WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH MAHATMA GANDHI

NATIONAL RURAL EMPLOYMENT GAURENTEE ACT:

A CASE STUDY ON THE IMPACT OF MNREGA ON WOMEN  
IN THE PATNA DISTRICT BLOCK; DANAPUR, BIHAR

Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the Award of the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

In

ECONOMICS

By

MERLIN THOMAS

(Register No: 093EC1098)

DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS
MADRAS CHRISTIAN COLLEGE (AUTONOMOUS)
TAMBARAM, CHENNAI – 600059
APRIL-2010
WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH MAHATMA GANDHI
NATIONAL RURAL EMPLOYMENT GAURENTEE ACT:

A CASE STUDY ON THE IMPACT OF MNREGA ON WOMEN  
IN THE PATNA DISTRICT BLOCK; DANAPUR, BIHAR

Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the Award of the Degree of

MASTERS OF ARTS

In

ECONOMICS

By

MERLIN THOMAS

Register No: 093EC1098

DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS
MADRAS CHRISTIAN COLLEGE (AUTONOMOUS)
TAMBARAM, CHENNAI – 600059

2
 APRIL-2010

CERTIFICATE BY THE SUPERVISOR/ HEAD OF THE

DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS

This is to certify that the dissertation entitled “WOMEN

EMPOWERMENT THROUGH MAHATMA GANDHI NATIONAL
RURAL EMPLOYMENT GAURANTEE ACT: A CASE STUDY ON
THE IMPACT OF MNREGA ON WOMEN IN THE PATNA
DISTRICT BLOCK, DANAPUR, BIHAR.” submitted by Merlin Thomas
(Register No. 093EC109), a full time student during 2010-2011, for the
award of the Degree of Master of Arts in Economics is the record of
research work carried out by her under my guidance and supervision.

Head of the Department Supervisor

(G.Suresh Dhas) (G.Suresh Dhas)

Place: Tambaram
Date:

3
 DECLARATION BY THE CANDIDATE

I declare that the dissertation entitled “WOMEN EMPOWERMENT

THROUGH MAHATMA GANDHI NATIONAL RURAL
EMPLOYMENT GAURANTEE ACT: A CASE STUDY ON THE
IMPACT OF MNREGA ON WOMEN IN THE PATNA DISTRICT
BLOCK, DANAPUR, BIHAR.” submitted by me for the degree of Masters
of Arts in Economics is the record of research work carried out by me in the
period 2010-2011, under the guidance of professor G.Suresh Dhas , the
Head of the Department, Economics, Madras Christian College and has not
formed the basis for the award of any degree, Diploma, Associateship,
Fellowship, Titles in this or any other University or other similar
institutions of higher learning.

Place: Tambaram
Date: (MERLIN THOMAS)

4
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The completion of this research calls me to thank the God Almighty Father for all his
strength and support throughout the course of this endeavor.

I take up this opportunity to express my deep sense of respect and gratitude to Mr.
G.Suresh Dhas, Head of Economics Department, Madras Christian College, under
whose supervision this dissertation is carried out.

I would also like to thank Mrs. Rosemary Abraham, Director of Finance Department,
Capital Market, and Professor Francis Das, Delhi University, for helping me, in
selecting an appropriate topic and for their constant support and guidance.

This research would not have materialized had it not been for the support rendered by
Mrs. Suganthy John, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, Madras Christian
College, Mr. Ratnakar Misra, former chairperson of Hindustan Lever and Ms. Veena
Ramachandran, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Madras Christian
College . I also thank all beneficiaries in Patna District for being generous enough to
devote their valuable time for this research.

The contribution of my close friends has been inevitable to this research. Their priceless
suggestions and willingness to help at any time of the day was a great blessing. Last but
not the least, I would like to thank my parents for their constant encouragement which
has kept me going till the end.

Place: Tambaram
Date: (MERLIN THOMAS)

5
 CONTENTS

Certificate by the Supervisor

Declaration by the Candidate
Acknowledgement
List of Tables
Abbreviations

CHAPTER TITLE PAGE NO.

I INTRODUCTION 9
II REVIEW OF LITERATURE 18
III NREGA PROFILE 24
IV METHODOLOGY 48
V DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION 57
VI CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS 70
BIBLIOGRAPHY 75
ANNEXURE 79

6
 LIST OF TABLES

S.NO. TITLE PAGE NO.

5.1 Demand Supply Gap under NREGA 59

5.2 District wise allocation for NREGA 60
5.3 Women participants 61
5.4 Response to NREGA 63
5.5 Allotment of jobs 64
5.6 Profile of sample workers 66
5.7 Participation over the years in Bihar 68
5.8 Total progress 69

7
 ABBREVIATIONS

1. APL Above Poverty Line

2. BDO Block Development Officer
3. BPL Below Poverty Line
4. DRDA District Rural Development Agency
5. GDP Gross Domestic Product
6. EGS Employment Guarantee Scheme
7. MNREGA Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act
8. REP Rural Employment Program
9. UNDP United Nations Development Program

8
CHAPTER I

9
 Introduction

“Priority” should be given to women in the allocation of work “in such a

way that at least one-third of the beneficiaries shall be women”.
[Schedule II, Para 6, NREGA]

Economic security is one of the main components of human

security. It constitutes the crux of social security, in the conventional sense.
Economic security requires employment and an assured source of a basic
income adequate for meeting one’s basic needs. A primary objective of state
policy should generate greater productive work opportunities in the growth
process itself, by concentrating on sectors, sub-sector and technologies
which are more labor-oriented, in regions characterized by higher rates of
unemployment and under-employment. Recognizing the high incidence of
under-employment and increasing actualization of labor, there is a need to
enhance employment opportunities for the poor, particularly for those who
are in seasonal occupation.

The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) is one of the

most progressive legislations enacted since independence. Its significance is
evident from a variety of perspectives. First, it is a bold and unique
experiment in the provision of rural employment – in India and indeed in the
world at large. Second, it is the first expression of the right to work as an

10
enforceable legal entitlement. In a country where labor is the only economic
asset for millions of people, gainful employment is a prerequisite for the
fulfillment of other basic rights – the right to life, the right to food, and the
right to education.

There is much that the NREGA promises from the perspective of women’s
empowerment as well. Most boldly, in a rural milieu marked by stark
inequalities between men and women – in the opportunities for gainful
employment afforded as well as wage rates – NREGA represents action on
both these counts. The act stipulates that wages will be equal for men and
women. It is also committed to ensuring that at least 33% of the workers
shall be women. By generating employment for women at fair wages in the
village, NREGA can play a substantial role in economically empowering
women and laying the basis for greater independence and self-esteem.

Growth
Employment is the main source of livelihood and self-fulfilment for most
women and men. It is critical to the way women and men live and view their
lives. A well-nurtured and productive labour force contributes towards a
dynamic economy and equitable society. Lack of access to employment, that
is decent and remunerative, lowers self-esteem and leads to denial of basic
needs of the individual and the family, and can lead to social instability. It is,
therefore, important to work towards the goal of decent and remunerative
work for all women and men seeking such work, in conditions of freedom,
equity, security and human dignity.

11
India has witnessed an impressive and steadily rising rate of economic
growth for about two decades now. The prospects of a continuation of this
high economic growth in the medium term are also high. And yet, the
challenge of employment, especially good quality and remunerative
employment remains formidable. Although there has been a reversal of the
declining trend in employment growth in the post-2000 period, there has
also been a simultaneous increase in unemployment rates as employment
growth has not kept pace with growth in labor supply. Unemployment rates
have been high and increasing, especially amongst certain groups – such as
youth, women and young graduates. Furthermore, about 10 million new
entrants to the labor force are expected each year, for which jobs would need
to be generated.

Over half the work force, continues to depend on the agriculture even though
it accounts for less than fifth of the total GDP. This implies a vast gap in
incomes and productivity between agriculture and non-agriculture sectors.
This is mainly due to inadequate growth of productive employment
opportunities outside agriculture. The organized sector that offers work that
would be considered decent employs less than 10 per cent of the workforce
and, in recent years, has been characterized by low and declining
employment intensity of output growth. An overwhelming majority of
workers are currently employed in the unorganized sector where most of the
new jobs are also created. In addition, most new jobs that are being created
in the organized sector are informal in nature. These jobs are mostly
characterized by low earnings, poor conditions of work and lack of social
protection and organization.

12
Rural unemployment
Unemployment in the agricultural sector is the most serious aspect in the
Indian economy. First of all, there is open unemployment among the
landless agricultural workers. With the decline of cottage industries and
handicrafts, the rural population has no alternative means of livelihood.
They have to fall back on the agricultural sector, which is clearly
overcrowded. There is also considerable disguised unemployment in the
agricultural sector. It means that more people are neglected in the
agricultural operators than required. In technical language the marginal
productivity of many hands in agricultural sector is zero. Another dimension
of real unemployment is the problem of seasonal unemployment among the
Indian farmers. Agriculture by its very nature is activity. For a significant
part of the year, the Indian farmers are out of work. In the absence of
supplementary sources of employment, they have to remain unemployed
during stack agricultural season.

Women Empowerment

The word empowerment is used in many different contexts and many

different organizations. For example, literature about empowerment is found
in the fields of education, social work, psychology, in U.S. radical politics in
the 1960’s and community development groups in the north and south, as
well as in the work of feminists and development organizations.

Empowerment has become the buzz word for the last to decades. It is a
process of building capacities, of creating an atmosphere, which enables
people to fully utilize their creative potential in pursuance of a quality of

13
life. Empowerment gives women the capacity to influence in decision
making process, planning, implementation and evaluation by integrating
them into the political system. Women’s empowerment is not only
empowerment but also crucial if development is to be sustainable. In india
economic reforms based on globalization, liberalization and empowerment
of women by 33% reservation in areas such as Panchayat Raj are opening
new vistas for the development of women and in improving their status.
Women’s participation in nation’s development is not merely a question to
provide some special concession to them. A nation or society goes ahead
only through the contribution of all its members. Pushing women into the
backyard drags behind the society.

NREGA

The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) was notified on

September, 2005. The Act provides a legal Guarantee of 100 days of wage
employment in a financial year to every rural household whose adult
members volunteer to do unskilled manual work at the minimum wage rate
notified for agricultural labour prescribed in the State or else an
unemployment allowance. The objective of the Act is to supplement wage
employment opportunities in rural areas and in the process also build up
durable assets.

NREGA is the first ever law internationally, that guarantees wage

employment at an unprecedented scale. The primary goal of NREGA is to
create a strong social safety net for vulnerable groups by providing a fall

14
back employment source, when other employment sources are scarce or
inadequate. It strives to strengthen the natural resource base by providing
work focused on water conservation, land development and drought
proofing, thus reducing migration by rural poor households in the lean
period. It acts as a model of governance reform anchored on the principles of
transparency and accountability by serving as growth engine for sustainable
development of agricultural economy.

Conceptually, in order to better understand the ability of a public works

programme to stabilize the labor market, the sequence of events from the
announcement to the execution of a public works programme needs to be
pinned down. As the NREGA is written, first the government announces the
wage to be paid at public works programme. Next, productivity shock,
positive or negative, to the private sector is revealed. Subsequent to the
revelation of the productivity shock private employers and workers form
expectations regarding the location, and hence accessibility of public works
programmes ex-post, and private employment contracts are signed. Finally,
having observed private employment, the government decides on the
location of public works programmes and other benefits, and thus
determines the disposable income of workers who seek public employment.
In effect, with ex-post discretion on the location of public employment the
government can act to either ration or encourage public works employment.
During times when the productivity shock is positive, a location for public
employment can be so chosen as to make the transportation cost high, and
hence disposable income low from public employment while the opposite
can be true when productivity shocks are negative. In this latter vein, it is
worth noting that in the event where the agricultural sector specifically is

15
exposed to a large negative shock, public works programmes can be
instituted and productive assets created, to directly to dampen the level of
unemployment in the agricultural labour market.

Household Economics

Till recently, intra-household affairs were considered outside the domain of

mainstream economics that deals mainly with market institutions. With the
assertion of feminist economics, and emergence of bargaining (Folbre 1986;
Becker 1981) and cooperation-conflict (Sen 1990, 1996) models, the notion
of household being a non-market institution has been challenged. It is argued
that the perception of the family as an undifferentiated unit where coop-
eration, harmony and altruism define relations between members
camouflages the real nature of household affairs (Folbre 1986; Sen 1990). It
is also contended that the notion of human behaviour guided by self-interest
in the market and altruism in family/household relations, is inconsistent.
Male-female intra-household relations, then, are (also) defined by their
differential bargaining power, and in turn, determined by their differential
access to economic, political and social resources. Property ownership and
access to paid employment opportunity outside the household, apart from
other factors, increases the bargaining capacity of a woman by giving her a
better fallback position (Agarwal 1994). Since, in India and elsewhere, male
family members have greater control over property and other economic
resources, including access to paid employment, they enjoy better
bargaining positions inside their households. Moser (1993) holds that
women’s ability to earn outside their households increases their own self-

16
perception of their contribution to the household, and this has similar effects.
The paid employment opportunity under NREGS holds similar prospects for
rural women in India, who have little control over economic resources, and
face social and other disadvantages in accessing paid employment outside
the home.

The concept of empowerment gained prominence with the feminist

movement in the 1980s. There are various views and perceptions on
empowerment (Luttrell et al 2009). To some, it is a process and to others, it
is an outcome. Many consider it to be both a process and an outcome. The
process approach emphasizes organizational capacity building that enhances
the access of disadvantaged groups to the process of development, while the
outcome approach emphasizes increased access to economic resources. To
Kabeer, “empowerment refers to the expansion in people’s ability to make
strategic life choices in a context where this ability was previously denied to
them”.

The present study takes a broader view of empowerment and defines it “both
as a process and as an outcome that alters the position of women inside and
outside their households; with this altered position, women are able to
realize a better individual and social life”.

17
CHAPTER II

18
 REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Venkata Reddy (1989) The problem of surplus population subsisting on

land and the consequential increase in rural unemployment and under
employment leading to poverty in India has been stressed by several
competent authorities since the report of the famine commission of 1880.
However the evaluation reports point out certain gaps. Element of
unproductive works undertaken in the scheme, lack of continuity of works
under the scheme the absence of agency to prepare blueprints for different
type of works on continuous basis, lack of effective revision over the works
undertaken, leading to corrupt practices, shortages of farm wage labour due
to concurrent EGS with adverse effect on agricultural operations. There was
no authoritic information about the employment seekers on there was no
adequate knowledge of the nature of works witch should receive priority
under the EGS. At district level of entire work relating to planning,
implementation, supervision etc. will be the responsibility of the District
Rural Development Agency (DRDA). The review of NREP shows that the
employment generation target has been consistently achieved.
Dr. V.K.R.V.Rao says how supply of buffalo to an agricultural labor without
provision of fodder and marketing facilities and knowledge to look after it
will only result in milch buffalo changing hands. This in fact has been the

19
experience on the field of many schemes for giving employment to
agricultural laborers.

Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh has expressed that this employment

guarantee act must be transparent, peoples’ programme. He envisages a
collaborative partnership of the Central and State Governments and of the
Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) to translate the spirit of the act on ground.
Voluntary sector, welcoming this spirit is getting prepared to support the
efforts being made by the state governments, at the same time to keep watch
that the Act should not get weak due to the malpractices & corruption at the
stage of implementation.

Ashok Kumar Mishra (1996), through the study on National Rural

Employment Programme in Siwan. The programme to make employment to
mostly in rural areas, a good number of well intended programme. He
argued that the menace of full or partial unemployment and its off shoot in
poverty can be seen and experienced anywhere and everywhere. The study
recommended that the official machinery by itself cannot remove it.

Narasima Rao (2000) has presented a panoramic view of rural revolution

which has been slowly, steadily and silently taking shape in India. It is an in-
depth study of over hundred years of rural development in the country and
analyses the problems and prospects of rural development form economic,
political, historical administrative and sociological points of view and offers
solution of relevance to planners, administrators’ bankers and voluntary
agencies engaged in the vast field of rural development programmes.
NABARD (2003) visualizes the farmers clubs as a federated system of

20
multipurpose cooperative organization formed by the farmers themselves for
the purpose of carrying out a number of functions such as the promotion of
farmer’s interest, improvements of their knowledge and skills, increase in
their farm production and incomes, betterment of their living condition and
overall development of the rural economy.

Basu (2002), “We start with the presumption that rural labour markets in
India do not conform to the classic competitive labour markets of economics
textbooks. If they did, the arguments for the NREGA would be weaker.
However, in our view agricultural labour markets in India exhibit a range of
hiring arrangements, from sharecropping to seasonal spot wage-labour
demand and a variety of credit-labour-land contracts in between.

Ashok Pankaj (2003), “Women’s empowerment was not among the

original intentions of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
(NREGA), and is not among its main objectives. However, provisions like
priority for women in the ratio of one-third of total workers (Schedule II
(6)); equal wages for men and women (Schedule II (34)); and crèches for the
children of women workers (Schedule II (28)) were made in the Act, with
the view of ensuring that rural women benefit from the scheme in a certain
manner.”

Vaidyanathan (2005) the standing committee’s recommendations on the

NREGP call for basic changes in the concept and design envisaged in the
draft bill. They are essential, indeed imperative, if the programme is to be
effective and thus deserve strong support. It should be obvious however that
concurrence of the state governments and their willingness to abide by the

21
operational implications of the legislation are essential. The most serious
lacuna in the report is that it sidesteps the problems involved in ensuring that
this precondition is met.

World Bank (2005) Estimates show that 80 per cent of India’s population
lives below the international poverty line of $2 a day. India has rank 80th in
this list of 94 countries. The 61st round NSS data cited in the 2007 report of
the National Commission of Employment in the Un organized Sector
(NCEUS) provide an almost exact confirmation of the World Bank
estimates. The NCEUS report shows that 77 per cent of India’s population
836 million people have a per capita, consumption expenditure of less than
or equal to Rs.20 per day [roughly $2 in purchasing power parity terms).

According to Dr. Navjyoti Jandu (2007), “NREGA is the first ever law
internationally, that guarantees wage employment at an unprecedented scale.
The primary goal of NREGA is to create a strong social safety net for
vulnerable groups by providing a fall-back employment source, when other
employment sources are scarce or inadequate. It strives to strengthen the
natural resource base by providing work focused on water conservation, land
development and drought proofing, thus reducing migration by rural poor
households in the lean period. It acts as a model of governance reform
anchored on the principles of transparency and accountability by serving as
growth engine for sustainable development of agricultural economy.”

Reetika Khera (2009), in her article, the battle for employment gaurentee,
said “First, there are, in many areas, tenacious social norms against women
working outside the home. In Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, we met women who

22
said that they had not been able to register as workers under the NREGA22
and were told that this programme was ‘not for them’.”

Hindu (2010),“I think, eventually, civil society will learn not to rely on the
state for redressal of its grievances. The state does not exist to either grant
human rights or to guarantee human rights. You have to fight your own fight
to have them and when they are violated you have to fight and you have to
fight absolutely neutrally — you have to fight for the human rights of the
bad guys as well”

23
CHAPTER III

24
 Profile of NREGA

In August 2005, Parliament passed the landmark legislation, the National

Rural Employment Guarantee Act (hereafter NREGA). The NREGA is a
national law funded largely by the central government and implemented in
all states, which creates a justifiable “right to work” for all households in
rural India. Under the NREGA, rural households have a legal right to get
“not less than” 100 days of unskilled manual labor on public works in each
financial year.

The enactment of the NREGA in 2005 came about partly as a result of a

sustained campaign by academics and activists across India. Significant
efforts were made by campaign groups to highlight the crisis of food and
work availability being faced by large numbers of the rural poor in India.
The NREGA, as finally enacted, was a diluted version of the “citizen’s
draft”.1 Nevertheless it signified a huge step forward as a social security
mechanism for the rural poor.

The Gram Panchayat has been assigned a pivotal role in implementation of

the Act, being responsible for almost every planning, management and
supervisory function at the village level. The nature of works that may be
taken up under the Scheme can significantly contribute to development of
the natural resource base and increase the productive asset holdings of
communities and households in rural areas (the Act allows for development

25
works on private land holdings of SC and ST households). With proper
planning and implementation, the returns are expected to multiply manifold,
and create conditions conducive for practice of agriculture, agro-forestry and
other land-based activities. As with other natural resource management
projects, more significant are the long-term impacts at the macro-level –
increased ground water recharge, arrested soil erosion, increased biomass
production, and so on – benefits which are not confined to the
inconsequential laborer or the rural community alone.

Over the last couple of years, several senior bureaucrats and field
functionaries have been heard rattling off the troubles they are confronting
on account of NREGA, which they believe is a hindrance to ‘real
development’ of the nation and its people. During a recent discussion, one
officer of the forest department went on to suggest that if the government
really cared for development, there should be a direct transfer of funds to the
BPL households, without expectation of any work in return; he is not the
only one who believes that NREGA is breeding inefficiency in labor markets
and corruption among the Gram Panchayats; laborers are getting into the
habit of shirking work, and more important activities such as departmental
tree plantations and watershed works are being hampered. There may be
some truth in his allegations, but one needs to take a step back to assess the
situation with a degree of objectivity and prudence.

Despite some weaknesses, the NREGA is a remarkable legislation under

which local administrations are legally bound to provide work on demand to
any worker or group of workers who apply for work, within 15 days of
receipt of a work application4 on public works operated under the NREGA.

26
Though the list of permissible works under the NREGA is quite restricted,
there is ample scope for undertaking projects that provide economically
useful assets. In the event that the local administration fails to provide work,
an unemployment allowance is to be paid to the workers. The NREGA
promises “not less than 100 days” of work to all households in rural India in
each financial year where adults in the household are willing to undertake
unskilled manual labour at the statutory minimum wage.

There are several provisions of the Act which are of special interest to
women workers. First, the Act mandates that at least one-third of the
workers should be women. This combined with the fact that the Act places
no restriction on how each households’ quota of 100 days is shared within
the household, means that there is ample scope for women’s participation in
NREGA works. Second, the wage earned is equal for both men and women.
Besides this, the NREGA also provides for childcare facilities at the
worksite when more than five children under six years of age are present at
the worksite. This is an important provision given that, in large parts of the
country, there are no childcare arrangements (e g, functional anganwadis)
for working women.

The Act

The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 provides for

enhancement of livelihood security of the households in rural areas of the
country by providing at least one hundred days of guaranteed wage
employment in every financial year to every household whose adult
members volunteer to do unskilled manual work. The Act has been notified

27
in all the rural areas in the country. By providing employment to those who
seek it, this Act has emerged as one of the largest social safety net providing
employment to 4.51 crore rural households in 2008-09 and providing
employment to more than 3 crore households in the current financial year.
The Act has thus opened up opportunities to the rural households to obtain
local employment, enhance their wage earning and through their labour to
create rural assets which contribute to development of the rural economy.
The association of the name of Mahatma Gandhi with National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 will reinforce the Act’s thrust towards
equity and inclusiveness, especially of the deprived groups and socio-
economically marginalized communities.

The provisions of the Act of public accountability, through social audit and
Right to Information will get central focus with the association of Mahatma
Gandhi’s name, reflecting his ideals of the sovereignty of the public in a
democracy. The Act is premised on rural households volunteering to do
unskilled manual labour and the association of Mahatma Gandhi’s name
with it underscores the dignity of labour. It is, therefore, considered befitting
that the said Act bears the name of the Father of the Nation ‘‘Mahatma
Gandhi’’ as it is a concrete expression of his development vision.
Accordingly, the title of the said Act is proposed to be amended as the
Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee
Act.

Salient features

28
The programme was unique in many aspects that helped to achieve the
support of various stake holders. Some of its salient features are:

• Wholesome Package
It is an employment programme coupled with a rural upliftment scheme
to create social equity, an empowerment scheme and a crucial public
investment method to create durable assets.
• Strong Legal Framework
The State is made legally binding to satisfy the right to work and wage
payment within 15 days as per this scheme. State Governments are liable
to pay unemployment allowance to wage seekers if it fails to provide
employment within the stipulated time.
• Demand Driven
Resource transfer under NREGA is based on the demand unlike the other
employment programmes and thus provides another critical incentive to
states to leverage the act to meet employment needs of the poor.

• Decentralized Planning
The programme strengthens decentralization and deepens the processes
of democracy by giving a pivotal role to the Panchayati Raj Institutions
in planning, monitoring and implementation.
• Women Empowerment
At least one-third of the beneficiaries shall be women who have
registered under the scheme making them independent and increasing
their overall awareness.

29
 • Transparency and Accountability
Social audits by the Gram Sabhas, mandatory disclosure of muster rolls,
public accessibility of all documents and account, regular updating of job
cards infuses transparency and accountability in governance.
• Grievance Redressal Mechanism
The scheme lays emphasis on responsive implementation process. All
accounts and records related to the scheme are available for public
scrutiny.
• Information and C ommunication Technology(ICT)
Centralization of data because of its wide scale has been resolved through
web enabled Management Information System.

Acceptability of the Act

When the act was passed, there was a fairly strong consensus that this was
an initiative that would have the potential to transform rural India. The
national coalition government described NREGA as revolutionary, and
maintained that it would impact on poverty in a major way by building
infrastructure and enhancing growth in rural areas. The National Advisory
Council, which prepared the draft bill, was also convinced that the act would
cause a major decline in rural poverty. Many development professionals and
writers on rural development and decentralisation referred to the act as a
‘historic piece of legislation’. A large part of civil society, including the
Right to Food Campaign, welcomed NREGA because the rights-based
platform of the programme could make a difference to rural livelihood

30
security by guaranteeing 100 days of employment. NREGA was also
internationally recognised as an outstanding initiative seeking to safeguard
the right to work, which forms a part of the Indian Constitution.
However, as the programme has unfolded, certain questions are being raised.
Many, including some of those involved in drafting the bill, now recognise
that much still needs to be done to support the rights of the poor, and to
defend them against corrupt officials. The financing of the scheme continues
to be an issue of debate. Criticism is also mounting from civil society: many
argue that the poor implementation of NREGA makes beneficiaries believe
that it is no better than other government schemes that have had little impact
on poverty. Although NREGA is a flagship project of the governing
coalition, there is much political rivalry over the scheme. Ironically, the act
has been far more successful in, for example, Rajasthan (a state ruled by the
opposition party, the BJP) than in some of the states ruled by national
coalition members. Dreze believes that this kind of competition is healthy,
and may ultimately serve to enhance the overall success of the programme.

Though the Act has been passed and implemented, the issue that remains
pertinent is the implications of such a large and open-ended commitment for
managing the revenue and fiscal deficits especially in the context of the
obligations under the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act.
Based on available data, we tried to examine the NREGA-induced fiscal
strain in the current fiscal year by comparing the budget burden of other
employment programmes (self- and wage employment) prior to the NREGA
and NREGA allocation. Though the central government mobilizes around 10
per cent of GDP as revenue, and the size of the government expenditure
measured as a percentage of GDP is around 15 per cent, direct expenditure

31
on rural employment constituted 0.2 per cent of GDP in 1996-97, which
declined to 0.13 per cent of GDP in 2001, at a time when human deprivation
increased in rural India. Thereafter, although there was an increase in the
direct expenditure on rural employment to 0.40 per cent of GDP, it tended to
decline and fell to 0.33 per cent of GDP in 2006-07, even with the
introduction of the NREG programme. In other words, in the past without
the NREGA, the government had allocated a higher amount of resources in
terms of proportion of GDP for rural employment programmes in India. In
terms of the share in the central government’s budget, the NREG scheme has
made no difference to government expenditure on rural employment
programmes (REP).

Targeting

NREGA is currently the biggest self-targeting programme in India, open to

all rural people who are willing and able to undertake manual labour in their
village. An increasing number of employment-generation programmes
initiated by the Indian government are self-targeting on the principle that
only the poorest will be interested in manual work for low wages. While the
evidence suggests that self-targeting can work well under certain
circumstances, it is not clear that NREGA is sufficiently well-implemented
to minimize errors of inclusion and exclusion and to prevent leakage of
funds more generally.

32
Early reports on NREGA suggest that the implementation of the scheme
needs to improve if the poor are to be reached effectively. Dungarpur district
of Rajasthan is a role model for effective targeting, in part due to an
exceptionally strong public administration. In most other locations, social
status, social networks, nepotism, religion and politics have influenced
access to the scheme, and wealthier sections of local society are, in some
cases, manipulating the implementation of NREGA in much the same way
as they do with other government initiatives.

The requirement for beneficiaries to register with the lowest tier of local
government — Gram Panchayat — for job cards (that guarantee the bearer
work) — is substantially contributing to exclusion. In Gujarat, Madhya
Pradesh and Jharkhand it has been found that the bribe demanded by local
officials for an application form for a job card may range from Rs.5 to
Rs.50, where a day laborer might earn only Rs.60 (US$1.5) or so. Instances
of discrimination with regard to caste, age and gender have been observed,
with some evidence that single-women-headed households are being denied
registration.
Social audits have revealed discrepancies between the numbers of job cards
issued at the panchayat level and the number of people working, suggesting
that numbers have been inflated to generate more funds than needed, which
are then embezzled by local officials. A delay in the distribution of cards is
also common, which suggests that people are unable to work even though
employment may be available. The overall assessments of the effectiveness
of self-targeting within the Maharashtra Rural Employment Guarantee
Programme — a forerunner to NREGA — also present a mixed picture:
some argue that it is low-income, low-asset households and female

33
agricultural laborers who have benefited most from the scheme, but others
have observed that the benefits have been concentrated in certain
geographical pockets and that low awareness of entitlements and provisions
have resulted in the exclusion of undeveloped tribal areas. This is consistent
with the argument that the poor need to be empowered to demand their
rights for any form of targeting to be effective. The ‘right to work’
embedded in NREGA makes it unique, and if efforts are made to help the
poor in recognizing and articulating this right, these may ultimately prove to
be equally, or perhaps even more important, than the principle of self-
targeting.

Social impact

NREGAs became a path-breaker by changing the notion of viewing social

protection as a right of citizenship. The concept of guaranteed social
minimum where entitlement extends beyond just cash and food transfers,
and that is based on citizenship and not philanthropy, took root.

Rural Empowerment:
Guarantee, says the notable Economist Mahindra Dev, is the key word in
NREGA. For the first time, it makes it possible for the rural people to
demand that they are to be given a job, even if it is only at the floor rate of
wages. The NREGA is also an outstanding example of how the RTI Act can
be woven into the fabric of the delivery system and the whole legal and
governance paradigm. By providing competitive but minimum wage rates
with 100% compliance to all labor laws and benefits, NREGS has succeeded

34
in eliminating 2nd tier contractors who often exploit laborers by either
under-paying them or flouting labor laws and exploiting the poor.

Impact on Women:
The Act mandates 33 percent participation for women. The Scheme has till
2009, attracted participation of about 49% from women as compared to
previously implemented Jawahar Rozgar Yojana that had around 20%
participation of women. The highest percentage has been observed in Tamil
Nadu (80%) and Rajasthan (67%).Clearly, womens’ empowerment, one of
the auxiliary objectives of NREGA, is being met with stellar success. About
79% of the women collect their wages on their own and keep it to
themselves.

Impact on other Marginalized Groups:

Self targeting in nature, the Programme has high levels of participation of
marginalized groups like SC/ST (57%) till 2009. The scheme has managed
to create awareness amongst remote tribal areas. This increased awareness is
bound to have far-reaching effects in the long run.

Impact on the social fabric of society:

A major success for NREGS is the fact that it has brought down the levels of
distress migration from rural to urban areas. As a result, the net standard of
living has seen an increase across the social spectrum in both rural and urban
areas.

Financial Inclusion of the poor:

35
Besides the legal guarantee of 100 days of work in a financial year, NREGA
households are also assured of basic minimum income per day. Post-
NREGA, there has been a revision of minimum wages across the country in
last three years, and the national average daily wage rate has increased from
Rs.75 to Rs.80 in FY08-09. Higher incomes are expected to raise household
savings, accelerating economic diversification and household investments in
human capital.

Impact on Agriculture & Rural Economy:

Evidence through independent studies indicates enhancement of agricultural
productivity (through water harvesting, check dams, ground water
recharging, moisture content improvement, and micro-irrigation), stemming
of distress migration, increased access to markets and services through rural
connectivity works, supplementing household incomes. The completion of
the various development schemes has increased the fertility of agricultural
lands and increased the water table too helping farmers who are now
comparatively less dependent on the monsoons.

Functional Literacy Development:

The Government of India United Nations Development Programme
launched a project in support to operationalization of the NREGA, the
Ministry of Rural Development and UNDP are working towards improving
functional literacy of the target population through various schemes such as
films to train stakeholders. This programme is currently running functional
literacy interventions in 13 villages. This has met with significant success
especially among women who are now able to comprehend the entries on
their job cards and bank books and be better informed.

36
Survey
This paper presents some findings related to women NREGA workers from
a field survey conducted in December 2010 in Bihar, Patna District. The
survey involved unannounced visits to a random sample of 6 worksites,
spread over the sample district. Interviews were conducted with a random
sample of 50 NREGA workers currently employed at these worksites. The
random sample of workers was drawn from the muster rolls of a currently
ongoing worksite under the NREGA. The survey was aimed at
understanding the impact NREGA has had in the lives of workers who are
currently working under the programme. The survey was focused on women
specifically. The interviews with women workers provided insights into the
significance of NREGA work for these women and highlighted the
“transformative” potential of the NREGA in enhancing economic and social
security. Though the potential of this programme is substantial,
implementation varies across states. In a mosaic of chequered
implementation however, many narratives from women workers tell a
significant story about the benefits of the NREGA. We highlight this
significance of NREGA work for women workers and make the case that
attention must be paid by the government towards effective implementation
to ensure that these important benefits are not scuttled.

NREGA in Bihar

It is more than a year since the NREGA came into effect and 10 months
since the NREGS was formally launched. But in Bihar the scheme is yet to

37
take off; it appears to be undergoing prolonged birth pangs. Out of the 200
districts that were selected for the first phase of implementation of this
scheme, 23 are from Bihar. As far as the remaining 15 districts from Bihar
that were originally listed, the Bihar government had promised to implement
the scheme in these districts with the state’s own resources. Thus, 38
districts were to be covered under the NREGS in Bihar. The official
announcements by the central and state governments generated considerable
interest among the social activists, for after all, the potential was to be
created for at least one person from each poor household in these districts of
Bihar to be guaranteed employment for 100 days under the scheme, which if
realised would to an extent help tide over the problem of food insecurity.
What then is holding back the state government from implementing the
NREGS? It would be wrong to state that the Bihar government has not done
anything with regard to implementing this scheme. The commissioner-cum
secretary of the rural development department of the Bihar government, in
his letter dated January 18, 2006, had issued directives to the concerned
authorities about the implementation of the NREGS in the 38 districts of
Bihar, specifying that the unspent amount of Rs 5,025 lakh from the
Sampurna Gramin Rozgar Yojna be utilised for implementing the NREGS in
the 15 districts where the state government had promised to finance the
scheme on its own. But, at the ground level, there has been practically
nothing done till date. Yes, the chief minister distributed a few job cards at
public functions and reiterated the resolve of his government to implement
the scheme in all the districts of the state. The reality on the ground is
however quite different. When people go to submit their application for an
NREGA job card, the ‘mukhiya’ or the panchayat president sends them
away saying that he has no orders to receive the application. This is the case

38
in Barh block of Patna district. In Araria district, when development activists
asked the block development officer (BDO) about the issue of NREGA job
cards, he flatly refused saying that there is “no order from above about this”.
There is no BDO for the last few months in Chennari block of Rohtas,where
not only the NREGS is not taking off the ground, no other development
work is underway. According to the state government, there is no dearth of
financial resources for implementing the scheme. In accordance with the
implementation schedule, the central government released its share of the
required expenditure in the month of April. As per the directives given by
the national director of the NREGS dated April 25, 2006, the amounts
released for the implementation of the scheme in the districts chosen by the
central government are as given in the table. As can be seen, Rs.405 crore
has been released for implementation of the NREGS to be used by the
government of Bihar. But for all practical purposes, implementation of the
scheme is yet to begin. What is intriguing is that even eight months after the
money has been released nothing has been done as yet. In fact, 60 per cent of
the allotment is for making payment to the workers and 40 per cent of the
amount is for the material component. Thus, over Rs.162 crore is available
during the current financial year for the material component. Similarly, the
bigger districts of Bihar have been granted about Rs.8 crore for the material
component and Rs.12 crore for wages. What then is holding the state
government, the politicians and the officials from implementing this scheme
remains a mystery. According to one of the politicians, “the scheme was
made operational from February 2006. But due to the moral code of conduct
imposed during the Panchayat elections in Bihar, this scheme could not be
implemented. The election got over only in June and we were getting ready
to implement the scheme but the rains came and no progress could be made.

39
Now we are all set to implement the scheme and will make a formal
announcement on October 2, Gandhi Jayanti Day.” But October has passed
and nothing as yet is being done. It is significant to note that even the State
Employment Guarantee Council has not yet been constituted. Due to
political wrangling, appointments to this council, which would have ensured
the implementation of the scheme, have been delayed. Even the district
programme officers and block programme officers have not been appointed,
though there are resources available for this purpose.

Till date, work has been started at very few places. In some districts it was
observed that wage payments was lower than what was stipulated and there
were also report of delayed payments for the work undertaken under
NREGP. In most of the cases inadequate worksite facilities were present.
Apart from drinking water no other facility, like crèche, first aid or shade
were available at the worksites. Also no unemployment allowance payment
yet. The chief minister reportedly said to the officials that if unemployment
wages were paid in any block that amount would be deducted from the
concerned officials salary- this he said in front of TV cameras-(He probably
meant that work should be provided to everyone who demands and he won’t
bear any laxity on this account)-but the result is that officials are trying to
discourage application for jobs.

Effects

Prior to launching NREGA, the national coalition government emphasised

its potential to stimulate rural growth through the establishment of produc-
tive physical assets and the influx of funds through wages. It is too early to

40
assess the impact of NREGA on growth and poverty reduction at this
juncture, but experiences from the earlier Maharashtra Employment
Guarantee Scheme can give a broad idea of possible impact. It is widely
agreed that the benefits of the Maharashtra programme have been secondary
and indirect rather than direct. It has, for instance, raised agricultural wages
in Maharashtra by making labourers reluctant to accept anything less than
the official minimum wage. A similar trend is already being observed with
districts using NREGA.
Another indirect benefit is that it has acted as an insurance for rural workers
against unemployment, although the increase in employment and income
generated may not be substantial. Furthermore, it has stabilised income for
rural households as more work has been provided in the agricultural off-
period (April to July). There is evidence that this has assisted income-
smoothing among the poor and reduced their need to make adjustments by
cutting down on food expenditure, sale of livestock, or resorting to taking
expensive loans. There is conflicting evidence over how far the assets
created by public works benefit the poor: some support the notion of
substantial contributions to agricultural productivity from which the poor
also benefit; others argue that the location of the assets has tended to benefit
those in wealthier households with irrigation facilities, since their wells have
been recharged through the various structures created or rehabilitated.
Lastly, there is some evidence that the Maharashtra project has engaged
women in positive ways and helped to enhance their independence. As with
NREGA, the project has had problems in reaching tribal areas and other
geographical pockets of poverty.
One view, rarely heard, is that whilst the provision of some local
employment is potentially important, the easy availability of work under

41
NREGA may discourage rural workers from seeking work in rapidly grow-
ing areas of the economy. This may, in turn, reduce the potential pace of
economic transformation, and lower the prospects of workers gaining new
skills. In this way, NREGA, as a means of social protection, may ultimately
work against economic growth.

Attractiveness of NREGA employment for women

NREGA workers (men and women alike) belong to the most disadvantaged
groups. As Table 2 above shows, a large majority (over 70%) were from the
scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs) and most NREGA
labourers were illiterate (82% in the case of women). Many female
respondents said the work provided under the NREGA opened up a new
opportunity for them. The wider acceptability of NREGA work derives from
several factors: it is locally available, being government work there is
regularity and predictability of working hours, less chance of work
conditions being exploitative and work is considered socially acceptable and
“dignified”.

Last (but not the least), it is better paid than other work. These attractive
features of NREGA for women are discussed below. The Act stipulates that
work be provided locally, within five km of the residence. This makes
participation in NREGA work logistically feasible for women. Since they
continue to bear the main responsibility of household work, travelling any
distance for paid work makes this task more difficult for them. Apart from
the fact that NREGA work is provided in the village itself, the fact that

42
women work in groups and that work is provided by the government helps
to make NREGA work “socially acceptable”. Other reasons why NREGA
work was regarded “acceptable” are pertinent. NREGA promises the
statutory minimum wage. Even in cases where the minimum wage is not
paid (as is often the case, especially in Rajasthan) NREGA wages imply a
substantial jump in the earning potential for women (see Table 2). As per
survey data, the average wage earned by women in the private labor market
ranged between Rs.47 and Rs.58 per day, for agricultural and other casual
labor, respectively.

On NREGA, the average wage earned was Rs.85, clearly a huge increase
over other wage opportunities. Some women stated they did not engage
themselves in agricultural wage labour earlier because they would have been
paid too little and it was not worth their while to go out and work for a
pittance. The prospect of earning a substantial wage within the village in
some cases might swing “acceptability” in favor of women. The fact that
NREGA work is offered by the local government rather than by a private
employer in some ways frees potential women workers from caste and
community-based strictures related to who they can and cannot work with.15
Further, being government work, the hours of work are clearly stated and are
limited to eight hours in a day (in the case of daily wage work). Fixed
working hours often cannot be expected in the case of other work. This is of
special concern for women who combine any paid work with household
work. NREGA employment is therefore considered relatively “safe” in the
sense that it is thought that there are some checks and balances in place to
prevent harassment of workers. Moreover, NREGA employment offers a
new sense of independence: for instance, Gita (Sirohi district, Rajasthan)

43
said she would have stayed at home or worked on her own fields had
NREGA work not been available. She considered working on the NREGA
(government) worksite because she did not have to go through a potentially
embarrassing and humiliating conversation to ask anyone in the village for
work.

Area of concern

This section focuses on three areas of concern with respect to women and
their access to work under NREGA. First, in spite of the relative
accessibility of NREGA for women, major barriers remain.

Second, there has been a thrust (from the government) towards payment of
wages through banks. Some issues related to bank payments are discussed
here. Finally, the low rates of participation of women in gram sabhas are
discussed. In many areas, there are tenacious social norms against women,
working outside the home. In Sasaram, we met women who said that they
had not been able to register as workers under the NREGA22 and were told
that this programme was “not for them”. In Sitapur district, there was a
significant amount of hostility to female participation in NREGA, both from
gram panchayat functionaries and male relatives. Names of adult women
were excluded from job cards and it was commonly stated that women
“cannot” work on worksites, that they are “too weak”, and that it is “socially
unacceptable” for them to undertake this work. The widespread prevalence
of these opinions related to female labour was reflected in the fact that only
5% of the randomly sampled workers in Sitapur district, Uttar Pradesh were

44
women. The reason for this bias seems to be partly related to the difference
in the statutory minimum wage earned under the NREGA, and the local
market wage rate (especially for women). This combined with the fact that
men and women earn the same wage has created resistance to the
participation of women by men who want to maintain privileged access to
this (relatively high paid) work. Takdiri (Sitapur district, Uttar Pradesh)
pointed out that she had been turned away from several worksites – and that
when there is an “excess of workers” women are the ones who are turned
away. It may be pointed out that problems in accessing work highlighted by
Takdiri are in themselves “illegal” – in that all workers who seek work have
a right to work and must be provided work by the government as per law.
Moreover, as against the legal provisions of the NREGA, work in most
places is not “demand driven”. Instead, in most places work is started at the
initiative of the local government23 and can be in limited supply at any
given time. This is also the case for many respondents to the current survey.
For many people facing difficult economic circumstances the certainty of
accessing work when sought is critical as is regularity of payment.24
However, women being turned away from work, especially in these
circumstances is a matter of concern. Second, the continued illegal presence
of contractors is a significant negative factor affecting the availability of
work and its benefits for women. On worksites where contractors were
involved, 35% of women workers said they were harassed, as compared to
only 8% on contractor-free worksites.25 Besides, as mentioned above, the
conditions of work at worksites run by contractors tend to be more
exploitative (Table 5). It is quite likely that the complete absence of
contractors is one of the factors that contributes to the high participation of
women in Rajasthan. In Rajpur block (Badwani district, Madhya Pradesh),

45
for instance, work was being implemented by contractors in four out of five
works visited. Women workers who the survey team spoke with said the
contractor would come to the village and ask for names of able-bodied men
to work on the site. If women asked for work, their pleas were ignored.
Importantly, since the legal entitlement to get work on demand is not
understood by many, this turning away of women workers does not meet
with opposition from the village community – in fact, male workers engaged
by the contractors thought the turning away of women was perfectly
justified. In Udaipur block (Surguja district, Chhattisgarh), Bodhsai from
Marya Panchayat said women and girls are subjected to verbal abuse by the
contractor and women workers are often told they do not work fast enough.

Third, another big hurdle inhibiting the participation of women is the lack of
childcare facilities. The Act requires that when there are more than five
children under the age of six present at a worksite, a female worker be
appointed to take care of them. We did not find childcare facilities being
provided anywhere. (Only 3% of the worksites had childcare facilities, and
these need to be taken with a pinch of salt because at least two were cases of
“window dressing”.) The lack of these facilities can be crippling for women,
especially for those with breastfeeding infants who cannot be left behind for
long hours. Most women who have children do not bring them to the
worksite as it is not seen as a safe place for them: apart from the dangers of
being left untended in the open, women are also worried about the heat and
sometimes they are harassed when they spend time with the child (e g, to
breastfeed the child). However, leaving the child at home is not without its
problems: sometimes the child is left unsupervised, breastfed children are
fed once in the morning and left alone until evening when the mother returns

46
which has a significant adverse impact on the health of the child.
Meanwhile, the mothers spend their day in anxiety worrying about the
child’s safety at home. What is encouraging is that four out of every five
women said that if some childcare facilities are provided they would bring
their child to the worksite.

Fourth, in some states productivity norms are too exacting, because the
“schedule of rates” is yet to be revised in line with NREGA norms. To
illustrate, in Jharkhand the standard task for a day’s work at the time of the
survey was digging 110 cubic feet (in soft soil), which is far too much.
Certain types of NREGA work also limit the participation of women. This
applies, for instance, to the construction of wells on private land. The nature
of this work is such that women stop being employed as soon as digging has
reached a certain depth.

Fifth, delayed payments also come in the way of participation of poor

women. Delays in wage payments make things particularly difficult for
single women, who cannot afford to wait for work and wages as they are the
sole earners in the family. When the wages do not come on time, they are
often forced to return to previous, less preferred forms of employment. For
example, Shanti Devi ( Koderma, Jharkhand), said that at the mine where
she worked before, she was paid on a daily basis whereas she has to wait for
a month for her NREGA wages.

47
CHAPTER IV

48
 METHODOLOGY

This chapter deals with the methodology and the procedure followed for the
study of women empowerment through mahatma Gandhi national rural
employment act in patna district of Bihar.

Locality of study-area profile

Bihar, the ancient land of Buddha, has witnessed golden period of Indian
history. It is the same land where the seeds of the first republic were sown
and which cultivated the first crop of democracy. Such fertile is the soil that
has given birth to innumerous intellectuals which spread the light of
knowledge and wisdom not only in the country but in the whole world. The
state has its capital at Patna, which is situated on the bank of the holy river
Ganga. The state as it is today has been shaped from its partition from the
province of Bengal and most recently after the separation of the tribal
southern region now called Jharkhand.

For its geographical location, natural beauty, mythological and historical

importance, Bihar feels proud of the assets it has been gifted by time. And
for its moral contributions in the fields of arts-literature and religion and
spiritualism, it knows no competitors centuries old stories related to this land
are told even today. The state is the same kingdom, which once upon a time

49
ruled the country as well as the neighbouring countries . Many great rulers
have lived here and it fills us with a sense of pride when we think of Bihar as
the 'Karmabhumi' of Buddha and Mahavir. Bihar, to liven up the glorious
tale of which land, words fall short.

Bihar has a total of 38 districts of which the Patna district is our main focus
of study. The Patna district lies virtually in the heart of the South Bihar
Plain. Patna city is the administrative headquarters for this district. The
Patna district is bounded on the north by the Ganges, beyond which lies the
district of Saran, Vaishali, Samastipur and Begusarai. To the east lies the
district of Lakhisarai and Nalanda and in the south the district of Jahanabad.
Patna is separated from Bhojpur district on its west by river Sone

Patna at a glance:

Area 3202 Sq. km

Latitude 250 25 N
Longitude 850 10 E
Population (2001) 47,09,851
Males 25,14,949
Females 21,94,902
Population density 1471 Per Sq. km
Sex Ratio 873
Literacy Rate 63.82%
No. of Sub-Division 06
No. of Blocks 23
Average rainfall 1200 mm
STD Code 0612

50
General profile

India is facing an adverse Balance of Poverty crisis as it generates more

poverty than it eradicates. This explains the phenomenon of stagnating
poverty. Excessive focus on conventional economic growth as the
instrument of poverty alleviation has not worked. Economic growth has not
generated employment; nor has it percolated wealth down to rural areas. The
agenda of NREGA, then, is to make the economy work for the poor and
push the country’s 30 crore poor above the poverty line permanently. To do
that, one must understand that India’s poverty is ecological poverty, unlike
what conventional economists see as income poverty. India being a
dominantly biomass-based society, ecological degradation triggers poverty
here.

The solution lies in regenerating the ecology with people at the helm of
affairs. Healthy lands and ecosystems, when used in sustainable ways, can
provide all the wealth that is needed for economically viable, healthy and
dignified lives. For India to prosper, it needs to ensure sustainable livelihood

for its poor. The agenda of NREGA today lies in empowering and
mobilizing people to the real nature of employment in the country.

In the past 5 years, NREGA has progressed quite a lot. Though one of the
BIMARU states, Bihar is making leaps in the economic arena. The social
and cultural point of view of people is changing rapidly, especially towards
women. They are more forth coming now and have a say in social as well as
political matters of the state. In this aspect, the NREGA is helping the

51
people get more employment opportunities and the women to get
empowered. There are many men who migrate to different states looking for
jobs. Under such circumstances, it becomes the responsibility of women to
take care of the family. This gives the women not only a means of livelihood
but also a sense of independence and self respect.

NREGA Statistics
State: BIHAR
Employment provided to households: 41.2733 Lakhs
Persondays [in Lakh]:
Total: 1136.91
SCs: 515.06 [45.3%]
STs: 24.59 [2.16%]
Women: 341.49 [30.04%]
Others: 597.26 [52.53%]
Total fund: 2213.59 Crore.
Expenditure: 1816.88 Crore.
Total works taken up: 158740
Works completed: 72587
Works in progress: 86153

Objectives

• General impact of MNREGA

• To understand the working of MNREGA in the state of Bihar.

52
 • To study the living standard and present position of women in Patna
due to MNREGA

Hypothesis

The hypothesis formulation in this study has taken place on the basis of
random sampling from Patna District of Bihar.
In a state like Bihar where the literacy level is so low, jobs requiring
educational qualification are not much help to the rural population.
MNREGA helps in improving the condition of working women in the state
of Bihar. Samples have been taken from the Patna District .

Significance of study

In rural India, one major problem is of seasonal employment, i.e. a large

number of people have to face lack of employment during certain times of
the year. Because of this, many communities in the dry and drought prone
areas have to migrate seasonally to other parts of the country in search of
work. This annual migration is a painful and disruptive process. Those who
are left behind also do not have enough to eat or the barest money for other
basic necessities and although there may be no famine, there is surely a slow
malnutrition and starvation. Even when communities do not migrate they
suffer a great amount of distress at such times. Their food intake is reduced,
the children are withdrawn from schools, they go into debt and they are
unable to attend to their health problems. At such times the need for a safety
net is felt and NREGA is a very good protection for this problem.

53
The NREGA has several provisions that are aimed at improving the
participation of women. We have seen that these have met with varying
degrees of success in different parts of the country. In the case of women, it
is important to note that even relatively small levels of NREGA employment
have resulted in significant perceived benefits from the programme. Serious
problems remain in implementation across states (such as the lack of
availability of crèches for mothers of young children and the continued
illegal presence of contractors). Given the critical gains made by women
workers – in accessing work and an income, food and healthcare for
themselves and their families, and in leaving potentially hazardous work – it
needs to be ensured that the problems in implementation do not derail the
gains.

That would be the general analysis of the state. Women in Bihar have further
problems to deal with. Most women were aware that under the Act each
household is guaranteed 100 days of work in a year. But awareness
regarding operational guidelines, household registration, the job card
distribution process, work applications and entitlements such as worksite
facilities and unemployment allowance was inadequate. Only 43 per cent of
women workers reported having made a formal application for a job card. In
all four districts, most people just applied orally or gave their names when
asked whether they wanted a job card. The situation was even worse with
respect to applications for work. Only 18 per cent of the women surveyed
were aware of the work application process and had applied for work
themselves.

54
Also most men are not comfortable with the fact that women would be
earning equal to them. And in spite of advancement, Bihar is still in the
clutches of a medieval society where women are to stay confined within the
four walls and not be in the open earning their daily bread and voicing their
opinions.
The scope of this study is to look into the debatable issue as to whether
women have gained a position and place of their own in the society and are
self reliant now. If not anything else then atleast they are better off than
previous times.

Sampling technique

The study is largely empherical and the technique used is random sampling.
Though it deals with the entire state of Bihar, for the sake of convenience,
samples were selected only from Patna District.

A sample of 50 women, including housewives and working women, were

taken. The survey involved unannounced visits to a random sample of 6
worksites, spread over the sample district. Most of the primary data was
conducted through oral questionnaires since most of the respondents were
illiterate.Secondary data research is based on information from web,
ministry and other sources. Quantitative data came through information on
the NREGA put on the websites of state governments. The validation of
survey insights are performed by the district NREGA officials. Along with
this there is also the analyzing of survey results with inputs from the
NREGA officials.

55
56
CHAPTER V

Data analysis and interpretation

57
It is necessary and general to study the socio-economic background of the
sample households. The socio-economic background includes religion,
social status, community and size of the family. Employment generation
programmes includes income, expenditure, borrowings and savings pattern
and living conditions of the sample respondents.

Excess demand
The NREGS website reports number of households who demanded work
and number of jobs provided at the district level in 2007-08 and 2008-09.
Before anything else, one thing that has to be noted is the lack of awareness.
Many people in Bihar don’t know the actual difference between an ordinary
employment programme and NREGA. ‘Work to one member for 100 days,
within 15 days of application at minimum wage rate’ , since people are
unaware, they don’t fight when they are denied the right. The situation
though is improving and the demand for work is increasing by the year.
Needless to say, it is very little work when compared to the agricultural toil,
specially for women.

5.1: Demand supply gap under NREGA

2007-2008 2008-2009
No. of districts with demand and supply data 37 35
No. of districts with zero demand supply gap 28 32
Percent of districts with zero gap 75.68 91.43

As noted earlier, however, given the large scale fudging of muster rolls,
corruption in the payment of wages, and inflated records of jobs provided,
these estimates of excess demand cannot be taken at face value. Using basic

58
economic theory, the demand and supply estimates are refined and purged to
some extent of measurement errors.

Fund allocation to districts

According to the state government, there is no dearth of financial resources

for implementing the scheme. In accordance with the implementation
schedule, the central government released its share of the required
expenditure in the month of April. As per the directives given by the
national director of the NREGS dated April 25, 2006, the amounts released
for the implementation of the scheme in the districts chosen by the central
government are as given in the table. As can be seen, Rs 405 crore has been
released for implementation of the NREGS to be used by the government of
Bihar. But for all practical purposes, implementation of the scheme is yet to
begin. What is intriguing is that even eight months after the money has been
released nothing has been done as yet. In fact, 60 per cent of the allotment is
for making payment to the workers and 40 per cent of the amount is for the
material component.

Thus, over Rs 162 crore is available during the current financial year for the
material component. Similarly, the bigger districts of Bihar have been
granted about Rs 8 crore for the material component and Rs 12 crore for
wages. What then is holding the state government, the politicians and the
officials from implementing this scheme remains a mystery.

5.2: District wise allocation for NREGAs in Bihar

S No District Amount S No District Amount

59
1 Araria 1161.95 13 Purnea 995.85
2 Vaishali 2000.00 14 Supaul 1987.23
3 Gaya 2000.00 15 Darbhanga 2000.00
4 Madhubani 2000.00 16 Aurangabad 2000.00
5 Muzaffarpur 2000.00 17 Bhojpur 1816.90
6 Nawada 1691.54 18 Jehanabad 2000.00
7 Samastipur 2000.00 19 Kaimur 1595.26
8 Sheohar 1187.80 20 Nalanda 2000.00
9 Katihar 2000.00 21 Patna 2000.00
10 Jamui 1891.40 22 Rohtas 1991.70
11 Lakhisarai 1147.27 23 Kishanganj 1036.48
12 Monghyr 2000.00

Participation of women
As has been already mentioned, though MNREGA is an employment
programme to all, it ensure female participation. By law, at least one-third of
the beneficiaries shall be women who have registered under the scheme
making them independent and increasing their overall awareness. There is
no partiality among sexes while paying wages, i.e both men and women get
equal pay. Another benefit for women is that crèche facility is provided at
the worksite if there are more than 6 children present. In this way mothers
don’t have to worry about leaving their children at home, alone. Work is
provided within a radius of 5km from the workers residence. If the distance
increases, transportation costs are given. Flexibility is also therevin terms of
choosing work period for employment. All 100 days need not be covered by
the same person.

60
 5.3: Women participants
States 2008 – 09 (%)
Tamil Nadu 82.01
Kerala 71.39
Rajasthan 69.00
Andhra Pradesh 57.75
Karnataka 49.77
Gujarat 46.54
Tripura 44.51
Uttaranchal 42.77
Chattisgarh 42.05
Madhya Pradesh 41.67
Maharashtra 39.99
Sikkim 36.73
Orissa 36.39
Haryana 34.44
Mizoram 33.62
Manipur 32.80
Meghalaya 30.87
Assam 30.85
Himachal Pradesh 30.11
Arunachal Pradesh 29.58
Nagaland 29.36
Jharkhand 27.17
Bihar 26.62
West Bengal 16.99
Punjab 16.29
Uttar Pradesh 14.53
Jammu & Kashmir 1.08
All India 49.33

According to the data two years back, we see that women participation was
quite low, though better when compared with states like Jammu an Kashmir.

61
Of course, more than the willingness to work there are other reasons to the
staggering number of women sorting jobs through NREGA in Tamil Nadu,
but that is a different course of study. When present data is considered,
participation of women has increased to more than the minimum of 33
percent.

Successful working of NREGA

With the staggering increase in the number of participants itself it is evident

that people are responding positively. And more than men, it is is the women
in Bihar who are showing the eagerness. The answers to the questions
below, further substantiate this.

5.4: Response to NREGA

S. Opinion of the Scheme Yes No

No.

1. Improving standard of living 43 7

2. Useful to unemployed person 38 21

3. Providing Additional Employment 49 1

4. Purchasing power increase 27 23

5. Budget became easy 24 21

6. Even uneducated people can improve 48 2

their income

7. Saving of some of the money 17 33

62
Many are not aware about the employment programme called MNREGA.
But those who are, are benefiting out of it. 50 women of which many were
emplolyed through MNREGA responded as above, to the questions posed.
As can be deduced from the table, most women have replied positively and
it is evident that MNREGA is a success in Bihar.

Since the study is on women empowerment through, we now look at the

female participation in MNREGA. When comparing few of the states we see
a staggering difference.

Provision of jobs is done in a systematic manner such that they are

beneficial for the worker as well as employer. Since the Ganges moved away
from Patna water conservation is of main priority and like wise.

5.5: Allotment of jobs

Water conservation 46 %
Rural connectivity 21 %
Land development 19 %
Provision of irrigation facility for land owned by SC/ST 10 %
Other activity 4%

Significance for single women

63
We have seen that NREGA offers the relatively high (compared to the
private market) statutory minimum wage and women workers are paid the
same as men. Work conditions on NREGA worksites are better and there are
perceived dignity in doing NREGA work. Social barriers in the case of
NREGA employment are lower. In the case of single women, these benefits
are magnified. In this short section we use testimonies gathered during the
survey to highlight the benefits to some single women in the sample.

The extremely vulnerable position of widows is brought out by the case of

Timmo Kuwar, a 40-year old widow from Danapur district, Patna. She has
hardly any land (only 0.05 acres) and even that, she said, her brother was
trying to usurp. NREGA work was very important for her because earlier she
had to migrate out in search of work, whereas now she got work locally.
Earlier she worked at breaking stones, which she said was very dangerous
and if she does not get NREGA work, she would have to go back to that.

In Darbhanga, Takdiri, a widow, said that NREGA had “changed her life
because earlier she was able to get work at Rs. 35 per day, whereas now she
earns Rs.100 per day.

Bejni Devi (Araria district, Bihar) said that she was glad to have access to
NREGA employment since the wage she can now earn in the village has
increased significantly. The wage she would get for locally available work
was Rs.15 per day, whereas she gets Rs.75 for NREGA work (as opposed to
the statutory minimum wage of Rs.82/day in Bihar). If she had not got this
work, she would have had to migrate with her four-month old child, since
she had not got any other local employment in the past three months.

64
NREGA work allows some measure of protection from having to migrate in
search of work, or, given the small amount of work currently available, at
least allows them to postpone migration. This protection from migration
implies a significant improvement in the quality of life because of the costs
and risks associated with migration. Tejki Dhira’s (a widow from Sirohi
district, Rajasthan) case illustrates this: she is 61 years old and migrating to
Ambaji to sell wood is very difficult for her. This is what Tejki would have
done if NREGA employment had not been available.

5.6: Profile of Sample Workers

Women Men
Proportion of NREGA workers who are 32 68
Proportion of NREGA workers who are
Scheduled castes (SC)/scheduled tribes (ST) 75 71
Illiterate 82 52
Proportion of NREGA workers who had other
sources of cash income in the past three months 30 55
Collect their own wages 78 92
Keep their own wages 69 51
Prefer payments through banks 53 44
Average wage (Rs/day)
Statutory minimum wage (Rs/day) 88* 88*
Agricultural work 47 53
Other casual labour 58 71
NREGA wage 85 85

65
The money she earned by working under the NREGA helped her repay the
loan she took to treat her husband’s illness and to perform the death
ceremonies. Access to work in the village is also critically important for
those who are coping with illness of a family member. Kali Bai (from Sirohi
district, Rajasthan) had a constant source of income when her husband was
alive. Now, it is her NREGA wages that allow her to sustain herself and her
son who has a mental health problem. In the same district, another widow,
Jamnabai Galbaji said that NREGA wages were crucial for her child’s heart
treatment. For those widows who are not getting widow pensions NREGA
employment offers relief and confidence. Keshi (a Rajput widow from
Maner) is one such woman. While earlier there was uncertainty as to
whether she would have enough food to eat, she is now in a position to
contribute to the family pot by paying for her grandchildren’s education.
Like many others, she reports improved credit-worthiness.

Importantly, for some women and especially for women heading

households, the NREGA has made loans more easily available (earlier
lenders wondered whether they would get their money back, now there
seems to be easier availability of credit) and in some cases, women say they
have been able to repay at least part of their loan. The “dignity” associated
with doing government work and not having to seek work from private
landlords or contractors is also a very significant benefit for women workers.
Baby Pusaji Rawal (Sirohi district, Rajasthan) said that NREGA
employment suited her because she does not have to go out and find work,
and she does not need to wait for work. Government work opened under the

66
NREGA has allowed her to leave work with private landlords and
contractors which is often replete with an underlying threat or possibility of
sexual abuse and exploitation. These very same issues are highlighted by
Herring and Edwards (1983) in their study of the Employment Guarantee
Scheme implemented since the 1970s in Maharashtra. Women heads of
households who Herring and Edwards spoke with stated that they consider
government work under the Maharashtra EGS “safer” and that EGS work
provided by the government has led to a reduction in subtle forms of
coercion and overt sexual exploitation faced by women workers (1983: 583).

5.7: Participation over the years in bihar

2006 2008 2010
Employed women 17 % 26.62% 33.69

Many widows also spoke of the harsh working condition in the private
labour market. Aansi Bai (Punpun district,) said that at the private
contractors worksite she used to get Rs 50 for 12 hours of work. NREGA
pays her more (Rs.100/day) for eight hours of work. Several respondents
(27% ) stated that work provided under the NREGA has allowed them to
stop doing hazardous work or work they did not want to do (e g, working at
quarries, going to the forest to cut wood, etc). Rina Devi (Rajiv nagar) said
she no longer needs to go the jungle to cut wood where wild animals were a
constant threat. Several female respondents in Palamu district (Jharkhand)
and Sirohi district (Rajasthan) said that NREGA employment has allowed
them to avoid working at a stone quarry, which was hazardous. Before

67
moving on, it is worth noting that though we have focused only on widows
in this section, the category of single women is not restricted to widows.
Further, many women in the sample who were primary wage earners (i e, not
necessarily single women) found themselves facing the same vulnerabilities
as single women and presented very similar testimonies.

Present situation
The presence of MNREGA shows lots of promises for the future of the
Bihari population. As can be clearly seen from the table below, more
applications are accepted, more jobs cards are being issued, increased funds
are being tipped in and of course the employment opportunities as well as
the average income per head is growing.

5.8: Total progress

Districts 23
Rural households 89,43,456
Applications 24,01,836
Job cards 10,71,522
Employment provided 5,05,281
Number of works 17,619
Funds released 40503.38 crores

This is the present scenario in which Patna dwells.

68
CHAPTER VI

69
 CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS

Empowerment of rural women has emerged as an unintended consequence

of NREGS. Women have benefited more as workers than as a community.
Women as individuals have gained because of their ability to earn
independently, made possible due to the paid employment opportunity under
NREGS. Independent and monetized earnings have increased consumption
choices and reduced economic dependence. This has helped women in
registering their tangible contribution to the household’s income. The overall
effects of these have translated into an increased say for women in
household affairs. Women as a community, however, have been slow in
realizing the potential benefits of the scheme. Nevertheless, their increased
presence in the gram sabha, the increasing number of women speaking out in

70
the gram sabha, frequent interactions with government officials and PRI
representatives, and access to banks and post offices are new developments.
Additionally, the female mate system has reversed the traditional gender
roles, albeit in a limited manner.

Findings

• Today there is 33.69% women participation in MNREGA.

• Political awareness and participating in elections.
• 75% of them are collecting and 67% keeping their wages to
themselves, and in the process learning banking.
• 61% had other sources of cash income in the past three month.
• In spite of being a conservative economy, 39% have gained social
respect and have a say in family and society matters.
• 57% female participants said that the wages had helped them avoid
illness in the family.
• 72% of the widows advocate of having upheld their self respect
because of MNREGA
• To those widows not getting pension, NREGA offers relief.
• 69% of the female respondents reported having faced less hunger
due to employments
• Apart from keeping their own wages, 44% women have a
substantial say in how to spend it.

On the flipside, working hours for women have increased; leisure time has
vanished; and there are physical and emotional strains related to such work.

71
Lactating women and women with young children work under emotional
strain, as they remain separated from their children for long hours. Some
adolescent girls are reported to have left their studies to avail of the job
opportunity under NREGS.

The challenges lie in horizontal and vertical expansion of benefits first. The
high participation of women ensures horizontal spread of benefits.
Realisation of greater numbers of persondays ensures better individual-level
effects. Districts with high SC and ST populations and states with high
human and gender development indices and greater levels of state and civil
society mobilisation have benefited more. However, other than SC, ST, and
OBC women, others are not forthcoming in availing this paid job
opportunity.

Suggestions
Apart from implementation issues, there are social and cultural
contexts that restrict women’s participation in some places. Persistent social
and community mobilisation and a proactive role for the state can
compensate for some of these social and cultural deficits. This will also be
helpful in bridging the gap between work participation and process
participation.

Certain initiatives and changes can also prove helpful. The

realisation of sufficient numbers of person-days to earn a critical minimum
income that triggers household-level effects is the first condition. Timely
payment of wages through individual accounts of women workers
encourages participation, and greater control over earnings. A daily wage

72
system instead of wages as per the SOR has been helpful in realising
minimum wages. The experience of HP is proof of this and the Act does not
prohibit it. Alternatively, a gender-sensitive SOR, as has been introduced in
Bihar,18 can be experimented within other states as well. Working
conditions need to be made more conducive by enforcing and strengthening
existing provisions and adding new ones. For example, breastfeeding breaks
for lactating women and flexibility in working hours may be considered.
Crèche provision may be linked with the Anganwadi or Integrated Child
Development Services (ICDS) centres, panchayat bhavans, local school
buildings, etc, to make them more practical. Among others, maternity relief
for women, along the lines of MEGS, make-shift toilets at the worksite and
innovations in work instruments so as to reduce work drudgery may be
adopted.

Increased participation in procedural aspects and greater control over the

types and management of assets can increase social and community benefits.
The Kerala model of linking NREGS with women’s groups (Kudumbashree)
may be useful for greater process participation. A minimum representation
of women among the NREGS functionaries like programme officers, rozgar
sevaks, ombudsmen, members of vigilance and monitoring committees,
mates, etc, would be useful. Some of the assets created, if properly chosen,
may reduce the load of unpaid work like fetching water, fodder, etc.
Creation of skill-generating assets like horticulture or fisheries through
ponds can also be further explored to ensure better lateral benefits from such
assets.

73
Hence, inspite of all difficulties and hardships, the women in bihar have
come a long way and now stand equal to men. NREGA has helped them to
come forth in society with their dignity and self respect.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Articles and journals

1. Anish Vanaik, Siddhartha (2008) “Bank payments: End of

Corruption in NREGA?” Economic and Political Weekly, 43 (12):
33 – 39.

2. Arun Jacob, Richard Varghese (2006) “NREGA Implementation-I:

Reasonable Beginning in Palakkad, Kerala, Economic and
Political Weekly, 41 (48): 4943 – 4945.

74
3. Aruna Bagchee (2005) “Political and Administrative Realities of
Employment Guarantee Scheme”, Economic and Political Weekly.

4. Chhaya Datar (2007) “Failure of national employment Guarantee

Scheme in Maharashtra”, Economic and Political Weekly, 42 (34):
3454 – 3456.

5. Drèze, Jean and Naresh Sharma (1998): “Palanpur: Population,

Society and Economy” in Peter Lanjouw and Nicholas Stern (ed.),
Economic Development in Palanpur over Five Decades (Oxford:
Clarendon Press).

6. Drèze, Jean and Reetika Khera (2009): “The Battle for

Employment Guarantee”, Frontline, Vol 26, No 1, 3-16 January.

7. Gaiha, R. (2005) ‘Does the Employment Guarantee Scheme

benefit the rural poor in India? Some recent evidence’, Asian
Survey, November/December 2005, Vol. 45, No. 6.

8. Jandu, Navjyoti (2008): “Employment Guarantee and Women’s

Empowerment in Rural India”

75
9. Kannan, K. P (2005) ‘Linking employment guarantee to human
development’, Economic and Political Weekly, October 15.

10. Pankaj, Ashok (2010) “Empowerment effects of the NREGs: A

study of four States”, Economic and Political Weekly, July 24

11. Pinaki Chakraborty (2007) “Implementation of employment

guarantee: A preliminary appraisal, Economic & Political Weekly,
42 (7): 548 – 551.

12. Prakash Louis (2006) “NREGA Implementation – II Birth Pangs in

Bihar”, Economic and Political Weekly, 41 (48): 4946.

13. Puran Singh (2006) “National Rural Employment Guarantee

Scheme”, Kurukshetra, 54 (7): 42 – 43.

14. Mehta, Varsha (2010) “NREGA: Bane or boon”

15. Randall Wray (2006) “Lessons from Argentina’s Employment

Guarantee” Economic and Political Weekly; 41 (23): 2293 – 2296.

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 16. Vaidyanathan. A (2005) “Employment Guarantee: Need for
involvement of states, Economic and Political Weekly, 40 (33):
3646 – 3648.

17. Venkata Reddy (1989) “Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme: an

observation”, Kurukshetra, (39 – 41).

18. Unterhaltar, Elaine (2001) “Gender, education and women’s

power: Indian states and civil society intersections in DPEP”
Institute of Education, University of London, Compare, Vol. 31,
No. 1

Websites

www.nrega.nic.in

www.scribd.com

www.planningcommission.nic.in

www.ruraldevelopment.nic.in

www.righttofoodindia.org

www.tn.gov.in

www.rural.nic.in

www.jstor.org.

www.hindu.com

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 ANNEXURE

Questionnaire for survey

Women Empowerment through NREGA

General

1. Name :

2. Age : ( ) 20-35 ( ) 35-55 ( )Above 55

3. Religion : ( )Hindu ( )Christian ( )Muslim ( )other

4. Community :

5. Marital Status : Single Married Widow

6. Family : Nuclear Joint

78
7. No. of children
(if any) :

8. Family members(no.) :

9. Employed family
members :

10. MNREGA allotted

present occupation :

Put a tick mark on the appropriate answer

11. Were you employed previously? Yes No

12. Has anyone else in your family been given jobs by MNREGA? Yes No

13. Does your family have objections to your earning equal to men? Yes No

14. Are working hours well defined? Yes No

15. Is salary given on time? Yes No

16. Are men and women given equal salary? Yes No

17. Is travel allowance given for extra distance? Yes No

18. Is day care and water facility available at the worksite? Yes No

19. Is the supervisor a female? Yes No

20. Were job cards distributed impartially? Yes No

21. Do you think that details on the job cards are tampered with? Yes No

22. Are jobs distributed according to the applications submitted? Yes No

79
23. Are you a beneficiary of NREGA?
( ) Yes ( ) No

24. How long does it take for salary to be given, after work is over?
0-5 weeks 5-10 weeks 10-12 weeks can’t say

25. How far is your home from the work site?

0-5 km 5-10 km 10-15 km more than that

26. The nature of your employment?

Agriculture Daily wage earner Government job Unemployed

27. Have you taken any bank loans after joining NREGA?
( )Yes ( ) No

28. Do you vote?

( ) Yes ( ) No

29. Which grama panchayat/district do you belong to?

30. What is your daily wage? Do you think it is enough for the work you do?

31. How many women work in your site?

32. Does your family have objections to your earning equal to men?

33. Are you aware of the facilities that should be given to you, as per the act?

34. Why do you think that the number of working women is so less?

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35. Can you suggest a way to increase the number of working women?

Map of Bihar

81
82