 E 311 30, 262, 294 377, 381, 382, 490, 499 25602 34, 124, 131, 144, 147,
12 654 (u.) 20 n. 23, 21, 41, 50, 55, E 6339 (u.) 30, 203 n. 17 and 19, n. 27, 515, 520 n. 37 148, 150, 158, 159, 163,
75,91 204, 374, 449 25 553 41, 70 n. 127, 150 n. 75 262, 277, 288, 292, 335,
14214 (u.) 27, 141, 189 n. 41, 190, O. Cairo 25555 24, 42, 46, 70, 74, 77 338 n. 48, 339, 494, 516
198,200 n. 11,202, 549 25052 65 n. 106 25556 17 n. 8, 18 n. 11 n. 27, 520 n. 38
n. 34 25096 42-43 25559 492 25603 41
14222 232 n. 133 25 120 80 25 562 41,61,75 25606 34, 42, 113, 120, 128,
14260 (u.) 27, 28, 158, 166, 262, 25234 20 n. 23, 459 25566 387 131, 136 n. 12,262, 361,
497 25237 39 n. 39, 87 25568 312 n. 4 442,497
14262 (u.) 28 25242 30, 66, 101, 109, 110 25572 31, 35, 108, 109, 112, 25608 460, 461, 462 n. 46
14271 (u.) 27,320 n.44, 113, 117, 131, 181, 123, 130, 147, 148, 154, 25609 65 n. 104
14365 (u.) 28, 134, 166, 537 n. 79 184, 214 n. 46, 233, 296 156, 177, 184,272 n. 95, 25612 140,181,198,272 n. 109,
14 366 (u.) 28, 102 n. 6, 214 n. 48, n.216,303,405,423,503 275, 287, 294, 322, 331, 278 n. 135, 291 n. 199
233,236 n. 49, 505 n. 60, 506, 509 334 n. 21, 335, 337 n. 43, 25613 49 n. 129
[C] (u.) 28, 114, 120, 128, 131, 25 314 326 n. 78 339, 360 n. 9, 361, 399, 25614 470 n. 68, 474 n. 82
134, 166, 181, 501, 512 25342 5 400, 436 n. 5, 437, 499 25618 34, 312 n. 3, 319
n. 9, 537 n. 79, 551 n. 40 25 362 30, 57, 58, 96 n. 8, 216, n. 29, 505 n. 59, 507 n. 25619 140,161
[Dj (u.) 28, 190 327, 328, 505 n. 64 72 25624 140, 153 n. 88, 334 n. 22,
25364 43 25573 39 344 n. 8, 419 n. 65, 488
O. Brit. Mus. 25502 490 n. 128 25 574 21 n.123
5625 64 n. 101,75,82 25504 41, 205, 330 n. 6, 350 25575 21 25629 312 n. 4
5633 see Hier.Ostr. 86,1 n. 43, 441 n. 29, 489, 25576 21 25632 458 n. 19,470 n. 68
5634 see Hier.Ostr. 83-4 491,492 25577 21 25635 40, 484
5636 see Hier.Ostr. 86, 4 25508 318 n. 33 25581 314 n. 20 25640 54 n. 78
5643 see Hier.Ostr. 85,2 25 509 17, 18, 312 n. 3, 313 25583 32, 56, 110 n. 44, 293 25642 31,41
5644 see Hier.Ostr. 86,3 n. 14,318 n. 33, 319
568 INDEXES
DOCUMENTS 569

25645 403 n. 30 25796 18,19,39,71


8 412 n. 31,485',488 45 49,464, 466, 469, 485 n.
25654 34,361 25797 18, 19
9 412 n. 31.485,488 110
25655 35. 52, 90, 110 n. 44, 25798 323 n. 66, 458 n. 16
10 412 n. 29 and 31, 426 46 30 n. 20, 73, 337 n. 43,
141, 202, 294, 355 n. 73, 25799 458n.21
n. 114, 485, 488 338 n. 48 and 50 and 53,
360 n. 10,361.494 25800 36. 64. 162. 189. 190.
11 412 n. 31,485,488 435. 466, 469. 473, 480.
25660 74 n. 141. 488 n. 123, 193. 200. 202. 398 n. 8.
12 412 n. 31, 485.488 486.489,491
492 n. 142 399
13 412 n. 31,485,488 47 27.38,51.467.471,472,
25665 90 25802 458 n. 19
14 412 n. 31. 485, 488 482, 485 n. 110
25670 7 n. 14, 231, 326. 327, 25803 319
15 412 n. 31, 434 n. 175, 48 483 n. 105
506 25804 59
485, 488 49 38, 74 n. 136, 134, 152,
25671 45 n. 61 25805 312 n. 3
16 412 n. 31, 485,488 159, 183, 216, 222, 227,
25677 145. 154 n. 96, 158, 175 25809 45 n. 61, 462
17 412 n. 31, 434 n. 175, 266, 267 n. 75, 361, 396,
n. 24. 205, 293 n. 206, 25810 470 n. 68
485, 488 424, 502, 505, 553 n. 47
330 n. 4. 365 n. 28 and 25811 318 n. 33
18 412 n. 31, 485,488 50 39.60,71, 123,130,134,
31.419 n. 66, 429, 431 25820 336 n. 35, 490 n. 129
19 434 n. 176, 485, 488 156, 166, 361, 374, 439
n. 153, 432, 433 n. 173, 25832 456 n. 4
20 434 n. 176,485,488 n. 19,440,502 n. 39
446 n. 57 [154] 36, 154, 156, 372
21 434 n. 176, 485, 488 51 39, 136 n. 13, 146, 155,
25678 149,154,306 n. 51,308. [181] 36, 183, 222, 396
22 426 n. 114, 485, 488 156, 277 n. 134, 278 n.
326 n. 80, 337 n. 44. [182] 36, 206, 262, 354
23 485, 488 139,293 n. 204, 294
338 n. 52, 365 n. 31, 366 O.terny 24 485, 488 52 360 n. 10
n. 35, 435 n. 182, 441 1 (u.) 36, 155, 192, 193 n. 52, 25 485,488 55 38
n. 29, 446 n. 63 195, 262, 292, 331, 339, 56
26 485,488 40, 173, 537
25679 185,293 n. 211 509 27 57
485, 488 54, 498 n. 23, 508 n. 73
25680 353, 444 2 (u.) 36,262,279 60
28 485, 488 493
25682 35, 144 O. terny 3 + 62
29 104 n. 15, 344 n. 5, 509 40, 168
25684 35,173,285 o Fitzwilliam 67
30 257,258,272 n. 107 507
25685 465 n. 55 Mus. 1 (u.) 373, 374, 391 n. 18, 393 31 24, 38, 109, 154, 156, 69 40, 89, 124, 326, 450,
25687 449
O.terny 228, 331, 344, 345, 496, 544
25690 402 n. 18,421 n. 76
5 (u.) 37, 89, 177, 374, 447 497,512 n. 10,519 n. 34 73 9,34,40, 166, 171, 177,
25692 35, 347, 433
20 (u.) 37, 202, 204, 215 n. 58 and 35, 553 216, 370, 442, 496 n. 9,
25695 338 n. 51, 435 n. 181
and 61, 224, 238, 241, 32 18 n. 13, 73, 462 n. 43, 512 n. 10,542
25697 479
244, 262, 266, 268, 292, 464, 470, 471 n. 74, 472 74 54, 399
25701 35. 103, 227
357, 391 n. 18, 447, 503 n. 75, 473 75 349 n. 35
25703 81
n.48 34 65, 464, 470, 471 n. 73, 85 257
25707 243 n. 182, 412 n. 30
O. Cochrane see O. Gardiner 264 486 86 257,272 n. 106,273n.1I3
25719 458 n. 21
35 49 87 257,272,273 n. 113,274
25723 291 O. Colin Campbell
36 61, 465 n. 57, 468, 482 n. 127
25725 35,52,61, 112, 130, 172, 2 (u.) 20 n. 21, 73
37 33, 56, 468, 473 n. 81 88 257, 258 n. 37
173,265,275, 492 n. 146, 5 see Hier. Ostr. 63,1
38 360 n. 7, 464, 465 n. 57 90 257,272 n. 105
509 16 (u.) 37, 40, 49, 55, 57, 63,
and 58, 468, 476, 485, 92 502 n. 44
25746 67 81, 88, 89, 93, 141, 156,
486 94 84
25753 470 n. 68 190
39 466 n. 61, 468, 482 n. 95 490 n. 131,491
25762 61 O. DeM.
104,484 97 360 n. 9, 398 n. 1, 439
25 771 vs. 36, 198 I 322 n. 54, 412, 433 n. 40 244,467,476 n. 87, 487, n. 20
25772 231 n. 120 168,434 n. 175, 485, 488 489 100 456 n. 5
25779 17, 18 n. 10, 32, 35, 77, 2 412 n. 31, 485, 488 41 20, 25, 61 n. 96, 75, 360 101 458
81,86 3 412 n. 31, 433 n. 68, n. 6, 467, 489 102 145, 149, 152 n. 82, 158
25780 17,77 450 n. 91, 485, 488 42 360 n. 6, 450 n. 91,464, 105 5,23,40,51,81,90,182,
25781 17 4 412, 485, 488 467, 471 n. 73, 486 186, 190, 194, 195, 196,
25782 17,56,60,62, 71,360n. 7 5 412 n. 31, 426 n. 114, 43 464, 467, 482 198, 199, 200, 202, 292.
25783 17,39,56,60,62,71,81 485, 488 44 30 n. 20, 85, 464, 467, 421 n. 74,422, 424, 494
25784 17,35,73,86,88 6 412 n. 31, 433 n. 168, 471 n. 73, 476, 485 n. 106 65, 355, 474 n. 84
25785 7 n. 14, 17 485, 488 111,486 n. 118,488 107 181 n. 6,185 n. 20, 389 n.3
25793 67 7 412,485, 488
570 INDEXES DOCUMENTS 571

108 531 164 20, 37 n. 36, 71 n. 128 229 149, 152 n. 82 307 46,134,405
109 314, 321, 322 167 20 n. 21, 73, 466 230 336 n. 37 318 110 n. 43,145,152 n. 84,
112 389 n. 3 170 468, 473 n. 79 231 43, 109, 141, 156, 161, 387 n. 118, 432 n. 160,
113 41, 74, 103 n. 12, 104 172 482 270,293 n. 207, 295, 335, 474 n. 84
n. 15, 172,173,266, 283, 173 18 n. 13 390,403 n. 30,405, 516 319 375 n. 34
292, 339, 399, 499, 508, 176 66 n.27 321 402 n. 19,403
509, 512 n. 8, 537 177 457,464 232 44, 49, 63, 90, 97, 103 322 31 n. 23
114 456 n. 4 179 461 n. 33 n. 13, 134, 293 n. 210, 328 39 n. 39, 73 n. 136
115 293 n. 204, 343 n. I 180 461 n. 34 294, 361, 370, 427, 507, 329 461 n. 33
121 355 n. 71 181 461 n. 37 513 n. 19,521 333 39 n. 39, 73
122 446 n. 56 183 42, lIOn. 43, 156, 158, 233 44, 105, 133, 183, 215 338 24,402 n. 19
123 154 159, 166, 267 n. 75, 269, n. 59, 226, 502 n. 43 339 7 n. 14
124 458 288,294,446 n. 64, 516 239 303 n. 29, 324, 408 n. 9, 341 257, 265 n. 61, 273 n.
125 309 n. 25 421 n. 71 and 76, 424 114, 293 n. 208
127 446 n. 57 184 465 n. 55 n. 97 344 158
129 388 n. 126, 389 n. 6 185 42,279,512 n. 13 240 296 n. 215 345 464
130 439 n. 20 187 286, 330 n. 4, 408 n. 10 241 34, 45, 59, 83, 295, 367, 346 412 n. 28
131 136 n. 16, 154 n. 96, 190 349 n. 35 and 37 369, 497, 520 347 46, 313 n. 14,315, 318,
265 n. 61, 267 n. 76, 194 4 7 , 175, 182, 198, 216, 243 32 319, 320, 321, 322, 324,
278 n. 135, 450 n. 87 279, 285, 331, 512 n. 8, 244 38 325
and 92 560 249 458 n. 19, 470 n. 68 351 449 n. 84
132 284 195 34, 42, 114, 124, 128, 252 457 353 489,492
133 40, 47, 64 n. 101, 75, 131, 136 n. 12, 141, 190, 253 66, 70, 71 355 356 n. 83
217 n. 64, 382 n. 75 310, 335, 339, 393, 496 254 65 359 330 n. 6, 508 n. 75
134 28, 488 n. 11, 497 n. 13 255 45, 61, 186, 187, 290, 361 508 n. 75
138 473 n. 79 198 103 n. 13, 272 n. 96, 273 291,503,512 n. 15 363 278 n. 135
139 349 n. 35 203 359 257 458 n. 21 369 33, 47, 57, 89, 93, 335,
140 535 204 56 n. 86, 65, 490 n. 131 258 257,258,261,267 n. 76, 368, 369, 514 n. 23,
141 461 n. 37 205 78 272 n. 105 516n.25
142 478, 479, 480 207 47, 50 259 488 n. 123 374 465 n. 55
143 479,486 n. 115 209 17,92 260 43, 45, 193, 360 n. 9 377 461 n. 33
144 481 n. 101,482 210 257, 273 n. 115 261 149, 505 n. 59 378 461 n. 37
145 38, 481 n. 101, 482 n. 211 257, 272 n. 105, 273 n. 262 79 379 464
102 111,286 267 387n.113and 114 380 462 n. 46
146 41,44,54,98 n. 19, 151, 212 257,273 n. 114 275 46, 294 381 461 n. 38
182, 190, 216, 247, 502 213 42, 58, 110, 113 n. 7, 276 457 386 464
n.44 128, 133 n. 6, 134, 147, 280 446 n. 64 390 38, 50 n. 68, 52
147 481 n. 101 148, 294, 361, 402, 403, 283 257,273 n. 115 391 493
148 45,50 404,497 n. 14,516 n. 25, 285 155 393 338 n. 48 and 50
149 459 n. 24, 461 n. 37 522 287 367 394 478
150 52,481 n. 101 214 32, 43, 62, 227, 287 289 293 n. 206,391,446 n. 57 395 479
151 38,481. 483 215 43, 45, 119, 125 n. 68, 290 67 397 69
152 481 n. 101,482,483 126, 130, 134, 293 n. 291 470 n. 68, 471 398 25,29,45,55,72,77,83,
153 464, 468, 472, 486 214,294, 502 n. 38 and 293 155,243 n. 182,330 n. 4, 84
154 472 n. 75 43 337 n. 44, 412 n. 30, 399 29, 36, 47, 59, 98 n. 17,
155 468,473 220 74 n. 137 425 n. 103 247,262,335,412 n. 28,
156 464. 473 n. 79 222 29, 42, 50, 70 n. 127, 295 155, 293 n. 207 413,417,501,512 n. 11
157 468.473 n. 81, 482 344 n. 5, 488 n. 123 297 7 n. 14, 46, 54, 64, 357,
158 468, 473 n. 79 223 43, 57, 113, 131, 134, 404,405 401 20, 56, 476 n. 88
159 464,468 162, 163, 228. 262, 283, 299 46, 133, 152, 361, 433 402 47,155.192,239 n. 158,
160 65, 466, 467 295,331. 442, 512 n. 10, 302 46, 173,276 n. 132 505 n. 59
161 49.467 543 304 140 403 64 n. 101, 505 n. 60
162 464,467 225 66 n. 112, 397 306 457 404 257,273,291
572 INDEXES DOCUMENTS 573

406 20, 32, 42, 60, 70, 263 589 150 n. 75, 373 224, 233, 237, 241, 266, 152 (u.) 43
n. 55, 492, 532 592 49, 89, 186 505 n. 62, 532, 533 154 (u.) 23
408 360 n. 5 593 40, 50, 60 n. 94, 63, 77 O. Gardiner 156 398 n. 2
410 25,29,48,81,337 n. 45, n, 152,84,91, 396 3 see Hier. Oslr. 22, 2 157 (u.) 55, 58, 299 n. 3, 300,
339, 420, 423, 495 594 67 n. 112,86,244 n. 185, 6 see Hier. Ostr. 20, 2 314 n. 18,315,411,417,
411 48, 121, 131, 361, 370, 245 8 see Hier. Oslr. 31, 5 426, 433, 434, 508, 522
505 596 373 n. 21 9 see Hier. Ostr. 24, 4 n. 42, 534
412 64 601 338 n. 47 16 see Hier. Ostr. 24, 2 158 (u.) 56, 92, 185, 186, 194,
413 29 604 491 33 see Hier. Ostr. 18, 3 195, 204, 216, 233, 374,
415 25 606 59 n. 90 36 see Hier. Ostr. 36, I 383, 385
416 403 n. 29 611 18,464 39 see Hier. Ostr. 18, 5 162 (u.) 33, 38, 56, 90, 181, 216,
418 47 612 45 n. 63 44 see Hier. Ostr. 24, I 262, 292, 298, 368, 369,
420 140 620 403 n. 29 56 see Hier. Ostr. 48, 2 497 n. 17, 500 n. 30,
423 140,147 n. 66, 242 n. 171 621 32, 86, 337 n. 44, 464 57 see Hier. Ostr. 51, 1 505 n. 61, 507, 533
424 29 625 435 n. 181 66 see Hier. Oslr. 59, 4 163 see Hier. OSlr. 58, 3
427 491 638 461 n. 33 68 see Hier. Oslr. 67, 3 171 (u.) 31, 57, 181, 195, 198,
428 48, 181, 182, 270, 278, 643 488 n. 123 91 see Hier. Os!r. 59, 1 390, 502 n. 44
288, 293 n. 202, 357 n. 646 482 n. 102 103 see Hier. Os!r. 52,2 172 (u.) 57, 110 n. 44, 116, 122,
84, 505 n. 60 647 403 n. 30 and 31, 458 105 see Hier. Os!r. 53, 1 129, 132, 166, 182, 183,
430 45 n.18 III (u.) 18,81,86 201,202, 208, 266, 289,
433 61, 75, 382 n. 75, 492 653 73 n. 133, 486 n. 98 ll9 see Hier. Oslr. 33, 3 331, 339, 344, 346, 361,
434 25, 48, 58, 62, 80, 82, 655 50, 173 123 see Hier. Oslr. 54, I 372, 437
153 n. 89, 185, 203, 300 667 51, 370 n. 6 126 see Hier. Os!r. 54, 2 173 (u.) 50
325, 386, 433, 509 670 76 127 (u.) 79,81 181 (u.) 25 n. 6,31,42,43,50,56,
435 312 n. 5 672 61,80 n. 159 133 (u.) 53, 76, 102 n. 6, 160, 57, 168, 173, 554 n. 49
441 278 ~3 14Q~2n.19 161,215 n. 61, 231,239, 182 (u.) 41
447 458 693 51,312 n. 3, 317 245, 246 n. 197, 268 183 (u.) 58, 102 n. 6, 143, 215
448 5 695 51, 294, 399, 402 n. 18, n. 77,292,310,496 n. 10, n. 63 and 64, 216, 217
452 257,272 403 520 n. 37, 553 n. 46 n. 64,218,236, 386,503
454 48, 325, 326, 355 n. 71, 696 355 n. 73, 359 n. 1 134 (u.) 31,46,53, 75, 191, 194, n. 49
423, 424 n. 97 699 51,263,281 195, 199, 202, 214 n. 52, 190 (u.) 58, 88, 214 n. 52, 216,
551 143 n. 52 700 51, 102 n. 6, 173 217, 224, 229 n. 105, 238
552 49, 102 n. 7, 106 n. 26, 1079 428 237,241,246,446 n. 64, 197 (u.) 38,72
112, 120, 128, 131, 361, 1086 vs. 51, 181, 216, 279, 293 503 n. 45 and 47 204 see Hier. Os!r. 50, I
422, 508 n. 75 n. 205, 357 n. 84 135 (u.) 41, 54, 98 n. 19, 383, 222 (u.) 58, 307, 348, 370, 444
553 44, 49, 112, 131, 156, 'Grand Puits' a 450 n. 87, 532, 533 226 (u.) 58, 155 n. 98, 194, 288,
159, 193, 205, 216, 233, (u.) 51, 120, 130, 331 136 see Hier. Oslr. 60, 5 514 n. 23, 516 n. 25, 522
262, 339, 390, 496 'Grand Puits' b 139 (u.) 54, ISO, 158 n. 107, 159, 231 (u.) 59, 149, 152, 361, 405
554 293 n. 204 (u.) 52, 112, 130, 331 161, 206, 217, 224, 241, 238 (u.) 10, 59, 115, 131, 141,
555 356 n. 83 O. Desroches 244 n. 185, 503 n. 48 295,401 n. 15,403
556 49, 163, 178, 232, 233, 6 (u.) 50, 52, 82, 89, 276, 288 140 (u.) 29 246 (u.) 75
294, 358,374, 497 n. 17, O. Edgerton 141 (u.) 54, 144, 205, 387 n. 113, 247 (u.) 59, 173, 262, 331, 496
498 I (u.) 52,168,500 398 n. 5, 402 n. 19, 505 n. 12,505 n. 58, 512 n. 8,
557 360 n. 5, 367, 450 O. Ermitage n. 64, 506 n. 66 515,537
569 203 n. 18 and 22, 449 2973 31 142 (u.) 51,55, 181,202,216 252 (u.) 59, 166, 204, 229, 262,
570 74 n. 141 O. Fitzwilliam Mus. 143 (u.) 57,72 294
579 34, 49, 181, 239, 241, I see O. Cerny 3 146 (u.) 55, 231, 236, 262, 386 258 (u.) 315
288, 304, 305, 309, 325, O. Florence 147 (u.) 55, 295 O. Gardiner 264 + O. Cochrane (u.)
341,372,434 n. 177,442 2616 243 151 (u.) 50 n. 71, 55, 140, 141, 37, 59, 304, 307, 308,
n. 37, 498 2620 47 143, 144, 146, 147, 166, 315, 320 n. 46, 417, 420
580 449, 509 n. 81 O. Forrer 314 178,217,224,232,233, O. Gardiner
582 509 n. 81 Lady Franklyn Hieratic Inscription 239, 241, 361, 503 n. 46, 272 (u.) 29, 50 n. 73, 60, 79, 324,
583 257, 272 n. 108 52, 151, 161, 199, 217, 520 420, 523 n. 43
574 INDEXE S DOCUM ENTS 575

285 (u.) 60.321.5 09 20, 1 59 30 456 128. 131. 144, 148, 155.
286 (u.) 39 n. 41. 60. 123, 130. 20,2 53,65, 123, 130. 136 n. 31, I 489 n. 124 156. 182. 195. 207. 216.
141. 147. 148. 156. 401 13, 142 n. 49, ISO, 153, 31, 3 461 n. 33 275. 287, 304, 331. 335.
n.15.403 . 508. 512n. 14, 161, 163 n. 120,385, 441 31,4 68,87. 166. 175 n. 24. 361. 434, 500 n. 30. 505
513 n. 23 21. 1 66.87,21 4 n. 53, 215 n. 199, 266. 283. 398 n. 4 n. 59. 506, 521. 533, 551
288 (u.) 23. 60, 202, 360 n. 11. 64, 216, 236. 522 and 5 and 8, 399. 400, n. 40
361. 500 n. 34 21,2 360 n. 11. 505 401. 494 51, I 18, 19. 32. 37, 60, 62,
296 (u.) 61. 120. 131, 134, 239 21, 3 474 31,5 53, 68, 198, 205, 266, 67.77
n. 159. 241, 306, 331. 22,2 29, 45, 49. 52, 53, 57, 285, 423. 494 52,2 53. 54. 56. 64. 70, 78.
339, 360 n. 11. 361. 383 66, 73, 78. 80, 85. 103 32, I 140, 330 n. 9, 450 n. 87 152, 184, 190, 262, 272
O. Gardine r fragm. n. 12, 113,156 ,247,262 , 32,2 68, 87, Ill, 134. 285, n. 97. 276, 288. 294,
2 (u.) 38 360 n. 5, 361, 424, 432 294,313 n. 15,393,4 20, 360 n. 10, 361. 493 n.
3 (u.) 61, 82, 167, 168, 173, n. 158, 442 n. 37, 495, 494 150,496 ,499 n. 29,512
174, 186, 190, 198, 504 500 n. 30 32, 3 81 n. 15, 531, 537 n. 79
n. 51, 536, 537 23, I 230 n. 114 33, I 230 n. 119, 272 n. 95, 53, I 42, 70. 134, 144, 147,
4 (u.) 61,103 n. 13,134,1 46, 23,2 49 492 n. 146 148, 156, 181, 192. 229,
202. 244, 245, 294 24, I 23, 33, 36, 53, 66, 79, 33,2 172,492 287. 288, 361, 501, 512
8 (u.) 62, 181. 186 90, 172, 173, 181, 189, 33, 3 53,69,85 ,195,204 ,224, n. 9, 522, 537 n. 79
11 (u.) 62, 262 190, 19\, 199, 216, 338, 262, 503 n. 45 53,2 39
22 (u.) 62, 141, 433 n. 173 339, 420, 425, 496 n. 9, 34,4 41, 90, 207 n. 32, 549 54, 1 39 n. 42, 53, 71, 109,
25 (u.) 62.261 n. 54, 337 505 n. 58, 537, 538 35, I 334 n. 22, 336 n. 37, 136 n. 13,141. 147, 148,
30 (u.) 186 n. 23 24,2 19,474 355, 356 n. 83, 488 n. 162, 163, 193. 200, 202,
33 (u.) 62,314 n. 18,411 24,3 69 123,492 n. 142 262, 283, 292, 331, 501
62 (u.) 62,207. 294,332 n. 16, 24, 4 53, 67, 136 n. 13, 146, 35, 3 457 n. 15,461 n. 36, 490 54,2 23, 24, 27, 38, 40, 48,
357 181, 182, 310, 361, 499 n. 130,532 51, 52, 53, 59, 71, 77,
83 (u.) 62,383 n. 29, 522 36, I 53,54,6 9,89, 114, 117, 87, 89, 103, 124, 131,
104 (u.) 62. 78, 133, 403 n. 30, 24, 5 364 n. 23 131, 134, 136 n. 12. 141, 194, 294, 368, 369, 374.
505 n. 59 25, I 84 153,156 , 163, 186, 198, 391 n. 14,501
123 (u.) 63, 120, 131, 283 26, I 465 n. 55 202, 295, 358, 372, 373, 54,4 45, 215 n. 64, 289, 492
Hier.Ost r. 26,2 412 n. 29 374,399 ,400,551 n. 42, n. 146, 508 n. 75, 510
7,3 28 n. 13 26, 3 37 n. 33, 62, 492 554 55,2 456
8, 7 328 n. 94 26,4 18 n. 14,24, 67, 84, 408 39,2 70 n. 127, 76 55,3 446 n. 57
16,2 26. 36, 44, 47, 51. 52, n. 11, 411, 415 n. 46, 42,2 81 56, I 154 n. 96, 355, 441 n. 29
55, 62, 63, 66, 68, 74 417, 428, 505 n. 64, 512 43, 3 493 56, 2 30, 71, 86, 92, 107, 108,
n. 139. 87, 89, 90, 98 n. 11,522 n. 42 43,4 31,531 119, 130, 183,262 .289,
n. 16,262 26,5 67, 87, 144, 207 44,4 152 293 n. 214, 294, 331,
16, 3 9, 32, 33 n. 29, 64, 83, 27, I 41 45, I 38,62,6 9,87, 113, 117, 416,417, 502
87.103 n. 12,173,1 74. 27,3 25, 46 131, 167,168 ,283,285 , 56,5 5
262. 263, 335, 340, 442, 28, I 5,67, 87, 182, 285, 357 294, 343, 461 n. 36, 500 57, I 30,49, 72,87, 116, 132,
498n. 22, 499, 504 n. 51, n. 84, 505 n. 60, 506 n. 34, 501, 512 n. 12 193, 204. 229, 275, 295,
512 n. 8,537 n. 68, 507, 538 45, 2 19 505 n. 60, 521, 534
17, I 74 n. 141 28,2 45,68,87 ,109,133 ,134, 46, I 24 57,2 38,140 n. 43, 293 n. 202,
18, I 500 145,146, 147, 162n. 119, 46,2 7 n. 14, 16, 41, 66, 69, 357 n. 84
18, 3 23, 33, 46, 53, 64, 70, 201 n. 12,202,2 29, 236, 86, 397 n. 50, 409, 410 57,4 434
114. 131, 181, 205, 208, 387 n. 117, 388, 502 n. 47, I 30, 32 n. 24, 41 n. 49, 58, 3 29, 36, 45, 56, 57, 61,
325 n. 76,331, 505 n. 61 44, 521 n. 40, 554 n. 49 66 n. 112, 69, 86, 168 66,72,80 , 133, 134, 151
18, 5 51,53,6 5,81, 155, 157 n. 11, 397 n. 50, 416, n. 79, 166,216 ,262,497 ,
n. 104, 295, 498, 501, 28, 4 68, 87, 110, 128, 133 417, 493 n. 150 498,501 ,512 n. 10, 521
512 n. 9, 537 n. 79 n. 6, 134,222 ,272 n. 96, 47,3 24,26,5 5 n.40
19, I 359 n. 1, 464, 470, 471 275, 287, 294, 360 n. 11, 48,2 21,41,4 6,58,84 59, 1 53, 73, 213 n. 39, 216.
n. 74, 473 n. 77 513 n. 18,521 49,2 186, 192 235 n. 144, 236, 364 n,
19, 3 23,28,65 , 87, 120, 131, 29, I 483,544 49,3 37 n. 34, 89, 498 n. 23 23,522
136 n. 12,144,1 95,200, 29,2 350 n. 44 50, I 58, 69, \08, 114, 120, 59,4 25, 27, 42, 53, 71, 74,
202. 262, 501 n. 36 29, 3 284
576 INDEXES DOCUMENTS 577

82,95 n. 3,97, 154, 183,


190, 262, 295, 400, 495,
497
66, 3
67, 3
460 n. 29, 465 n. 55
50 n. 70, 53, 63, 77, 91,
183,314,425,498 n. 23,
87, I
87, 2
88
493
145, 151, 152,368
312 n. 2, 313 n. 14, 318
1402
1403
1425
(u.)
(u.)
(u.)
84, 134, 149, 156
41
38
1
60,5 23, 26, 50, 54, 74, 88, 502 n. 33, 319, 458 n. 16 1501 (u.) 84, 314 n. 21, 410, 411.
101,213 n. 41,214,215 68, I 456 n. 5, 461 n. 36 115,1 155n.98 413,414,428
n. 63, 217,224,235,237, 69, I 446 n. 63 O. Hunterian Mus., Glasgow 1535 (u.) 314 n. 21, 410 n. 24
241. 391, 392, 503 n. 47, 69, 2 64 D 1925.70 see Hier. Ostr. 63 ,1 O. Leipzig
534 70, I 43, 382 n. 75,492 n. 145 D 1925.82 see O. Co1in Campbell 1 see Hier. Ostr. 26,4
61, I 54,55,498n.23 71, I 61,62 16 O. Liverpool
61,2 23, 42, 44, 47, 54, 61 72, I 23, 77, 78, 84, 215 n. 58, O.IFAO. \3 626 see Hier. Ostr. 62, 3
n. 96, 75, 76, 96, 166, 230 n. 119, 244, 245, 25 (u.) 433 0. Louvre
202, 360 n. 5, 363, 373, 262, 324, 498 83 (u.) 323 3263 see Hier. Ostr. 65, 2
495 72, 3 63,78,87,124, 127,131, 192 (u.) 431 n. 153 0. Metr. Mus.
61, 3 140, 147 n. 65, 291, 293 166 292 see O. DeM. 105 09.184.702 (u.) 35
n. 205,498 73, 1 52, 71, 469, 472 n. 76, 359 (u.) 81, 110 n. 44, 295 09.184.714 see O. Metr. Mus.
62, 1 38, 49, 53, 65 n. 104, 473,475,480,484 n. 108 362 (u.) 273 09.184.725
75, 87, \09, 110 n. 42, 74 328 n. 94, 330 n. 4, 412 389 see Hier. Ostr. 65,4 09.184.725 + 714 (u.) 84, 141
133, 134, 207 n. 34, 247, n. 28 514 (u.) 427 n. 117 14.6.217 see Hier. Ostr. 64, I
265 n. 62, 266, 267 n. 74, 75 197,207 n. 37 516 (u.) 314 n. 21, 321, 322 0. Michael.
275,294,331,334 n. 21, 77 21, 29, 63, 66, 78, 87, 548 (u.) 81, 216 I 44, 76, 500 n. 34
335, 370 n. 5, 403, 519 172, 173, 216, 337 n. 43 574 (u.) 66 2 84 n. 166
n. 34, 553 n. 47 and 45, 339, 461 n. 36, 593 (u.) 84 5 39
62,2 231 535 686 (u.) 421 6 84, 140, 141, 156, 159,
62,3 76, 84, 134, 146, 156, 83 17, 24, 27, 32, 37, 39, 697 (u.) 323 295, 321, 370, 444, 445
202,214 n. 48, 229, 231 71, 77, 80 745 (u.) 255 7 153 n. 88, 207 n. 39, 355,
n. 120, 233, 242, 494, 84 17, 41, 65, 72, 74, 76, 764 (u.) 81,218 n. 71, 227, 233, 356 n. 83, 422
535 82 237, 241, 243, 266, 268, 8 85, 134, 303, 304, 305,
63, I 27, 37, 43, 50, 76, 81, 85, I 203 n. 23, 488 n. 123 391, 392, 503 n. 47 308, 444, 498
83, 87, 149, 150, 156, 85, 2 28, 43, 51, 60, 78, 161, 765 (u.) 47 10 85, \03 n. 13, 162, 441
367, 368, 369, 370, 372, 166,182,214 n. 46, 233, 1008 (u.) 82,279 n. 29
373 n. 17,374,375 n. 34, 266, 277, 286, 288, 354, 1017 (u.) 54,82, 139 n. 37 and 38, 13 71, 85, 86, 141, 181,
398, 399, 400, 403 n. 30 389 n. 2, 390, 533 141, 158, 161, 162,200, 208, 231, 388,497, 510
and 31, 404, 405, 436, 86, 1 5,28,29, 79, 87, 105 n. 206, 292, 295, 402 n. 22 14 86, 120, 126, 130, 134,
437, 444. 448, 497 n. 17 24, 145,300, 314 n. 18, 1020 (u.) 83, 185, 192, 193, 370, 147, 148, 159, 163, 166,
63, 2 63,76 324,338n.51,408n.11, 508 177, 215 n. 63, 216, 269
63, 3 231 n. 120, 233 n. 135, 411, 413, 420, 422, 423, 1030 (u.) 90 n. 80,339, 373,374,389
306 n. 53, 308 426, 431, 435, 498, 508 1086 (u.) 44 n. 11, 495, 497, 512
64, I 18.41,88 n. 75, 522 n. 42 1218 (u.) 47 n. 10,532
64,3 45 86, 2 5,28,79,105 n. 24, 115, 1237 (u.) 83,361 28 86, 104 n. 15, 166, 322,
65, 1 43, 145 n. 58 132, 172 n. 22, 173, 174, 1258 (u.) 46 331,347,351,361,370,
65,2 25, 77, 82, 84, 91 n. 178, 181, 182, 216, 262, 292, 1261 (u.) 83, 141, 247, 262, 295, 446
103, 104, 105 n. 21, 335, 352, 355, 442, 504, 331, 399 33 458 n. 22
106 n. 26, 109,202, 203, 512 n. 8,537, 555 1285 (u.) 66 36 355 n. 71
206, 292, 293 n. 209, 86, 3 5, 24, 28, 29, 30, 42, 1286 (u.) 83, 122, 132, 141 42 63 n. 98
294, 386, 390 n. 13, 497 66, 73,80, 123, 130, 133, 1293 (u.) 64 47 45 n. 61
n. 13,553 134, 145 n. 58, 166, 180, 1298 (u.) 64, 83, 295, 354, 514 n. 48 208
65,4 35, 77, 81, 85, \03, 110 184, 371, 442, 495, 521, 23 71 201
n. 43, 113, 131, 136, 146, 537 n. 79 1340 (u.) 79 n. 156 73 464
182, 499 n. 29, 508, 512 86, 4 24, 25, 27, 28, 34, 40, 1354 (u.) 45 79 64 n. 101
n. 9, 513 n. 19 and 20, 48, 55 n. 82, 80, 82, 91, 1373 (u.) 83, 172, 173, 181, 199, 98 322 n. 54
519 n. 35, 537 n. 79 101 n. 3, 166, 178, 182, 266, 279, 537, 538 O. Munich As
65, 5 268 n. 77 315,371,372,498 n. 22, 1393 (u.) 83,337,515 397 (u.) 465 n. 56
66, 1 76, 355, 356 n. 83 516 n. 28 1397 (u.) 83, 315, 320, 321 n. 50 1547 (u.) 504 n. 52
578 INDEXES DOCUMENTS 579

O. Nash 5677 18 n. \3,20-21,66 18 (u.) 92, 182, 503 n. 49 O. Vienna


1 see Hier. OSlr. 46, 2 5681 (u.) 32 25 (u.) 92, 106, 167,'168, 300, HI 185, 192
424, 505 n. 64 H2 93, 173, 174, 216, 285,
2 see Hier. OSlr. 47, 1 5941 (u.) 71
26 (u.) 17,92 295, 504n. 51,536 n. 78,
3 see Hier. OSlr. 56, 2 6361 (u.) 70
4 see Hier. OSlr. 57, 1 6540 (u.) 43 537
O. Nims see Hier. OSlr. 62, 1 6628 (u.) 75, 88, 172, 173, 174,
O. Or. Inst. Chicago 181, 262, 285, 292, 302 C. PAPYRl*
12 073 see Hier. OSlr. 77 n. 19, 504, 512 n. 8,
16973 (u.) 45 537 Giornale see Pap. Turin, Giornale vs. 12 275
16987 243 n. 176, 272 n. 99, 6629 (u.) 47 Naunakhte [Documents] vs. 13 307
6631 (u.) general 16, 94, 95, 198, 203 vs. 15 119, 130, 362
549 45
16991 457 6672 (u.) 88, 168, 275, 292, 523 n. Doe. I vs. 16 330, 331
1,9 63 n. 100 vs. 17 285
17007 (u.) 49,73,80 43
6772 (u.) 1,11 79 vs. 18 119, 130, 361
O. Petrie 38
9584 (u.) 71,89,285,537 1,16 43 Pap. Berlin 9784
1 see Hier. Os!r. 32, 2
9586 (u.) 3, 3 47 5 269,282 n. 154
3 see Hier. Os!r. 16, 3 40,89,207
5, 3 316,416,417 6 269,276,282 n. 154
4 see Hier. Ostr. 72, 3 9592 (u.) 242 n. 173
9599 (u.) 5,4 315,316 7 116, 122 n. 60
14 see Hier. OSlr. 45, 1 89, 172 n. 21, 173, 193,
215 n. 64, 216, 224, 236, 5, 5 316,423 8 166
15 see Hier. Oslr. 26, 5
279, 283, 292, 501, 538 5,6 316,321,416 17 176
16 see Hier. Os!r. 21, I
89, 103, 123, 130, 140, 6, 3 63 n. 100 24 427 n. 117, 428
17 see Hier. Oslr. 28, 2 9609 (u.)
6, 5 56 25 290
19 see Hier. Os!r. 19,3 141, 502 n. 39 and 40
9611 (u.) 90, 173, 227, 262, 283, Doe. 11 28 282 n. 154
23 see Hier. Oslr. 45, 2
292,357,361,450 n. 87, vs. 10 160 Pap. Berlin 9785
26 see Hier. Oslr. 16, 2
461 n. 39, 498 n. 23, vs. 11 160 6 176
42 see Hier. Os!r. 28, 4
509 n. 79 vs. 13 231 11 176
48 see Hier. Os!r. 31, 4
9616 (u.) 90,399 Doc. IV 12 176
51 see Hier. Os!r. 28, 1
9618 (u.) 90, 198, 203, 204, 208, 1 25 n. 6 Pap. Berlin 10485 (u.)
O. Prague
216, 242 n. 173, 270, 2-3 313 n. 17,420 general 94, 243
H 14 (u.) 45
386, 503 n. 49 4 47 3 182, 199
H 15 (u.) 87, 134, 146, 159, 277,
9745 (u.) 25 n. 6 Pap. Abbott 4 186, 190
278, 344, 345
9750 (u.) 450 4, 3 215 n. 56 Pap. Berlin 10496
H 21 (u.) 87,221
9753 (u.) 25,57,90,173,262,266, 5, 13 98 4 73
H 22 (u.) 79, 87, 173, 266, 279,
337 n. 45, 339, 399, 495, 6,5 82 n. 164 10 75
294, 341, 350 n. 44
505 n. 58, 537 Pap. Ambras 16 90
O. Strasbourg
9765 see O. DeM. 105 1,9 412 n. 28 Pap. Bib!. Nat. 205
H 84 (u.) 21, 58, 80 n. 160,88, 110
9781 + 9801 90, 121, 132, 216, 231, Pap. Anastasi III a, 4-5 456 n. 8
n.44, 124, 127, 132,214
(u.) 298 6,7-8 329 Pap. Bib!. Nat. 209
n.52,217,224, 237, 241,
9783 (u.) 90, 198 Pap. Ashmolean general 378
386,391,467,502 n. 37,
9801 see O. Turin 9781 1945.95 see Naunakhte [Docu- vs., text a 284
503, 535, 554
O. University College ments] Pap. Bib!. Nat. 211
O. Strasbourg
18 n. 14, 35, 91, 128, Pap. Ashmolean b,2 373 n. 15 and 18
1256 see O. Strasbourg H 84
287, 553 n. 48 1945.97 see Naunakhte [Docu- vs. a, 15 37 ? n. 15
O. Toronto
O. Varille ments] Pap. Brit. Mus. 9997 (u.)
All 456 n. 4, 490 n. 128
4 (u.) 91,213 n. 41, 222, 224, Pap. Ashmolean I, 2 82
and 129
237 1958.111 (u.) V,5 68
BI4 88. 14L 398 n. 3
5 (u.) 56, 91, 370, 500 n. 34 general 94, \02 n. 6, 103, 5 \3 Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052
O. Turin
n. 22, 518 1. 18 213 n. 36
2167 (u.) 64 11 (u.) 92,134
92, 160, 182, 189 n. 41, vs. 9 443 n. 40 1, 20 398 n. 5
5649 20-21, 25,49. 66 13 (u.)
200, 201, 202, 229, 244 vs. 10 443 2,4 61
5651 18 n. 13,20-21,29,49,
n. 186, 245, 383, 394, vs. 11 437 2, 25 284, 285
66,70,79
5652 20-21 396, 502 n. 38 and 40
20-21,70,79 and 42 * Only account texts and suchlike of the New Kingdom are listed.
5666
580 INDEXES DOCUMENTS 581

2a, 1-2 353 Pap. Brit. Mus. 10383 vs. 3 115,129,132,170 15a, 6 330 n. 6
2a, 4-5 351 col. 11 529 vs. 5 331 15b, 10 199
2a, 10-11 352 Pap. Brit. Mus. 10403 vs. 8 121,129,132 15b. 16-16a, 2 365 n. 32
2a, 12-13 352 I, 24-27 309 n. 68 Pap. DeM. 14 (u.) 16a, 4-5 366 n. 35
3, 14 289 n. 185 Pap. Bulaq X general 94 16a, 6 356 n. 80
3, 20 151 general 94, 538 n. 82 2 115, 132, 166 17b,8 344 n. 7
4, 4 151 3 216 3 331 17b,9 346
10,19 530 Pap. Bulaq XI 4 446, 447 n. 67 18a, 16 204
Pap. Brit. Mus. 10053 general 102, 105 n. 22 Pap. DeM. 23 (u.) 18b, 10-13 255, 256
1,9 413, 419, 420 Pap. Bulaq XII see Pap. Cairo 58071 general 95 18b, 14 353 n. 63
1,10 419,430,421 Pap. Cairo 58056 I 408n.10 18b, 15 133 n. I
I, 15 421,422 general 116 2 424 19a, 2 140
I, 17 415 Pap. Cairo 58070 see Pap. Bulaq XI 3 422 19a, 7 204
2, 11 56 n. 86 Pap. Cairo 58071 Pap. Geneva MAH 15274 19b,2 155
4, 3 61 general 177 n. 32 general 23 19b,10 365
4,13 301 vs. 2 336,438 VII, 10 16,67 19b, 12 356 n. 82
5, 6 198,430 vs. 3 336, 436 n. 3 vs. I, 4 64,71 21a,7 143 n. 52
5, 7 430 vs. 4-5 116, 442 vs. IIJ, I 81 32b,8 364 n. 23
5,10 429,420 Pap. Cairo 58092 see Pap. Bulaq X vs. IIJ, 2 33, 75 34a, 8-9 365 n. 32
5, 14 198 Pap. Cairo 65739 Pap. Gurob 34a, 13 205
vs. 3, 13 173 general 94, 101, 530, 542 n. 7, 2, 12 457 n. 11 34a, 15 373 n. 15 and 16
vs. 4, 12 389 n. 7 561 vs. la, 2 155 36a, 10 140
vs. 4, 20 205 3 265 fragment G 254 37a, 2-3 424 n. 96
Pap. Brit. Mus. 10 054 6 290 fragmentT,2,9 282 n. 155 38b, 7-12 446 n. 58
2, IS 215 n. 60 7 275, 279, 290, 292 fragment U 280 38b, 13 446 n. 56
2,16 213 n. 36 8 266,267 n. 74, 290, 427, fragmentU,c,1 282 n. 155 40a, 15 143
Pap. Brit. Mus. 10056 428, 543 Pap. Gurob 11 41a, 14 306 n. 51
2, 2 371 n. 8 9 106 n. 28, 427, 428,543, 1,6 176, 282 41b, 1-2 247, 370 n. 4
3,9 380 544 1,7 176 53a, 14 154
14, II 377 10 106 n. 28, 414 n. 36, 2, 16-17 282 55a, 16 306 n. 51
vs. 4, 4 380 n. 69 427, 428, 442, 543, 544 Pap. Harris I 59, 3 394
vs. 4, 12 375 n. 33 11 106 n. 28, 352, 414 n. 35, general 160, 165, 260, 265, 267, 63a, 4-11 255, 256
vs. 5, 9-11 376 n, 37 416, 417, 418, 427, 428 278, 282, 283, 284, 286, 63a, 12-13 256
vs. 9, 13 375 n. 33 12 412 n. 28,413,416,417, 289 n. 188, 337, 404, 63a, 14-63b, 4 255,256
Pap. Brit. Mus. 10068 418 418, 424 63b, 5-6 256
2, 6 431 n. 147 13 262 6, II 431 n. 152 63b,7-14 255,256
2, 19 413 Pap. Chester Beatty I vs. 12a, 14 436 n. 6 63b,15 256
2, 25-28 429 n. 137 general 94 12b,5 364 n. 23 63b, 16 - 63c, 3255,256
2,29 429 B, 7 192 n. 45 13a, 8 201 n. 14 63c, 4-6 256
3, 8 392 n. 22 D, general 131 13b,8 431 n. 152 63c, 7 436 n. 6
3, 22 105 n. 24 D, I 45, 173 13b, 11 197 63c, 8 436 n. 8
3, 26 392 n. 22 D,2 45, 114, 172, 173, 266 13b, 12 152 64a,6 428 n. 128
3,28 289 D,3 173, 304, 305 14a, 9-14 255, 256 64c,3 205
5, 17 139 n. 39, 161 D,4 262,268 14a, 15 255, 256, 282 n. 155 64c, 8 366 n. 38
6, 7 392 n. 22 Pap. Chester Beatty XVI 14a, 16 255,256 65a, I 446 n. 63
6,9 289 general 477 14a, 17-14b, I 256 65a, 6 357 n. 84
6, 11 198, 199 vs. 4 75 n. 145 14b,2 256, 290 65a, 13 398 n. 2
6, 12 161 Pap. DeM. 2A + B see Naunakhte [Docu- 14b,3-5 256 65b,7 155
6, 23 414 ments) 14b,6-11 255,256 65c, 10 444
6,25 429 n. 133 Pap. DeM. 7 (u.) 14b,12 256 65c, 14 370 n. 3
vs. 3, 20 68 general 94,95 14b, 13-14 255,256 71a, 3 436 n. 8
vs. 4, 4 26 vs. I 168 14b, 15-16 256 71a,4 199
15a, 4 330 n. 6 71a, 5 205
r

582 INDEXES
DOCUMENTS 583

72,9 353 n. 63 2,19 136 n. 15, 180 n. 2, 536


72. 11 155 n. 76 vs. 5. 18 48.6 297. 339 Pap Turin 1906+2047+ 1939 (u.)
74. 10 444 vs. 1,9 312 n. 2 vs. 6. 6-14 51. 5-13 449 n. 85. 493 general 97
75. 9 192 Pap. Turin 1880 vs. 6. 16 48.8 372 vs. 11. 15 182
77,8 394 general 96 Pap. Turin 1881 Pap. Turin 1907/8
Pap. Leiden I 352 2.3 = RAD. 53, 16 263 n. 55, 485 general 96. 97 n. 13. 505 n. 57 general 8. 97. 344, 494 n. 1. 552
general 95,313 n. 17,314 n. 18. n.l09 I-III, top 121. 132.283 I, general 445 n. 55
548 2,5 54,3 464 I. 18 348 1,5 337
410,420 2,14 55,9 77 1.21 348. 349 I, 10 445.446
2
102 n. 5,410 2, 19 55, 17 57 11. 2-4 256 n. 33 I, 14 121. 132
3
410,429 3,21 58, 16 46 11. 10 349 I, 15 15. 129. 132
4
5 410 4.19 54, 10 389 n. 2 11. 13 349 I. 17 345
410,432 n. 162.433 4, 20 54,9 312 n. 5 Ill. 2 492 I, 18 350
6
7 410 vs. 1, 1 45, I 459 IIl,6 436 n. 3.437 1.19 346. 361. 364. 554
8 272 n. 99, 410 vs. 1,2 45,2 38, 459 Ill, 7 363 1.20 283. 295. 554
404,410 vs. 1. 3 45,3 38,459 Ill. 9 443 I, 21 350
9
10 437 n. 11 vs. 1,4 45,4 58, 459 Ill, 10 353 n. 63 11, 1 560
11 443, 444 vs. 1,5 45, 5 27,34,459 Ill. 11 437 11, 2 266. 267 n. 74. 275. 554
Pap. Leopold II vs. 1,6-12 45,2-11 459 Ill. 12 347 n. 30, 352. 354 11, 3 295. 331. 554, 555
2, 3 187 n. 26 vs. 1, 13 45,3 52,459 III, 13 354 11, 4 350. 351
Pap. Liverpool Nos M 11162 and M 11186 vs. I, 14-2,6 45,4 -46,5 459 IV, 3 31 11, 5 445,446
see Pap. Mayer A and B vs. 2, 7 46,2 38,459 IV, 4 354 11, 6 387
Pap. Louvre 3170 vs. 2, 8 49,4 27, 459 IV, 5 285, 339, 354 11, 7 115. 118,132
324n.71 vs. 2, 9-19 49,4-12 459 IV, 11 333 n. 2, 490 H, 8 126, 127, 132, 346. 361,
1.4
Pap. Louvre E I I 006 vs. 3, 2 46,7 19 n. 18, 20 n. IV, 12-13 490 364. 369, 554
see Pap. Mallet 23, 167 n. 10, V, I 25 11, 9 355,356
459 V,S 266 11, 10 350
Pap. Mallet
95 vs. 3, 3-5 46,7-9 459 vs. I, 9 384 n. 88 11, 11 115. 132, 343
general
1,4-5 400 vs. 3, 6 46,10 61,459 vs. I, 10 - n. I 377 n, 12 115.121,132
1,6 383. 384 n. 87, 385 vs. 3, 7 46, I I 459 PLEYTE-RoSSI 11, 13 350,356
383.384 n. 87 vs. 3, 8 46,12 23,27,459 pl. VIII, 1 491 11, 14 355.356
I, 7
328 vs. 3, 9-23 46,9-47,5 459 pl. IX 115,118,132 11, 15 366,369
1,10
Pap. Mayer A and B vs. 3, 24 50, 3 461 n. 35. 464 pl. X, 6-7 168, 170 11, 16 115, 118, 121, 126, 127.
general 95 vs. 3, 25-32 50,4-12 461 n. 35 pI. X. 8-9 168. 170. 409, 411 129,132
152 n. 85 vs. 4, 2-11 47,1-9 459 Pap. Turin 1883 11, 18 115, 118. 126, 127. 132
A, 2, 4
A, 2, 7-8 309 vs. 4, 12-18 50,4 - 51, 3 477 general 96 H, 19 366. 369, 445, 446
284 n. 165 vs. 5, 2fT 47,15-48,13534 vs. 2 423 11,20 352
A, 4,7
304, 305 vs. 5. 4 47, 16 422 vs. 3 409, 411. 423 n. 87 11,21 331. 337, 554, 555
A, 4,8
vs. 5, 5 47, 16 141 vs. 4 321 Ill, I 199
A, 6. 23-25 309
A, 8,12-13 530 vs. 5,6 47, 17 294 Pap. Turin 1885 vs. Ill, 2-3 441
122,132 vs. 5, 7 47, 17 124. 127. 384 general 97,256 n. 33 III,4 365. 366, 369
A, 9, 16-17
415 n. 46, 418, 421 n. 85 vs. I, 1 199 Ill, 5 350, 351
B,11
vs. 5, 8 47, 18 147, 148 Pap. Turin 1891 III,6 366, 369. 445, 446
B,13 198 ~,
vs. 5,9 47, 18 141 general 20 n. 23, 469 n. 67 Ill, 7 356
Pap. Salt 124

(
72 n. 132 vs. 5. 10 48, I 335 Pap. Turin 1894 III, 8 355,356
general
1,1 17 vs. 5, 11 48,1 200, 202 general 336 n. 38 Ill, 11 248
17,88 vs. 5, 12 48,2 124, 127, 131, 4 330 Ill, 17 355
1,2
1,3-4 17 156 Pap. Turin 1900 vs. 11, 2 81
2, 6 392 n. 28 vs. 5, 14 48,4 307 11 307 n. 59 Pap. Turin 1933
2, 9 319n.40 vs. 5, 15 48, 4 372 Pap. Turin 1903 (u.) general 247
2,11 32 n. 27, 86 vs. 5, 16 48, 5 200,202 general 456. 457, 458. 492 Pap. Turin 1939 see Pap. Turin 1906
2,12 29,32 n. 27,81 vs. 5, 17 48,5 303 vs. n. general 356 Pap. Turin 1946 see Pap. Turin 1949
vs. 11, 21 336 n. 36 Pap. Turin 1949+ 1946
vs. n, 22 336 n. 37 vs. I, 5-10 466 n. 61

I:~l
",
fi
584

Pap. Turin 2002


11. 6
I\. 7
11. 8
429 n. 134
421 n. 71
421
INDEXES

vs. 11, 6
vs. 11. 7
vs. 11. 8
292
266.267 n. 74. 273 n. 118
272 n. 96, 273 n. 118,
275
I A vs., 4,6
A vs., 4,7
A vs., 4,9
B, general
418
153 n. 87,420
413,420
481 n. lOO
DOCUMENTS

B vs.,
B vs.,
B vs.,
B vs.,
8,
8,
8,
8,
19
23
24
25
221
279
285
262
585

11, 9-11 421 n. 71 vs. 11, 9 262 B, I, 2 41,90 B vs., 8, 26 331


11, 12 425 n. 103 vs. 11, 10 280-281 B, 1,8 63 B vs., 8, 27 441
P!.EYTE - Rass] vs. 11, 11 203,204 B, I, 9 456 B vs., 8, 29 121,126,129,132
pI. 104.2 244 vs. 11,12 354 B, 3, 3 245n.192 B vs., 8, 30 I 15, 118, 129, 132
Pap. Turin 2003 vs. Ill, 2 295 B, 3, 4 429 B vs., 8, 33 269 n. 81, 271 n. 90,
general 97.449 vs. III, 3-4 186 B,3,5 418 n. 60 285 n. 168
1.4 115,118.129,132 vs. 1\1, 7 423 n. 87 B, 3, 6 413 B vs., 8, 34 271 n. 90
1,5 121,126,129,132 vs. 1\1, 8 411. 423 n. 87 B, 3,10 432 B vs., 8, 35 361
1,6 405 vs. 1\1, 9 266,267 n. 74 B, 3,11 430 B vs., 8, 36 285
I. 7 115, 118, 129,132 vs. 1\1, 10 113, 131 B, 3, 16 61 B vs., 8, 37 353
1,10 446 Pap. Turin, Giornale B, 4,2 187 n. 26 B vs., 8, 39 115, 118, 129,132,283
\, II 152 general 98 B,4,5 432 B vs., 9, 9 205
H, 3 405 dell'anno 3 B, 5, 3 430 B vs., 9, 16 186
Pap. Turin 2004 I, 7 312 n. 5 B, 5,6 429,430 B vs., 9, 21 285
general 492 4,9 270 B, 5, 13 413 B vs., 9, 22 115, 118, 132,283
Pap. Turin 2007 dell'anno 13 B, 6,8 82 B vs., 9, 24 283
general 98,456 n. 4 general 393, 520 n. 37, 529 B, 7, 9 387 n. 109 B vs., 9, 25 115,118,132
Pap. Turin 2008+ 2016 I, 1-3 349, 350 B, 9,2 82 C,7 429
n,IO-11 330 n. 7 1,4-7 439,440 B,9,9 456 Pap. Vienna 34
n, 15 254,260 n. 51, 264, 271, I, 8 440 B, 9,18 387 n. 109 general 98
333, 448 n. 75 1,9-11 439, 440 B vs., 1, a-b 479 2 272 n. 95, 274, 275, 416
H, 16 254, 260 n. 51, 333 1,12 378, 379,381, 499 n. 27 B vs" 2, A, 1IT 349 n. 54
n,17 254,260 n. 51, 284, 333 I, 13-14 378, 499 n. 27 B vs., 2, A, 9 543 3 279
Ill, 15 107 n. 31 1, 15 378, 379, 499 n. 27 B vs., 4, 5 245n.l92 4 266,267 n. 74
vs. I, 20 271 1,16 378, 499 n. 27 B vs., 4, 24 121 n. 54 5 272 n. 95, 275, 276
vs. 11, 1 447 1,17 378, 381, 499 n. 27 B vs., 8ff 215 n. 63, 229 6 167, 168
vs. Ill, 1-6 254, 260 n. 51 I, 18 379 B vs., 8, 7 216, 224, 233, 235 7 283,416 n. 54,522 n. 41
Pap. Turin 2016 see Pap. Turin 2008 1,20 379 n. 62 B vs., 8, 8 216,233 8 105 n. 24,441,442
Pap. Turin 2021 2, general 378 B vs., 8, 9-11 216 Turin Strike Papyrus
4, 19 26 2, 1 374, 375, 381, 382 B vs., 8, 12 221 n. 80 see Pap. Turin 1880
Pap. Turin 2024 see Pap. Turin 2077 2, 2 380, 381 B vs., 8, 13 213 n. 37,236 Will of Naunakhte
Pap. Turin 2044 (u.) 2,3-4 377, 381 B vs., 8, 14 236,237 see Naunakhte [Docu-
general 67 n, 114 2, 5 377, 378,381 B vs., 8, 15-17 236 ments]
n,3 244 2, 6 377,381
Pap. Turin 2047 see Pap. Turin 1906 2, 7 376, 381
Pap. Turin 2052 see Pap. Turin 2077 2, 8 376
Pap. Turin 2070 2, 9 376, 381
vs. 11, 1 32 2,10-11 379, 380,381
Pap. Turin 2077 + 2024+ 2052 (u.) 2, 12 379,381
general 97 2, 13 378 n. 58, 380, 381
6 172,173 2,14 378 n. 58, 380
vs. 5-6 173 2, 15-16 378 n. 58, 380 n. 69
Pap. Turin 2081 + 2095 (u.) dell'anno 17
general 54 n, 80, 98 A, I, 5 72
vs, n, 5 166 A, 1, 6 56 n. 86
Pap. Turin 2095 see Pap. Turin 2081 A, 1,8 74
Pap. Turin 2104 (u.) A, I, 11 26
general 98 A,3,1 96 n. 9
vs. 11,4-5 279 A vs" 4, 4 429
EGYPTIAN WORDS 587

'-n-tJt 232 n. 128 wJglt' 217


'-n-tbw 203 n. 22 w'w 44
't ('house') 390, 395, 397 w'b 42, 45, 57, 72 f.
EGYPTIAN WORDS 't ('body') 160, 189, 197f., 224 w'n 385
'J 167-172, 444, 525 wp 323-324
'Jt ('ass-load') 367,448f. wnmlt' 344
Words occurring very frequently (e.g., rm!, s§, iri.n) are not listed. 'J-n-ist 31, 36, 50, 60, 70 n. 127, 77, 81, wnmtt 203 f., 387
Numbers in italics refer to pages where the word or the object it indicates are 83, 84, 87, 97, 460 wnnw 413f.
discussed. 'J n 'n!;w nslt' 458 wn!; 414f., 420
'J ('door') 389 wntJ 137
J"t 25, 337ff. il; 172-177,496 n. 12, 524f. 'J'J 9, 340 wns 178-179
Jby 303 il;y 133 'It't 165, 167 wrl; 334, 336, 337
Jpt (= ipt) 207, 394 n. 35 (i)tJJ 123, 162, 400, 401-403, 404, 508, 'wn 382, 383, 384-385 wrs 194
Jpdw 178, 525 526 'bit' 367 wrsw 19 n. 15
JtJy 458 n. 181 is(y) 5, 155 n. 98, 180, 193, 199f., 216, 'br 420 wtJJ 392-393
Jtw 26,57 219,371 :rnll' 293ff. wsy 231
J!t 240 isy 456 'fnt 282 wsm 426, 433, 434, 435
isw? 155 'fdt 189 n. 41, 197-198, 203, 204, 229 n. wt 162,171,209,212,215-233,237,238,
Brrt 427 isw/isy 257, 274 n. 129, 312 n. 4, 490 106, 243, 525 239, 242, 244, 245, 248, 268, 281, 392,
iJlf:t 334 n. 29, 359, 367 n.129 'm' 229f. 397, 496, 498, 510 n. 5, 524, 526, 555
i' 313 n. 17, 418-421, 422, 423, 426, 434 iswt 257, 258, 280 n. 147 'm'm 160f. wt 'J 214,215 n. 63, 216, 219, 221 n. 80,
n. 177, 435, 527 'n 155,156, 157, 192, 193 n. 52, 194,207 222, 223, 224, 225, 227, 233, 234, 235,
(i)swt 373, 375-376, 378, 380, 381, 382
ilt/vt 366, 369 isbwt 155, 187, 191-194,219 n. 74, 394 'nt 312,314,315,321-322,323 236, 241, 496, 526
iwry see iry n. 35, 508, 525, 550 'nb 155 wt sri 214, 215 n. 63, 216, 221 n. 80,
iwtn 396 isr 365 'nbr 150-151 223, 229, 234, 235, 236, 241
ibw 355, 447 n. 67 isr 193, 200 (see also isy) 'ntJ 10 n. 23, 98, 165-167, 170, 337, 363, wt-wJ 232-233, 498
ibr 420 ish 256 ff., 270, 277-278, 288 398,400,401,402 n. 19,506 n. 66, 520, wdl; 268 n. 77
ipt (= Jpt) J09ff., 121 n. 51, 155,207, ilf:d see If:d 521, 524f., 532 wg ('palm leaf) 438
ikJky (= iky) 309 'ntJ ('mirror') 301-302 wg ('stela') 388, 389 n. 6
297
iknw 319,328 'ntJ-n-nilt't 28, 31,42,53,66,79,91 wgJ (,storehouse') 457 f., 492
ifd 255 ff., 259, 291-292, 444, 526, 528,
it 110,119-132,231,344,360 'ryt 395 wgJ (,remainder') 183,221,397,482,486,
555
it-m-it 110 n. 44,119, 121 n. 51, 499 n. 27 'rll'( t) 447 487
In 434 n. 177
it-n!r 47 'rsn 356 n. 78 wgJt 305, 308
In-mw 23,27, 34, 40, 48, 56, 57, 60, 69,
80, 89, 448. 493 itr 239, 242-243 'rlf 151-153, 405, 525 wgw 432-433
(i)!yn 374-375,376,380,381,382 'S? 356 wgl; 424, 432
Int 230
i!nt 374 '.I 137, 373, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, wgl;lI' 325, 432-433
inb 40 n. 48, 394-396
idt 176 382, 394, 529
inr n gJf 327-328
idnw 41, 44, 47, 50, 54, 59, 60, 75, 78, 'Iflt' 123,385 bJy 432 n. 160
inl; 347 n. 28. 434. 485
97, 536 n. 78 'Iflt' ('bread') 343 n. I, 344-346, 489, 491 bJry 440
insy 289
idg 254ff., 259, 282-284, 286, 333, 526, 'If:r see 'rlf: bJIf: 243 n. 182, 330, 337
Ink sw 182, 183 n. 12, 196, 229, 232,
'kk 344-346, 485 n. 112 bJk-l;mww 215 n. 63, 229, 503 n. 45
233, 506 n. 67, 532 554
igr see irr 'dw 349j. bJk-tJrty 396, 505
Iry 355[. 490
iry-'J 23, 40, 48, 51, 52, 62, 87, 88, 89, igt see irr 'g ('fat') 108f., 297, 332, 333, 334, 337- bJk..grt 163, 229
342,490 n. 128,526 bit ('pastry') 345,470-472,481,490, 491
97, 389 icjdk 324
yli 47,217,239-242,244,246,526 'g (,bolt') 393 bit (,honey') 352-353
iry-spt 59
'gyt 393-394 biJ 318
irw 158
'gw 393 bik 310
irwt 158 n. 109 , ('bowl') 418-421
bnri 344, 345 n. 19,444,474-475
irp 337 n. 46, 350-352. 428 n., 128 , 228 n. 103,231-232,239
wJ see wt-II'J bndw 288-289 .
Irr 409, 422-423. 433 n. 173, 527 , ('piece') 103, 141, 153 n. 90, 162, 228
n. 103,233,288,297,298,368,372, 399, wJt-Swy 154 n. 96 br 440
Irlf:s/irgs 123,149-151,197,200,368,520
wJcj ('papyrus') 438 bh 493
n. 38, 525 404,439
wJcj (,vegetables') 286. 346, 359-364, 367, bl;s 172f.,176
irkt 378-379. 381. 382 n. 72 '-n-BJst 150 n. 76
369, 475-478 bs 206, 354, 525
ir! 349-350 '-n-tJ'w 150 n. 76, 153, 154,418-421
588 INDEXES EGYPTIAN WORDS 589

b§5 490 mnb 312, 313 n. 10,318 niw 325-326 h'ti 158, 180-/84, 185, 187, 240. 242,
bdt 110,112-118,127-\32,460 mns 199 nU 140, 160f., 254 n. 32, 255, 256, 262ff., . 496 n. 10,498, 501, 508, 524f.
mn~ 180,208,232 n. 13\, 389 266 f., 277, 279 ff., 283 f., 287, 288, 292, I,zwtyw 461,462 n. 44, 490, 492
pJ- (in names) 43 n. 56, 65 n. 104, 73 mngm 123, 147-149, 163, 183, 525, 555 305 n. 46, 338, 416 n. 54, 436£., 447, 554 hbs 203£., 232 n. 133. 257, 263 n. 55,
n. 136 mry 205 n'b 364 . 286 n. 177, 287-288, 490 n. 129
pJwt 491 mr(y)t ('board') 184, 189,388 nil' 418,421-422,527 I,zbst 430
pJypt 379-380,381,382 mryt ('river bank') 184 n. 17,510 n. 5 nwt 181 n. 6, 231 n. 119,436-438,444 n. 44 I,zpt 436
pipit 380 mm 273, 281 n. 152, 286-287, 289, 526 nwl,z 155, 438-440 I,zm-nIr 43, 57
pis 345 n. 13 mm pl,zw 257, 259, 273, 286 nbd 133,136-143,144, 145, 147, 148, 149, I,zmy see sl,zmy
pr 258,395, 396 n. 46, 397, 504 n. 53, 508 mm ('bundle') 359,360,361 ff., 365, 367 151,161,180 n. 2,267,305 n. 46 I,zmy 357-358
pr (,undressed') 400 mr!l ('javelin') 325 n. 75 nfr r 233, 296 I,zmJ(y)t 357 n. 91, 440·441
pry 257 ff., 274 n. 121, 286 mrl,z ('varnish') 183 n. 14,215 n. 64, 216, nmit 240 n. 169 I,zmww 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 34, 39, 42,
prt-m-hm 245-246 217,219,223.235,245 (n)nw 322, 422, 485 n. 112 43, 45, 49, 66, 68, 72, 75, 77, 80, 81.
pbJ 391.f. mrl,zt ('oil') 9. 10. 108f.. 124. 162f., 245, nh(J) 180,206,207 n. 34, 334 n. 29, 370- 83, 228, 534 n. 71, 537
ps (jar) 347,434,471,472-475,480 n. 96, 298. 332, 333-336, 337, 342, 526, 528, 371, 445, 527 I,zmti 313 n. 17,410,411,413,419,430
484, 491 552. 555 nl,zbt 144f.,387 n. 142,431 n. 147,44/-442,499
ps ('baker') 344 mrsw 428-429 nbl,z 107 n. 31, 108f., 330-333, 334, 335, hmti m knkn 105, 442
psn 344-346,466,470-472,481. 491 m~gn 324-325 336, 337, 340, 341, 342, 350 n. 43, 437, ~mty ('~oppersmith') 67, 71,84,410
psg see pgs mrkbt 329 489,490,515, 524, 526 I,znyt 325 n. 75
psdw 257 mhn 207-208 nJi 217f. I,znw n dit sgnn 303-304
ps 268, 270, 516 n. 27, 531-533 m!l 5. 181j., 201, 208 ~r 123,147-149,163,183,431,525,555 I,z~t 346-348.434, 472f£.
p.~i 218, 302-303 ml,zt 474 nkpt 366, 369 I,znkyt 240
pgs 429,432 ml,zy 364-365, 369 ngJ see ~r I,zry 450
pds 234, 386 n. 107 ml,zbk 429-430 nIpts 316, 320 I,zry·~'l,zt 257,290-291
pdst? 234 mbJy 289 nIJ 257 I,zry iryw-'J 85
mb'~ 299-301, 527 nt! 436 I,zry m'gJy 23,26 n. 10, 36, 56,66,67, 78.
fJy 314, 404 n. 35, 410, 411, 427 n. 117, msb 330 n. 7 wj ('flour') 343-344 79, 89, 90
456 n. 5 mss 9,10,106,107,219, 254ff., 259-264, I,zry ss-~d 30 n. 19
265, 268, 271, 279, 281, 28~ 292, 296 ry(t) 218,234,239, 392 I,zrst 304, 305, 306 n. 49, 308
m-' 396, 505 j. n. 215, 305, 307, 333, 354,363,382, 396, nr see dJilr I,zs 186, 201 f.
modi 217,219,500,505-508,511 n. 6,512 404,416 n. 54. 447 f., 492, 524, 526, 527, nry 154 n. 96, 158 I,zsmn ('natron') 440-441
n. 17 544, 548, 555 r\l'gw (garment) 255 ff., 284-286,287,288, I,zsmn (,bronze') 102, 260, 300, 30 \, 314.
mJ'lI' 394 mss n 'I,z' 260 290,291, 338,492,526 407,408,411,413,421 f., 424, 430 n. 14~
(n) m3wt 161,312 n. 4 mski 398 n. I rwgw n bnr 456 #~ 356-357, 493
mJII'g 203,385-387, 402 n. 26, 485 n. 112 msti 133 n. 4, 152, 155 n. 99, 366, 402 rpyt 246-248 I,zty 304-306
mJmJ 373 n. 20 n. 26, 403-406, 458 n. 18, 526 rmw 348-350 I,zty' see I,z'ty
miniw 26 msdmt 334 n. 29 rr see ry(t) I,zpt 150 n. 77, 160-/61, 189 n. 41. 525
minb 312,319,320,321,322-323 m.G 229f. rhdt 183,314,416,425-426 I,ztri ('wages') 456j., 489, 492
mitt 456, 504 msr 56, 194-196,201,525,555 rbty 258 I,ztri (,door-jambs') 389,391-392
m'r 346 msd 218,221,230 n. 111,236 rdmt 154, 155 n. 100, 156, 157 I,ztri n ish see ish
m'giy 26, 33. 47, 56, 61, 64, 78, 83, 89, mkw 489f. htJ 192, 394
93 mtnw 183,219, 226f., 267f., 314, 396 n. 43, hJmn 255 ~d 9 n. 21, 98, 103, 219, 228, 270. 379
mn 220,390 414, 416j., 425, 502, 503 hbn 371 n. 59,498,499-501,504,505,506
mn-'nb 76, 79, 209. 214, 218 n. 71. 222, m(t)rbt 76,145-147, 156, 162. 184. 332, hn ('hin') 108-109 and passim M m M 499 n. 27
225 n. 92, 227. 233-235, 236f., 526 431, 520, 525 hn ('box') 193 n. 52 Mw 367,369
mnt 330/, 336, 337/, 339 f., 341, 347 mgJ 474 hdmw 133 n. 3, 181 n. 6, 185-187. 190,
n. 28, 350, 351, 352, 354f., 357 f.. 408, mt/Jt 312,313,317-318, 321 290.502, 512 n. 15,525 bJ 312·317, 320, 321, 322, 527
412,414 n. 35, 428 n. 128,434. 489. 490, mgrn 325 n. 72 hdmw rdwy 185f., 187, 190, 193 bJt 282
492 mgl,z 528 n. 50 bJ)'t 314, 321, 399
mny 309-310 mt/I,zt 326-327 I,zJ? 400 bJ' 218 n. 71, 234, 239,392
mnyt 310 ~t 330 n. 7, 347f., 351 n. 50, 352f., I,zJt-rdwy 229 f. by 367, 369
mnl,z 353 354f., 408, 412, 434 I,z'w (,staff) 382, 383, 384-385 b'w ('clew') 436
I,z'w ('body') 189 n. 40, 224 b'w (basket) 141 f., 153-154.419 n. 66
590 INDEXES EGYPTIAN WORDS 591

b'lI' (tool) 312 n. 5 srdd 431 n. 147 .fhd 124 n. 63, 243 n. 176, 244 n. 186. I Ifdy 347 n. 29, 490
[H\,}' 30.3 s/:zmy 326-327 382-384, 387, 527 Ifdm'r 255
[lm\' 397, 496 n, ID sbyt 327 n. 84 (m' 10.3,140, 141. 145, 154f, 156, 255f..
[mm 30.7 sbtl 88 266 f., 275, 279, 283, 285, 286,291 f. kJ 172/,50.4,50.8
[mr see VJ sb 289 n. 185 .(m' nlr 10.7 n. 31,254 n. 32, 255f., 262 f., kJ -br-kJ 40.9
[m/:z m Ifb/:z 218,221 sf!' 308 266f.. 271, 275. 277, 279, 283f., 292, 40.4, kJI-rnlrv 145.431-432
[md /38-139,158.161,162.164 sbnk 43/-432 416 n. 54.492,554 kJ\\'ly 88
Vrs 359, 360., 364 ssnt}m 373 sm'y n '/mn 29, 69, 88 kJp\l' 392 n. 22
lIt n .fnlll' 373 n. 21, 449-450, 481-485 sstid 367-368, 369 sms n tJ /:zll·t 58, 88 kJr)' 92
[It-fJI\' 377-378, 381, 382 n. 72 s.( pr-bd 31 snll'/.fny 292, 443-444, 528 kJk-mn 40.9, 411
ss /:z,\,t-nlr 27, 61 sn' 349/ kJkJ 334 n. 30
VWII') see (UbJ s.( n pJ br 31,47,50.,52,62,63.64 n. 10.1, .fn'y! 394f. kbs ID, IIDf, 113, 114, 120., 123, 124,
bJr 109-111.40.1,40.2 n. 23, and passim 66, 67, 78, 89, 97, 462 snty 436 n. 3. 444 n. 44 125 n. 68, 128, 133-136, 140., 142, 145,
[1nl 398, 400-40./, 40.2, 40.3, 526 ss n tJ st nJ\\' .('\I't 50. sndt 160., 189 n. 41. 373 n. 20., 391 n. 18 146, 155f., 180, 183, 192 f., 219, 229,
bnk 255 ff., 272 f.. 277 ss n tJ SI1\\'t 67 sndyt 255, 289-290. 297, 330. n. 9, 402, 40.4, 521, 524, 525,
br! see bt ss n tmJ 40. ss 119, 121 n. 54, 337 541, 552 n. 42, 555
vrY-lI'g' 245 s.f n fJty 40. sst 289 kmt 436f.
bry-rnr/:z 244-245, 383 ss-Ifd('draughtsman') 23,26,30. n. 20., 38. .flfrlsgr 162f., 200.-203, 204, 243, 244, kmtl 324-325
[It? ('bark'?) 444-445 42, 43, 44, 49, 53, 55, 57, 62, 63, 69, 74 363 f, 495, 524, 525 krt 143
V! ('rough') 140.fT, 143, 144, 153 n. 89. n. 136, 75, 78, 85, 86, 88, 91, 244 n. 185, skr ('to cur]'?) 139, 164 kr/:zt 140, 143-145, 147,520.,525
156,445 268, 396 skr (basket) 148, 161-164, 2DOf., 525, 543 krk(r) 185
sS(-mj-lfd (,decoration') 190., 215 n. 63. skr' 139, 140., 161fT, 520. n. 38 k/:zt 143, 160., 190. n. 41
st 396 216, 217, 219,220., 221, 223, 224, 225 stJ-Ifr 255 k/:zrt see kr/:Zt
sJy 124, 372-374. 382, 527 n. 93, 227, 232, 235, 242, 50.3, 50.5 .ftyt 290. kl)n 416
sJII' n ms\\' 310-311 S.(II,), 236 .ftlfr see slfr kM see kr/:Zt
sJ\\' Inr 312,313 n. 14 ssr-ns\l' 255 f. ksb see kbs
sJ\\'ty 48, 53, 78, 97 sfr.r 229f. fr.'/:zl 430-431 kskst 151,219
sJtl? see ssr/d sk/:z 199, 203 f., 230. n. 10.9 Ifwlfll' 356 kIWI 40.9
s'b 344-346 sgnn 30.4,334,336-337,423,424,437,490 Ifbll' (vessel) 243,347 n. 27, 40.8 n. 5, 412- kf 10.2 n. 7,408-412,413,423,425,427,
s'nb 162, 388 sty 355-356, 368, 422 415, 416, 417, 418, 420., 423, 426, 430. 4 7 8, 527
s\\'J 373, 376 sd see sg n. 143, 431, 434, 435, 496 n. 9, 50.1,
sw/:zw 290 sdll' 368 n. 44 512 n. 11,527 gJil 198, 231
Sll'/:zt 20.9,213-214, 215 n. 63, 217, 221, sgll'jsgy 112, 255 ff, 267, 272-277, 282. Ifbll' n wt 243,40.8 n. 5, 412 gJy 355, 426-428, 491
224, 225, 226, 228, 230 n. 117, 235-238, 286, 287, 288, 289, 526, 554 Ifbw (wood-work?) 218,221,236 gJwl 97,191,198-20.0.,20.3,20.4,20.8,231,
242, 245, 246, 281. 290., 392, 526 st} n p/:zwy 257, 272, 273, 274, 286 Ifb/:zw 433 243, 396, 512 n. 15, 525, 555
sbJ 155 n. 98, 389-391 sg n grt 257, 272, 274 /ffnllfnl 327 gJb 229f
sblll' 155 n. 98,193 n. 53,194 sgr 158-160.,338, 525, 555 IfrnJ 431 n. 147 gJb\\' 357
sbbt 389-391 fr.myt 446-447 gjf see lnr
sfi 323,324,426 n. 112 sJIII' 177-/78,525 fr.n 257, 274f., 278, 279f., 283, 416 n. 54 gjsl 365, 366, 369
sfiJ 312 n. 4, 316 n. 27, 317, 323 n. 66 sJwJbti 242 n. 173, 243 Ifnlll' (,chair') ID, 183, 185, 187-191, 194, gJtI221n.81,231
sfbll' 298, 338 n. 56 SJfr.w 20.1 n. 14 195, 199, 495, 496 n. 9, 512 n. 15, 525 gbi 230.
srny 353-355, 492 sJ1f1\' ('ring') 308-309 Ifnlw ('shrine') 187 n. 26, 191 n. 44, 246 grJw see gJlI't
srnw 346, 359f, 361, 362, 363, 367, 475- sJtl see sbd Ifnlll' ('orpiment') 217,218 n. 71, 234 grg 376f
478, 485 n. 112 s'y 471 n. 70., 485 n. 112,491 fr.nnl 365-366, 369
smn 308 .f(n)'{ty) 102, 10.4, \05 n. 25, 269, 271. Ifnl) 218 I 344-346
srndt (n bnrj 20. n. 23,167 n. 10,448,459, 282 Ifnlfn see /:zmtl ti-.fps 365-366, 369
481,492,493, 536,538 s'd ('torn up') 275 f., 281 Ifrl 394 1\1'1 ('sandals') 292-298,338 n. 56, 342,492
snlw 102-108 and passim S'd ('log') 5,371-372,527 Ifr/:zt 412, 426, 436 n. 145, 524, 526
snw (cake) 104 s'd-vt 40., 52 Ifrt}n 312, 316 n. 28, 317 n. 29, 318-321, 111'1 (,statue') 246-248
snll' ('account'?) 5D8f., swy 148, 154 325, 417 Ibl see dbl
s(w)nwt 396,50.8 swyw 230., 231 n. 121, 236, 388 n. 123 If/:zn 183, 415-418, 420., 423, 425, 426 n. tp-n-s/:zn 19 n. 18
snlr 334 n. 29, 366, 445-446 sbw 30.4, 30.5, 306-30.8 109, 50.2 n. 42, 527 tpl 376-377, 381, 382
sr 165 sbb 30.4, 30.7 Ifd 26 n. 8, 33, 40., 485-488 tpll'y 198
592 INDEXES GREEK WORDS, NAMES 593

tm 348, 350 dbt ('brick') 4401'.


tmi (,mat') 140 n. 44. 154-160. 193. 338, dbt ('box') 103. 199, 203-204, 208, 386,
524, 525, 555 525
tmi (,to slaughter') 491 n. 140 dbyt 248 GREEK WORDS
rnr? 349-350 dbn 101-102 and passim
thi 256 n. 33. 271 n. 90, 275 f. dmi 7, 459 n. 25. 506
uAci~acrtpo<; 150 n. 76 Koi<; 409
dni 102 n. 6, 143
~ficrt<; 206 KOOIl'l 7 n. 15
liy-mgit 318 dnit 10,103,123,140-143,145,151, 153,
8Erra<; 433 n. 169 IttW:A i) 334 n. 28
liy 204-205, 526 154, 156, 162, 193. 197,219,335 n. 31,
KiKt 334 attap 334 n. 28
lil\" 493 445 n. 53, 511, 520, 521 n. 40, 524, 525
lU!bl\ 315, 355. 426. 433-434, 435, 485 dnrg 476 n. 88
lyn see (i) lYn dbi 154 n. 96, 450
Ib 292 n. 201 d~ri 133, 152, 293 n. 210, 294, 398-400,
lbw see lU)bw 403, 404, 405, 526
NAMES
Ibw-n-ki 409 ds 345 n. 19, 347, 355, 433 n. 170, 434,
Inft 192 466 n. 61,472-474, 484, 485, 491 Only those names are listed which occur in price texts.
Innw see (i)lyn dgm 334 Numbers in italics refer to pages where the persons are discussed.
lr (,willow') 444 ddt see dydy Abbreviations: d. = daughter of; f. = father of; fern. = name of a woman;
lr(r) 338,435 h. = husband of; s. = son of; w. = wife of.
trvn 260, 400 giy 225, 255 ff., 278-282, 285 n. 173, 286,
lrb 338, 435 290, 341, 526 iny 'Imn-wi~-sw
J/:lnt 306, 432 dbl! 183, 209, 215, 217 n. 64, 226, 238- rml-ist 71 /:lry-m'qJy 67/
lk see kl 239, 244, 245 s. mby 39 'Imn-w'
gprt 432 s. ~i~i 39 s.ljri;
dilw 107 n. 31. 136, 138, 140, 254ff.. 264, gp~ 380,381, 382 37 n. 36, 39, 85 rml-ist 27, 80, 88
265-271,272.273, 276. 277, 280 n. 144, gm' 293, 447-448 24, 48, 55, 535
iny-nbtw
282, 283, 288, 289, 290, 291, 333, 338, gndr 483
ldnw 50, 396 'Imn-pi-ym
341, 443, 492. 502 n. 43. 524, 526, 528 f., gr 155,230
w'b 57f. 29
532f., 554 grt 439
37, 40, 85, 91 'Imn-pi-~'py
dilw /:lry 255 f.. 267 dr(y)w 218,239,268 n. 77
dydy 299, 409. 423-425, 427, 435 n. 180, grw 233 n. 135 'Iyt (fern.) rml-ist;
dr't 378 n. 58, 380-381 'nb-n-nlwt; s. 'In-~r-b'w 11 43, 57, 228
527
d~ty 433, 442-443
w.ljwy 397 s. Nfr-~tpw 43 n. 56
dw see dilw
'nt-m-wiw (fern.) 'Imn-m-lpt
86 ~ry-m'giy 67f.
COPTIC WORDS 'n-nlwtf ss 49f.
f.ljr-m-wB 37 n. 34 f. 'Imn-msw 24f.
46 rml-ist 30, 42, 70, 75
BI P 150 n. 76, 440 rro1\.IC 7 n. 15 46, 54, 55, 80, 88.
206 425 'Iwf-r-lb
BHC€ paZTE: 504, 537f,
in-mw 27,33/
€<go 177 <g BW"I" 382 'Imn-m-int
153 n. 90 <gKI1\. 139, 164,201 'Iwny
HI f. 'Imn-b'w;
67
KO€IC€ 409 <gO1\. 312 n. 9, 313 n, 13 s. 'Imn-b'w 38,51
KOCKC 151 <gMa 256 n. 35 'Iwnr (fern.) f.mki 73
'nb-n-nlwt 66 f. Stl 69
Ka-XI 409 <gWNT 138
w.Sny 415 37, 48, 50f., 67f.
MaN- 214 n. 47 <gT€ 377
'Ipwy 507f.
MaNWNZ 214 ZNaay 303
rml-Ist 32 'Imn-m-wB
MPWZ€ 145 ZWC 186 71f.
f. 'Imn-nbtw 25, 26, 30, 44, 63, ~mty
MplC 428 laT€ 140 461 328
Mayp€C 428 61\.06 185 43,62 'lmn-m-~b
NHBT€ 137n.20 60c6c 151 tomb of 212, 213 n. 38, s. Tnwr-Mntw 79
NOYBT 136,138 tM€ 7n.15 231,402 78/
NTaq 506
594 INDEXES NAMES 595

,!mn-m-c/i-hrw-nh 'In-I}r-b'w (I) W'bti (fern.) 45


58 I}rY-ist; w. Nbt-MIlI" 55
Bw~ntwf
'!mn-msw f./jr-msw; Wbbt (fern.) f. ~nni and Niby 77, 86
m'tjiy 33, 64, 83 h. IJnwt-rjww 50 n. 71, 55, 401, w. Nfr-I;tpw 29, 60, 79, 87 91
ss 47 n. 9 w. Nb-m-mwt (I) 29, 60, 79
kiwty 88 '!n-I;r-b'w (11) Psy
'nb-n-niwt 79
s. 'fmn-m-ipt 24f. 'i-n-ist; ss~d;
29
f. Piy-sdt 34 f. 'fmn-pi-I; 'py 36, 43, 50, 63, 77, f. P]-R'-m-I;b 44f.,510
Wn-nfr f. (Pi-) R'-I;tpw 76
53, 75, 79, 537 83, 84, 91, 323,
396, 536f.
ss 70
'lmn-nbtw Pi-ym
f./jwy imy-r pr-M 456
s. '!pwy; 39 28f.
'Iry-nfr Wsr-m'it-R'-nl;tw
sS(npibr) 25, 26, 44, 63, 74, Pi-iry?
miniw 26
37f·,49,63,89,507
77, 78, 90, 97, 82
98, 256 n. 33, 'i-pi-!sw Pi-idl;ti
396,461 I;mww s. 'Imn-nbtw 65
27, 43, 228 33
ss~d;
rml-ist 16,23,28,65, 171
37, 76, 83 Pi- 'i-m-int
s. Ifiy 28, 48, 96, 534
44,45, 507 ']-pl;ti *d 26
idnw 41,44, 97f., 535 Wsr-I;it-nbtw
f. Ksss 70 P]y-'n
s. Ri-ptrf 69,85 In-mw 23,27
's-nl;tw in-mw 57/
ss-n-tmi 40 Wsr-I;ps
48,81 Pi-'n-*n
16 'i-n-ist 97/
'n (fern.) ldnw 97f.
'lmn-hr Bisi
26, 74f., 214, 225
33 46,53 Pi-W
'n-Mwt (fern.) 36, 63/
'lmn-I;tpw Bisiy
58, 88, 238 f. Ij]rw? Pi-wblll
it-n!r 47 31
m'q3y 26,83 'n-I;tpw 18
Bikl
ss 30/, 57f. (once iry-'s 97
(= P]-biki) P]-lI'ns
called w'b), 96 53 (= 'Imn-nbnr) 41
'i-n-ist 64
ss~d; 'nl;J-n-ljnsw s. 'Imn-m-Int 73 P]-lI'bd
s. 'Imn-nblli' 30 ss 96
18, 39 n. 39 in-mll' 89
482 'I;sll'tl\'
26 Bik-n-'Imn .v'd-bt 40
485 n. III
73 42 P]-bikl
'Imn-b'w
Bik(i)-n-wrnwr see 8]ki
in-mw 38,56f.
33 f. Nb-nfr? 26 Pi-mdw-nbtw
idnll';
rml-ist 26 I;mwll';
s. Nb-m-mwt (I) 47, 59, 78, 98 f. 'b-pt
23, 50, 74/, 77, s. Ifly 27
wry'; ss 90 223, 534f.
s. 'lmn-m-int 38,51 's]-Ibl Pi-nb
m'qiy 33,47, 56 f.. 78, 89, Bikl-n-Mwt
482 s. Nfr-snwt 92
93, 537 in-mw 41
'cjd-nrJm rml-ist 7//,92, 107, 394f.
I;mww 81 S'd-I;t 41
']-n-Ist 17, 69, 78, 107,
s. Ij]m? 82 41, 73f., 537
S'd-I;t 38 215,536
ss n ti SIlII't Pr-'i 67 f Wi\\'\\' Biki-n-Ijnsw
rml-ist 45 ss n '!mn 82 Piy-nl;sy
f. NY-SlI'-'!mn 34,49
50, 52, 82, 89, 466, f. Nb-smn 57
33, 37f., 60, 63,79, Wiq-msw
89, 93, 283, 537 f. Nb-n{r 88 482 ff. Pi-nbtll'-rsy
Bikt-n-Sti (fern.) 97, 194
,Imn-tiy-nblll' W'b (fern.)
sm'yt n 'lmn 88, 504 Pi-R'-m-I;b
30 d. 'lwllIrr 66
26, 74/, 225 ss~d;
'Iny WObt (fern.)
Bw-rb-inwf s. Piy 510
258 w. '!n-I;r-I;'w (11) 50 n. 71
ss~d 43 lity 456
.'-"
NAMES
596 INDEXES
ss~d 86
MJJ-nbtwf
PJ-R'-btpw PJ-ds s. Bw-Ifntwf 86
ss~d;
466 38j., 67 f. Jny 39
(= R'-btpw) s. PJ-.sdw
f. Nb-nfr 31,88
ss~d; PyBy rm[-ist;
s. PJy 38j., 53, 75/ ss bwt-n[r 27 s. ij'-m-nwn 27,28,37, 74, 94f. Ny-sw-'!mn
s. Mn 43 n. 54 s. '!mn-b'w 34, 49, 58
Pn-'!mn M'nw[wbwti (fern.)
f. ~n 25 79 Niwt-nbti (fern.)
s. BJki 64 'nb-n-niwt
in-mw 27 w. ~n-br-bpsf
49 rm[-ist 64, 537 M'bm (fern.) 28,29,74
rm[-ist and ij'-m-nwn
58, 72, 323, 534 24n.3,31f. 'nb-n-niwt 31/ 42
'nb-n- niwt
PJ-bm-n1r Pn-'nlft M'bJB-ib (fern.) Nwb-m-wsbt (fern.)
45,61 w. PJ-sdw 32 n. 26
18 91
d. PJ-sdw 32 n. 26
PJ-bry-pdt Pn-pJ-ym Nb-'!mn
80 iry-'J 28 f., 48, 62 Mwt-m-mrst (fern.) 35j.
s. lfllT 52
30, 80 33, 55 f., 78 52,61
PJ-bJm Pn-mn-nfr Mn Nb-wn.j
f. PJ-R'-I;tpw 43 n. 54
(= ijJnr) sJwti 48 78
in-m\\'; Pn-niwt MnnJ Nb-m3't-R'-nbtw
s. TlI'nIlT 34, 80n:, 449 ss~d 62/,69
in-mu:; 13ty 95
s. BJsJy 31 f. Mry-Sbmt 82 n. 165
s. (ijnm-}msw 65 40, 78, 340 Nb-nfr
f. Nb-smn 33, 57 rm1-ist
rm1-ist 64/, 69f., 506f., 78,84 'I-n-ist;
k3ry 477
533f. f. Nfr-I;tpw 87
f. 'gd-nrjm 82 house of 78
23 s. W3rj-msw 88
40,53,82 Mml'-I;tpw
Pn-ml'b s. B3ki-n-wrnwr? 26
P3y-sn 31 n. 23
bmww 77 s. Pn-nwb 77,88
h. B-snty 430 Mnw-b'w
f. Nb-nfr 88 s. N3bY 31 f., 88
P3-sny-nrjm bmww 45
ss-Ifd;
bmww 26 Pn-Rnwt rm1-ist 59, 537 24, 48, 55, 80
s. Nbt-Mnw 59 s·lfri
P3-sny-nrjm 34,83 67
rm1-ist
I;mww 26 Pn-t3-wrt Mntll'-p3-I;'py Nb-nbtll'
P3-sr in-mw 23,60/ s. lf3y 53, 75 56,77
s.Pn-nwb
ss 23, 40{., 51, 69, I;mll'lI' 34,42 Mntll'-msw 56, 300
s. Nbt-Mnll'
505 n. 53 s. 'Imn-nbtll' 24,74 I;ry-m'rj3y 16, 23, 33, 34, 36, 37
3tw; 66/, 69, 78, 90,
P3y-sdt 56, 57 f., 534 Nb-smn
s. Nbt-Mnw 340
(= Sdt?) I;ry-m'rj3y 90, 537
ss 24, 67, 69
m'rj3y 64f Mntw-n[ltw I;ry-m'rj3y.
rm1-ist 71, 74
s. '!mm-msw 34 I;mty 84,410 s. P3-nbsy 57
33,82
33,46 Mryw? bry-m'rj3y:
P3-.MII' Pn-dw3w 53 s. P3-b3ry 33,57
68, 230 258 Mry-' !mn-nbtll' I;ry-m'rj3y:
I;mww
s. Pn-nll'b 77 Pr-'3-m-t3-1;3t "
sbti 88 s. R'/3 56/,507, 533f.
s.s~d; 82 rm1-ist 66
Mry-msw
f. M33-nbtll'.j 39 Ptl;-p3-I;'py w'b 45,187 N[rw (fern.)
s. M33-nbtwf 39,67 I;mti 67 brother of P3-.sdll· 68 92
s. Nbt-Mnw 56
Ptl;-mslf Mry-Sbmt Nfrt-iry? (fern.)
s. lfl;-n[ltll' 86 53
482ff. s. Mnn3 82 n. 165
f. lfr-msw 301 n. 9
Ptl;-nbt\\'
~
, Mrwt-' Imn-dw3 (fern.) Nfr-'bt
s. Knr 85
33 82 53
32 n. 26,67 w. lfr-mnw
P3-Sd\\' (fern.) Ptl;-sdw Nfr-rnpt
N3bY 76
85 18,33 ss 76 h. B-ist
598 INDEXES NAMES 599

N{r-lJr Rn·ti Ifwty (fern.) Ijimn'


IJm-nlr 57f. (= Rn·t3) 74 rml-ist 61
IJmn'\l' 42f f. Ifri 52, 532 Ifnwt-mflYw (fern.) Ijil"\\"
77 f. Knn3 30, 66, 78 92 see Pi-birw
Nfr-lJtpw 18,78 Ifnwt-gn"l\" (fern.) Ij'-m-ipt
'i-n-ist; Rm' w. ' 11l-lJr-b'll' (I) 50 n. 71. 55 18
s. Nb-nlr \7, 18,29,87/,92, s. Tiry 74 55 Ij'-m-wist
535 Rbt-ml' (fern.) Ifri iry-'i 23, 27. 40, 48, 51,
w'b 72 75/ 456
idml' n pr-lJg 52, 71, 87, 89,
ss 457 47, 52, 62, 63, 66,
Rs-ptrf ss n p3 br 459, 536f.
ss-/fd 85,86,510 67 f., 78, 89,
f. ' Imn-n[lIIl' 69, 85 rml-ist 30, 59
kiry 92 98 f., 411, 536ff.
37 24, 37. 46, 71, 506
f. R'-mry 29, 72 f.
HI"II'-nji' ss 31, 50f., 55, 83 /j'-m-nwn
s. R'-mry 72[.,
ss pr-M 31 ss n tm3 97 h. Niwt-nbti 28, 29, 72 f .. 74
rml-ist 36, 40
/fd 33f.,40 ss-/fd 23/, 48, 55, 80, 60f.
56, 59, 72. 92. 534
83 504 n. 53
Nfi'-sml't rml-ist; Ij'-m-Mt
f. Pi-nb 92 1f3y 50, 76, 83, 87, 396 s.f;
s. Ifwy-nfr
'3-n-ist; 33,34
s. Ifri-.sri 90
Nbw-m-Mn·t (I) s. Mntw-msw
s. ~31J3 31/, 35, 67 n. 112. s. Rwti 52, 532 /j'-m-sh3
'3-n-ist;
69,536 rml-ist 34 rml-ist 31
h. Wb[lI 29,32 n. 25, 47,70,
idml'; 56, 89, 92 /j'-m-tri
81f.
s. Ifiy;
N[llI'-m-Mwt (Il) Hri-sri IJry iryw-'i 85 f.
f. '[mn-nbtw 41,54, 98 456
'3-n-ist; . ss-/fd/ss( n p3 br) ; imy-r pr-lJg
idnw;
s. /jnsw 36, 61 (called ss), s. 'Imn-Ilbtw 26,36,63/,78,90, /j't-Ilwb (fern.)
s. ' [mn-n[llll' 54,53
70 n. 127, 75, 98 .sm'yt n 'Imn;
s. Ifwy 35, 77, 85
81 f., 96, 356 f. Ifr-m-wB d. Ij'-m-nwll and
s. S3-W3(}yt 35,91
s. 'Imn-b'w 47,61, 75 s. 'Il-niwtf 37 n. 34 Niwt-Ilbti 29
s. Sb3 35
rml-ist 44 rml-ist 89 /j'-lJr-mtr
f. P3-mdl1'-n[lIw 27
31,75,76 f. Mntw-p3-lJpy 53, 75 37,85,510 f. Sti 69
Nbt-'Imn rml-ist 48, 52 Ifr-m-wB-p3-sri /j'wy
24 n. 3, 54, 532 35, 48, 52, 90, 399. 37 n.33 siwty 78
N[lI-Mnw 537 Ifr-Mnw /jnsw
rml-ist; Ifwy ss-/fd; 'i-n-ist;
h. Wbti; IJmww 39 s .lfri 24/; 48, 55, 57f., s. Nbw-m-Mwt (I) 47, 70 n. 127, 77
f. Pn-Rml't 18 n. 13, 32, 55f, IJm-nlr 458 62,80,82,88,91 258
59, 534 s. 'In-lJr-b'w 39
s. Ifwy-nfr
Ifr-msw /jnsw-m-lJb
Ngmt? (fern.) 39,60
'i-Il-ist 96 IJry-m'giy 96
s. K3r 85
86 s. 'In-lJr-b'w 301 n. 9 m'diy 456
s. Knr 85
RiB (fern.?) f. P3-lJry-pdt 80
s. Pi-Sdw 301 n. 9
ffnm-msw
m.(?) Nb-smn 56f f. 1f3y 35, 77, 85 Ifri-nfr f. Pn-niwt 65
R'-mry h. '[yt 397 31 rml-ist 54, 56, 70, 507.
IJmww 30, 66, 72, 80 rml-ist 31 Ifo-nbtw 532 ff.
s. Nfr-IJtp 11' 29,72f Ifwy-nfr f. Pi-Sd 86 78
45,72f. f. Ifwy 39,60 Ifsy-sw-nbf Si-Widyt
R'-msw f. Ifri 50, 76, 83, 87, 396 idnw 60 24,30,80
IJmww
ss 45,462 rml-ist 65,66,81 91 35,91
f. 1f3y
f. Kis3 70 51,298
/jiwy rml-ist 66
86 Ifwnwr (fern.) siwty 53 27
R'-lJtpw 'nb-n-niwt 91
see P3-R'-lJtpw d. B-wsrt 67f.
600 INDEXES NAMES 601

SJ-MwI J:(ny TII'nll'r


(Imlt·w ./1) 4-. /"'J-ndmy (fern.)
f. KJr ,~5 81
97f. f. IjJr>!'
SJry (SJdy?) J:(ny-Mnlt' Tml'r-Mnlll'
49,57,66,85 B-ryry (fern.)
482 430 rm!-iSI 51
'ntJ-n-niwI
SJ(1ly-n!rl? (fern.) J:(n-(1r-ilp!if 31 f., 43, 60, 78(
ss n pJ tJr; n-Mnw (fern.)
X8 82 Tnl-nill't (fern.)
h. Nhl'l-nbl/ 17.28.29. 70 79
SJkl By-sn (fern.)
58, 88, 238 rml-isl;
.~ms n IJ (111'1 53 [i-'J
s. fp-rn-mm 29,35f.,47.102n, . 'ntJ-n-nill'l
SbJ iry-'J 38.88, 537
36 n-snly (fern.)
f. Ijsy 35 in-mw 38,40, 69, 504
J:(nns 'ntJ-n-nill'l; 37 f, 55
24,38 430
(see also J:(n) w. Psy-sn
Sbk-msw tJml!'lr 75 n-kimn (fern.) Iiw-n-iny
(1r),-m'cjsy 89 s. Bw-Jr.nfll'f 77 s. J:(n 75f
34
tJmww 83 f. s. RWli 30,66
n-ttJ), (fern.) Iiry
33 rml-isl 77 73f
(1ml? 92
Sny 16, 82, 162, 506 DwJ-m-mrsl (fern.)
h. '[wnwr 415 l "' n-dil-/J-wrl (fern.)
J:(s 88 38 n. 38
Src' (fern.) 84 J)tJwly-msw
'nb-n-nh;'1 28 f. n-dtJri (fern.)
J:(d-iblw,f 29 ss(npibr) 97, 326, 347
Sli tJmww 25 smsw 328
wtJ'; w'b 57f. n
lilY 25, 457 J)tJwly-tJr-m'klwf
s. 1j'-tJr-mlr 69 91 It'"", 44f,211
rml-ist; n(-srl)
Kir \' ,r
s. '[mn-m-11lt 69 85
rml-Ist;
s. Si-Mil'l
54, 89 s. '!mn-nblw 25, 74, 97
84f.
SdI Kiss
see Piy-sd s. 'i-ptJti 70
Sry-R' (fern.) s. W-msw 70 1c
92 rm!-iSI 70
Sdy-srl? (fern.) 16,323
88 Knr
85
Sdyl-m-dwil (fern.)
sm'yl n '[rnn 69/, 506f., 533f. n-Ist (fern.)
w. Nfr-rnpl 75 f.
Sd-sw-!jnsw 91
m'cjiy 61,537
n-'i-mrwl (fern.)
J:(iy-cjrl 91
siwti 98f.
n-wrl-nfr (fern.)
If.3tJi 87f.
'i-n-Ist;
n-wsrl (fern.)
s. Ijwy 80, 395
mother of Ijwnwr 67
f. iny 39
s. Ijiy 35 n-bisw (fern.)
25 63f.

J:(n Ti-bikw (fern.)


90
(see also J:(nni)
rml-ist; n-ntJsy (fern.)
s. Pi-R'-tJtpw 25 'nb-n-nlwt;
mother of S~- Wjcfyt 66

.'
ss-Jr.d;
f. [iw-n-iny 76 w. Ijwy 80

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