CONTRACT FARMING, THE PRIVATE SECTOR,

AND THE STATE: AN ANNOTATED AND

COMPREHENSIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY WITH
PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO AFRICA
by
Diana de Treville

Contract Farming in Africa Project

Working Paper No. Two
November 1986

Prepared by the Institute for Development Anthropology for the Africa Bureau of the United States Agency for International Development, through the Settlement and Resource Systems Analysis (SARSA) Cooperative Agree ment between Clrk University and tie Institute for Development Anthrop ology, under th3 sponsorship of the Rural and Regionil Development Divis ion, Office of Rural and Institutional Development, Bureau for Science and Technology, United States Agency for International Development. Institute for Development Anthropology
Binghamton, New York

PREFACE This Working Paper is part of a larger research project on Contract Farming in sub-Saharan Africa conducted by the Clark
University/Institute for Development Anthropology Cooperative

Agreement on Settlement and Resource Systems Analysis (SARSA) for

the Africa Bureau of the US Agency for International Development
(AID).
For purposes of this study. contract farming is defined by three fundamental characteristics: (i) a futures or forward market in which a buyer or processor commits in advance to purchase a crop acreage or volume; (ii) the linkage of product
and factor markets insofar as purchase rests on specific grower
practices or production routines and input and/or service
provision by buyer-processors; and (iii) the differential allocation of production and marketing risk embodied in the contract itself. Contract farming includes, therefore, the large-scale nucleuz-estate/outgrower schemes associated with, for
example, palm oil in West Africa and sugar production in Kenya;
the parastatal, export-oriented smallholder schemes associated
with tea, tobacco, and coffee in Central and East Africa; and a multitude of private schemes producing fresh fruits and vegetables for canning, drying, and direct export to international markets. Contract farming in a variety of institutiodal forms has been present in North America since the i930s, but it has more recently become of increasing importance In Third World states,
particularly throughout much of Africa. The ob3ective of
this study is to assess the form, organizatr,.m, and impact of a diversity of contracting arrangements in sub-Saharan Africa, based on both secondary literature and field research in seven ccntries (Gambia, Nigeria. Ivory Coast, Ghana, Kenya. Malawi, and Senegal[;. The case studies ha ve been carefully selected to represent the primary commoditie:s and diversity of institutional forms of contract farming. A final report, based in part on the
representative case studies, will inlicate the conditions tnder which contract farming emerges; assess the distribution of costs
and benefits to the principal actors, includ-.ng growers; and
evaluate the role of contract farming with respect to donor and
host-government policies, technology transfer, and institutional
development.

Michael Watts and Peter Little

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Many individuals and institutions have contributed to this
publication by way of discussion, advice, materials, and
encouragement during difficult times. I would particularly like
to thank the following persons: John Abbott, Michael Albin, Paul
Anker, Martin Billings, James Brown, David Glover, John Grayzel,
Karen Keyes, Ken Kusterer, Marianne Maghenda, Shem Migot-Adolla,
Nicholas Minot, Christopher Mock, Christine Oppong, Dianne
Rochelau, Jageish Jasval, Ken Swanberg, Bob Walter, Michael
Watts, and Julian Witherell.
The following institutions have been particularly helpful in
obtaining materials: Equity Policy Center Document Collection
(Washington, D.C.), International Labor Organization Library
(Washington, D.C.), Institute for Development Studies (University
of Nairobi), Joint Bank-Fund Library (IBRD-IMF, Washington,
D.C.), REDSO Document Center (USAID, Nairobi), USAID/DIS Library
(Cairo), USAID/DIS Library (Washington, D.C.), USAID Women in
Development Documient Center (Washington, D.C.).
I would also like to thank the following database services for
granting permission to incorporate several of their entries into
this publication. These entries have been identified by placing
the firm's initials at the end of the relevant abstract:
ABI/INFORM EABI-I]: "the business database, is a copyrighted
product of Data Courier, 620 South Fifth Street, Louisville,
Kentucky 40202. Full-text articles of most ABI/INFORM abstracts
are available from Data Courier for $9.50 each. Call 800/626 2823 (U.S.) or 800/626-0307 (Canada) for additional information
or to order an article."
DISSERTATION ABSTRACTS INTERNATIONAL [DA]: "The two dissertation
titles and abstracts contained here [as identified at the end of
these abstracts by DA in square brackets] are published with
permission of University Microfilms International, publishers of
Dissertation Abstracts International (copyright Q 1986) by
University Microfilms International), and may not be reproduced
without their prior permission."
COMMONWEALTH AGRICULTURAL BUREAU ABSTRACTS [CAB): England.
JOINT BANK-FUND LIBRARY (WB]: Internal library of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the
International Monetary Fund.
PUBLIC AFFAIRS INFORMATION SERVICE INTERNATIONAL [PAIS-I]:
FOREIGN TRADE AND ECONOMIC ABSTRACTS [FTEA]: Foreign Trade
Agency, The Netherlands.
Finally, of course, I accept responsibility for both form and
content of the document.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I.

Authors' Preface ...................................... 1

II. Introduction
A. B. C. D. E. F. Data Sources and Methodology ..................... 3
Persons and Institutions Consulted ............... 7
Libraries and Document Centers Used .............. 9
Database Searches Conducted ..................... 10
Abbreviations in Text ........................... 11
Bibliographic Abbreviations ..................... 12

III. Contract Farming in Africa: An Overview and Interpre tation o the Literature ............................. 14
By Diana de Treville and Michael Watts
IV. V. VI. VII. Annotated Bibliography ..... ......................... 25

Topical Index to Annotated Bibliography ............ 232

Comprehensive Bibliography ......................... 243
Topical Index to Comprehensive Bibliography ........ 319

I. AUTHORS' PREFACE

All of the annotations and supplementary materials in this

document have been prepared by Diane de Treville with the
exception of: 1. A selected few annotations by Nicholas Minot,
a
graduate student in agricultural economics at Michigan State
University. These latter annotations, marked by the notation
[- N.M.],
were prepared by Mr. Minot as part of a cooperative
agreement "Food Security in Africa" between Michigan State
University and the Bureau of Science and Technology, Office of
Rural Development, of USAID.
2. A selection of annotations
derived from the database searches, which are representative of
more obscure documentation not easily accessed. The sources of
these annotations are noted
at the end of the relevant abstracts.
Several thousand database annotations were reviewed in making
this selection. The locations of the entries that have been
annotated have, to the greatest degree possible, been established
and so identified following the entries;
and critical analyses of
the abstracted items have been written, relating them to central
issues in contract farming and to other annotations in the
document.

Michael Watts
Diana de Treville

:1

I.

INTRODUCTION

A. Data Sources and Methodology

General
The items in both the annotated and comprehensive bibliography
have been selected to represent four basic approaches to contract
farming: agribusiness, agricultural economics, agronomics, and
social science. Criteria for selection have been based, in
descending order, on:
1. Contract farming in Africa;
2. Contract farming in other geographical regions;
3. General pieces on contract farming;
4. Contextual pieces useful for both the study and
understanding of contract farming, including such issues
as: extension, credit, agribusineas,
development issues, state policy impact, labor
allocation (time, gender, age, kin), subsistence cash production interdynamics, nutrition, marketing,
farmer organizations/intermediaries, and technology
transfer;
5. Major policy statements relevant to the working
environment of contract farming schemes, as prepared
by donors, international organizations, government, and
non-government organizations, which are relevant to
the working environment of contract farming schemes.
The nnotated Bibliography
A Entries specifically on contract farming have been selected with
an
eye to both providing an overview of contracting in Africa,
and to including entries from the West and from LDCs, so as to
allow for comparative perspectives: for example, Kusterer's
article (1982) on asparagus in Peru, Lance (1981) on broiler
contracting in the U.S.A., Machel (1980) cn cattle contracting in
Scotland, or Laramee (1975) on vegetable contracting in Thailand.
These non-African entries are intended to give a perspective on
the broader universe of CF schemes, in so far as this is a
relatively new mode of production and marketing integration,
having originated in the West and been introduced into LDCs
largely within the past two decades.
The Comprehensive Bibliography
The same criteria have been used in compiling the comprehensive
bibliography, but with greater emphasis on contextual issues that
are important in understanding the place of CF in local economies
3

and societies, as wall

as the actual or potential role of
contracting as an instrument for development. The index !or the
comprehensive bibliography is organized to reflect such major
areas of contextual
interest as credit, extension, socioeconomic
differentiation, labor, marketing, technology transfer
(with
implications for Green Revolution dynamics and related
impacts),
intermediaries, national and donor policy,
and food security. It
is in relation to these kinds of issues that CF will need to ba
analyzed, in order to begin to disaggregate both positive and
negative aspects of this form of small farmer integration into
economies of scale.
Types of Entries
Entries have been selected to represent both regul~r source
materials (books, journals, periodicals), and so-called fugitive
materials -- documents, working papers, and other non-formal
publications produced by academic, donor, government and
nongovernmental organizations that are
not always acquisitioned
and/or cataloged by libraries. The importance of including the
latter corpus of materials lies in the increasing number of
state-of-the-art articles appearing
as so-called fugitive (or
gray) materials. because such documents are often difficult both
to locate and to obtain by means of
normal library searches, for
this bibliography a series of database searches have been
conducted that focus
on fugitive materials as well as on those
published outside of America
(see "Database Searches" in this
Chapter).
Audience
In addition to serving the traditional needs of students of the
topic, included with entries are style of annotation, analysis,
and indexing, which have been developed to provide ready
reference for practitioners and staff of development and donor
institutions, and government or agribusiness staff who are
involved in implementing CF schemes whether they reside here or
abroad.
For many of these people, library resources are scarce,
ur time does not permit the type of sea-rches and data analysis
conducted for this study. Indeed, an additional quantity of
entries for both the annotated and comprehensive bibliography
were added the last two months of the study, during residence in
Washington. DC, where increased contact with persons fron, the
World Bank, ILO, private enterprise, consulting firms, and
different USAID Bureaus demonstrated the growing interest in, and
need for, a more comprehensive document.
The final product has
greatly benefited from the comments of persons from these various
agencies and from firms that have requested copies of the working
draft and have subsequently offered suggestions for the final
document.

Contextual Entries
A number of entries in both the annotated and comprehensive
bibliography are not specifically about contract farming.
However, because so much of the literature hovers eround
ideological concerns or is overly technological for purposes of
.real world" implementation (see Chapter Three),
series a of
contextual issues vital to
more comprehensive and
a empirically/critically oriented approach to,
and understanding
of, CF have been included. Some of the more important issues
include:
Technology transfer
Green revolution scenarios (related to technology tranafer)
Plantation economies
Domestic production
Marketing
Policy issues (State, Donor, Lender)
Food/cash crop interdependencies and tradeoffs
Intermediaries (Cooperatives, NGOs, PVOs, etc.)
Extension
Credit
Stratification (socioeconomic)
Labor (domestic, gender, age-based)
Development (as related to agriculture)
Food security
Small farmer incorporation into commercial production
Historical development (post-colonial processes of
development)
Agribusiness (as a development tool)
Private enterprise
Recurrent costs
Entries on such topics have been selected with a view to: 1.
providing in the annotated bibliography a brief introduction to
the topic and its relation to CF schemes; 2. providing in the
comprehensive bibliography a more complete selection of entries
that can be drawn upon for further study. The intention is not
to list what might be considered the most important works on
these topics, but rather to select entries compatible with the
dynamics of contract farming -- especially studies that may not
be as widely known as the "classic" works.
Particularly because there
are as yet no clear-cut answers to
questions regarding the strengths and weaknesses of CF as a tool
in development, or of optimum methods of implementing CF schemes,
such a compilation of contextual references does point to the
variety and complexity of issues that need to be addressed if CF
is to be pursued as a serious vehicle for developmental goals.

Indexes
Topical indexes have been developed for both the comprehensive
and annotated bibliography, and differ slightly in that indexes
for the comprehensive bibliography are generally more detailed
than those for the annotated bibliography. This is because a
greater variety of topics are covered in the comprehensive
bibliography. Both indexes are organized by theme rather than by
key-word and also contain sections on "Commodity" and on "Area."
Because contract farming is a relatively new concept, these
thematic terms have been specifically developed out of the
literature on
contract farming and not adapted from pre-existing
glosseries or thesauri of key terms employed by, e.g.,
USAID
Document Information Service, the World Bank, or
the Library of
Congress. There are
pros and cons to this strategy; it was
adopted because of the difficulty of ferreting out materials on
contract farming from the databases and library catalogs using
the glossaries and thesauri associated with them.
The system
developed here is intended to help clarify both key topics and
contextual issues relevant to contract farming.
Development of the Literature over Time
The earliest itema on CF in the Third World begin to appear
in the 1960s and early 1970s. These entries tend to be "how-to"
in orientation, in the sense of providing technical knowledge on
the running of contracting schemes -- primarily from the point of
view of the firm (Stern 1972; Phillips 1965; Stubbings 1972)
Concurrently, there developed a more systemically oriented genre,
which focused almost exclusively on the technical, vertical
integration aspects of contract farming (Goldberg 1974; Mighell
and Hoofnagle 1972). The next phase of literature, appearing in
the mid-1970s, is associated with
spate of studies treating the
a social context of, and farmer linkages to, CF schemes (Laramee
1975; Development Alternatives, Inc. 1975a,b,c; Barclay 1977;
Halse 1976; 1978 [on co-ops]). Literature treating western
agribusiness linkages to CF, from an
agribusiness perspective,
begins to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s
(Williams
1979, etc.; Dew 1978; Scott 1982; Lewis 198.; Williams and Karen
1985; Micou 1985; Jones 1985). At the same time, items that tend
to be highly critical of CF and agribusiness begin to appear
(Collins and Lappe 1977;
Mulas 1981; Anyang 'Nyong'o 1981;
Wallace 1980).
Throughout the two decades from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s
a
basic paradigm shift takes place in the literature, from a
primarily technological orientation tc an increasing number of
pieces that are ideologically oriented -- being either pro or con
contract farming
-- and consequently less substantively informed
or informing (see Chapter Three).
In the last few years a small
number of studies have been conducted that attempt to present a
more balanced approach to contract farming based on systematic
fieldwork and related data analysis (e.g., Kusterer 1982;
Shipton
6

1985; Buch-Hansen and Kieler 1983; Barclay 1977). Finally, a few

writers have recently begun to concentrate on developing
comparative analyses of CF schemes as
well as on typology
building and related analysis (Glover 1986; Goldsmith 1983). It
is primarily in relation to these latter two recent developments
-- the emergence of comprehensive case studies and typology
building, together with comparative analyses -- that we can
anticipate the formulation of a more comprehensive and
instructive understanding of the complex phenomena of contract
farming.
B. Persons and Institutions Consulted
Commonwealth Development Corporation, London
Anthony Eliman, Natural Resources Department
- For copies of documents, references.
Equity Policy Center, Washington, D.C.
Irene Tinker, Director
- For copies of documents in EPOC's collection
Food and Agriculture Organisation Library, Cairo, Egypt
Librarian

On FAO's holdings

Ford Foundation, Nairobi

Dianne Rocheleau, Program Officer
- For holdings in the Foundation's collections and
references to current studies on CF
Institute for Development Studies, Univ. of Nairobi
Shem Nigot-Adolla, Academic Staff
M.J. Ong'any, Librarian
James Meroria, Documentation
-
'or holdings in both the Institute Library and the
University Library, and for copies of IDS Working
Papers
International Council for Research in Agroforestry
(ICRAF] Nairobi
Simeon S. Keinani
-
For ICRAFT Working Papers on CF and relevant holdings
in their Document Center
InterAction, New York
Tom Keehn, Consultant
Homer Williams, Staff Officer
- For documentation relating to intermediary/NGO
activities in agribusiness and small farmer projects
International Development Research Centre, Ottawa Canada
David Glover, Associate Director/Social Sciences Div.
7

-
For copies of documents, references.
International Labor Office, Washington, D.C. Branch
Mabel Shaw, Librarian
-
For database searches, documentation (see listing
of databases searched)
International Labour Office, Geneva
Christine Oppong, Director, Employment Planning and
Population Branch
Richard Anker, Assist. Director,
Employment ?lanning and Population Branch
- For ILO documentation relevant to CF
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Michael
W. Albin, Chief of Order Division

Julian Witherell, Chief of African and Middle Eastern

Division
- Consultation on conducting searches for fugitive
materials, on library/document sources in the
U.S., Europe and Africa, and on organization and
format of the bibliography
Overseas Development Council, Washington, D.C.
Mary Williamson, Program Assistant
- For documentation on an ODC agribusiness
conference in 1985
Overseas Development Institute, London
John Howell, Deputy Director

On ODI's holdings

Regional Economic Development Services Office (REDSO]

Document Center, USAID/Nairobi, Kenya
Barbara Lundberg, Librarian
- For documentation produced by East African Missions
University of Reading, Agricultural Extension and
Rural Development Centre, Reading, England
J.R. Best, Editor, RRDC Bulletin
- On the Centre's work-in-progress and working papers
United States Agency for International Development,
Document information Center, Cairo, Egypt
Sylvia Mitchell, Librarian
- Database and manual search of the Center's holdings
United State: Agency for International Development,
Library and Database Center, Washington, D.C.
Karen Keyes, Senior Resource Analyst
- Set up online database searches for the project
(see listing of databases being searched), consultation
8

on searches and on document format

United States Agency for International Development,
Women in Development Office Document Center,
Washington, D.C.
Debora Purcell, Assistant Director
- On WID documents, policy documents
World Bank/International Monetary Fund Internal Library,
Washington, D.C. (Joint bcnk-Fund Library)
Michael E. Gehringer, Chief Librarian
Margeret Karsten, Assistant Bibliographer
Peter Lea, Reference Librarian

On use of Ban% documents, general collection; set up database searches with M6. Karsten, Mr. Lea (see listing of databases searched)

C.

Libraries and Document Centers Searched

The following libraries ax'd document centers have been used in

obtaining materials for this bibliography:
Commonwealth Agricultural Bureau Library, London
Commonwealth Development Corporation Library, London
Cornell Library, Ithaca, New York
Equity Policy Center 1)ocument Center, Washington, D.C.
Food and Agriculture Organisation, Cairo, Egypt
Ford Foundation Document Center, Nairobi, Kenya
Harvard Business School Library, Cambridge, Mass.
Institute for Development Anthropology, Binghamton. N.Y.
Institute for Development Studies, Nairobi, Kenya
International Council for Research in Agroforestry [ICRAF],
Nairobi, Kenya
International Development Research Centre Library, Ottawa, Canada
International Labor Office Library, Washington, D.C.
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
National Agricultural Library, Beltsville, Md.
Regional Economic Development Services Office CREDSO]
USAID/Nairobi, Kenya
State University of New York at Binghamton Library
U.S. Agency for International Development Document
Information Center, Cairo, Egypt
U.S. Agency for International Development Document Center,
Washington, D.C.
U.S. Agency for International Development of Women in Development
Document Center, Washington, D.C.
Joint World Bank/International Monetary Fund Library,
Washington, D.C.
Joint Bank/Fund Agricultural Sectoral Library, Washington, D.C.

D.

Database Searches Conducted

The following databases have been searched in obtaining entries:

1. USAID DIS: USAID Development Information System

- Projects Database*
- Document Database*

- Catalog Database: AID Library holdings*

Dissertation Abstracts*:
University Microfilms,
International
3. ABI INFORM:* Data-Courier, Inc. Business-oriented;
administration; TNCs
4. CAB:* Commonwealth Agricultural Bureau.
LDC-oriented.
5. IDRC BIBLIO: International Development Research Centre,
Canada. LDC-oriented
6. PAIS:*
Public Affairs Information Service International.
Business-oriented
7. AGRICOLA: National Agricultural Library, USDA's database.
USA-oriented
8. CARIS: Current Research Information System. Research
sponsored by FAO
9. AGRIS International: FAO's database.
Non-U.S. oriented
10. Social Science Citation Index: Institute for Scientific
Information
11. ILO Document Database:
includes FAO Library collections in
Geneva
12. Wr~rld Bank Documents Database:
includes all non confidential Bank documents and WB Library document
and (by article) periodical holdings
13. World Bank Library Database: includes all of the
WB Library holdings
14. World Bank Agricultural Sectoral Library Database:
includes more specific/technical holdings of
documents, working papers, articles
15. Sociological Abstracts: Sociological Abstracts, Inc.
16. Population Bibliography: Carolina Health Center
17. Management Contents: Management Contents, Inc.
Inte-rnational proceedings, general business, management
18. Foreign Trade and Economic Abstracts: Netherlands,
Foreign Trade Agency
2.

- Online searches were conducted for the duration of the

study (through October 1986).

10

E.

Abbreviations Appearing in Text

AFR Africa
AFR/DP Africa Bureau/Office of Dev. Planning, USAID,
Washington, D.C.
BAI British Agriculture Internatiojnal
BAT British American Tobacco Company
CF Contract farming
EEC European Economic Community
FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation
HYV High yielding veriety
IDA Institute for Development Anthropology, Binghamton N.Y.
IDS Institute for Development Studies, Nairobi University
IDRC International Development Research Centre
(Canada)
Ksh. Kenyan Shillings
KTDA Kenya Tea Development Authority
LDC Less-developed countries
MSC Mumais Sugar Scheme [Kenya]
NGO Non-governmental organization
PVO Private Voluntary Organization
TA Technical assistance
OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
T&L Tate and Lyle
TNC Transnational corporation
UNCTAD UN Center for Trade and Development
USAID United States Agency for International Development
WFP World Food Program

11

F.

Bibliographic Abbreviations

Abbreviations in square brackets I I following entries in both

the annotated and comprehensive bibliographies give the known
location(s) of the entry. Abbreviations following an abstract
give the database origin of the abstract.
AB Abstracted (used in the comprehensive bibliography to
indicate that the entry appears in the annotated
bibliogrphy)
ABI Inform Database
Agricultural Research Project, European Economic
Commission
Commonwealth Agricultural Bureau Database, London
Center for African Studies, University of Nairobi
Commonwealth Development Corporation Library, London
International Wheat and Maize Improvement Center,
Mexico
Cornell University Library, Ithaca, N.Y.
de Treville's Library, Washington, D.C.
Dissertation Abstracts Database
Equity Policy Center, Washington, D.C.
Food and Agriculture Organization Library, Cairo
Food and Agriculture Organization, Geneva
Food and Agriculture Organization, Washington, D.C.
Ford Foundation, Nairobi, Kenya
Fund for Multinational Management Education, N.Y.
Foreign Trade and Economic Abstracts Database
Harvard Business School Library, Document Service
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
InternaLional Center for Agricultural Research in Dry
.Areas, Syria
International Council for Research in Agroforestry,
Nairobi
International Crop Research Institute for the Semi-Arid
Tropics. India
Institute for Development Anthropology, Binghamton,
N.Y.
Institute for Development Studies, Nairobi University
International Development Research Centre, Ottawa
International Food Policy Research Institute,
Washington D.C.
International Labor Office, Geneva
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
Ministry of Agriculture Document, Cairo
Watts' Library, UZ Berkeley
Overseas Development Agency, London
Overseas Development Council, Washington, D.C.
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development,
Paris
Public Affairs Information Service International
Database
12

ABI-I AGREP CAB CAS CDC CIMMYT COR deT DA EPOC FAO-C FAO-G FAO-W FF-K FMME FTEA HBS IBRD ICARDA ICRAF ICRISAT IDA IDS IDRC IFPRI ILO LC HOA-C MW ODA ODC OECD PAIS-I

REDSO-N Regional Economic Development Services Official

Document Center, USAID, Nairobi
SOCAB Sociological Abstracts Database
SUNY-B State University of New York at Binghamton Library
UM University Microfilms Database
UN University of Nairobi Library
UNDP United Nations Development Program
UNIS United Nations Information Service
UNITAR United Nations Institute for Training and Research
UNRISD
United Nations Research Institute for Social
Development
USAID U.S. Agency for International Development Library,
Washington, D.C.
USAID-A U.S. Agency for International Development Library,
Development Information Systems Database, Washington,
D.C.
USAID-C U.S. Agency for International Development, Document
Information Center, Cairo
USAID-S&T U.S. Agency for International Development, Bureau for
Science and Technology, Washington, D.C.
USAID-W U.S. Agency for International Development, Women in
Development Library, Washington, D.C.
WB Joint World Bank/International Monetary Fund Library,
Washington, D.C.
WB-AG World Bank Agricultural Sectoral Library, Washington,
D.C.

13

WORKING DRAFT

CONTRACT FARMING: AN OVERVIEW AND INTERPRETATION

OF THE LITERATURE
Diana de Treville
Introduction
The use of formal contracting arrangements between farmer and
firm as a mechanism to integrate small farmers into economies of
scale began in the 1930s in America. It gained prominence in the
west in the 1960s in conjunction with the emergence of
agribusiness in both national and international arenas. At the
same time, the literature on contract farming also began to
appear -- largely with respect to agriculture in America, where a
major impetus for contracting occurred as new, more sophisticated
production technologies were introLiced by agribusiness.
Somewhat later, contracting was introduced into Africa, Latin
America, and Asia, primarily as a form of post-plantation
production in which peasant smallholders could be contracted as
outgrowers for foreign-owned processing firms.
Since that time, the literature has (with certain exceptions to
be discussed below) proceeded in accordance with three major
premises: 1. that contract farming is beneficial to growers, to
the economy and society, and to developmental goals (Freivalds
1981, Jones 1985, Micou 1985, Williams and Karen 1985); 2. that
contract farming is deleterious to growers, the local economy and
society, and developmental goals (Halfani and Bakir 1984,
'Nyong'o, Oculi 1981); and 3. that contract farming is a
technical procedure and is therefore best addressed from a purely
technical stance -- generally with limited attention addressed to
the social, political, or economic underpinnings of the
technology or delivery system in question (Mighell and Hoofnagle
1972, hittendorf 1978, Thosanguan 1983).
Whether pro, anti, or technically oriented, the literature as a
whole tends to fall disappointingly short of the kind of detailed
description and analytic rigor, based on empirical data and
associated analysis and hypothesis development and testing, which
obtains with respect to related topics such as marketing, credit,
or extension. By consequence, it is difficult to develop
comparative analyses or specific "lessons learned" scenarios from
the literature. Why, particularly with respect to schemes in
LDCs, have approaches to contract farming developed in this way?
Why hiae the literature tended often to be more ideologically than
empirizally/analytically oriented?
And what are some of the
major concerns arising out of the literature -- with respect to
14

both "doing" and

"thinking about" contract farming -- which

are
in need of further clarification and analysis? Each of these
issues will be treated separately.

Historical Origins of Contract Farming and Contemporary

Implications
A brief review of the historical origins of contract farming
schemes in LDCs helps to clarify why the liternture on, and
approaches to, contract farming have tended to develop along the
lines of pro, anti, or technically oriented. The two major forms
of contract farming that have been introduced into LDCs include:
1. post-plantation nucleus estate-outgrower schemes, consistint,
of (a) a nucleus estate owned and managed by the firm
(or
operated through a management contract with a multinational)
which assures factor throughput, and (b) a group of "outgrowers"
-- small, local farmers who contract to grow the crop on their
own land under conditions specified in the contract between firm
and outgrower; and 2. horticultural schemes, consisting primarily
of vegetable crops destined for export to urban areas or
abroad.
In both cases, contract farming has often been introduced into
LDCs in ways linking farmers into economies of scale by means of
firms that are both organized and managed by western agribusiness
interests -- a form of organization and management dimly viewed
by some writers as a neocolonial extension of western control in
LDCs (Collins and Lappe 1977) and by otheus
as an optimum method
for linking small farmers into new technology, extension, credit,
and marketing arrangements (Morrissy 1974).
Multinationals that were formerly directly enga( d in plantation
agriculture have tended to remove themselves
(or to be removed)
from direct ownership and control of plantation resources, but to
continue engagement in these schemes by way of management
contracts on nucleus estate-outgrower schemes. Thus, both
outgrcwer and management contracting can be employed as
mechanisms to continue plantation-style production and marketing,
while at the same time remaining distanced from the political and
economic uncertainties increasingly associated with direct
ownership and management of plantations and their physical
facilities in post-colonial times (see, for example, Dew 1978, on
Tate and Lyle). For by contracting, fiijns are able to assure
specified quantity production by smallholders without being
directly responsible for workers' welfare and without having de
lure responsibility for lands on which crops are grown
(although
the contracts often specify that firms have the right to take
over management of contractee's land if the crops are not being
cared for in specified ways; see, for example, Barclay 1977 and
Scott 1982, on the Murias Scheme in Kenya). Some writers have
suggested that these contracting farmers often act as "political
window dressing" by which the firm can legitimate managing the
more productive and sometimes larger nucleus estate plantings and
related processing facilities, while decreasing political and
15

economic risks associated with traditional plantation-style

ownership <Dew 1978, Phillips 1965).
The second major method by which contracting has been introduced
into LDCs has more recently been through horticultural schemes
associated with perishable export-oriented crops such as beans,
flowers, and tomatoes. This form of contract production has been
possible only since the development of technology and
transportation whereby fresh produce can be readily processed
or
shipped to urban or western destinations. In some parts of
Africa horticultural contracting appears to be exploding among
a
cadre of local, indigenous entrepreneurs who provide some inputs
and credit to farmers, and who sell on to merchants or processors
in urban areas. As yet, this new, local-level explosion of
indigenous contract farming has been neither reported nor
examined in the litereture. Hence, the ways in which it may or
may not differ from, for example, more elaborate contracting
schemes operated by private business or parastatals, or from
nucleus estate-outgrowers schemes, can only be conjectured.
In understanding the sharply critical (although frequently under documented) tone of much of the anti-contract farming literature,
it is important to realize that both nucleus estate-outgrower and
horticultural schemes are primarily firm, not farmer-centered.
Consequently, structural emphasis is placed on the coordination
or integration of production and distribution processes in ways
that stand to be primarily beneficial to the scheme, not
necessary to either the government, the local region, or the
outgrowers and their community. Positive or negat'.ive impacts of
the scheme on outgrowers, the local community, the economy, or
the ecology, from this systems-oriented perspective, can thus a
priori become residual to firm management concerns. In recent
years, however, the increasing politization of, and sensitivity
to, multinational agribusiness activities in LDCs has prompted
many firms to shift the focus of operations so as to be able to
demonstrate positive impacts on growers, local communities,, or
development goals. Unfortunately, these activities are often
written about in ways that are as over-generalized and
ideological as is the literature opposing contract farming (see,
for example, Micou 1985 or Jones 1985).
Historically, then, both the form and method of introducing
contract farming into LDCs have lent themselves to heavily
ideologically-oriented pro or con stances and consequential
disassociation from critical focusing on real social and economic
processes. This has resulted in a number of lacunae in the
literature, as difficulties with the mechanism of contract
farming are often brushed over in sometimes too eager attempts
either to sing the praises of contracting and related
agribusiness practices (as Jones 1985), or to condemn them
outright (as Collins and Lappe 1977). And the few more recent
studies that attempt a more balanced approach to both the
16

economic and social impacts of contract farming, such as the

studies on
the Mumias sugar scheme in Kenya by Buch-Hansen (1980a
etc.), have yet to be extended to
wider variety of commodities
a or to other areas.
Lacunae ithe Literature

The most serious lacuna results from the frequent reduction of

the complex phenomena of contract farming and agribusiness into a
pro/anti debate in the literature, thereby obscuring the
complexity of
the phenomena. Pro: Agribusiness assists small
farmers by providing new technology, ready markets, secured
inputs and prices, and increased cash incomes; further,
it offers
a mechanism by which the local community will be able to
initiate
self-sustained developmenL, and by which
the government can earn
foreign exchange or increase food security goals for certain
basic consumables, such as sugar and
tea. Anti: Contract farming
increases local socioeconomic differentiation, increases
dependrncy of the local popi:lation on consumables often
obtainable only through
scarce foreign exchange earnings, takes
up agricultural land needed
-or food crops by focusing on export
or urban-oriented crops, disrupts local
domestic pro-duction
patterns, removes
control of farming decisions :'tom the hands of
the farmers and places them in
the firm's domain, and skews
profit-sharing in the interests of the firm.
These arguments are
restated in
variety of ways in the literature with few detailed
a case studies to lend support to one position or the other -- with
the notable exceptions of a handful of works by, for example,
Barclay (1977), Buch-Hansen (1980a, et al.), Etherington
(1971),
Kusterer (1981; 1982),
Shipton (1985), Michoma (1980), Obiero
(1980), and Wamba (1979).
Evidence from these more thorough studies suggests that the
impact of contrazting is far
more complex than generally
recognized -- further, that this impact may be
as lifferent both
with respect to such variables as commodity type, government
policy and macro-economic context and
specific contract
arrangements, as
it may also vary over time in relation to these
different variables. Hence, drawing up facile "pro" or "con"
equations, or technologically-based "how-to" formulae can be
quite misleading.
A second lacuna in the literature relates to treating a
formal
contract between grower and processor (or buyer) as the defining
feature of contract farming. The following two examples
illustrate how such a
rigid definition creates difficulties by
either obscuring or misinterpreting the full dimensions of actual
transactions.
The first instance where farmers, as members of
cooperatives, grow specific commodities
-- not under contract - while the cooperative itself is the contracting agent to
processors or buyers further downstream. If only the contract,
as a formal mechanism between growing-agent and firm, is to be
17

examined, then the real interaction of the scheme at the local

level will be lost. The banana growing cooperative of Guianchias
in Guatamala is a good case in point (Truitt 1982).
The second example of what can be missed by using overly-formal
definitions, particularly relevant in understanding the impact of
contracting on the outgrower, is the structurally similar
arrangement with local entrepreneurs or merchants, whereby
farmers are guaranteed sale and obtain credit and inputs (seed,
perhaps fertilizer) from a local merchant by means of informal,
face-to-face transactions. Just how such traditional
arrangements impact on
farming families and local development in
ways different from "orthodox" (western-style) contrdct farming
arrangements is an area completely uneinalyzed in the literature.
Good examples here include the role of Chinese middlemen in
contracting schemes in southeast Asia,
or of Hausa merchants in
cash crop production in certain areas of the Sudan.
In both
cases, merchants from ethnic minorities play a central role as
middlemen, in linking small, 3ubsistence-oriented farmers to
inputs (both "traditional" and improved), as well as to credit
and marketing. In fact, the informal, personalistic basis of
business transactions practiced by Chinese merchant middlemen in
southeast Asia have been the critical factor behind the success
of some formal contract farming schemes. (Clifton Barton, verbal
communication, Sept. 1986; see also Larton 11973) on these
informal processes).
This informal component of successful scheme operation has been
completely missed in the economic and agribusiness-oriented
literature on contract farming schemes in Asia, insofar as
writers have concentrated on formal aspects of scheme operation
to the exclusion of such exogenous elements. Important questions
arise in contrasting indigenous arrangements with formal
(western-style) contracting scheme.-, For example, do credit,
marketing, and extension arrangements associated with formal
contracting provide a more flexible arena
in which growers can
legally negotiate their position? Are profits for the growers
better? Do extension and credit inputs have a broader impact
on
local-level development than traditional arrangements with
merchants? The (generally implicit) assumptions in the
literature often are: Yes --- western-style formal contracting
schemes are superior to indigenous contracting arrangements as a
vehicle for these inputs and for farmer profits and development
goals. However, no studies have been conducted that lend
credible support to this proposition by means of comparative
analyses. And indeed, Barton (1973) suggests that these informal
mechanisms may
provide superior vehicles for some inputs that are
provided by parastatal arrangements.
A third, related lacuna involves the decontextualization of
contract farming from its specific social, political and economic
context. The term is highly synthetic, having originated as
an

offspring of agribusiness -- itself a product of the recent,

historically unique marriage between western agriculture and
western corporate business concerns (Vergopoulous 1985). Because
contract farming as understood and practiced in
the West is both
a product of, and conterminous with, western political, economic
and social processes, it is unlikely that specific contract
farming schemes elther introduced into, or indigenously operating
in LDCs can be fully understood without
(also) being considered
in relation to the broader, local socioeconomic fabric in which
such schemes operate. Indeed, contract farming as
both concept
and practice is a "part-category," in that iL exists only in
relation to, or as an interdependent component of, the broader
political-economic fabric that has spawned both the niche and
rationale for its existence, and hence can only be fully
described and analyzed in
relation to this broader context. It
is therefore as misleading to treat contract farming only
as a
formal contractual relationship as it is to treat it as a
homogeneous concept or
practice amenable to a stated set of
regularized conditions or inputs.
The central (but undocumented)
role of Chinese merchants in both traditional transactions and
, capital-intensive contract farmin-
schemes in Asia exemplifies
the danger of employing overly-rigid, formal definitions or
approaches to contract farming
-- whether as concept or as
practice.
Contract farming, having been born in
the West in response to
purely western economic needs, operates in the West in the
context of preexisting checks and balances whereby farmers have
recourse to jural procedures, advocacy groups, press, federal
laws regulating wage/labor, and other worker-related interests.
Where contract farming is introduced into LDCs, such checks and
balances are
often missing and hence the likelihood of
exploitative scenarios emerging in relation
to workers or
contract farmers vis-a-vis the scheme is enhanced. Also enhanced
is the likelihood of breakdowns or
mal-operation occuring in the
introduced "system" of scheme management and operation
-breakdowns that may only make sense
and be rectified in relation
to local fcrms of organization and related priorities (for
example, Laramee (1975) -- cr the unsung role of Chinese
middlemen).
Treating contract farming only as a "system," disarticulated from
the local
polity and economy, enhances the likelihood of such
problems. This is not to
argue that contract farming impacts, a
priori, negatively, or
that it should not be treated and analyzed
as a
system, but rather to emphasize the need to broaden both the
analyses of, and methods for, implementing contract farming
schemes in ways that (1) incorporate contextual elements from the
local society and economy in order to look beyond simple
cost/benefit analyses based on scheme/farmer profit and losses,
and (2) examine long-range scheme impacts over several decades.

A fourth lacuna associated with the literature relates to the

lack of studies treating conflicts both between scheme (as a
vertically-oriented organization) and state/community/growers
(typified by horizontally-oriented domestic, community,
political, ethnic, religious, and class organizations). The
tension created between vertical integration goals of the scheme
and horizontal organizaLional activity on the part of growers and
local community and government organizations can in fact act as
checks and balances to a scheme's over-focusing on vertical
integration goals. For example, when Mumias sugar scheme in
Kenya over-regimented growers' activities on their own land so
that little local initiative was possible (Mulas 1981),
some
growers organized behind local political leaders who would exert
pressure against this type of scheme-centered activity (anonymous
verbal communication, Nairobi 1986). Conversely, over-focusing
on
horizontal goals by the government, donor/lender, or
outgrowers can create operational problems for the scheme that
may seriously curtail scheme benefits to these groups as, for
example, price-setting by the government that forces schemes to
subsidize heavily certain scheme operations -- subsidies that
ultimately were supported by the outgrowers (Scott 1982).
Such tension between horizontal and vertical interests should be
considered not as an "either-or" issue in the sense of "either"
the scheme gains "or" the grower loses (or vice versa), as
suggested by the largely "pro" or "con" stance represented in
the literature. Rather, attention needs to be directed to the
fact that vertical integration -- whether based on free
enterprise or parastatal
schemes -- does not exist in a political
or economic vacuum, but in interactive relationships with
horizontal political, economic and social structures and
processes at both national and
local levels. These seemingly
countervailing horizontal-vertical forces need to be directly and
specifically understood in order to work towards minimizing
excessive conflicts whether at
the level of local, national, or
firpt interests. For example, if state policy focuses on
increasing foreign exchange earnings or national food security
through, e.g., a public-sector outgrower sugar production scheme,
to what extent should the outgrowers bear a disproportionate
burden of scheme expenses -- and minimal. cost-sharing with the
government -- without directly reaping a portion of the rewards?
And what role in this conflict between state and local interests
should scheme management or donors/lenders play? Such issues are
currently being discussed in relation to World Bank-financed
schemes, where increasing pressure by the Bank is being exerted
on governments to assure that specific returns for both
outgrowers and the local communities will be built into the
scheme (Michael Cernea, verbal communication, September 1986).
Another conflictive issue that is not well treated in
the
literature has to do with vertically-focused scheme demands on
horizontally-organized domestic production arrangements.
The
20

difficulty here has to

do with changing family tim(n-labor inputs
associated with the scheme,
as family members must incorporate
scheme work along with food crop production, schooling, and other
demands -- or have sufficient funds for hired
labor. This issue
is associated with the
impact of contract farming schemes on
local nutrition, in
cases where cash crop demands of the scheme
may decrease food crop production or alter diets in
the scheme
area -- a topic now
being studied by the International Food
Research Institute.
Finally, conflicts may arise between state interests and
interests of the firm regarding such i4sues as
import/export
regulations, pricing policies, wage/labor regulations (or lack
thereof), firm management procedures, rights over control of
scheme inputs (credit, extension, fertilizer, and so forth).
Are, for example, extension, credit, and crop inputs to
be under
state or scheme management? The difficulties of creating farmer
organizations through which
inputs and extension are organized
for the scheme are
widespread, but remain little-studie' (see
Development Alternatives Inc.
[1976) on problems of farmer
organizations in Nigeria,
and Laramee 1975] on similar
difficulties with extension and farmer inputs in Thailand).
Construction and maintenance of
local social, health, and
educational services
can also be problematic: Where are recurrent
costs to come
from? Through government channels or provided by
the scheme? It is this type of
"invisible" state support of
private enterprise schemes that has led
one author to suggest
that the hidden costs of development through agribusiness may be
far greater than at first appear (Goldsmith 1985).
There is increasing sensitivity on the part of some firms and
donors/lenders involved in managing or funding schemes to
the
complexity of
these kinds of issues lying outside of the direct
purview of scheme operations, and the need
to work in conjunction
with disciplines outside of agribusiness in developing new
approaches. Current World Bank efforts to
integrate local
community priorities and basic food needs into both nucleus
estate-outgrower and resettlement schemes exemplifies this
new,
expanded approach, as more recent Bank Appraisal Reports
indicate. This greater attention to
scheme impact on, and
interaction with, the
local community is associated with the
realization that "trickle down,"
as a mechanism to disseminate
the results of capital-intensive gains, simply does not
automatically take place:
that scheme design and operation must
be more closely integrated with both preexisting conditions and
developmental goals of the host country and the local
area.
The weakness of a systems-only oriented approach to contract
farming is that it tends to minimize the importance of these
exogenous factors, as well
as the long-range dynamics of scheme
impact at
both local and national
level, and to rely on a variety
of untested assumptions about firm impact on,
or interaction
21

with, the local society and economy. The non-occurrence of

trickle down has demonstrated the fallacy of such untested
assumptions, made by an earlier generation of analysts who relied
primarily on social cost-benefit techniques (see, for example,
Stern's optimistic conclusions relating to the Kenya Tea
Development Authority [1972], which are implicitly based on
assumptions of trickle down to all socioeconomic strata). The
current, more public dialogue that has been developing in the
multinational community with respect to corporate involvement in
South Africa offers a contemporary example of where past over concentration on firm concerns, to the point of ignoring the
larger issue of apartheid, has become a policy now in the midst
of considerable rethinking and revision -- rethinking that is
possible only be focusing beyond the systemic concerns of the
firm to social and economic issues of equity in the larger
society. Further, dialogue has focused on determining what role
the firm should play in this larger, contextual equation, in
which equity and development are not reaching the majority of the
South African population as quickly as anticipated.
The issue of whether equity and development by means of
agribusiness are compatible goals is at the base of much of the
critical literature on contract farming. However, some of these
writers decrying the non-egalitarian and disruptive effects of
contract farming and agribusiness seem to forget that disruption,
both positive and negative, is unavoidable in change, and that
the more important question may therefore be not whether to
proceed with contract farming, but how best to proceed, for the
interests o all ccncerned. Such full denouncements of
agribusiness may go hand in hand with an implicit eagerness to
return LDC inhabitants to some mythical, pristine, presumably
more equitable pre-colonial past (Halfani and Baker 1984).
Conversely, many supporters of contract farming and agribusiness
uncritically assume that bringing in western agribusiness
techniques can automatically result in equably-based local-level
development (Stern 1972) or a more democratized environment at
the community level, in association with scheme activities
(Williams n.d.1), or with an over-all positive scheme impact
on
all levels of society and economy (Micou 1985).
Conclusion
Serious analyses of contracting, with the exception of a handful
of studies noted above, are few. Aside from such exceptions the
interaction between firm and host country economy and society at
local and national levels has yet to be t;:eated with realism or
depth in Lhe literature. As yet, both the literature on, and
practical experience with, contract farming may be too new -- and
perhaps too isolated among different specialty groups
(agribusiness, social science, economics, agronomics, nutrition)
to have significantly moved in the direction of formulating
broadly-based "lessons-learned" and developing systematic
22

hypotheses and related analyses.

Indeed, both the ideological
tone
typifying much of the literature as well as
the action oriented nature of the technological literature, has undoubtedly
militated against such a development, and has instead tended to
over-homogenize and over-reify
contract farming
as a unified
concept and practice.
At this point in
the short history of contract farming, it
may
therefore be wisest to begin filling out the lacunae in our
understanding of the various forms and variety of contract
farming --
and of both positive and negative impacts of these
different forms -- by systematically addressing issues
(as raised
above) on a case-by-case basis, in relation to specific
hypotheses and typologies such
as
thoie recently developed by
Glover (1986) and Goldsmith (1985). This should be done in ways
that seek to break down the barriers between the disciplines
concerned with contract farming and seek to
incorporate the
strengths of each in
more comprehensive approach
a -- especially
important bcause contract farming overlaps with all
of these
disciplines and therefore cannot be claimed
to belong to any one
of them.
Also, it is important to draw from the advice given by
agribusiness practitioners, some of whom have laid down basic
"lessons learned" and "how-to" scenarios (for example, Stubbings
1972, Laramee 1975 and Scott
1982). Finally, one must search for
regularities and irregularities with respect to such variables
as:
commodity, form of contract, farming organization,
donor/lender policy, state policy, political and economic
context, and environmental factors.
And even
in cases where largely positive results seem to have
taken place for all concerned, changes may occur over time that
necessitate a different approach to, and analysis of, scheme
operations and impact.
For example, farmers on
the British
American Tobacco scheme in
Kenya are taking increasing risks due
to several decades of laissez-faire wood-gathering practices by
outgrowers who use
this locally-gathered wood
to flue-cure the
Lobacco.
Now that wood supplies are dangerously low for both
home use and tobacco curing, British American Tobacco Company
(BAT),
in conjunction with the International Council for Research
in Agroforestry in Nairobi
(ICRAF) has begun to initiate an
outgrower agroforestry program with outgrowers.
The questions
relating to this activity are many: Having obtained high profits
for several decades, outgrowers now must bear cost and risk of
diversifying labor and
land into agroforestry activities
-- a
crop that likely will compete with both food and BAT tobacco
crops -- and with family labor _- particularly on the lands of
poorer outgrowers.
This is a good example of where either state
protectionist policy regarding environmental
use should have
intervened some years ago,
or where BAT should have been more
sensitive to monitoring the impacts of outgrowers' activities
relating to the scheme.
The cost of this laissez-faire attitude

23

on
the part of both firm and governmen-t has ultimately by the outgrowers.

to be born

In short, a project that seems successful at one point in time

may run into severe difficulties later on --
and this underlines
the importance of not searching for the optimum contract farming
equasion, for it is highly unlikely that such an
equation exists,
or that contract farming offers a
panacea for development,
whether through public or
private sector channels as proponents
urge, or
that contract farming is as comprehensively destructive
as opponents argue. While it is increasingly clear that
contracting is associated with a number of negative social,
political, and economic scenarios, it is equally true that
it
does provide a syatemically effective mechanism
to link
subsistence-oriented farmers into capital-intensive production.
Furthermore, many contract farming schemes
are beneficial to
state goals aiming either to increase foreign exchange through
profits from the schemes, or to address food security goals
through schemes that produce basic food commodities for national
consumption. Results at
best appear mixed, and therefore at this
stage it will be more useful to lay out a series of specific
contracting situations, formally or informally designed, each of
which typifies specific advantages or disadvantages of
contracting from the perspectives of the different interest
groups:
firm, outgrowers, laborers, government, environment, and
donor/lenders. Only then will
it be possible to begin developing
what seem
to be the most plausible scenarios for the support (or
lack of
support) of certain forms of contracting, in certain
political and economic environments, in relation to certain
commodities, for specific development, economic, or
food security
goals.

Diana de Treville
USAID S&T/RD
October 1986

24

IV.

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

3.Abbott, John C.
1982 Consideration of Alternative Marketing Organisations to
Serve Small Tropical Farmers. Agricultural
Administration 9:285-299. [IDA]
Five different marketing structures serving small farmers are
reviewed, from the perspective of the producer, in terms of their
comparative strengths and weaknesses. The five include: 1.
individual private firms (which may include contract farming
[CF]), 2. transnational corporation schemes (which may include
contract farming), 3. development companies or authorities, 4.
cooperatives, and 5. marketing bonrds/state trading agencies.
These different structures are analyzed with respect to seven
variables:
1. Sales position of the small producer vis-a-vis larger
farmers;
2. Sales position of small farmers vis-a-vis the buyer;
3. Government action required to secure mark eting services;
4. Type of extension assistance;
5. Seed planting materials;
7. Fertilizer supply;
8. Credit and other inputs.
Extension services associated with CF schemes will likely be
superior to those associated with non-CF schemes. Also, the
provision of services by development companies or authority
systems are structurally similar to provisioning under a CF
system, in so far as both systems take responsibility for
providing necessary inputs and for mdrketing the crops.
The author concludes that "none of these alternative marketing
systems quite fits the needs of small farmers." Further, that
establishing special marketing systems for small farmers does not
seem to make sense except in situations where small farmers have
a comparative advantage. Government supervision and regulations
that protect small farmers, together with associated support
services, should be maintained in conjunction with marketing
structures designed to serve both large and small farmers of an
area.

Analysis: A good analysis of the differences among major

marketing structures: one of only two reviewed that provides such
an
analysis from the point of view of the producer, rather
26

3.Abbott, John C.
1982 then from the point of view of the firm. As discussed in the
introductory essay to this document, most literature on CF is
polarized among discussions that are firm, technology, or farmer centered. Not discussed are periodic and long distance markets
and related merchants that exist primarily outside of capital intensive economies of scale.
See Versel (1984) on marketing
channels used by small farmers in West Africa.
Key Terms: Area -
General; Extension; Intermediaries;
Marketing.

27

18a.Allen, G.R.,

L.

Malasis, S.

Popovic, & G.

Viatte

1975

Changes in the Relationships between Agriculture, the

Food Industry and Trade: Market and Marketing. In
European Review of Agricultural Economics 2(4):433-457.
[WBI

The introductory paper by G.R. Allen concentrates on resource

allocation and technical progressiveness within the marketing and
distribution sectors, with some reference to questions of income
distribution and of fluctuations and stability. It goes on to
discuss adaptation of food systems in relation to technological
and social change, economies of scale and sizes of agribusines sea, vertical integration and contract farming, cooperatives and
multinationals.
Summing up the discussion, G. Viatte (co-author) concludes: To be
truly effective government policies should take into account the
whole agriculture and food system and not orly the agricultural
production stage on which most policy measures concentrate. A
food policy must be developed that contains and exceeds
agricultural policy in the traditional sense. Such a policy
should aim at a balanced development of the whole system and on
as fair as possible a balance between the various economic age.
Some agricultural economists should become agriculture and food
economists. Treating the agriculture and food system the
economists will have to cooperate with business economists and
macro-economists, and this cooperation cannot but be beneficial
for each because it is time to promote a better mutual
understanding of "agriculturalists" and "industrialists".
[This collection is No. Three of the Proceedings of the European
Conference of Agricultural Economists, 1974/75. Earlier sessions
on changes in society and the economy are written up in the same
journal volume and number.]
-CAB
Analysis This piece stresses a point commonly neglected in both
the literature on, and practice of, CF and agribusiness: the
importance of placing food policy, as well as the different
specialty fields directed to improving and increasing food
production, in a multidisciplinary frame of reference. Such an
approach would particularly benefit those who see CF as a tool
for development. For a good discussion of the relation between
agribusiness and food policy and production, see Rama (1986).
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Government
Policy; Markets.

28

30.Austin, James and Bill Ross

1979 Zacapa (A). Harvard Business School Case
No. 9-373-801 (1 972:rev.6/79). Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard Business School. [IDA]
General Background: This case study of multiple contracting
arrangements examines what can
go wrong along the chain from
production to final wholesale distribution of a highly
perishable crop having equally high quality controls.
In 1970 the agricultural production and marketing cooperative of
CADZA, located in the department of Zacapa, northwestern
Guatamala, entered into a buy and s II
contract with the
Guatamalan brokerage firm VECO to produce cucumbers for export to
the U.S. VECO, in turn, entered into a buy and sell
contract
with Pomano Sales, Inc. (PSI), a fruits and vegetable broker in
Florida. PSI
was to supply CADZA with cucumber seeds and import
a trial shipment of cucumbers to the U.S. These seeds were
distributed to the cooperative of CADZA, as
part of the
contractual agreement between CADZA and VECO.
What went wrong: A summary of what happened to the export
shipment of cucumbers, together with a shipment of melons that
VECO had purchased from an independent farmer, over the twelve
day period from harvest to sale in Flor3ida,reveals numerous
problems:
Feb.23: The refrigerated trucks arrived
one day late to the
fields resulting, in an increase of cucumber size since they
could not be picked until the trucks arrived.
Feb. 24: The cucumbers were brought in from the field, cleaned,
selected, packed in crates, and loaded in
the trucks. The
process was delayed
because the workers were mainly children who
needed constant supervision. 98 of the 720 crates were
completed.
Feb. 25: The remaining 620 crates had not yet
arrived; 300 crates were finally packed.
Feb. 26: The final crate was
packed at 5:00 p.m.; of the 850
crates, a total of 517 were exportable.
Feb. 27:
After customs and export the trailer awaited being boarded the Guatamalan airline backed out melons, but finally agreed to fly papers were finally completed,

on a ferry. In the meantime,
of carrying the 400 crates of
them to Florida March 2.

Feb. 28: Due to tidal problems there was a 24 hour delay in

the
ferry departure.
March 1: VECO staff flew to Florida to await the ferry and
melons.
29

30.Austin and Ross

1979
March 2: VECO staff learned that the Guatamalan airliner had
failed them again, loading and unloading the melons three
different times; finally agreeing to load 356 crates on a
passenger plane and the remaining 44 on a transport plane. Both
shipments would arrive in Florida that afternoon. Meanwhile, the
ferry was again delayed due to tides and would not arrive until
7:30 p.m.. The melons were taken to Pomano's warehouses at 8:30
p.m. 50% we-e by now overripe and some were not melons but
pumpkins.
March 3: Unloading of the tractor from the trailer truck at the
port began at 8:30 a.m., but due to a misunderstanding the
Quarantine Inspector could n-t see them until 1:30 p.m. The
trailer arrived at Pomano at 7:45 p.m. The cucumbers were
unpacked, put through a preservative wash (Vita-Brite, at $16.00
a gallon), and graded into six different grades. Work stopped at 9:45 p.m.; 115 crates had been completed of which 73 were rejected. Pomano informed VECO that the original crates would have to be thrown away and new, standard sized crates purchased.
March 4: 36 crates of the melons were sold, and by 2:00 p.m. the
remaining cucumbers had been sorted. 47 of the 620 crates were
sold at $3.00 a crate.
March 5: 21 crates of small cucumbers were sold at $5.00 a crate
and some merchants offered $1.50 a crate for the remaining
melons.
March 6: The merchant who had bought the melons on March 4 came
back saying they tasted great but were overripe and sunburnt.
The remaining crates of melons were sold at $1.75 a crate (in New
York, a crate of melons was selling for $20.00). The 178 crates
of cucumbers graded as "super" sold at $3.00 -, crate; market
price for good cucumbers was $7.00 a crate. Buyers said they
were yellowish from under-fertilization and had other defects
(oversize, scars, bruising). The VECO staff took a night flight
back to Guatamala.
Revenues from the cucumbers were "disappoint.ng" (no figures are
given in the article) and only $222.00 was made from the melons.

Analysis: The problems associated with vertical integration

involving several different contractual links are graphically

illustrated here -- problems that seem particularly common to

fresh-produce contracting, and that are also discussed by Laramee

30

30.Austin and Ross

1979 (1975), Development Alternatives Incorporated (1975b), (1980 on Senegal BUD scheme). See also Mittendorf
and Voll

(1978) who discusses the critical importance of vertical

coordination in fresh produce ventures.
For another example of a
cooperative that contracts, see Truitt
(1982).
Key Topics: Area - Guatamala; Case Studies; Com modity - Vegetables; Market-Merchants.

31

38.Barclay, A.H.
1977 The Mumias Sugar Project. A Study of Rural
Development in Western Kenya. Ph.D. Thesis,
Columbia University. [IDA]
This dissertation analyzes the differential impact of the Mumias
Sugar Scheme Project in Western Kenya on the local population and
economy, focusing on several major areas substantially effected
by the scheme:
1. Creation of a land market, as (a) commercial farming for
the first time gives land in the scheme area a cash value;
and (b) approximately 1000 families are forced to relocate
and buy new land in the area following the forced purchase
of their land by the scheme in order to establish the
nucleus estate;
2. Creation of a labor market, as (a) the nucleus estate
hires locals for unskilled labor, and (b) local outgrowers
hire labor when their family labor is unable to care for the
sugar cane crops;
3. Creation of a cash crop in the area for the first time
-
- one which is directly and systematically controlled by the
scheme, from soil preparation through marketing;
4. Creation of a new cadre of entrepreneurs and merchants in
the area, associated with the injection of many millions of
Ksh. into the local economy.
The kind and magnitude of impact in these areas is measured by
the author against claims made by the scheme, that "secondary,"or
"spinoff" benefits of a socioeconomic type would be produced,
namely: providing jobs, upgrading skills, providing cash to
subsistence farmers through cash crops, providing modern
technical agricultural methods, improving land utilization,
constructing roads and injecting several million Ksh. into the
local economy -- thereby resulting in ".. .profound effects on the
farmers, their families, Kakamega District and the Western
province" (Feasibility Study 11:67, as quoted by Barclay, p.96).
It is argued that neither the initial feasibility study nor the
World Bank-supported impact study measured "success" beyond the
existence of such empirical indicators as increased cash, more
merchants, jobs available, and so forth. Since none of these
indicators are associated with decreases in poverty in the area,
or with the introduction of basic social services, or with local
investment into growth-related activities, or with improved diets
and educational facilities, the argument is made that locally
sustainable development has, indeed, not taken place. It is
further argued that the feasibility study did not take into
account the possibility that the scheme might have unequal impact
32

38.Barclay

1977
on the local population -- which is, according to the author,
precisely what has happened.
The author makes the following arguments to support his position,
basing his analysis on participant observation, informal
discussions, documentation, and
series of formalinterviews
a conducted with members of the local
participating and
nonparticipating population:
1. The tight centralization of all scheme activities, from land
preparation through account-keeping for the outgrowers, assures a
steady production of
cane for the firm but does not allow for
participation in development by the outgrowers, whose role is
primarily passive.
Their only crucial contribution is land and
labor. Furthermore, it
is not in the interests of the firm to
encourage either the decentralization of firm activities or
the
formation of worker's coops or other forms of mutual benefit
societies.
2. The introduction of this cash crop has both raised the cost
of growing subsistence crops, and increased labor demands on
the
household unit.
This aspect of the study is not systematically
detailed.
3. Technology has not been transferred to non-cane crops;
subsistence crops continue to be produced as
in pre-cane days,
and seasonal shortages of food persist. The feasibility study
suggested that farmers would be able to grow surplus crops
to
sell, but this has not happened. Indeed, it is suggested that
rather than stimulating increased production of food crops, the
scheme has complicated the allocation of
scarce resources in
local agriculture by introducing a new cash crop.
4. A speculative land market has emerged, typified by outsiders
and salaried locals buying land from poorer farmers not planting
cane who, with increasing need for cash, have nothing to sell but
their land. Most of these purchasers intend to plant cane.
5. Basic indicators of successful development in the area have
not emerged, such as: availability of staple foods, increased
nutritional content of foods, adequacy of sheliter, standards of
community health and education.
6. A new market, with shops, has grown up outside of the
nucleus, but these entrepreneural activities have been conducted
largely by individuals from outside the area
and do not reflect
indigenous development of small scale artisanry or
industry.
33

38.Barclay
1977
7. There is no formal savings or credit scheme in which cane
crops can be used as collateral. Outgrowers invest their salary
in preexisting ("traditional") opportunities that
are congruent with expectations of the local society. These
investments do not result in the capital formation that is
necessary for locally initiated, sustained development. The
following breakdown shows reported expenditures by a sample of 88
outgrowers, of their scheme-related profits over one year.
Clothing Food School Fees Livestock Gifts to kin Debt repayment 83% 73.9% 67% 44.3% 31.8% 19.3% Consumer goods Rituals, funerals Improved housing Farm Improvement Buying new land Trade or business 18.2%
13.6%
11.4%
8.%
4.5%
1%

8. Individualization of land has not resulted in

landless
a category, nor has there been the emergence of a group of people
totally dependent on wage labor for their livelihood, as some
Af~rican historians have argued would take place under these
capital-intensive conditions. The author suggests that it is too
soon to talk of a fully stratified, class society, with the
upper, elite level controlling the means of production and the
lower strata working as wage laborers. The scheme controls the
major means of production.
9. The author suggests that three "incipient" strata are
emerging: (1) relatively prosperous households with stable
incomes from trade and salaries, now benefitting from cane and
beginning to accumulate capital; (2) a larger group of middle peasants, also incorporated into the outgrower program, whose
incomes circulate through the peasant economy in line with
enduring obligations and basic needs; (3) households without
sugar cane and without cash income, except for casual wage labor,
who tend to reduce land holdings in order to acquire needed cash.
Land being held by those in the third category is being reduced
at the gain of those in the first category.
1. Mumias is an enclave of modern technology sustained by means
of access to labor and land, and thriving as long as these
factors of production have low opportunity costs and the local
economy remains relatively undeveloped. If sustained development
does come about, resulting in better education, health, diet, and
so forth, it will not be adirect outcome of scheme activity.

34

38.Barclay
1977
Analysis: An excellent local-level study of scheme impact on
both
socioeconomic transformations of the outgrowers and
on regional
development.
A clearer detailing of domestic production
arrangements would have been helpful; heavy reliance on
questionnaire surveys that are not systematically tied to "real"
domestic productive units tends to obscure these productive
relations, substituting in their place synthetic
categories used by the author in the analysis, (e.g., "strata,"
$growers,.nongrowers," etc.).
Particularly interesting
ure the author's suggestions that
1. the scheme has had little real impact on locally sustained
development financed by scheme participators; what local
development has taken place has been promoted by entrepreneurs
conclusion that disagrees with someagribusiness proponents who
assume that participators in
scheme will reinvest capital a in
ways that will facilitate local development (as suggested in the
scheme's feasibility study with respect to
"spinoffs" of the
project, and 2. neither proletarianization, nor the creation of
a
kulak class of laborers, has taken place -- a conclusion that
disagrees with some dependency school proponents. The article is
usefully contrasted with those of Buch-Hansen and Kieler (1983),
Buch-Hansen and Marcussen (1982),
Herald and Hey (1985), Mulas
(1981), and 'Nyong'o (1981) who also write about Mumias from the
growers' perspective.
Also of particular interest are the data on the use of profits by
outgrowers, and the relationship between these figures and
growth-related activities.
Several points here: Data collected
over the past decade seems to
indicate that heavy expenditures on
daily consumables is generally associated with peasant entry into
capital-intensive activities over the first several years of this
entry and should not necessarily be taken to indicate "lack of
investment" interest in local development. Also, as the author
points out, investments may be made, but in
areas congruent with
"traditional" concepts of what constitutes good investment: e.g.,
expensive dowrys or entertainment of patrons or Significant
Others.
Finally, it would be interesting to have those data
broken down according to expenditure by different family members:
e.g.,
who decides on the heavy expenditures for food cnd
clothing, who does the purchasing, and who doez the consuming
within the resident domestic unit?

Key Topics: Area - Kenya;

Case Studies; Commodity -
investment --
or, in this case, lack of investment -in local
from outside the area
who bring in outside capital -- a

Sugar; Contracts; Development; Food Crops;

Intermediaries; Investment; Labor; Management;
Small-Scale Enterprise; Labor.
35

45.Barovick, Richard L.
1982 A.I.D. Moves Ahead in Support. of Third World's Private
Sector. In: Business America 5(14):12-14. [WB]
The US Agency for International Development (AID) has
new
a program underway to foster the growth of the private sector in
Third World nations. Through its Bureau of Private Enterprise,
AID is working to strengthen the private sectors of developing
nations and to assist in the involvement of the U.S. private
sector in that development.
A major part of the program is concerned with working with host
governments to provide the environment required for private
enterprise to function effectively, and AID is assisting Third
World governments in identification and removal of constraints to
private investment. Reconnaissance missions are often sent to
the countries to review policies first hand. AID is developing
new financing methods needed to assist private sector activities,
and it hes singled out agribusiness operations as .s major
sectora priority.
It is currently inviting proposals from agribusiness firms and
lending institutions in the US and developing countries, and it
has worked out guidelines on financing terms and conditions.
Criteria for projects and enterprises it will support include:
(I) Projects must meet criteria and priorities developed by AID
for the country involved. (2) Enterprises must demonstrate good
management and profit-making potential. (3) Funds provided by
AID must not be available elsewhere.
-ABI-I
Analysis: A good summary of the recent policy reorientation in
USAID towards private enterprise schemes as a way to foster
development. The Agency's focus on adjusting host country
conditions in order to provide a more suitable environment for
successful private enterprise ventures is congruent with policy refocusing by the World Bank.
The Bank has moved beycnd project specific activities, to s ctoral adjustmnents considered necessary
to create favorable project environments. This broader view of
development on the part of donors and lenders reflects certain
dissatisfactions with the project-only approach -- an approach
that can produce enclave situations in which there is little
spill-over to non-project activities.
For another description of the Agency's recent private enterprise
oriented approach see McPherson (1983). For several good "pro private enterprise/agribusiness" arguments written during the
same period see Freeman and Karen (1982) and Williams and

36

45.Barovick
1982 Karen (1983). For an an actual case study discussing why
extensive USAID/private investment in agribusiness in pre-
Khomayni Iran did not live up to the expectations of designers,
donors, or scheme .pa
management
and Karen
--

--

as suggested by, e.g., Freeman and Karen; Williams

see Moghsdam (1985).

Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Policy Issues

(Donor; Lender); Private Enterprise.

37

52.Bathrick, K.K.
1981 Agricultural Credit for Small Farm Development:
Policies and Practices. Epping, Essex, UK: Bowker
Publishing Company. (USAID]
The broad purpose of the book is to provide development
professionals in
lower income countries and representatives of
donor agencies with a primer on the operation of small farm
credit programs. More specifically, it: (1) presents an overview
of the current ideas about agricultural credit and development;
(2) describes the credit activities of donor ag-ncies and the
suggestions of those agencies for improving operational
performance; (3)
illustrates the limited appreciation for and
knowledge of operational considerations; and (4) develops an
operations case study from which specific lessons may be
learned.
Chapter Two examines the increasingly complex role assigned to
agricultural credit provided to the small farmer and
includes a
justification for concentrating development resources on
the
smal farm sector. The next two chapters discuss the credit
experience and operational suggestions of the donor agencies.
Chapter Five documents the many complexities peculiar to the
operation of credit institutions for the small farm operations.
Finally, chapter six describes a case study of all major
operational aspects of
an innovative integrated rural development
program.
INVIERNO, the Nicaraguan project chosen for study, is not offered
as a model of integrated agricultural development.
Although
there are some lessons to be learned from INVIERNO, the project
was chosen for the innovative operational and management systems
developed, the high level of professionalism among its personnel,
and its excellent focus
(as identified by outside evaluators) on
the rural poor. Concentration is mainly on the operation systems
developed during the first two years of the Nicaraguan project,
but it is noted that the present government has maintained most
of the operational systems described, expanded areas of field
activities, and has changed the name to PROCAMP.
-CAB

Analysis: The importance -and difficulty -- of providing smallholders with critical production credit is very well discussed in this publication. Credit may be most successfully
provided in association with a larger, comprehensive program,
such as the integrated rural development programs discussed here,
or in association with specific projects such
as CF schemes.
Whether credit should be linked to technical assistance or the
extent to which it should be subsidized by donor or state could
be more extensively discussed.
Also, critical issues relating to

38

52.Bathrick
1981
recurrent costs
--

supported by donors, are to become an

integral part of host
country institutions, or (as specifically may happen with CF
schemes) are to be supported by the firm and/or growers -- are in
need of further analyzing.
For a slightly different view of smallholder credit scheme
development, see
Graber (1980). The issue of recurrent costs is
comprehensively treated by Stevens (1985).
Key Topics: Area - Nicaragua; Credit; Development.

of whether credit programs are to be

39

53.Bechaux, E.
1977 Developpement de l'economie contractuelle et
differenciations sociales en agriculture: 1'evolution
du sacteur de production et de transformation de la
betterave industrielle dana la Plaine de Dijon 1950 1975. Documents de Recherches No. 14. Paris: Institut
National de la Recherche Agronomique. [USAID]
This study describes the development of beet production in the
Dijon plain and examines how far the ensuing social
differer.tiation is the result of contractual relations between
producers and processors. Between 1955 and 1970 thenup.bers of
producers were halved but cultivated area remained the same:
farms became larger due to mechanization. The policy adopted by
the local sugar industry helped to determine the social
structure: it relies mainly on the larger, better-off farmers and
provides no outlet for small producers, who were often forced to
leave the agricultural sector because of this.
-CAB
Analysis: The detailed description of the relationship between CF
scheme policy and local stratification, in relation to which
this policy is argued to favor and agrandize large producers at
the expense of smaller produces, is the same argument presented
in several of the studies of CF schemes in Kenya (Buch-Hansen
1980, for example). A systematic comparison of this French
experience with that in Kenya would be interesting. For example,
it may be the case that because of the greater differentiation of
the French economy and associated social stratification,
proletarianization of small growers and their enforced
move out
of CF into other employment may present less problems than the
same process in Kenya. In the latter case, the Kenyan economy is
not as differentiated as the French and therefore will likely
offer fewer opportunities by way of off-farm employment.
Consequently, "proletarianization" and the creation of a freed
labor class in Kenya may be associated with the emergence of a

group of landless and largely unemployed -- or seasonally

employed persons, whereas the same process of creating a freed

labor class in France has been associated with the emergence,
first, of putting-out systems in the Nineteenth Century and later
of factory employment -- options unavailable in Kenya.
Comparisons of this sort between western and LDC CF might help to
illuminate how specific political, economic and social contexts
provide different opportunities and risks for the firm as well
as
for the farmers.

Key Topics: Area - France; Commodity - Beets;

Stratification.

40

63a.Berg, Robert J.
and Jenifer Seymour Whitaker, eds.
1985 Compact for African Development. Report of the
Committee on African Development Strategies.
Washington D.C.: Overseas Development Council.
[USAID-W/IDA]
General Background: This policy document briefly details Africa's
drought, famine, and debt problems and offers a series of long
and short-term strategies that should be implemented by donors in
order to address these problems. It is suggested that a Compact
for African Development be formed -- an international body that
America would take a leading role to create and that would
require $3 billion a year in
long-term assistance fr'om the
American public and private sector donations.
Short-term strategies --- the U.S. should:
1. Initiate food-for-work and other food programs to foster
agricultural development and
increased production.
2. Negotiate longer term food aid arrangements, up to
five years at a time.
3. Reprogram debts.
4. Pledge $50m. to the World
Bank's Special Facility
for Sub-Saharan Africa.
Longer-term strategies
-- The U.S. Should:
5. Lead a drive for increased investment in environmentally
sound agricultural development with special emphasis
on
small farmers and women, who have previously been
neglected.
6. Launch a major and sustained campaign in research and
training to create conditions for a Green Revolution
in Africa.
7. Work with International Planned Parenthood Federation
and the UN Fund for Population Activities to institute
Major population programs.
8. Provide technical assistance, improved procurement
pactices and track reforms in order to help unleash
Africa's own private sector.
9. Make a contribution of $1.33 billion annually over
the
next three years to the International Development
Association, the "soft loan" window of the World Bank.
10. Triple the long-term U.S. finance going to Africa

41

63a.Berg and Whitaker

1985
through bi- and multi-lateral programs to reach $3 billion
annually.

Analysis: The Committee on African Development Strategies, which

prepared this report, was created by the Council on
Foreign
Relations and the Overseas Development Council, and was funded by
the Carnegie Corporation, Ford Motor Company, the Ford
Foundation, the Kellogg Foundation, the Rockefeller Brothers
Fund, and the Rockefeller Foundation. The document bears many
similarities to the policy-oriented essay by Lele (1984), whose
article was incorporated into U.S. Congress' Office of Technical
Assistance document "Africa Tomorrow:
Issues in Technology,
Agriculture and U.S. Foreign Aid"
-- also an important U.S. donor
policy statement. Both documents are currently making the rounds
of USAID and various non-governmental organizations. With
respect to contract farming, strategy number five supports of
large agribusiness ventures that are inclusive of smallholders,
e.g. nucleus estate-outgrower schemes, and number eight is
supportive of assistance to the smaller, "less-formal sector"
contract farming operations typified by some local entrepreneural
activities (see le point economique 11982-19851 on CF
entrepreneural activity in Senegal and le
cameroun pastoral et
:orestier [1983-1985 on CF entrepreneural activity in Cameroon).
rhis working document will be published Spring, 1986 by UC
California Press.
Key Topics: Area - Africa; Development; Food Crops;
Food Security; Policy Issues.

42

66.Berry, Sara S.
1984 The Food Crisis and Agrarian Change in Africa: A
Review Essay. African Studies Review 27(2):
59-112. [IDA]
The author addresses the question: Is the food crisis in Africa
due to lagging and insufficient production, or is it a management
problem? There is
an acute scarcity of data on aggregate
economic performance;
many cases attempt tD evaluate food
production issues based on
micro level data. Such an analysis is
not satisfactory since there
are diverse ecologies, farming
sy- ems, and socioeconomic conditions.
The standard paradigms often conceptualize linkages between
micropatterns and macro/national/regional processes in ways that
do not account for African realities.
These kinds of limitations
of standard paradigms of economic and agrarian change hamper
better use of the rich literature on local farming systems end
related socioeconomic processes.
The author concludes that
we are not as sure of the food
production situation as the macroeconomic literature implies, and
that more refined studies of food processing and distribution
systems need to be conducted that are sensitive to such issues as
the problem of inadequate paradigms by which to order and analyze
both macro and micro-level data.

Analysis: An excellent overview and systematic analysis of the

literature on agricultural production and related policy in
Africa, inc2tuding topics in need of research and the strengths
and weaknesses of different research approaches and related
analytic frames.
Key Topics:
Area - Africa; Food Crops; Food Security;
Methodologies and Concepts.

43

84a.Brown, James G.
1986 Agroindustrial ')evelopment: A Guide to Project Design
and Operation. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Draft
Mimeo. EdeTJ
General Background: The primary purpose of this guide is to
present the major areas of concern that ought to be addressed in
establishing an agribusiness in an LDC. Part One discusses the
major issues that impinge on the successful performance of
programs and enterprises in agroindustries and Part Two consists
of profiles of the processing of twenty-one major commodities.
(The draft reviewed for this document contained Part One only.)
Development objectives of agribusiness, such as greater food
self-sufficiency or foreign exchange generation, are discussed in
relation to a set of characteristics that are often attributed to
agribusiness: value added and low investment cost per job. These
two sets of variables are then related to specific crops, in
order to provide a general view of the kinds of developmental
costs or benefits associated with each crop.
Raw material procurement, the major section of the draft, focuses
primarily on the relation between an agroindustry and the local
community of growers. It is suggested that the agribusiness will
impact on locals by encouraging changes in their production
pattern, and will also result in employment shifts, increased
land market, increased market dependence, increased need for
infrastructure and financial relationships, changes in trade, and
changes in the social structure. It is important that the firm
recognizes the inevitability of these changes, and that it
remains informed with regard to them, since these changes can
impact positively or negatively on members of the local
community, thus enhancing or detracting from successful firm
operation. In order to secure appropriate quality from local
growers, the firm will have to ensure that the following are
provided: recognizable standards, necessary inputs and
incentives.
Procurement of crops from growers can be by enterprise
production, enterprise purchase under contract, or by enterprise
purchase on the free market. Production under contract is
suggested to be the most efficient for the enterprise as well as
the most desirable alternative from the grower's perspective. It
is stressed that the firm must become familiar with the
socioeconomic features of the local community, in order to
effectively develop a system that will be responsive to the
strengths, constraints, and needs of both firm and growers. The
major socioeconomic features with which the firm should become
familiar, and how such data may be obtained, are then discussed.
Contracting, as a procurement system, is discussed in detail with
respect to both nucleus estate-outgrower schemes and
44

84a. Brown
1986
production-contract schemes.
The benefits of each of these two
CF forms is outlined.
For example, the nucleus-estate can
provide constant factory throughput, maintain its own nurseries,
and provide extension and other services to outgrowers. Direct
contracting with growers by
firm includes such benefits over
a direct market purchase as:
reducing product variability,
providing capital assets to producers, and reducing market risks.
Problems associated with both forms of contracting include such
elements as:
leakage caused by (e.g.) market volatility,
coordination problems, and the manipulation of quality standards
by processors in order to reduce prices.
Project Design: With an understanding of local socioeconomic
conditions and how these relate to a system of contracting and
other aspects of the firm's operation, project design can then
proceed to: determine the components; identify producers;
identify intermediaries; determine physical, financial and
manpower needs; determine institutional needs; specify the terma
of the contracts; and prepare an implementation schedule.
Each
of these activities is separately discussed.

Analvsis: This handbook represents an important advance in the

agribusiness-oriented genre of Cf literature.
While organized
deductively as a guide to setting up an
agribusiness, it
concurrently stresses the necessity of an
inductive, empirically based understanding of local socioeconomic conditions.
Thus,
successful operation of the system becomes contingent upon
an
informed understanding of, and interaction with, local conditions
of production and distribution. This deliberate move beyond
a
purely systems-oriented approach to establishing and running CF
schemes is unique in the literature and, if followed, stands to
be more
likely to result in activities mutually acceptable to
firm and growers than is the case when recipe-formula guides are
unreflectively followed.
This draft handbook is
positive step towards encouraging
a agribusiness interests to incorporate systems-focused models of
design and operation with informed and reflective knowledge of
local conditions as
way of correcting what one agribusiness
a specialist recently cited
as a major problem of American business
operating overseas, namely, seeing these operations as little
more than -... extensions of American markets and American
operating proccdures."
Key Topics: Area - General; Management; Markets; Metho dologies.

45

89.Buch-Hansen, M.
1980 Agro-Industrial Production and Socio-Economic Develop ment. Case Studies of Sugar Production in Muhoroni
and Mumias, Western Kenya. Working Paper No. 15.
Roskilde, Denmark: Institute of Geography, Socio-
Economic Analysis and Computer Science, Rosilde Uni versity Center.
ThiL report examines the development of sugar production in two
areas of western Kenya. The promotion of sugar cultivation
through such bodies as the Sugar Settlement Association has led
to production increasing from 30,000,t in 1963 to 200,000/t in
1978 and 250,000/t in 1980. Instead of spending Ksh. 120m. a
year (1971-1977 average) on sugar imports. Kenya is now self
sufficient in sugar and likely to become a substantial exporter.
With the new sugar projects in Mumias, Nzoia and South Nyanza
creating possibilities of cash incomes where few opportunities
previously existed, sugar has become an important factor in
national development.
This study considers the differing structures created for sugar
cultivation in Mumias (strong, centralized organization; little
variation in productivity but average of 20t/ha/year for the most
skilled farmers) and Muhoroni (loose organization, variations in
productivity but average of 20t/ha/year for the best farms,
absentee farmer problems) as vehicles of socioeconomic
development. In both areas sugar cultivation has led (for
different reasons) to the neglect of other food crops. There is
a risk that growers' inability in poor yield areas to accumulate
capital for investment and to diversify into other cash crops
could lead gradually to proletarianization.
Attempts by the UK-managed (Booker Mc Connell) Mumias Sugar
Company to avoid differentiation of this type through a policy of
contract farming with encouragement to the small producer might
actually worsen the position of the smallest farmers.
Comparisons were not made between those in the areas studied who

did not grow sugar and outgrowers -- whether or not

proletarianization will take place may well depend on whether

cash cropping helps the marginal farmer. The cooperative as an
alternative form of management is also touched u'on.
-CAB

Analysis: This is but one of a

growing number of local-level
studies of the impact of CF in the sugar-growing areas of Kenya

on smallholders. (See Anilysis under Buch-Hansen [1982) for a

discussion of these different studies.) The impact of strong

central scheme organization, mentioned by the author, is also

discussed by Scott

(1982) arid Barclay (1977). 46

The issue of both

89.Buch-Hansen
1980 of growing concern to some CF scheme managers. On the one
hand managers want to assure sufficient throughput for the
processing facility by means of standardized production
practices, but on the other, they are increasingly realizing the
political volatility associated with "overcontrolling" the
outgrowers.
This theme has not yet been extensively treated in
the literat- -e --
but it is quite important, if donors and
lenders are to seriously pursue CF as a i;echanism for local
development.
For without the ability for local initiative to
develop, it is problematic whether diversification and investment
necessary for local development has a suitably favorable
environment.
Key Topics: Area
Kenya; Commodity -Sugar; Development;
Intermediaries; Stratification.

47

91.Buch-Hansen, Morgens, and Henrik Scher Marcussen

1982 Contract Farming and the Peasantry: Cases from Western
Kenya. Review of African Political Economy 23:9-36.
[IDA]
The authors examine two contract farming schemes in Kenya (Kenya
Tea Development Authority and Mumias sugar scheme) in order to
test the following two conflicting hypotheses onl the impact of
contract farming on producers: 1. the Dependency School analysis,
which suggests that (a) farmers are marginalized and
proletarianized as they are
incorporated into capital-intensive
economies, and (b) that local food sufficiency is reduced, as
agribusiness schemes take land out of local
food-crop roduction
p and put it into cash-crop production destined for rich markets in
the West and/or for local elites; 2. the World Bank approach,
which suggests that agribusiness is an appropriate mechanism for
assisting both producers and the state, as well as international
agribusiness interests.
It is argued that increased capitalization of LDC economies by
means of agribusiness is neither a homogeneous process nor
a
zero-sum
game, in which all capital gains flow out of producer areas, as is suggested by some of the more simplistic depenuo_-ncy
theory proponents. This argument is supported by an analyses of
the Kenya Tea Development Authority and Mumias sugar schemes,
showing that increases in producer incomes result in local
socioeconomic differentiation whereby three groups emerge: 1. the
smallest group (10-15 percent), whose members seem to be an
emerging bourgeoisie. They invest in order to accumulate (shops,
taxis, land, equipment), and rely on wage labor to grow CF crops;
2. a mid-group (the !.ar-est), whose members spend cash on
schooling, housing, consumer goods, etc.
Most of these families
have a mixed income from non-agricultural and agricultural
enterprise, and they rely on both family and wage labor in CF
production; 3. A heterogeneous group that re-lies entirely on
family labor and has increasing difficulty surviving off of their
agricultural production.
No general trend to proletarianization
is evident in these groups.
The authors conclude that these case studies do not support the
dependency theory arguments that CF leads to
increasing marginalization and proletarianization of the
producers, or to decreasing local food production. However, they
warn
that these results cannot be uncritically generalized to
other CF schemes.

Analysis: A useful, empirically-based analysis of the impact of

contract farming on the outgrowers' socioeconomic condition,
which can be read in conjunction with Nulas (1981) for an anti contract farming study of Mumias; Barclay (1977) for
a
48

91.Buch-Hansen and Marcussen

1982 detailed local-level study of Mumias;
and Buch-Hansen and Kieler
(1983) for an
examination of social stratification, socioeconomic
differentiation, and food production of Mumias outgrowers.
It
would have been useful if the authors had used Barclay (1977) in
both developing a longitudinal analysis of scheme impact and in
substantiating their conclusions, which by and large agree with
those of Barclay.

Key Topics: Area -

Kenya; Case Studies; Commodity - Sugar;

Development Policy; Labor; Policy Issues;

Political Economy; Stratification; Wage Labor.

49

92.Buch-Hansen, Morgens and Jan Kieler

1983 The Development of Capitalism and the Transfor mation of the Peasantry in Kenya. Rural Africana
15-16(Winter/Spring):9-36. [IDA]
General Sackground: It is argued that contract farming is
a
positive method for incorporating small farmers into capital
intensive agricultural activities, and that contract-farming
scheme organization removes the bottlenecks from production and
distribution and the siphoning off of surplus by merchants.
This
results in a more favorable position for smallholders vis-a-vis
capitalist structures and processes.
Methodology for Study: The authors conducted a comparative study
of tea, sugar cane and tobacco contract-farming schemes in Kenya
based on random samples of 200 farmers in
each of the selected
areas, from which three stratified subsamples were made according
to production output. Twenty farmers from each of these
subsamples were interviewed in order to study the relationships
between production and reproduction and to trace the process of
social differentiation. Additionally, three samples were taken
from non-contract farmers within each study area for comparative
purposes.
Contract farming in Kenya: Contract farmers produce 40 percent of
Kenya's tea, 50 percent of its sugar, and 80 percent of its
tobacco. Integrated agribusiness contract-farming schemes
account for 15 percent of the total recorded marketed output of
Kenyan agriculture. About 12 percent of Kenya's 1.5 million
smallholders are contract farmers.
L'bor end the Productive Process: Impact of both kind mnd
magnitude on labor inputs varies by crop: Tobacco is .he most
labor intensive, requiring five man-hours daily in the six month
season, as well as substantial labor inputs in all stages of
production, including curing. Labor input for sugar cane is far
less labor intensive. The company plows, harrows, furrows, and
supplies seed and fertilizer. The work remaining for farmers is
increasingly left to wage laborers (more than 50 percent of the
sample used hired labor). Tea is both the least labor-intensive
and, of the three crops, most reliant on wage labor -- and hence,
is most directly integrated into capital markets. By contrast,
tobacco, being the most labor intensive and most reliant on
domestic labor, is therefore the least integrated of the th:'ee
commodities into capital markets.
Technology: Crop type to some extent determines the type of
technology and organizational structure of the scheme. For
example, tea is a permanent crop harvested continually throughout
the year; it therefore can be transported to collection points by
the growers themselves. Cane, on the other hand, requires a
rotation of six years, with three harvests, each averaging one
50

92.Buch-Hansen and Kieler

1983
ton per grower and requiring scheme delivery to the factories.
Transport by the scheme is also necessary for tobacco.
Incomes: Contract farmers in
all study areas have substantially
higher incomes than non-contract farmers in
the same area. There
is great regional variation in the income levels (in Ksh.):
TEA CF 6,600 + 4,400 from livestock 5,200 total TOBACCO 6,00 + 1,400 from sunflower and cotton 3,000 total SUGAR 3,700 total

Non-

CF

2,000 total

Food Crops: Farmers in all of the schemes have a

higher degree of food crop self-sufficiency than non participators in the
same areas. With incomes two times greater
than non-participators they are able to invest in new planting
techniques, HYV, and other innovative procedures for increasing
production.
Differentiation and Accumulation:
Socioeconomic differentiation
has commenced in all three schemes, with the transition from
petty commodity production of crope to capitalist farming being
most advanced in the tea scheme. Because of the loose method of
scheme organization associated with tea outgrowing and the heavy
reliance on wage labor, this is to be expected. Five percent of
the tea growers are making twenty-two percent of the total tea
income. As a group they rely primarily on wage labor, are
purchasers of tractors, cement houses and other consumer goods,
and invest in off-farm commercial activities. By contrast, the
tobacco farmers are fairly homogeneous as a group. Sugar farmers
have not yet had time to consolidate thrir position.
Regional Development:
The impact of cash flows associated with
the scheme on local development has been greatest in
the Mumias
area,
where market places and shops continually appear.
Tobacco
growers are disbursed, and therefore their impact on
the local
economy is slight, while tea
han greater potential in stimulating
regional development;
as with sugar, farmers are relatively close
to the scheme.
Terms of Trade: Favorable price returns in contrast to other
crops are a major reason for the success of contract farming,
although problems will
increase as proletarianization increases
-
- especially among
small farmers who must increasingly sell land
in order to obtain needed cash, and hence become more
51

92.Buch-Hansen and Kieler

1983
dependent on purchasing food. All prices are fixed by the
government, and this hampers both individuals and cooperatives
from investment possibilities.

Analysis: One of the few systematic analyses of the situation of

contract farmers, and how contracting has differentially effected
local socioeconomic conditions. A sizable portion of the article
is devoted to a discussion of the "stages of change" (pre capitalist peasantry, petty commodity producer, capitalist
farmer), the relation of each of these stages to the "sphere of
circulation," and the place or
the three schemes examined in this
framework. While the theoretical orientation is most interesting,
the presentation and analysis is too dense ---. so, too, is the
related presentation and analysis of data in relation to the
theoretici structure employed. The article should be about fo.r
times longer, given the fascinating wealth of information
collected from the three CF schemes, so
that both theory and
analysis could be worked out in
more detail. The resulting,
truncated generalizations are not always supported by field data.
This is particularly bothersome in the discussions relating the
three schemes to local-level food security, and to different
forms of local incorporation into economies of scale.
Missed
in the analysis: more detailed treatment of labor; cash/food crop
trade-of fs; gender allocation; time-labor allocation.

Key Topics: Area - Kenya; Case Studies; Commodity - Sugar,

Tea, Tobacco; Development; Extension; Food

Crops; Government Policy; Labor; Methodologies;
Political Economy; Stratification.

52

99.Butterwick, M.

1975 Vertical Integration and the Use of Contracts in Agri culture.

IV: Synopsis. Internal Information on
Agriculture No. 145.
Brussels: European Communities

Commission.
The Commission initiated a series of six studies on
vertical
integration between 1972/73, three of which have already been
published (Informations Internes sur l'Agriculture: No. 106,
German Federal Republic (WAERSA 16,5902); No. 119, Italy (WAERSA
17,510); No. 144, Belgium). This synopsis is based on these
published and unpublished studies, as well
as on such information
as was available about the three new members (German Federal
Republic, Italy, Belgium), including the UK reports on
contract
farming (1972, Cmnd 5099 see
WAERSA 15,2483-4) and is intended to
be read as an introduction to the studies of individual
countries.
The final chapter on EEC policy implications of the studies
concludes: Financial assistance from Community or
national funds
should normally be confined to producers' organizations that can
count on a disciplined membership.
The policy objective should
be to build up properly based organizations with adequate access
to capital, but to avoid putting them into a commercial strait jacket by imposing special limitations on their freedom of
action. Aids for the improvement of agricultural marketing
through contracting and the formation of joint ventures should
concentrate on the subsidization of: (i) studies designed to
improve market transparency, (ii) management training, (iii)
detailed examination of projects in this field prior to their
implementation.
Aids of this kind could be expected to yield
indirect benefits to the sound development of vertical
integration in agriculture.
-CAB
Analysis: The emphasis of this EEC study on the central role that
farmer's organizations in Europe have to play as effective
intermediaries with CF schemes is in rather glaring contrast to
most technical studies of CF schemes in LDCS.
In the latter
studies, emphasis is generally placed on the concerns
of firm
management -- not on farmer organization (see, for example,
Stubbings 11972J, Mittendorf 119781.) This points out an
interesting and important bias in both the technical and
managerial literature on
CF: Those writing in relation to LDCs
almost unconsciously avoid issues relating in great detail
to the
growers and their self-generated organization, apparently
assuming that since the scheme provides profits, local growers
will
(or should) be content and accept the firm's dictates. (An
important exception to this skewed, and potentially dangerous
view of firm management is the recent World Bank handbook on
53

99.Butterwick
1975 agribusiness scheme management by Brown [1986].)

ILems written on CF scheme organization in the west more often do

seem to focus on grower's interests, and see them as being not
only separate from from those of the scheme, but also in need of
understanding. See Kauffman (1984), Lance (1978, 1981, 1983),
Mackel (1979,1980), and Rogers (1980) -- and associated analyses
-- for examples of technology-oriented articles on CF in the
west, where farmers' interests are, out of course, taken into
specific consideration. The small but expanding literature on
scheme impact on growers in LDCs has been produced primarily in
Kenya. Two weaknesses of these studies, however, are that (i)
they are written largely in disassociation from knowledge of the
technically-oriented articles, and (2) the general anti agribusiness stance of much of this genre fails to explore ways
in which CF could, with appropriate standards of design and
management, be implemented. On the disassociation among
different disciplines working on CF, see Allen (1975).
Key Topics: Area - Europe (General); Intermediaries;
Marketing; Policy Issues (Donor; Lender).

54

111.Carey Jones, N.S.

1983 Decentralisation and Delegation in Agricultural Develop ment.
Agricultural Administration (UK):13(4):187-199.
This paper discusses problems of decentralization and delegation
in ministries of agriculture, starting from FAO Economic and
Social Development Paper No. 20: Administering Agricultural
Development for Small Farmers (WAERSA 25, 45 and RDA 6, 517).
Three premises are developed: (a)
The farmer is the developer
and the purpose of the ministry is to assist him in this with
ideas and the necessary supports that those ideas entail.
(b)
Agricultural development is an
economic matter and should be
separated from welfare activities, or general rural development.
(c) Governments have a political interest in economic
development that is not shared by local institutions.
Five major constraints on decentralization and delegation are
considered and some suggestions made for their amelioration.
These are (i) the responsibilities of
the head of the ministr,
(ii) central planning, (iii) the need for control, (iv) the type
of administration, and
(v) fear and uncertainty. The role of the
local
man charged with the ministry's responsibilities in his
area is then discussed. Finally, a brief look is taken at
devolution.
-CAB
Analysis: The impact of state policy at the local
level -- in
areas where CF schemes are being implemented -- is not well
treated in the literature. When, as discussed here,
decentralization policy is implemented through line ministries
how does this alter the environment in which a given CF scheme
operates?
For example, the massive decentralization efforts in
Egypt over the past decade have created a micro-level structural
environment in which interests of local farmers are
often
encouraged above macro-policy .. ncerns of the government. o This
has been the case in the USAID-funded Small Farmer Production
Project in Egypt, which contains certain contracting components.
While such a decentralized, small-farmer focus has worked
to the
advantage of many local farmers, in terms of accessing
decentralized (and often highly subsidized) inputs through the
agricultural banks or other local-level institutions, it has also
worked against certain state-led and donor-encouraged economic
and producer policies at the macro-level ciming to reduce
subsidies, increase certain kinds of export-oriented crops,
decrease certain imports and
so forth. Policy formulation aiming
to coordinate such macro-micro conflicts seems, as yet,
not well
established.
Key Topics: Development; Government Policy.

55

117a.Chaudhry, M. Ghaffar
1982 Green Revolution and Redistribution of Rural Incomes:
Pakistan's Experience. In: Pakistan Development
Review 21 (Autumn):173-205. [WBJ
The paper investigates the legitimacy of the popular view that
the Green Revolution has led to increasing income inequality in
rural Pakistan. The empirical evidence produced in this paper is
sufficiently conclusive to show that the Green Revolution has
actually been responsible for reduction of income disparity
between small and
large farms, between farm and non-farm rural
classes, and between well-to-do and poorer agricultural regions
in Pakistan. The paper suggests that Green Revolution
technologies should be encouraged in the interest of economic
development.

-WB

Analysis: The disputed impact of technology transfer on local

food production and increasing socioeconomic inequality has been
at the heart of much heated debate on the Green Revolution in
Asia. The controversy is also central to agribusiness -- CF
involvement in LDC agriculture. Fence, a brief view of the same
debate with respect to the Green Revolution stands to enhance our
understanding of the complexities of the relationship between
technology transfer and differentiated socioeconomic and
political gains; and of the dangers of presuming that concrete
answers to the debate are easily forthcoming. Indeed, the
applicability of technology associated with CF schemes is
likely
not to be congruent with local needs relating to food crops or
other cash crops -- as argued by Horst (1974: not annotated; see
Comp. Bib.), and further elaborated by Goldsmith (1985).
For a similar, pro-Green Revolution argument see Johl (1975); for
an anti-Green Revolution argument -- in the sense of its
exacerbating local socioeconomic differentiation, thereby
creating redistribution problems -- see Wills (1972). The larger
issue of the transfer of food technology is generally discussed
by Molnar (1983), and more specifically examined in a K-nyan case
study on early adopters by Freeman (1985). See also Clayton
(1983), on the mal-distribution of developmental gains. These
debates are applicable to CF schemes, where an understanding of
the kind and magnitude of impact that would be associated with
technology transfer relating to specific types of schemes is,
as
yet, neither iell-studied nor well-understood.
Key Topics: Area - Pakistan; Case Studies; Food Crops;
Stratification; Technology Transfer.

56

132.Clayton, Eric
1983 Agricultural Development and Farm Income Distribution
in LDCs. In: Journal of Agricultural Economics
(London University):34(3):349-359. EWB)
There were remarkable and sustained increases in agricultural and
food production in the developing countries over
the last three
decades.
But the fruits of this progress were not shared by all,
and many remain in poverty. Some believe this due to the unequal
distribution of benefits and accordingly claim that
an
agricultural strategy that focuses
on reducing disparities of
incomes, assets, and
access
is the most important objective for
agricultural development.
This approach is justified by claims
of wide and increasing disparities of income in the agricultural
sectors of developing countries.
This paper finds that such claims cannot be supported by hard
evidence.
Indeed, the few valid studies of agricultural income
redistribution strategies, especially those aimed at uni-modal
farm sectors, are
rejected as unnecessary, undesirable, and
unachievable
(without destroying the mainspring of agricultural
progress). On the contrary, it is urged that growth in
productivity, output, and incomes should be the dominant
development objective to encourage,
as many examples show, the
enterprise, ability, and energy of small farmers and their
families. Such a strategy produces a degree of unequal
distribution of benefits that reflects the distribution of
personal qualities and endowments, and acts as an incentive to
agricultural policies relating to pricing, extension, credit,
research, and so on;
it should aim at widening the number of
small-farmer beneficiaries of agricultural development.
-CAB
Analysis: The down-playing by some agribusiness proponents of
deleterious socioeconomic impacts that are
often times found in
association with agribusiness-CF schemes, is also associated with
many of the arguments that see private enterprise as a cost
effective and secure method of bringing about local-level
development -- the general ideology behind this article.
However, the author's notion of the kind of "hard evidence"
needed to demonstrate mal-distribution of benefits seems to be as
over-empiricist an interpretation of the data,
as anti agribusiness writers' somewhat quixotic notions of "free
enterprise exploitation" seem to be under-empiricist
interpretations of the data.
There are not

57

132.Clayton

1963 (yet) enough good, multidisciplinary, longitudinal studies

allowing for the kind of comparative analyses that are needed to
further the debate beyond the kinds of polemics and narrowly defined arguments th t now characterize so
much of the literature
on CF.
Certainly, the author's point that stratification or
disparity will likely occur is well-taken -- just how it is
dealt with is the more important, long-range issue, if "growth
with equity" is to continue being treated as an important
developmental policy
concern. For a further discussion of this
issue, see Analysis under Halfani and Bakir (1984).
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Lender); Stratification.
Policy (Donor;

58

139.Collins, Joseph, and Frances Moore Lappe

1977 Still Hungry After all these Years. In Mother Jones on
the Green Revolution [IDA]
The authors suggest that agribusiness schemes produce the
following negative impacts on producers:
1. Land is diverted away from food crops.
2. Agro-crops monopolize the funds and services of
government agricultural services, thereby neglecting
food-crops.
3. Local elites are provided incentive to fight
redistribution.
4. Competition for land for agro-industry has increased
land prices.
5. powerful new class emerges, which buys out the
A smallholders who go bankrupt
as a result of economic
dislocation associated with the agribusiness scheme.
6. Crops that do not figure into local diets are grown
for export.
7. Natural resources and soil are depleted.
It is pointed out that labor costs associated with agro industrial crops in LDCs are as
low as 10 percent that of
American wage labor.

Analysis: A good,
"food-first" approach to agribusiness, in that
little by way of systematic, contextualized, empirical analysis
is used. Instead, examples are drawn from in situ studies and
then used as decontextualized isolates to prove a point.
While
this approach may produce a compellingly emotional argument
against agribusiness, it unfortunately loses legitimacy in
not
developing a rigorous argument based on case-study materials
-- a
problem with this approach also pointed out by Glover (1984). See
also Berry (1984) who criticizes the facile conjoining of micro macro data without employing sufficiently sensitive paradigms by
which to elaborate and explain these linkages.
Key Topics: Area - General; Food Crops; Policy Issues;
Political Economy.

59

143.Commonwealth Development Corporation

1984 CDC and The Small Farmer. London: Development Corporation. [IDA]

Commonwealth

General background: CDC has promoted the concept of nucleus

estates and associated processing factories serving smaliholders
of sugar, coffee, tea and palm oil. This CDC agribusiness model
for incorporating individual smallholder families into
plantation-style schemes has been adopted by the World Bank. CDC
has also encouraged the production of food crops along with cash
crops and seeks to strength,n the management capacity of local
staff and producers, in order to reduce expatriate staff.
Current agricultural projects now have approximately l.lm. ha.
under commercial crops, of which 700,000 ha. are farmed by
584,000 smallholders growing cash and food crops.
Why contract farming? There are several reasons to support
smallholders: They account for the bulk of agricultural output;
they are more efficient resource usef-; rural-urban migration is
depleting agriculturally active populations and CF provides a
form of cash cropping that may retain farmers on the land;
smallholders have limited access to technology. Three methods of
assisting smallholders employed by CDC include: 1. nucleus
estate-outgrower settlement schemes for perennial crops;
2.
transposition of pr,>ven cash crops to established communities of
subsistence farmers (tea and coffee in
Kenya, for example); 3.
irrigation projects involving new
villages or farming households
living on their own plots.
Estate/firm management: CDC schemes are basically controlled
credit schemes, with CDC providing finance and agricultural
expertise to a
statutory authority set up to regulate the
project. The following criteria are
ideally applied in CDC
scheme design and management:
1. Scheme must be self-contained with definite
objectives, and concentrated on a defined group
of people;
2. Farmers must be genuinely interested;
3. Scheme must be sensitive to local conditions
and the approach must be flexible;
4. A statutory company or authority should be set up
independently of the government and the foreign
partner;
5. Growers should be represented on the board of the
authority;
6. Crops chosen must be proven in the area: 60
neither

143.Commonwealth Development Coroporation

1984
farmers nor scheme should be used for experimental

purposes --

through demonstrations, the viability of the crop;

the nucleus estate itself should prove,

7. Land allocated to small farmers

must be an appropriate
size to manage;
8. [-.irmers must receive a satisfactory crop price;
9. Yet income should be appreciably higher than what
the farmer can earn by subsistence or wage labor;
10. Responsibility for physical and social infrastructure
must be agreed upon by the government;
11. Skilled management and training are critical;

12. Simplicity --
at least in the early stages -is

critical.
Kenya Tea Development Authority: The largest tea-growing
organization in the world.
More than one-half of Kenya's tea is
produced by KTDA, with 145,000 outgrowers. Assistance has come
from the Federal German Government, the World Bank, th. European
Investment Bank, and OPEC Fund,
in addition to CDC and the
Government of Kenya.
Over 58,000 hectares of planted tea are
being processed in 39 factories (each separately incorporated)
and providing balance of payments for the Kenyan Government of
some Ksh. 30m. annually. Given an average family size of five
among the smallholders, the scheme directly provides livelihood
for about 725,000 people.

Analysis:
The article presents a cogent, CDC rationale for KDTA
outgrower schemes, and provides data
on CDC's "best of all
possible cases" planning and management agenda. Several of the
generalizations made in the article are in fact important
hypotheses that have not yet been substantiated in the field: 1.
whether core-satellite schemes can
provide substantive assistance
to food production techniques employed by smallholders. This is
an important issue both because of Africa's growing food deficit
and also because of the debate as to whether
western agribusiness
really can address local food production and distribution
problems (see Voll [1980]
for brief discussion of this issue).
a 2. whether smallholders are in indeed
"more efficient resource
61

143.Commonwealth Development Corporation

1984

users" is also debatable. It may be more likely that, since many

smallholders
are subsistence rather than cash-consumer consumption oriented, they have not
been able to attain levels of
consumerism/consumption typified by full participators in
capital-intensive economies. Furthermore,
resource use that traditionally appeared to be efficient may, as
the environment becomes increasingly depleted by increased
populations or farming, turn out to be inappropriate practices in
these altered environmental conditions. Compare especially the
problems of firewood, charcoal and wood collection, production
and sale in many parts of Africa, where old strategies of
collectiun by smallholders is often no longer appropriate for
prevailing ecologies.
Indeed, the firewood situation of
smallholders who participate in the British American Tobacco
scheme in Kenya has become so critical in the last few years that
ICRAF has assisted the scheme in setting up an agroforestry pilot
project with the aim of assuring that the smallholders will
continue to have the fuel necessary both for curing the tobacco
and for their own needs (see working papers on the ICRAF Workshop
held on this agroforestry project in 1985 in Nairobi).
A small, last point: CDC did not "transpose tea" to Kenyan
smallholders: the farming of tea by smallholders began several
decades before the arrival of CDC. In fact, as pointed out in
Development International Incorpirated (1975c), smallholders were
forbidden by the colonial government to grow tea until the 1950s,
under fear that African farmers could not maintain the necessary
high standards of tea cultivation.
The article provides a useful summary of all CDC smallholder
schemes: A total of 34 schemes are listed, twenty being in
Africa, of which five are smallholder schemes without nucleus
estates and fifteen have nucleus estates. The fourteen remaining
schemes are located primarily in Southeast Asia, with
few in
a Latin America. This article can be usefully contrasted with
Laramee (1975), Phillips (1965), Scott (1982) and Stubbings
(1972), who also discuss estate/firm management.
Key Topics: Area - General, Management.
Kenya; Commodity - 7ea;

62

163.Deddieh, Cyril K.
n.d.1
The Impact of Contract Farming and Small-holder
Outgrower Schemes on Rural Development in the
Ivory Coast; A Propoeed Study. Program for
International Development, University of Iowa,
Iowa City, Iowa. Mimeo. [IDA]
A discussion of the historical context out of which problems
associated with cash-crop production have arisen, followed by
suggested solutions to these problems that can be initiated by
African states and by the international community. This mimeo
forms the basis for a proposed study of CF in the Ivory Coast.
I. Historical context:
1. 2. Population increases.
Falling international prices for traditional exports
and deteriorating terms of trade.
Oil price increases of the early 1970s.
The rural character of the African economy: 70 percent
of the labor force is rural and is characterized by
decreasing self-sufficiency.
Increasing food imports, the purchase of which
outstrips gains from foreign currency made from
oil sales.
Food imports:
(1) depress price of local production;
(2) create new demands.
Worsening domestic disposable incomes.
Fixed place in the world economy as suppliers of
certain raw goods.
Penetration of European goods, which creates market
demands and an increasing need for cash.
Increasing sale of food-crop land to private hands
for commercial use.
11.
12. European industries undermine local manufacturers.
Increasing investment in the education of youth,
leading to an increased need for cash.
Cash-crop production in the early part of the century
was based on
extensive, not intensive cultivation,
setting the stage for over-exploitation of land 63

3. 4.

5.

6.

7. 8.

9. 10.

13.

163.Daddieh
n.d.1 resources over the past 20 years.
14. The sexual division of labor traditionally involved
women primarily in subsistence activities. This
appears to be "free" labor, while men traditionally
have been involved in cash-cropping activities. This
has lead to the exploitation of women's labor as "free"
labor on men's land, as crops are increasingly
commercialized.
Community elites both increase their control
over the
local labor force end monopolize links to the outside.
Food-crop production is neglected relative to cash
crop production.
17. 18. Local and regional market linkages are
left to decay.
Cash crops increasingly withdraw land from the communal
pool.
Walking distances to food crops increases.
Cash crops increase demands for food-crop labor
Rural-urban migration decreases the local labor force
needed for food-crop production.
High transportation costs exclude food crops (largely
sold by women in local markets) from being marketed
further distances.
African states pay peasant producers less than the
real value of the crop.
African states invest only marginally in research and
development for local food crops.
Peasants lack cohesion to organize demands, in contrast
to urban populations (teachers, military, etc.) and
this may allow the state further to neglect the rural
sector.

15. 16.

19. 20. 21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

II. 1.

Solutions: African States:

Extension workers need to be trained, but:

64

163.Daddieh
n.d.1
2. "Top down" training methods need to be replaced by
participatory development techniques involving
farmers.
3. Old market linkages need to be strengthened.
4. Resources need to be focused on women
producers.
5. Fair prices need to be assured.
6. Investment outlets for peasants, beyond
education and housing, need to be secured.
7. Research and development on food crops needs to be
conducted.
8. National priorities to be shifted to agriculture:
infrastructure, instit!Lional mechanisms, technology
transfer, seeds, etc.
III. Solutions: International Donors:

1. Research:

Universities -problems now exist with the

dissemination of -esearch and development, both

between research institutions and within/between
LDCs.
2. Action-oriented programs:
- Associations such as OXFAM, CUSO, and Match Inter national need to become more involved in
these issues.
3. Lobbying:
- Grass roots organizations can put pressure on
representatives to change national policies
so as to reflect the new economic order.

Analysis: A good, general analysis of the historical and

socioeconomic context of agribusinesz and contract farming, and
most comprehensive pulling together of these key issues found in
the literature review. The hypotheses presented are
representative of both agribusiness and Food First\Dependency
School approaches to contract farming and agribusiness, and are
well-balanced in that respect. No discussion of field research
techniques. The section on "solutions" would be useful as a
guide for evaluating current projects that specifically aim to
address some of the issues that
are enumerated.
65

163.Daddieh
n.d.1
Key Topics: Area- Africa; Colonization; Food Crops; Food
Security; Gender; Intermediaries; Political
Economy.

66

164.Daddieh, Cyril K.
n.d.2
Reflections on Recovering Africa's Self-Sufficiency
in Food and Agriculture. Unpublished Paper, Program
for International Development, The University of
Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa. [IDA]
Contract farming relationships between small farmers and
processing firms constitute a rational system for providing
technical inputs and securing a marketing monopoly. Other
advantages suggested by supporters of contract farming include:
Overcoming smallholder land fragmentation, increasing local
literacy, strengthening a market-hold on
local producers,
increasing capital infusion into the local economy, ani
strengthening rural
links with outside markets.
The author concludes by suggesting a series of questions that
researchers studying CF schemes should address:
1. Are peasants more or less indebted as a result of their
participation in a CF scheme?
2. How do peasant relationships to the land change?
3. Are local employment opportunities improved?
4. The implications for rural development and social
change?
5. Who participates and why?
6. Structural impediments to participation?
7. Relative disparities/distrib1,ution of benefits?
8. Degree of political organization of growers? in bargaining strength with state/firm.)
(Critical

9. Degree growers can obtain new farming technology

and skills?
10. Does the system of contracting for labor lead to rural
proletarianization?
11. The relationship between cash crops and domestic pro duction?
Analysis: A good, brief summary of major issueo that should be
addressed in a field study of contract farming focused
on the
producers. Issue no.10, on contracting for labor, is intriguing;
the most detailed reference in the literature treating the issue
is Contract Labor in Southern Africa, by Clarke (1974); his
discussions focus on all forms of contract labor in the Rhodesias
67

164.Daddieh
n.d.2
and Southern Africa prior to Zimbabwe independence. Discussions
of contract labor taking place specifically on nucleus estate outgrower schemes is not detailed in the literature. Such
contracting would likely take place in the presence of local
labor shortage (or local high labor rates),
such as on the Mumias
sugar scheme in Kenya discussed by Barclay (1977). However,
Barclay does not discuss conditions of labor contracting per se;
while Mulas (1981) does mention in passing a group of laborers
who "hire themselves out on contract." A research focus on
contract labor would wdnt to examine the phenomena with respect
to its relationship to the emergence of (1) a more generalized
class of landless laborers, and (2) a class of rural labor
contractors, who would service both the firm and
(possibly)
wealthier outgrowers by supplying guaranteed labor inputs. A
system of this kind exists in rural Egypt in conjunction with
contract farming grape crops and certain other commodities.
Key Topics: Area - Africa; Food Security; Methodologies;
Political Economy.

68

167.Daddieh, Cyril K.
1985 The Future of Food and Agriculture, or the "Greening

of Africa" -- Crisis Projections and Policies. In

Africa Projected: From Reassertion to Renaissance

by the Year 2000, Timothy M. Shaw and Olajide Aluko,
eds. (151-169). London: Macmillan. [IDA]
An overview of the interrelated factors behind the current food
crisis in Africa. This crisis is typified by a deterioriation in
per capita food production from 0.3 percent between the years
1961-70, to
-1.4 percent between the years 1970-77, and a decline
in cereal self-sufficiency from 96 percent
to 83 percent during
the same period.
Important factors responsible for the decline include:
deteriorating international markets that have negatively affected
the development of export crops, the unequal strength of
agribusiness vis-a-vis producers, unequal exchange and
exploitation of producers, problems related to land and labor,
technical
and managerial constraints, and the continuation of
colonial approaches that facilitate the production and extraction
of surpluses from Africa to the West.
African states continue to operate according to the colonial
"ideal," which treats peasant agriculture as a "backward"
sector, exploited by
means of taxes and labor, in order to
finance industrial and urban growth.
The author draws on a variety of primary and secondary sources in
presenting this overview analysis.

Analysis: A good overview of Africa's food crisis and the

historical roots of the problem.
The focus is macro; local-level
examples to illustrate generalized points are not systematically

given --
but such is not the intent of the article.

Key Topics: Area - Africa; Colonization; Food Security;

Markets; Political Economy.

69

176.Development Alternatives Incorporated

1975a Nigerian Tobacco Company (Flue Cured Tobacco). Strategies for Small Farmer Development: An
Empirical Study of Rural Projects. 2:211-220
Washington, D.C.: DAI. [IDA]

In

General Background: This study describes the formal organization

and administration of the Nigerian Tobacco Company's contract
farming scheme in Iseyin Division, Western State. The Nigerian
Tobacco Company introduced the growing of green leaf to small
farmers by providing seedlings, extension assistance and
purchase-contracts for specified amounts of cured tobacco at a
fixed price. In 1975, there were approximately 7000 green leaf
growers and over 1000 barnsites* owned by about 3000 families.
Intermediaries: Over the years, the company has employed two
different types of grower organizations. The first, Flue Cured
Producers (FCP) consists of a group of farmers working together
to raise the seedlings, plant, harvest, cure, grade, and bale the
tobacco. It is registered as either a business company
or a
cooperative with the Ministry of Trade and Industry, and
constitutes a type of business venture for groups of larger
farmers, each of whom generally subcontracts to smaller farmers
for the tobacco production. The second type of farmer
organization, Family Farm Units (FFUs),
was initiated by the firm
because of various problems perceived to exist with FCPs,
including: declining quality of curing, costliness of interest free loans associated with these intermediaries, amount of time
spent by extension agents in resolving conflicts over profit sharing among agents in resolving cooperative members, and
skewing of profits to favor the large farmers. FFUs expanded
from four in
1969 to 704 by 1975. An FFU must consist of three
blood-related relatives who will
assume responsibility for
repaying the credit if one dies. Additionally, the three must
jointly hold sufficient land to grow six acres of tobacco (two
crops yearly) and must be endorsed by the local extension Leaf
Instructor. In contrast to FCPs, FFUs that would employ
primarily domestic labor were specifically devised as a means for
incorporating poorer farmers directly into the scheme, who will
employ primarily domestic labor.
Contracts: A contract is signed with the FCP or FFU to purchese a
certain amount of cured tobacco each year. The FCP would itself
subcontract seedlings to non-members.

* A barnsite consists of a small piece of

land with a clay or
brick building in which the leaf is cured by the heat of burning
firewood. It also contains a shelter for grading the cured leaf.
70

176.Development Alternatives Incorporated

1975a
Credit:
Beginning in 1954, the firm gave interest-free loans for
the building of barnsites under its supervision. In 1962 the
FCPs were given the plans and specifications and allowed to
contract for the building themselves. Interest-free loans were
also given for fertilizer, firewood, and other inputs.
Now, FFUs
and FCPs are allowed to open accounts at Barclays Bank under
regular interest rates to obtain
loans for constructing
barnsites.
Extension:
During the first year the firm provides the FCP or FFU
with field staff to train and assist its members, and also gives
them the option of attending a six month free training course.
For every 200 farm units there is
one Leaf Instructor, who visits
the FFTJs weekly during harvesting, curing, and grading periods.
Leaf instructor positions are high!y competitive due to the good
salaries and incentives compared to government jobs.
Extension
assistance quality is secured through various checks
on FCPs and
FFUs, as well as on the leaf itself by the firm.
Project Benefits: Farmers in the scheme have obtained a 93.9
percent income increase over non-scheme farmers involved only in
green-leaf growing with no flue curing.
Also, the fertilizer
provided through the project allows increased maize yields, since
maize and tobacco are grown in rotation. Finally, using the
family as the basic organizational unit for production (FFUs)
seems to provide greater project access for smallholders and
poorer families.

Analysis: A good, general description of the formal operation and

changes over
several decades of the scheme's contracting
mechanisms and associated technical assistance. No data on labor
inputs, possible trade-offs between food and tobacco crops,
impact of government policy on project success, or
specifics on
socioeconomic differentiation of outgrowers that could be
associated with the scheme.
Increased access by smallholders
seems to be inferred, but
whether FCPs have mitigated the
(apparently) major increase in income and power by larger holders
vis-a-vis these smaller holders in not clear.
Key Topics: Area -
Nigeria; Case Studies; Commodity -
Tobacco; Contracts; Credit; Extension;
Intermediaries; Management.

71

177.Development Alternatives Incorporated

1975b Zaria Tomato Pr-.duction Project, Northern State,
Nigeria in Strategies for Small Farmer Development:
An Empirical Study of Rural Development Projects,
Vol. II. Pp. 221-230. CUSAID-W/IDA]
General Background: This project was established in 1971 in North
Central State, Nigeria, and has increased from three to forty
small farmer groups in 1975, with approximately 960 farmers
cultivating 320 acres, each with an average farm size of 4.57
acres. In response to national pressures to reduce imports, the
North Central State Ministry of Agriculture and Natural Resources
invited Cadbury, Ltd. to consider the scheme.
Scheme organization and operation procedures: The Ministry wanted
the major support role, including provision of extension
services, fertilizer, and the design, reconstruction and
maintenance of the irrigation system. Cadbury, Ltd.
was to
assist with extension, provide and administer small farmer
credit, spraying, seedlings, and purchase and transport of the
crop. Village heads were approached and asked to form a group of
24 farmers to cultivate eight acres of land, with each farmer
responsible for a maximum of one-third of an acre.
This amount
would require fifty man days effort over the thirteen week
growing period. Cadbury, Ltd. purchased from the field,
deducting one-third of the value to cover costs of inputs until
these were paid.
Problems Encountered: (1) Outgrowers: A number of problems
developed, based largely on inadequate feasibility studies, lack
of understanding of local power structures, problems in the
division of responsibility between the Ministry and Cadbury, Ltd,
and inability of the Ministry to follow through with its
responsibilities in a timely fashion. Tribal heads favored
relatives over nonrelatives, seeing to it that relatives'lands
were irrigated first, and often cheating in the distribution of
scheme profits. These factors resulted in a high level of
discontent among participants, and tended to increase the
headmen's traditional power base. (2) Government: The
ministry's activities were frequently inadequate. Being unable
to regularly provision the growers with subsidized fertilizer,
Cadbury, Ltd. had to step in, import fertilizer, and sell to
growers at a much higher price. Furthermore, there were delays
in both the construction and regular maintenance of the
irrigation system with the result that once planted, entire crops
were in danger of being wiped out. Also, the Ministry's already
overburdened and understaffed extension progran, with 2500 farm
units per agent, was unable to regularly service project
participants so that Cadbury, Ltd. initiated its own
extension
project that provides more training, higher salaries, and closer
supervision than government services. (3) Firm: Another problem
entailed delays of purchasing by Cadbury, Ltd. whose agents would
72

177.Development Alternatives Incorporated

1975b
frequently not show up for appointments, with the result that
farmers tended to sell their crops to local merchants.
Since farmers have one-third payment removed from their sale for
repayment of project inputs, and since sale of tomatoes to local
merchants is highly competitive, default sales to local merchants
is high. Cadbury, Ltd. has therefore been able to recover only
60 percent of the loans in kind, and plant capacity is highly
under-used.
The authors conclude by suggesting that ."..without major design
changes, replication would be unsound."

Analysis:
good, although generalized descript'ion and analysis
A of the organizational and operational problems at outgrower,
firm, and ministerial levels, as well
as at the level of farmer organization. No specific project data are given
such -as
analysis of labor inputs, tradeoffs with food crops, parallel
markets that surely emerged in conjunction with fertilizer
inputs.
One, brief case history of a farmer organization is
given.
Compare with Laramee (1975), Kusterer (1982), Austin and
Ross (1979), and Voll
(1980) for other examples of vegetable
schemes gone awry. On the importance of smooth coordination of
vertical production/distribution linkages with respect to
vegetables, see Mittendorf (1978).
The problems of inadequate
management and t ained staff in
government extension is discussed
by Wallace (1961) with respect to Nigeria, and more generally by
Fleuret (1984), Lele (1984) and Mittendorf (1978).
Key Topics: Area - Nigeria; Case Studies; Contracts;
Crop - Tomatoes; Credit; Extension; Government
Policy; Intermediaries; Labor; Management;
Markets/Merchants; Stratification.

73

1.78.Development Alternatives Incorporated

1975c Kenya Tea Development Authority. In Strategies
for Small Farmer Development: An Empirical Study
of Rural Development Projects, 2:281-291.
Washington, D.C.: DAI. [IDA]
General Background: The Kenya Tea Development Authority (KTDA)
was established in 1964 by the Kenyan government in order to
develop a full-scale commercial operation directed to tea
production by smallholders, which would maintain firm control
(in both senses of the term) over the development of the venture.
Plantation-style commercial development of tea began in Kenya in
1925. Although indigenous farmers expressed interest in
producing tea, 'hey were forbidden from doing so by the colonial
government because it was thought that high standards would not
be maintained. Experiments with smallholder tea production began
in 1953, and by 1959 there were approximately 6000 smallholders
growing high quality tea on 2281 acres. Since the export of tea
is central to Kenya's foreign exchange earnings, the government
was anxious to support the production of tea by smallholders, as
colonially-controlled plantation-style production fell into
disfavor.
Estate/firm management: KTDA is a semiautonomous government crop
authority whose policy is established by the Board, the
representatives of which are drawn from different government
bodies, foreign lenders, and growers. KTDA responsibilities
include:
1. raising external loans;
2 controlling the timing and areas where tea is to be
planted;

3. establishing factories and arranging for

private companies to manage them;
4. producing and transporting the planting material;
5. training and supervising the growers;
6. maintaining planting records of individual farmers;
7. inspecting and collecting the green leaf.
Roads and KTDA staff housing are the responsibility of the
appropriate Kenyan government ministries.
Extension: There are two extension components: the agricultural
staff (seconded from the Ministry of Agriculture) and the leaf
inspection and collection staff, who are KTDA employees.

74

178.Development Alternatives Incorporated

1975c
1. Agricultural Staff: field operations are headed by
two Senior
Tea Officers, and each of the ten districts in which tea
is grown
is headed by a Tea Officer. There are 792 Agricultural
Assistants and Junior Agricultural Assistants (seconded from the
Ministry) who work under the direction of the Tea Officers and
who carry out actual extension work.
Each is responsible for
approximately 100 growers.
2. Leaf Inspection staff:
Leaf Inspectors are responsible for
insuring that the leaf reaches the factory in good condition, and
for the purchase, inspection, and recording of each grower's
output.
Tea Committees: These committees are formed at
Division, District
and Provincial levels.
Members include Ministry of Agriculture
officials and elected representatives of licensed growers.
They
provide farmers with
forum for discussing and relaying a their
problems and constraints on to higher management levels, and they
provide the firm with
an arena for explaining and gaining
growers' acceptance of new policies.
Labor and Smallholder Responsibility: Since smallholders are
provided with a very tightly controlled technical package to
implant, demands placed on
them are related primarily to time and
labor.
Nursery work requires 69 days of upkeep annually over a
two year period -- in addition to approximately 206 days in
planting, weeding, mulching, fertilizing, shading, pegging, and
pruning --
before returns are received. When the plant starts
bearing it
must be plucked in a specific way almost daily. All
of these different activities are supervised by extension agents,
and the quality controlled by Leaf Instructors. Full yields will
not be reached until the tenth year;
plants normally have a
fifty-year production life.
Outgrower investments, profits and credit:
Farmers can make about
twenty dollars monthly average on their yield. Financial
investment by the farmer entails purchasing a planting-unit at
ten dollars; four are required per acre. Training of new growers
is conducted in four different training centers for about one
week at the cost to the farmer of about one dollar; or he can
receive a series of lessona from the local extension agent.
Credit is not provided to new growers, for KTDA sees this
as a
disincentive to good production.
Fertilizer credit is available
to farmers after the fourth year.
These restrictions preclude
poorer farmers from participating in the scheme.
USAID in opened up a credit-type program for new, smaller growers;
1975
no data
are given on this credit project.

75

178.Development Alternatives Incorporated

1975c
Grower restrictions: Since tea production does not begin until
the third or fourth year after planting, KTDA restricts the
program to smallholders who are able to plant a minimum of one
acre of tea in addition to subsistence holdings that will sustain
the farmer independently of tea production profits.

Analysis: The description of KTDA organization, including both

extension and firm management, is good. It seems clear that the
"success" of KTDA results from both a colonially-based
development of technology that, while appropriate for
smallholders' use, remains under the control and management
of the firm. Success is also related to an extremely tight
control over productive processes. What is not so clear is the
impact of this system on outgrowers and whether the Tea
Committees established by KTDA are really as effective in both
problem-solving and information-flow as the article suggests. In
spite of the tight control, lack of credit, high labor demands,
long waiting period before production begins, and restrictions on
acreage, farmers nevertheless seem eager to join the scheme.
This opens many interesting questions about both farmer-scheme
relations (the kind of farmer who participates) and the impact of
the scheme on labor, food production, local development, and so
forth -- questions that are but in part answered by Buch-Hansen
and Kieler (1983) in their discussion of the scheme. Much more
socioeconomic analysis of both local-level impact and
firm/farmer/state linkages needs to be done here.
The authors' conclusions regarding both labor intensity and
tightness of control by the scheme disagree with Buch Hansen and
Kieler (1983). Whether this is due to different sampling
techniques, different time frames (Buch-Hansen and Kieler's work
is nearly ten years after that of Development Alternatives
Incorporated), or the fact that Buch-Hansen and Kieler are
comparing tea with two other contract farming crops whereas
Development Alternatives Incorporated is comparing labor
intensity and control over farming practices only between tea and
food crops, is not clear. The differences suggest the need for
more comparative field work and related analysis.
Key Topics: Area - Kenya; Case Studies; Colonization;
Commodity - Tea; Intermediaries; Labor;
Management.

76

180a.Dew, Robert
1978 Tate and Lyle. Harvard Business School Case
Studies No. 4-576-241 (1976; rev. 7/78). Cambridge,
Mass: Harvard Business School. [IDA]
General background: An historical examination of changing
operations and strategies over
the past fifty years of one of the
world's largest sugar-based multinationals, in the context of
changing political and economic relations between the developed
and developing world. During this period Tate and Lyle has moved
from direct ownership of plantations and processing factories to
offering operating and consulting services under contractual
relations for shipping, trading, distribution, and engineering of
lirm/factories. This transition from ownership of productive
resources to vertically-integrated contractual relationships has
been accomplished in conjunction with a rational and aggressive
policy of (i) strengthening their company's communications
network in relation to all aspects of sugar operations world wide, and
(2) seeking to build good, positive relations with both
present and potential partners.
Belize Case Study: Sugar industry in Belize is used as a case
study of this transition.
Forty percent of the country's labor
force is directly employed by the sugar industry, consisting of
approximately three thousand individual
cane farmers who employ
three to four thousand workers during the eight-month harvesting
season.
Tate and Lyle sold nine thousand of its acres to local
farmers and
an equity share of their processing firm to the
government.
A Cane Farmers Association was set up in order to
facilitate coordination of throughput. Price-sharing between the
processing firm and the farmer is based on
percentage of the
a net stripped value of sugar and molasses. The company gives
priority of sale to registered cane farmers with less than twenty
acres, or a cane delivery license under four hundred tons, in
order to create economically-sized production units.
Land
purchased by farmers was paid back
over eight years by means of
deductions from cane sales. The company retains one
thousand
acres as a research farm and has a cadre of farm extension agents
who work closely with the Cane Farmers Association. Nationals
have been continuously trained overseas with a view to
increasingly turning
over factory management to nationals.
Grower Impact: The average annual incomes of
cane growers
associated with the scheme are
well above the national average,
and there is concern that this will create increased unrest and
animosity among the rest of the local population. Also of
national concern is the fact that cane farmers are
spending

salaries on consumables -mostly imported -rather than on

national or local-level investments.

77

180a.Dew
1978
Other case studies: Less detailed examples of Tate and Lyle's
reorientation from owning the factors of production to
contracting technical assistance and management services, in ways
that would strengthen both down- and upstream vertical
coordination of sugar production and distribution, are given in
Zambia, Zimbabwe and Swaziland.

Analysis: A good case study description of the "birth" of a

vertically-integrated agribusiness, based on service and
management contracts, out of a plantation-style operating
structure. A rational focus on systems-expansion, systems
management, and systems-coordination is implicit in Tate and
Lyle's strategy in the course of this rebirth: "[the
Chairman] ...was seeking practical and profitable involvement in
the developing world...it is [the] presence, and not necessarily
the ownership of physical assets, which provides the foundation
for the Group"s coordination activities..." Attention given to
local economies, societies, and governments that falls outside
the purview of this system is marginal to the perspective. It is
instructive to compare this pro-agribusiness view of historical
transformations of
agribusiness TNCs with the anti-agribusiness
stance of Halfani and Baker (1984) or Mulas (1981), as well as
with the historically-based analysis of agribusiness TNCs and
their transition towards systems-maintenance and associated
contracted mechanisms by Vergopolous (1985). Also with Voll
(1980),
who discusses costs and benefits of agribusiness schemes
primarily at the level of national development and food
production goals.
Key Topics: Area - Belize, Zimbabwe, Zambia,
Swaziland; Case Studies; Colonialism; Commodity
- Sugar; Intermediaries; Investment; Management.

78

183.Dinham, Barbara, and Colin Hines

1983 Agribusiness in Africa.
London: Earth Resources
Research Limited. [IDA]
The role of transnationals in Africa, particularly in relation to
cash crops, and the impact of their escalating presence are
examined.
The first chapter reviews the existing role of
transnationals in Africa, from their roots as
plantation
companies, or purchasers of peasant-produced cash crops, to the
adaptations that Lhe corporations have made since independence.
Two cash crops receive special attention: coffee and sugar.
Coffee is the major export of 13 African countries, but only a
minute proportion of Africa's output is consumed on the
continent.
Most coffee is grown in Africa by smallholders, not
by companies, but the chapter shows both the complexity of the
market and the weakness of Africa's bargaining position. The
larqe coffee manufacturing companies have acquired almost total
control of coffee processing, where much of the value of the
final product is added.
Sugar, which is developing fast as a cash crop in Africa, is
grown as much for internal consumption as for export.
Nonetheless, the transnational corporations still play a major
role, both shaping the development of the industry by
means of
their consultancies and management contracts, and by providing
through their subsidiary companies such inputs as irrigation
schemes and factories.
The report then contrasts two countries with different approaches
to development.
Kenya has used private foreign investment as a
way of raising capital funds for development, and at the
same
time built up a thrivinq smallholder sector growing cash crops
for export. In Tanzania the government has emphasized the needs
of its rural population, involving peasant farms in development
and, as far as
possible, excluding private foreign investment.
Finally, the implications of the increasing role of agribusiness
in African domestic food production are discussed, and there is
a
critical look at
the current trend towards investment in modern
large-r ---
food-p 'oduction schemes.
Ae, -CAB
Analysis:
cogent, factual discussion of the developmental
A trade-offs at local and national levels that are
associated with
agribusiness schemes. The use of
great deal of primary source
a material is an important advance over the more general,
ideological arguments found in such works as those by Bakir and
Halfani
(1983) and Collins and Lappe (1977). The issues raised

79

183.Dinham and Hines

1983 here are important considerations that need to be taken into
account by donors and lenders wishing to employ agribusiness as
an instrument for development. The problem of value-added being
substantially controlled by TNCs through out-of-country
processing operations, is currently being explored in more detail
by FAO (see Abbott 1986, in Comprehensive Bibliography).
Key Topics: Area - Africa: General, Kenya, Tanzania;
Case Studies; Commodities - Sugar, Coffee;
Food/Cash Crop Exports; Political Economy.

8o

203.Etherington, D.M.
1971 Interim Report on
the Economic Survey of Smallholder
Tea in Kenya. Staff Paper No. 1. Nairobi: Institute
for Development Studies, University of Nairobi.
[IDS/IDA]
General Background:
The author presents preliminary results of
a
major study of smallholder tea production in three districts of
Kenya (Kericho, Kiambu and Kissii) that he conducted between June
1966 and July 1967. A full analysis of the data appears in
Etherington (1973).
Methodology:
Before starting field work, the author explained the
study --
and the reasons for selecting the 98 households to be
studied --
at a series of barazas (local public meetings) in the
three areas. This greatly facilitated actual random household
selection and data collection; only one family declined to
participate in the study. All participating families received a
survey-map of their land,
an official letter of thanks and a
poloroid photo of the family.
Two senior enumerators, having
prior research experience, and eight ordinary enumerators were
selected and intensive training courses of se'eral days were held
in the study locations.
The first week of data collection was
also considered part of training.
Senior enumerators were
responsible for supervising the data collection of the ordinary
enumerators, in addition to surveying the farms, and for these
tasks they were equipped with a motorcycle. Each enumerator
visited four farms daily and each farm two
times weekly.
Particular attention was directed to time/labor use of different
lamily members.
Provisional Conclusions: The input of labor by tea-producing
families moving into this new cash-crop, and trade-offs with
necessary crop production, is not well understood. Nor
are
seasonal labor constraints recognized by the government.
Furthermore, new crops imply
new kinds of cropping decisions by
growers who have no prior experience with the crop.
consequently, changes in management decisions may be significant
with respert to the entire farm operation, including labor
inputs.
It is therefore vital that growers be given information
on reasonable -ombinations of crops in order to meet both
traditional production and on-farm labor constraints. The author
concludes by remarking that, "It seems to me that there is a lot
of lazy thinking on
the labor issue in introducing tea into a
mixed farm economy."

Analysis: A detailed description of methodology used in the study

is both useful and instructive background in reading the full
study analysis (Etherington 1973, in Comprehensive Bibliography).
It would certainly enhance most other case

81

203.Etherington
1971
studies annotated in this document if
as thorough a description
of field techniques were given. The issue of labor and food crop
trade-offs raised by the author a decade before these issues
became "front burner" news is interesting and points to the
apparent difficulty of action-oriented research studies to
achieve direct impact on government, scheme, or donor-lender
policy. In my discussions in Nairobi in July 1986 with a Kenyan
tea outgrower (whose wife and children manage and work on
the
farm, while he works in Nairobi), the issues of both labor
coistraints and trade-offs between food and contracted crops was
chu first issue to be brought up by the farmer. His wife and
children manage and work the family farm while he works in
Nairobi -- a "split-f-mily" situation that appears to be increasing as domestic :ash needs increase. Family labor
invested by his wife and children are not adequate to run the
: arm
and therefore hired labor must be increasingly employed.
This has created yet more problems, since production credit from
the firm does not include hired labor.
Where stuces of CF schemes treat such "split-family" units -s a
"family farm," there are clearly aspects of analysis that cannot
easily be captured by household-focused models of production and
consumption. For some growers -- as a tea outgrower in Kenya who
was interviewed -- the "suc-ess" of CF may be increasingly
contingent upon high levels of off-farm employment.
Unfortunately, more recent studies of contracting have not moved
any Eurther towards unraveling these issues of labor-cash-food
crop demands. For another commentary on the poverty of data on
domestic labor inputs on tea schemes, see Stern (1972). For one
of the few discussions of women's and children's labor on
plantation-style schemes, see Fan (1981).

Key Topics: Are - Kenya; Case Studies; Commodity - Tea;

Food Crops; Labor; Methodology; Mixed Farming.

82

207.Fan, Noeleen Heyzer

1981 A Preliminary Study of Women Rubber Estate Workers
in Peninsular Malaysia. World Employment Programme
Research Working Paper No. WEP lO/WP 19.
Geneva:
International Labor Organization. [EPOC/WBJ
This study examines the use of
women and children as unpaid or
under-paid labor to lower the relative cost of
labor and increase
the surplus value, i.e., profits. If women receive equal pay,
it
is only because the burden of work is increasing. As men migrate
to the cities in search of more advantageous jobs, they leave
behind the arduous tasks for women
to perform.
This study also gives a sketch of the colonial period and a case
study of
one Malaysian rubber plantation. It alt;o points out
that the increasing use of daughters as full-time domestic
substitutes to help out the overburdened working mother, has the
detrimental effect of cutting off education for girls at
an early
age. Women now work as
rubber tappers and field workers, doing
the same jobs as men,
but their domestic responsibilities have
not decreased.
-WB
Analysis: The analysis presented in this article is applicable to
many CF schemes where women and children become primary, unpaid
labor --
often at the expense of other domestic tasks, food crops
production, income-generation, and schooling. However, the
extent to which such deleterious impacts on gender or age can be
applied across
the board to CF schemes remains to be worked out.
To date, ILO seems to be conducting the only detailed,
comparative studies on this issue with respect to plantation
crops (sse also Kurian 1980) -- in spite of the fact that the
paucity of local-level detailed studies on time and labor input
was pointed out over a decade ago by Stern
(1972) and Etherington
(1971),
both of whom argue for more data and analysis on the
topic.
Key Topics: Area - Malasia; Case Studies; Commodity - Rubber;
Gender; Labor; Plantations; Political Economy;
Stratification.

83

220.Flaye, Richard
1980 Swaziland Third Sugar Mill. Harvard Business School
Case Study No. 4-580-159. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard
Business School. [IDA]
General Background: This article focuses primarily on the
problems of financing an agribusiness scheme where (1) funding
is to be shared among a large and divergent group of investors;
(2) the project had the misfortune of being initiated in 1976
-when international sugar prices had reached an all-time low;
(3)
projected project costs had increased from $138m. to $167m; and
(4) project design and implementation were substantially affected
by contending policies of the Swazi Government and the Swazi
Nation -- the latter, an ethnic association representing Swazi
tribes that is separate from the Nation and owns equity shares in
the scheme discussed here.
Scheme history: Sugar production in Swaziland was initiated in
the 1950s, and by 1958 it was playing a key role in the Swazi
economy, employing approximately 8000 people (ten percent of the
wage-earning population). Two outgrower schemes accounted for
total commercial production: One, owned by the Comin.-nwealth
Development Corporation and the Swazi Nation, and Umbombo
Ranches, owned by the Lonrho Company, a British multinational.
The agribusiness project discussed here entails a major expansion
of the Mhlume scheme processing mill.
Third sugar mill project: The Commonwealth Development
Corporation was requested by the Swazi Government to conduct a
feasibility study on the possibility of either expanding the
current Mhlume mill (which the Commonwealth Development
Corporation and certain Swazi Government representatives favored)
or establishing a separate mill (a move supported by the Swazi
Nation). Different ministries became embroiled in the debate
whether to establish a new, larger, more prestigious and capital intensive mill or to expand the existing mill.
Tate and Lyle, a
British multinational sugar company, was then commissioned to
undertake a full technical feasibility study for the new mill.
The project's feasibility was associated with two local factors:
(I) Swaziland is a very low cost producer and therefore profits
would be favorable even in a less cost-effective new mill; (2)
the new mill would boost employment by five percent -- desirable
since twenty percent of Swazi males are migr'ant workers in South
Africa and the government was keen to lessen this dependence.
International aid and project funding: The government sought
funding from a number of sources -- all were interested except
commercial banks, which
saw the venture as not being sufficiently
"commercially oriented."
A conference in Brussels in July 1976
among potential participators in the venture resulted in
tentative agreements to provide finance by the following bodies:
Swazi Government (equity); Swazi Nation (equity); Tate and Lyle
84

220.Flaye
1980

(equity); West German Government (equity); the International

Finance Corporation of the World Bank
(equity and loan); EIB -
EEC's commercial lending agent (loan); European Development Fund
- an
arm of the EEC (loan); Commonwealth Development Corporation
(equity); Royal South African Government (loan); United Kingdom
(loan); African Development Bank (loan); Government of Nigeria
(equity); Mitsui
(equity); Coca-Cola (equity).
Marketing: In view of the falling sugar prices at the time,
marketing was a critical aspect of
the proposed project's
success.
All sugar is marketed thought the Swaziland Sugar
Association that represents growers, millers and the government.
Sugar marketing agree.nts associated with project production
were negotiated so as to partially isolate the scheme from the
exigencies of world-market price shifts. Contracted prices were
negotiated as follows:
Tons % c/lb.

EEC T & L WORLD LOCAL

116 63 186 21 386

30 16 48 6 100

17 midway: ? 9

EEC price + world price 2

Analysis: The only article thus far reviewed that focuses on the
problems of international financing of a scheme in the context of
both (competing) local political agendas and fluctuating world
market prices. While not stated, contracting over fifty percent
of internwtional sales in such a way that the firm was partially
protected from falling prices, should have favorable impact on
price-contracting arrangements at the level of the outgrowers as
well as on labor wages --
providing that these protective pricing
policies were reflected at the level of growers and workers.
Just how the input of all of the participating aid and lender
agencies could be coordinated over the long-run, to the mutual
satisfaction of both the Swaziland government and the different
lenders and equity-holders, would be an interesting study in
itself.
Key Topics: Area - Swaziland; Case Studies; Commodity -
Sugar; Ethnicity; Government Policy; Investment;
Management; Risk-Taking.

85

221.Fleuret, Patrick
1984 Food, Farmers and Organizations in Africa.
Draft Mimeo. Washington, DC: USAID/AFR/DP
[IDA]
General Background: A policy-oriented discussion of
socioeconomic factors and institutional constraints associated
with Africa's food problem, together with
recommendations for future USAID program activity.
Socioeconomic factors: Increasing food production as a solution
to Africa's food deficit is not in
itself sufficient, since the
"problem population" is generally unable to increase its food
production.
This is largely because households within this
strata are characterized as being: (i) landless, or nearly so;
(2) without access to sources of multiple income; (3) principal
child-care givers who have not completed primary education; (4)
headed by single women. The "solution population" that is able
to produce a surplus -- consists, by contrast, of a relatively
few number of farmers. Furthermore, most of these farmers
are
not producers of surplus; the most successful are reliant on
multiple streams of income into the household whereby wage labor
acts as a hedge against crop failure -- a protection and
enhancement strategy not available to most households in the
"problem population."
In fact, because those in the "pr.Ablem
population" generally cannot risk
new ventures, improved food
technology tends to be adapted by households already well
integrated into commercial and cash-cropping activities. Hence,
unless the population of potential users can be expanded,
research into improved crop production and increased extension
will have little impact on the "problem population." Women headed households now constitute 15-30 percent of smallholder
populations and "are at the heart of the African food problem."
However, because of organizational difficulties USAID can do
little directly to help this group beyond focusing on education.
The "problem population" is much more likely to become a rural,
landless proletariat than a separate, autonomous group of self sufficient farmers --
a fact that policy must recognize. In
formulating solutions, interventions have been designed that are
too complicated and that are based on a simplistic and incomplete
understanding of the population; often with tV-' underlying
opinion that donor and national governments can make better
decisions about resource-allocation associated with development
programming than the farmers.
Institutional Constraints: USAID would best adapt to the existing
complex institutions rather than attempting to change them,
because: (l) Institutions are often set up with the purpose of
expediting funds rather than solving implementation problems; (2)
Institutional perfcrmance is difficult to predict;
(3) We often
employ institutions having proved capability in
an American, not
an African, environment; (4) African institutions tend to be
86

22.Fleuret

1984

weak and strengthening them can

lead to unforeseen results; (5)
One institution depends on the smooth running of several other
institutions to which it is linked, and institution-building,
generally focused on one particular institution, cannot control
for this larger network; (6) AID has its own institutional
complexity to deal with.
Addressing the problem: Recommended USAID program
activity:
1. Realize that very real organizational constraints
exist and AID's capacity to change them is small;
2. 3. 4. More non-project assistance should take place;
Simpler projects shculd be designed;
In order to reduce procurement problems, large
quantities of key commodities (steel, fertilizer)
should be purchased rather than complicated
sets of equipment and supplies;
Programs should be concentrated in countries that have
adequate administrative -'pacity. This does not
preclude continued assistance to the rural poor through
such interventions as Zimbabwe education, Uganda hoes
production, or Kenya rural roads.

5.

The author concludes that AID programs addressed to African food

problems need to be based
a greater understanding of local
on constraints and dynamics -- not just by funding
more research,
but also by reading, thinking, and telking about African
development. The strategy must be based not only on what AID
would like to do, but also what it
can do.

Analysis: This policy-oriented paper fills in some of the

gaps that exist in macrolevel policy papers such as Lele
(1984)
and Eicher (1984) by (1) providing an analysis aimed at the level
of primary producers and (2) detailing some of the institutional
constraints to project implementation. By stressing the basic
dissimilarities between "problem populations" and "solution
populations,"
the author highlights the difficulties associated
with designing projects that are appropriate for the "problem
population." Also highlighted
are the difficulties of
attempting to generalize "peasants" as being either an amorphous
87

221.Fleuret

1984 group of smallholders or divided into strata of small, medium,

and large. And, perhaps most importan~tly, the author stresses
the danger of assuming that if the "problem population" is given

"proper" technical

"solution population."

assistance it, too, could become part of the

Key Topics: Area - Africa; Development; Food Crops; Food

Security; Gender; Stratification; Technology
Transfer.

88

245.Freeman, D.B.
1985 The Importance of Being First: Preemption by Early
Adopters of Farming Innovations in Kenya. In:
Annals of the Association of American Geographers 75
(1):17-28.
Current spatial diffusion theory largely overlooks the frequent
cases of preemption of valuable innovations by early adopters.
Instead, diffusion is generally assLmed to be constrained mainly
by non-receptive attitudes among potential adopters and by
infrastructural factors, especially diffusion enabling
institutions.
In Third World countries, entrenched elites are thought to arise
when, as early adopters, certain individuals gain large but
temporary windfall profits
or adoption rents from consecutive
innovations to which they have ready access.
The paper
illustrates how early adopters with oligopoly powers are able to
transform temporary adoption rents into permanent excess
incomes
through political actions, such as
lobbying for legislation to
prevent the further spr id of new crops or to limit access to
processing facilities.
The concept of preemption rent is introduced, and its
geographical consequences are examined in the diffusion of
coffee, pyrethrum, and processed dairy products in Kenya.
These
cases indicate that oligopolistic controls to prevent diffusion
s.:ill operate in Kenya,
even though the original white settler
oligopoly has long since been replaced by an
African one.
Diffusion theory should be modified to recognize retention
barriers set up by early adopters and to weigh the geographical
effects of preemption rents.
-CAB
Analysis:: The important issue raised in this article
-- namely,
the key role played by the political context in which innovations
operate and -e importance of understanding how this political.

context shapes the "diffusion" of innovations --

should be equally raised in relation Lo the impact and spread of

technology transfer (such as it might exist) associated with
agribusiness and contracting scheme activities in LDCs.
The more
ideological and uncritical articles on
agribusiness and contract
farming generally ignore this issue entirely, as in the articles
by Freivalds (1981) and Jones (1985) on agxibusiness, and Clayton
(1983) who argues from a technical -erspective for positive
redistribution of benefits.
On the other side of the spectrum,
critics of contracting and agribusiness rarely incorporate
adequate, systematic analyses of the interaction between schemes
and the political context, as exemplified by the general anti

is one that

89

245.Freeman
1985

agribusiness articles of Collins and Lappe (1980).

(1977) and Wallace

The argument presented in this article can be linked to the more

general discussions by Molnar (1983) on transferring food
technology, as well as to the articles on the impact of Green
Revolution technology adaptations by Chaudhery (1982), Johl
(1975) and Wills (1972).
Key Topics: Area - Kenya; Case Studies; commodities -
Coffee, Pyrethrum, Dairy; Stratification;
Technology Transfer.

90

246.Freeman, Orvell L.,

and Ruth Karen
1982 The Farmer and the Money Economy. The Role of the
Private Sector in the Agricultural Development of LDCs.
In: Technological Forecasting and Social Change
22(2):183-200. [WB)
The world's food/population balance is precarious and becoming
more precarious, in terms of both supply and price.
The grain producing industrial countries have come close to reaching their
production potential.
The solution lies in exploiting the
production capacity of the developing world.
At present only
half of the world's good arable land is being farmed and the
infrastructural need to open up the other half will require major
capital investment and
serious political commitment, a primarily
by developing country governments as well as concomitant aid
policies.
The paper suggests that the most effective method of increasing
productivity requires involvement of the private sector,
specifically the participation of small landholders, working 1-5
acres, grouped around a corporate core. In a widening circle of
socioeconomic benefits, as
smallholder productivity increased,
work could be offered to landless peasants. Most effective is a
holistic approach involving all segments of the rural community,
particularly women.
Empirical data from case studies in
developing countries are
given and policy implications are derived from these data (and
from the extensive experience of the problems and opportunities
agribusiness worldwide) that
are applicable for the public
sector, and strategy implications are derived that are
appropriate for the private sector.
An effective approach to the
problem of agriculture would eliminate the
current situation,
where the food/people imbalance leads to the death of hundreds of
millions through starvation and malnutrition.
-CAB
Analysis:
This article falls into the category of largely
uncritical pro-agribusiness articles such as those by Freivalds
(1985), Williams (n.d.1, 1979, 1985),
Williams and Karen (1985),
and Jones (1983).
These riters minimally treat agribusiness w or
private enterprise activities as
the complex phenomena that they
are.
Instead, these phenomena are often explicitly or implicitly
seen as a kind of benevolent and apolitical panacea for the
world's food and developmental ills.
While private sector
agribusiness can have a role to play in
future development and
food-related policy, just what this role is and how it can
-- or
cannot -- be supported by donors or
lenders is a critical issue
in need of further clarification. The failure
over the

91

246.Freeman and Karen

1982 last several decades of "trickle down" to redistribute the fruits
of development projects has demonstrated that "more" does not
automatically translate into substantive, equitable development.
The author appears to be committing the same error, in assuming
that increased production by means of agribusiness will lead to
an
elimination of the world's agricultural production problems.
See Freeman (1985) for a discussion of the political context that
forms redistributive channels through which new technology and
associated agricultural gains flow.
Key Topics: Area - General; Case Studies; Development; Food
Security; Private Enterprise.

92

247.Freivalds, John
1981 The Growth and Integration of Jamaica Broilers in
Successful Agribusiness Management, ed. by John
Freivalds. Pp. 63-69. Brookfield, Vt: Gower Pub lishing. [IDA]
General Background: Jamaica Broilers, the largest and oldest
broiler producer in Jamaica (founded in 1958),
began contract
farming at the inception of
the scheme. Farmers are responsible
for building the broiler houses to company specifications,
purchasing the equipment and caring for the chicks during the
eight to nine week growth cycle. By 1981, there were 260
contract farmers with an average of 14,000 heads each and 450
persons employed b-, the scheme.
The company provides feed,
chicks, medications, staff availability (including two
veterinarians), a poultry nutritionist and an eight-person field
team.
Payment to Outgrowers: Farmers are
paid in three ways: (1)
payments for stock based on recorded average live weight and feed
conversion, which reflects efficiency of the farmer in growing
the chicks; (2) rental payments based on the cost of building and
equipping the broiler house;
(this guarantees the grower a weekly
payment whether or not the birds are
in the house); (3)
government payments, which
are related to the pricing policies of
the state such that when the government increases the price of
frozen broilers, a certain percentage is returned to the grower
-
- as much as $0.90 per bird.
Government Controls:
Foreign exchange problems in the 1970s
resulted in an
agreement with the government whereby allocations
for maize and soya by the government were balanced by
an
equivalent allocation of foreign exchange by the firm to purchase
the other inputs required by the Jamaica feed mill
(which is
associated with the project).
By 1969, broiler meat was brought
under rigid price control, as a result of which competition
between broiler companies operating in Jamaica has reduced the
number of firms from six to
two.
Employee Ownership:
In 1973 the Jamaica Broilers Employee Trust
was set up to purchase the shares of one of the original owners,
and by 1977 the Trust, represented by direct employees, owned 25
percent of the company shares. A further 30 percenL of shares
were sold to the company by
second owner in order to provide
a equity for contractors of both broilers an,- owner/operators of
contracted trucks used by the scheme.
Over 90 percent of
eligible people participated.

Analysis: A general history of

firm organization, government
constraints, and employee ownErship programs, with
little
93

247.Freivalds
1981 specific information on the contracting process
or other aspects of firm operation. It is not clear, for
example, whether farmers managing flocks of 14,000 are to be
considered "small," "medium" or
"wealthy," nor is the rationale
or operating dynamics of the Employee Ownership aspect of the
firm clearly explained. It would also be useful if the author
discussed the issue of feed supplement shortages (maize and soya)
in relation to balance of
payments problems in importing these
commodities.
Key Topics: Area -
Jamaica; Case Studies; Commodity -
Poultry; Government Policy; Management.

q4

255a.Fu-shan, L.
1983 Agricultural Marketing Thprovements in Taiwan.
In:
Industry of Free China b0(1):21-34.
in the conditions of agiicultural production in Taiwan and in the
demand situations both at home and abroad.
Emphasis in
agricultural marketing improvem.ent has therefore varied with the
changing requirements of the times.
By and large, in the period
from 1949 to 1961,
efforts were made mainly to renovate and
expand the basic marketing facilities of farmers' organizations,
so
as to increase their storage and processing capacity and to
reduce waste in manpower and material.
In the decade that followed, the stress was on the institution of cnntract farming and profit-sharing systems to guarantee a reasonable income for the producer. Since 1972, attention has been paid chiefly to i-he strengthening of cooperative marketing,
the establishment of modern electronic and computerized pig
auction systems, and the set-up of teletype market information
systems, etc.,
in order to narrow the gap between farm prices and
retail pri.ces.
Basically, the target is to maintain equilibrium between supplies
of and demands for farm products at stable market prices.
-CAB
Analysis: It is instructive to compare the staged movement of
agricultural improvements in Taiwan with similar developments in
Africa.
in Taiwan, CF was apparently not introduced until
several decades of work had been put into ma-'keting improvements,
and establishing infrastructure, including farmer's
organizations.
In Africa, on the other hand, contracting
generally has been
(and continues to be) applied to smallholder
communities where little, if any, long-term and systematic
efforts have been made by way of farming improvements. A closer
comparative examination of
chis issue could be instructive. It
would also be interesting to know more about both the structure
and role of farmer organizations associated with CF schemes in
Taiwan; this is an area of some difficulty in LDCs, where farmer
groups associated with CF schemes
seem generally to reflect more
the interests of the firm than those of the farmer
-- as
discussed by Laramee (1975) in relation to
scheme in Thailand.
a The problems of establishing agribusiness or industrial
operations in areas that
(unlike Taiwan) have poorly-developed
infrastructures are discussed by Cable and Mukherejee, in loran
(1966; not annotated).
For a discussion of pig contracting in America through the
use
95

During the past three decades, significant changes have occurred

265.Glover, D.
1984 Contract Farming and Smallholder Outgrower
Schemes in Less Developed Countries. In
World Development 12(l1):1143-1157. [IDA)
Contract farming has great potential facilitating technology transfer and into the national economy. However, needs tc, be questioned:
For example, growers have vis-a-vis the firm?
for rural development in
integrating smallholders
the distribution of benefits
how much bargaining power do

There are two approaches in studying contract farming:

(1)
Harvard Business School approach: Focuses on the problems of the
firm and neglects the grower, welfare issues, and socio-political
aspects of grower-firm relationships.
(2) Food First approach:
Critical of agribusiness, this approach lacks rigorous
comparative methodology and overgeneralizes by juxtaposing
isolated facts as cause-effect on a universal scale.
The remainder of the article surveys
current literature on
contract farming and proposes a series of research questions
based on this literature review:
Private Schemes:
1. Does CF exclude small farmers?
2. What is the social
status CFs?: Traditional
of landowners;
is there a new class of progressives?
3. Is cash cropping favored over subsistence cropping?

4. With respect to credit, can peasants be "locked into"

deteriorating debt?
5. Are TNCs allowed indirect access to preferential credit
sources, thereby shifting the burden of crop
production financing onto loc-al
governments and donor
agencies?
6.
Problems arising for CFs in the contract relationship:
Does the firm raise the quality standards to control
volume and Lo get a percentage of the crop at a low
price? Does technical assistance provided by the firm
exhaust suil ,hereby the firm must move
to a new area?
7. Effects on individual farming skills: Upgraded?
Transferable to subsistence crops?
8. Effects on political behavior of CFs:
Is there
increasing organization; collecti.ve bargaining?

97

255a.Fu-shan

1983
of comjnuters, see Kauffman
Key Topics:

(1984).

Commodity -

Area - Taiwan; Case Studies;

Pigs; Intermediaries; Markets.

96

265.Glover

1984 9. Effects on those excluded?

10. Effects on Labor?
11. Role played by the state?
Public Schemes:
[Some of the above items also apply to public schemes.]
1. How replicable: This is the most important question.
2. Relationship of Commonwealth Development Corporation
Projects to national projects?
3. How are control/risk shered, among donor agencies (such as
Commonwealth Development Corporation; USAID),
consulting firms, local government, and producers?
4. What is the influence of the crop on the nature and
effectiveness of the product?

Analysis: A gocod', general review of the approaches to contract

farming and the kinds of research questions that need to be
aCdressed. Different factors associated with public and with
private forms of scheme organization and operation are discussed
in more detail by Mittendorf (1978). A typology focusing on
different forms of corporate-small farmer linkages is to be found
in Goldsmith (1985). This article can be contrasted with
a
similar piece by Daddieh (n.d.1), where appropriate research
questions related to CF are also discussed.
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Methodologies;
Political Economy.

267.Glover. David
1986 Trnsnational Corporations and Third World
Agriculture. In Foreign Investment and
Third World Development. Washington, D.C.:
Overseas Development Council [Forthcoming].
[ODC/IDA]
General Overview: A discussion of different forms of TNC
involvement in Third World agriculture pointing out some of
the
potential benefits and limitations that are associated with it.
The term "involvement" rather than "investment" is used because
many of the transactions involve marketing arrangements and
management contracts that do not entail capital investment.
After providing a general overview of transnational involvemcnt
in LDCs, the author sets out a simple taxonomy of TNC firms based
on three different types of TNC interaction in LDC agribusiness:
1. plantation ownership, 2. arms-length sales, and 3. "a host of
intermediate forms," including contract farming and contract
management.
Plantations: TNC plantations continue to be
important, in spite
o a move to divestment, especially where economies of scale in
production exist. Three TNCs (United Fruit, Castle and Cooke and
Del Monte) control about one-half the international banana trade.
Palm oil, pineapple, and sugar plantations also continue to be
important plantation crops. Diversification among palm oil,
pineapple, and banana production is possible because these crops
share similar marketing techniques and channels and are all based
on
large-scale tree crop production. Sugar has probably moved
furthest from a plantation model to other forms of involvement
such as contract management. The strongest criticism of
plantation economies relates to their "enclave nature,"
associated with a lack of participation by producers. At the
same time, salaries may be high by local standards, as in the
Central American banana industry, and this had been said to
create a local labor aristocracy that exacerbated social
inequality.
Arms length sales:
These include an enormous range of activities,
i.e., processing, commodity and futures trading; shipping; sales
of seeds, fertilizer, chemicals, and farm machinery;
and sales of
processed foods and beverages. With respect to commodities, a
recent UN transnational corporation study found that "genuine
arms length sales" were commonly associated with grains, oils,
commodity beverages, and spices; and intra-firm trade with fruits
and vegetables.
Host country welfare can be negatively affected
by arms-length sales in several ways. First, it tends to be
dominated by a small number of firms.
Second, advertising
policies stand to shift consumer demands towards goods in which
the host country does not have a comparative advantage. Third,
the technology associated with these commodities may not be
locally appropriate, and TNCs do nct put effort
into developing
99

267.Glover
1986
technologies that are locally appropriate.

Other forms of involvement:

1. Contract farming: Banana production is probably the commodity
in which the most contract farming is to be found, with the three
largest YNCs buying about one third of their produce through
contracts.
Reasons for favoring contracts by TNC can include:
(1) land ownership and labor problems are avoided (most
significant);
(2) cost advantages are achieved, especially with crops
requiring intensive labor;
(3)
local growers may find it easier to get the government
or a donor agency to provide credit or operating
capital to rehabilitate a plantation than a TNC would;
(4) if such loans are provided at low interest rates,
operating costs of the firm can be kept down;

(5) risk of expropriation is reduced;

(6) good public relations and a progressive image are
promoted;
(7) the wages it pays compare favorably by local standards;
(8) it may contribute to the formation of alliance with
local business.
2. Multipartite arrangements: The most common participators in
contract farming schemes include host country governments or
international aid or lending agencies.
At the extreme the TNC
has little or no equity in the operation, receiving fees through
a management contract. Joint ventures may be established whereby
the TNC, government, and growers all hold equal shares. The
difference between the arrangements of schemes is associated with
both the number of functions performed by the firm and the form
of remuneration it receives.
Costs and benefits of CF and multipartite arrangements:
I. Contract farming: The foremost danger is that the producers
may find themselves in a weak bargaining position. In addition,
laborers employed by contract farmers nearly always have worse
wages, living conditions, and opportunities for union
100

267.Glover
1986
organization than plantation laborers; there are cases where this
form of contract farming could almost be considered a type of
indirect exploitation. But where TNCs deal directly with the
smallholder, benefits can be accrued to local farmers.
2. Multipartite: The involvement of the government raises the
question: Does this benefit the smallholders? Also, the effects
of public financing in, e.g., other development projects, where
the government invests heavily in
CF scheme, are difficult to
a assess.
Since the most effective schemes are management intensive, and since management is in short supply in LDCs, the
impact on other projects may be negative when a disproportionate
number of local managers are concentrated on a CF scheme, while
other development schemes
are unable to obtain sufficient numbers
of skilled managers.
Foreign involvement and the food question: Several caveats
regarding the criticism that TNC involvement does not contribute
to food self-sufficiency and in fact may undermine it by removing
land from food production:
i. Some crops, such as sugar and palm oil, are destined
for local markets.
2. Local conditions are sometimes more suitable for
export crops than for food crops.
3. The reject rate for fruit and vegetable export is
often 50 percent and these rejected commodities can be
sold on local markets.
4. Food and export crop production can be complementary,
as with some rotation crops.
5. Income is provided for local producers.
6. TNCs are often responding rationally to incentives
embodied in government pricing policies.
The author concludes by pointing out that developing country
policy makers need to attempt to match the form of investment
chosen to the economic and technical conditions of the case in
question. "Too often, in agriculture as in other sectors, new
forms of involvement have been seen as a panacea."
In addition,
government policy should aim to strengthen growers' bargaining
power vis-a-vis the TNC.

101

267.Glover
1986
Analysis: The typology of TNC involvement in Third World
agribusiness is useful, filling In a gap in the literature and
contextualizing CF in a broader framework.
The article can be
contrasted with Mittendorf (1978), whose typology of agricultural
marketing systems provides quite a different axis by which to
analyze agribusiness and other forms of production and
distribution. The typology can also be compared with that of
Goldsmith (1985), who focuses on the varying forms of scheme farmer linkages. The analysis of different agribusiness forms in
terms of their costs and benefits to host governments is
similar to the approach used by Voll (1980). On the problem of
scarce, host country management being monopolized by the scheme,
see also Wallace's discussion of management problems in Nigeria
(1981). On the transition from ownership to contract management,
see Dew (1978), who discusses Tate and Lyle's divestment of in country sugar holdings.
In enumerating the benefits that agribusiness can bring to the
host country, several caveats could be added: i. even though palm
oil may be destined for local markets, the actual marketing
arrangements may or may not unduly favor certain population
sectors over others; 2. furthermore, in West Africa the large scale, commercial processing of palm oil has removed a major
income source from rural women who formerly processed and sold
palm oil (see Nwabughuogu (1986) on women's riots against
establishing local, commercial oil mills in
eastern Nigeria); 3.
even
if the reject rate is 50 percent on vegetables, it is an
empirical question whether local marketing arrangements will
result in equity-distribution of commodities or, more likely,
will favor urban over rural areas and richer over poorer sections
of the population -- not that some utopian form of equitable
marketing is ever possible, but problems o distribution
associated with these commodities do need to be taken into
account in order to determine just who does benefit and who does
not.
Finally, the largely ahistorical typology of agribusiness
developed by the author can be supplemented by the historical
analysis of the emergence of different agricultural formations,
including different forms of agribusiness, given by Vergopoulos
(1985).
Key Topics: Area - General; Commodity - Bananas, Palm Oil,
Pineapples, Sugar; Food Crops; Food Security;
Government Policy; Intermediaries; Management;
Participation; Technology Transfer.

102

269.Goldberg, R.
1974 Agribusiness Management for Developing Countries.
Cambridge, Mass: Ballinger.
Discusses the fruit and vegetable marketing systems in the United
States, Mexico, and Central America focussing on the potential
for exports from Latin America to the U.S.
Around 70 percent of
the fruits and vegetables pr. duced in the U.S. for canning or
freezin-
are produced under contract from the procrssor. On the
other hand, contract production is rare in fresh fruit and
vegetable production, although cooperatives are more important
and facilitate market coordination.
Mexican fruit and vegetable production for export to the U.S.
involves close coordination between growers and distributors.
Generally, a contract is involved and the distributor provides
credit, storage and cooling facilities, and market information.
This assistance is particularly important given the high costs of
fruit and vegetable production and the need to meet high product quality standards.
The export of Central American fruits and vegetables is, with the
exception of bananas, much less developed and generally at the
experimental stage.
Problems include cost and infrequency of
ocean transport, jack of established relationships with U.S.
distributors, quality control, and market information.
Several
case studies are provided including one in which cucumber
production was contracted. Sub-standard quality and broker
dishonesty made it unprofitable.

- N.M.

Key Topics:
Area: Central America, Mexico, U.S.; Commodity:
Bananas, Fruits, Vegetables; Case Studies:
Management; Markets.

1 r~

272.Goldsmith, A.
1983 The Private Sector and Rural Development: Can Agri business Help the small Farmer? In: World Develop ment 13(19/11):1125-1138. [IDA]
Reviews the economic logic and empirical patterns of "core satellite farming," in which a food processing facility offers
production contracts to small farmers and supplies them with
credit, inputs, and extension services. Coordination between
farmer and processors has long existed for commodities such as
sugar, coffee, and cocoa, but the trend is toward more formal and
extensive coordination mechanisms L-id their use for other crops,
particularly fruits and vegetables for export and/or processing.
Contract farming is more useful for products that are perishable
(making coordination important), having high value/bulk rations
(making technical assistance useful), require processing
(creating the need for stable supply), and are perennial
(reducing the risk of crop switching). For these reasons, food
grains are rarely incorporated into contract farming schemes.
The author cautions that "there is no evidence that core satellite farming is a feasible means of increasing food
supplies."
The public sector could facilitate core-satellite schemes by
funding feasibility studies, developing local organizations,
providing public infrastructure including roads and social
services, and promoting complementary food production.

- N.M.

Key Topics: Area: General; Development; Food Security;

Government Policy; Management.

104

273.Goldsmith, Arthur
1985 The Private Sector and Rural Development:
Can Agribusiness Help the Small Farmer?
in World Development 13(10/11):1124-1133. [IDA]
The author discusses the benefits and costs of contract farming
for the small producer, including w!.ether
anc. how such companies
could become more
involved in promoting rural development. There
are two major schools of thought on agribusiness. The first,
represented by Ray Goldberg of Harvard, stresses that agriculture
is an international system, and that small farmers will benefit
by being a part of this system. The second, opposing school, as
represented by Frances Lappe and Joseph Collins of
the Institute
for Food and Development Policy, holds that the
internationalization of agriculture hurts small farmers by
exposing them to more efficient competitors and by driving them
out of nutritious traditional crop foods.
Core-satellite farming, whereby the processing facility comprises
the "core" of the systems and the small farmers living around it
constitute the "satellites," is the specific contract farming
mechanism investigated by the author. A typology of
corporate/small farmer systems is developed to demonstrate the
relation of core-satellite systems to oth-'r forms of company farmer linkages:
Production Company-farmer Linkages:
Process:
Weaker Stronger
---------------------------------------------------------Less Traditional: small Bulk purchasing: firm Integrated traders purchase and buys what it needs distribute crops on open market Me.re Integrated Plantation: irm its own raw materials using hired iaYbor Core-satellite: firm uses production contracts with small farmers

The most promising form of contract farming appears to

be core satellite arrangements, in the lower right cell.
These systems
contain strong vertical integration, but unlike plantation
systems (lower left cell),
which form enclave economies where the
major service to the rural community consists of providing wage
labor, core-satellite arrangements provide producers with both a
secure market and technology transfer/crop inputs.
Advocates of core-satellite farming argue that it provides
advantages for the processors, the farmers, and the host
governments. Twelve case
studies are specifically examined to

105

273.Goldsmith
198b
test this hypothesis with respect to three factors:
1. Profitability and risk: It appears that core-satellite
farming is a high-risk venture that only large multi-nationals
can afford to take. in most of the case studies, some form of
government subsidization seems necessary as a precondition for
investment. If this is true, then this form of agribusiness
economizes less on public resources than appears to be the case
at first glance, since it is not fully self-sustaining.
2. Rural income: Of the twelve cases reviewed, only two failed
to be associated with increases in local incomes. Where there
were changes in income, the communities generally experienced a
variety of social strains, but the firms did not seem to feel
that these, or other sociail or economic problems associated with
the introduction of the scheme, were their responsibility. The
benefits of growth were shared unevenly.
3. Technology transfer: Introduced technology is not generally
innovative since multinational food companies do little original
research because the results are non-proprietary. There is
little room to believe that agribusiness will provide major
innovations in small farm t.:chnology; it will have to be provided
by the governments as a "public yood."
The following policy recommendations are made:
1. funding bf feasibility studies;
2. land reform in order better to assure equitable
distribution;
3. effective local organizations to act as intermediaries
for farmers, such as cooperatives;
4. infrastructural improvements;
5. loans by government-backed financing to get core satellite systems started;
6. agricultural research by means of public funding
and financial support from firms;
7. promotion of food production by such activities as
"piggy-backing" cash crop extension services onto
activities directed to increasing local food crop
production;
06

273.Goldsmith
1985
8. provision by tha government of upgraded social services,
to keep abreast of local increases in incomes.

Analysis: An excellent overview of contract farring that

contrasts a number of schemes.
The typology of contract farming
proposed by the author can be compared with those of Glover
(1986) that is based on
different forms of TNC integration in LDC
agribusiness schemes, and Mittendorf (1978),
who focuses on
different forms of vertical organization of production and
distribution.
It is hot altogether clear where outgrower schemes that
are not
associated with a core-satellite/factory complex would be placed
in this typology (for example, Kenya Tea Development Authority or
Zaria Tomato project in Nigeria), nor the extent to which the
author subsumes a variety of kinds of contracting that thrive in
the "less formal"
sector under the category of "less integrated"
schemes --
for example, contracting with individual smallholders
in Senegal and Cameroon through local merchants who advertise for
upstream linkages in the national chamber of
commerce journals
(Le Cameroun Agricole, Pastorale et Forestier [1983-1985), and le
Point Economirue [1982-1985]: see advertisements for farmer
cooperatives, farmer societies, and import/exporters).
Key Topics: Area
General; Case Studies;Development;
Government Policy; Intermediaries; Management;
Methodologies; Policy Issues; Risk Taking;
Technology Transfer.

107

274e.Graber, K.L.
1980 The Role of Credit in the Development Process.
Development Monograph Series No. 9. Bolivia: Men nonite Economic Development Associates.
Insights are provided into the function and application of credit
in the development process. Credit must be properly combined
with other development tools and can be distributed for three
main types of activity: production, i.nvestment, and consumption.
Evaluation of credit needs is crucial
to effective distribution
of resources.
For the farmer the cost of credit is a vital issue
and the author briefly presents arguments for aid against
subsidized credit for small farmers. Although accessibility of
credit is vital, a formal agreement is seen as essential and can
in itself encourage farmers to use cash flow analysis techniques
in their management activities.
The role of private volunteer organizations in facilitating
credit and encouraging its use is considered.
-CAB
Analysis: The role of CF schemes in providing farmers with
productive credit is seen to be of great importance from the
scheme's perspective. Not considered in the literature is the
possible use of scheme credit institutions as a mechanism having
wider developmental uses in the community. If CF is to be
treated as a developmental tool, this is a topic in need o:E
further study. The author's suggestion of using PVOs as a
mechanism to develop a credit program, as well as for other
intermediary functions, is also suggested in Williams and Karen
(1985).
For another examination of the role of credit in development, see
Bathrick (1981).
Key Topics: Area - General; Credit; Development; Intermediaries.,

108

285.Haji Salleh, Badriyah

1985 Malaya Rubber Smallholding and British Policy: A Case

Study of the Batang Padang District in Perak (1876 1952. Ph.D. Dissertation.
New York: Columbia

University.
Various reasons motivated Malaya in Batang Padang who were
traditionally padi cultivators, forest produce gatherers, petty
traders, and miners to adopt rubber.
The expanding tin mines in
the district polluted padi areas, while financial and technical
aids promised by
the British for their padi cultivation were
short coming. The intrcduction of land regulations and the
imposition of various taxes and fees further curtailed the
Malays' activities in the other occupations. But it was large
profits accrued by rubber as demonstrated by large European
estates that had the strongest impact on the Malays. Hern e the
first decade of the 19th century witnessed the spread of rubber
cultivation on Malay land.
The participation of Malays in the production of rubber had upset
the government's policy to make them padi growers to supply food
for the burgeoning labor population on estates and in mines.
Various regulations and enactments were introduced to
circumscribe the Malays' activities in rubber and to encourage
them in padi planting. However, these did not
seem to deter the
smallholders from continuing their activities in
the more
remunerative rubber production.
By being involved in rubber, the Malays had participated in an
economic activity dominated by large capitalists. In the efforts
to control production to maintain reasonable prices, the
Stevenson Restriction Scheme and the International Rubber
Regulation Agreement were established. These schemes
discriminated against the smallholders in
terms of production and
export.
The situation was further aggravated by the government's
establishment of the Rubber Licensing Board that further limited
the smallholders' freedom in marketing their products.
The post war rubber redevelopment schemes such as the Colonial
Development and Welfare Scheme and the Draft Development Plan met
with limited success because of lack of planning and urgency.
The establishment of the Rul er
Industry (Replanting) Fund B and
the Rural and Industrial Development Authority focused
development plans towards the rural rubber population, especially
the Malays woi- now held the balance of electoral power in their
hands. Like the previous schemes, these agencies failed in the
initial years because of conflicting government objectives and
lack of planning. But because Malays now held the voting
majority, future development programs seemed to favor them.
-DA

109

285.Haji
1985

Analysis:

An interesting discussion of the conflicting goals

associeted with British interests and smallholders -- who also

wanted to grow rubber. A similar colonial-imposed limitation on
smallholder production was instituted in Kenya by the British
against smallholder production of tea -- the formal rationale
being that smallholders would not be able to maintain high
productive standards (See DAI 1975c). In the cases of both
Malaysia rubber and Kenya tea, sma]lholder production by means of
CF arrangements has become a preferred method for TNCs to
continue plantation-style production. See Dew (1978) for a good

discussion of why -and how -- one multinational (Tate and Lyle)

moved from such direct, plantation production to CF in response

to the post-independence policies and political-economic
environm.ents of their host-countries.

Key Terms: Area - Malaysia; Case Study; Commodity - Rubber;

Food Crops; Food/Cash Crop Exports; Government

Policy; Political Economy.

110

286.Halfani, Mohamed S. and Jonathan Baker

1984 Agribusiness and Agrarian Change in The Politics
of Agriculture in Africa, ed. by Jonathan Barker.
Pp. 35-63. Beverly Hills, London, New Delhi: Sage
Publications. [IDA]
Using primarily secondary literature, the authors trace the
history of foreign enterprise in Africa from colonial to
contemporary times, focusing on:
(1) transformations in both
structure and operation of these firms in ways that reflect
changing political conditions and,
(2) the role of local states
- both pre- and post-independence -in supporting

Three major changes occur between the pre- and post-independence

foreign firm operation: (i) moving away from controlling
production, as by
means of plantation agriculture, to controlling
distribution by increasing vertical integration of scheme inputs
and produce; (2) relying more heavily
on newly-independent
governments to provide the mechanisms for controlling labor and
production through state-sponsored extension services, farmer
organizations, and physical and social infrastructure; and (3)
moving from wage labor to outgrowers who are contracted for
specific crops at specific prices. The results of modern TNC
agribusiness activities include:
(1) more direct control over
production at the farm level,
(2) exacerbated differentiation at
the local level, (3) labor access without proletarianization, and
(4) an outflow of purchasing power from the periphery to the
center. Nevertheless, these schemes do introduce modern
technology and organization to African agriculture and help to
raise productivity, in addition to generating foreign exchange.
But there are deleterious effects associated with these benefits;
for example, the technolojy cannot u.-,ually be sustained locally,
at least not immediately. TNCs foc-. on specialized crops for
export, not on local agricultural crops; and there may also be
deleterious effects on the local environment.

these TNCs.

Analysis: An ideological piece using but four referenced articles

(two of which are
of the same scheme,) which specifically,
empirically discusses the impact of contract farming
on
outgrowers.
Implicit in this article is the idealized view of
peasant agriculture in pre-colonial African society as
homogeneous, autonomous, community or communal-oriented, non stratified, and self-sufficient. Since this view is
largely
incorrect, it is misleading to use
it as an (implicit) guide for
determining what have been the impacts of colonially-based
enterprises in Africa on local production systems and societies.
(Barclay (1977) discusses the problems of setting up analytically
tight schema to represent sorioeconomic conditions existing
"before" and "afLer" colonization.) Unexamined is the role of
both government and local-level elite as facilitators in the
process of incorporating local
producers into agribusiness in
ill

186.Halfani
1984 unequal or marginalized ways. Finally, there is an implicit
assumption that change (development) can take place without
dislocation; the authors seem to fail to realize that a key
feature of incorporating local economies into economies of scale,
and other related transformations of productive relations -- both
indicative of "modernization" (whether capitalist or socialist) -- constitute an increase in socioeconomic differentiation. The
mechanisms employed both to mitigate the negative effects of
differentiation, and to curtail uncontrolled growth by one group
at the expense of another in this process of differentiation, are
interesting and important dynamics for study -- pot just the fact
that differentiation is occurring, as the authors suggest. It is
instructive to read this article in conjunction with several of
the Harvard Business School Case Studies that treat the
historical transformation from colonial to agribusinesa
enterprise: for example, Dew (1976), Flaye (1980), and Scott
(1982). Also, to contrast the authors' treatment of (i) pre colonial agriculturalists with that of Barclay (1977) and (2)
Western agribusiness impacts with those of Voll (1980), Barclay
(1977), Buch-Hansen and Kieler (1983) and Buch-Hansen and
Marcussen (1982). This article represents but one of a growing
genre of ideological pieces that provide but thin case-study
evidence to buttress their arguments. As Berry (1984) comments,
we really need detailed studies that employ analytical frames
more sensitive to local dynamics than that of the dependency
theory used here.
Key Topics: Area- General; Colonization; Management;
Political Economy; Stratification.

112

287.Halse, Michael
1976 Operation Flood: An Introduction to the Study Papers
on the Indian Dairy Development Program. Harvard
Business School Case Studies No. 3-577-110. Boston,
Mass: Harvard Business School. (HBS/IDA)
General Background: An account of the historical origins and
development of Operation Flood, a parastatal dairy operation in
India that was established in 1970 by the national Dairy
Development Board
(NDDB) with the aim of replacing the
traditional middlemen dominating distribution of milk to urban
areas by vertically integrating small farmers with urban dairies
through the following mechanisms:
(1) Surplus EEC/WFP powdered milk and butterfat were distributed
to the project through FAO/WFP in order to provide sufficient
quantities of milk for urban-oriented dairies to be able to
establish sustained annual output for sale;
(2) sale of this
recombined milk was
used to support project investments and to
increase the capacities of some of the dairies; (3) as these
publicly owned dairies obtained large shares o& the urban market,
the preexisting informal dairy marketing structures whose
production was seasonal, overpriced, and often watered-down,
would be pushed back into rural
areas; (4) when these urban-based
dairy activities were undercut, the water buffalo that were
brought into the city by urban smallholders to produce milk sold
to traditional merchants would
no longer be profitable, and hence
the slaughter of calves and early slaughter of cows would cease.
This would allow rural areas to build up their own herds; (5)
funds were invested in road and rail
nkers for long distance
t transportation and warehousing.
Institutional Structures:
The Indian Dairy Corporation (IDC) was
set up by the Indian Government and capitalized at $13.3m. in
order to coordinate and administer the activities described
above.
It ultimately became a financing and promotional body
that contracted out to the non-profit NDDB when specific
professional services were
needed, such as the construction of
dairy plants. Input was assured through village milk
cooperatives, of which over 4000 were
established and provided
with extension by the scheme (veterinary; artificial
insemination). Establishing a new project under the scheme
(a
dairy plant with an associated group of village dairy
cooperatives) required that a feasibility study be carried out by
NDDB. This included a study of production, processing, and
marketing, with the aim of making the project self-supporting
within three to five years. Once approved, three of NDDB's
Divisions were
involved in implementation: (1) Engineering-Design
Division, which supervised planning and construction of the dairy
plants and cattle feed plants; (2) Farmers' Organizations and
Animal Husbandry Division, which supplied teams to work in
organizing villag, cooperatives and in providing technical
113

287.Halse
1976 assistance; (3) Technical Manpower Division, which organized
manpower development programs for personnel both inside of NDDB
and in the dairy projects.
Operation Flood I covered two million milch animals;
Operation Flood II covered another four to six million milch
animals by 1978-9, and by the 1980s a national milch herd, based
on villaje cooperatives, would number 25 million. This would be
matched by an extension of rural and urban dairies.

Analysis: The focus of the article, on the formal administrative

structure, is well done, but there is no detailed data
on either
project implementation difficulties or how these were addressed,
or on the mechanics of farmer organization. The impact of
Operation Flood on the reallocation of labor, status and income
by gender, age, and socioeconomic level, and on local-level food
security, are unknown issues associated with this project that
the Ford Foundation/India has devoted several research grants in
recent years to study.

Key Topics: Area - India; Case Studies; Commodity -

Dairying; Food Security; Intermediaries;

Management; Markets.

114

288.Halse, Michael
1976 Operation Flood II: The Evolution of & Rural
Development Programme.
Harvard Business School
Cane No. 3-578-186. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard
Business School. [IDA]
General Background:
This case study provides a description of the
village dairy cooperative arrangements associated with Operation
Flood I, established in
1967/8 by the National Dairy Development
Board of India (NDDB), as well
as the major design changes
associated with Operation Flood II,
initiated in 1978 to both
expand and reorganize Operation Flood I. Operation Flood I had as
a goal setting up the necessary infrastructure for a national
dairy grid --
a series of coops patterned after the pre-existing
first generation Anand Pattern that had been established in the
1960s. The aim
was to provide milk on a regular seasonal basis
to urban areas. (For a description of Operation Flood I, see
Halse 1976.) The goal of Operation Flood II was to raise
available milk for consumption in India to 144gm/daily per capita
by 1985.
Cooperative organization:
1. Village milk producers cooperative: These are voluntary
associations of milk producers in
village, with membership
a limited to one member from each family who markets the family's
milk through the coop. Coop membership averages 50-90 percent of
villago families, 20-30 percent of whom mey be landless and
another 40-60 percent smallholders with less than 4 ha.
Milk
earnings constitute 40-70 percent of all cash earnings for these
two groups. Members bring their milk twice daily to the coop
building where it is measured and recorded. Payment is made at
the next collection period on
the basis of milk quality. The
milk is bulked morning and evening in ans for pickup to the
Union's dairy plant.
At this time milk is also sold at cost to
the local population.
In addition to milk collection, sale, and
bulking, cooperatives sell feed concentrates, and provide
artificial insemination and first aid services.
2. District Cooperative Milk Producers Union:
All co-ops in a
district belong to the District Union, which is
the core of the
operation.
It owns and operates a processing plant and often
a
cattle feed compounding plant; organizes milk collection two
times daily from the co-ops; markets feed concentrates, green
fodder, seeds, and other inputs, operates a mobile veterinary
clinic; trains employees of each coop; and organizes the
production of semen for artificial insemination. The Union has a
Board of Directors, with nine of the twelve members generally
being milk producers and chairmen of village co-ops in the
District.
Operation Flood II Instruments and Targets: Since it was
115

288. Halse
1978
estimated that by 1985 66 percent of all milk consumption would
come from rural areas, it was decided that rural milk production
should be increased and investments in urban milk
marketing decreased. This meant a large program in both
artificial insemination and veterinary staff expansion.
It was
estimated that the number of milch animals that could be brought
into the co-op program could be increased from three million in
1978 to ten million in 1985.
New Organization:
To increase the number of District Cooperative
Unions from the (then) current seventeen to 150 by 1985, it
was
proposed to set up fifteen Federations by 1985, each with
an
average cluster of six districts. Each Federation would be the
responsible "action taker."
These Federations were to ease some
of the resistance, on the part of some government officials,
local
elite, and merchanta who had interests in the preexisting
marketing arrangements cf milk, against both co-op establishment
and Union ownership of its own dairies. The Federations were to
be "demanders" on behalf of their members in
facilitating these
activities.

Analysis: The decision of the NDDB to address resistance by

certain government officials, merchants, and power brokers to the
formation and empowerment of co-ops and unions by creating an
over-arching "grid" of fifteen Federations is
not sufficiently
detailed to determine how an additional administrative
superstructure --
three steps removed from the productive process
-- was actually going to be able to "facilitate" and act as
"trouble shooters"; their interests would perhaps be
more closely
aligned with elite and government officials than with the local
producers. In this regard Fleuret
(1984) usefully discusses
related problems of "administrative overload," and the dilemma of
institution-building that are often aszociated with such top-down
administrative structures.
The decision to focus production on rural inhabitants as well as
urban is most interesting and reflects a concern for rural food
security generally not found in commercial food production
schemes. For a similar strategy in Egypt relating to poultry
production, see de Treville (1986). Of course, both dairy goods
and poultry constitute local food "crops" as well as cash
"crops,"
a dual role not shared by most commercial food crops
destined for urban-export.
While these cooperatives do not contract formally with producers,
the organization of vertical linkages are
in other ways
structurally identical to an orthodox CF scheme and may therefore
116

288. Halse 1978 be useflly compared with such schemes -- especially with respect
to farmer organization and cooperatives and intermediaries. It
is instructive to contrast the "top down" form of co-op
organization described in this article with co-op
organization that is
initiated by the producers themselves, as
described by Truitt (1982). For comparisons with a similarly top down organized cooperative, see de Treville (1986).
This description of co-op organization updates and supplements
Halse's article (1976) on Operation Flood I.

Key Topics: Area - India; Case Studiea; Commodity -

Dairy; Food Security; Intermediaries;

Management; Markets/Merchants.

117

299.Hayenga, M.L., B.L. Gardner, A.B. Paul, J.P. Houck, R.E.

Caves, and M.J. Powers.
1979 Thin Markets: An Overview. In: Pricing Problems
in the Food Industry (with Emphasis on Thin Markets),
ed. by M.L. Hayenga. Pp. 7-39. Madison: University
of Wisconsin, College of Agricultural and Life Sciences.
North Central Regional Research Publication 261,
Monograph No. 7.
Some economic factors contributing to the evolutionary
development of thin markets in some parts of the US food and
agricultural sector are outlined, and some of the concerns
most
often expressed about the performance of these markets are
considered. The term "thin markets" has a variety of meanings
for economists and members of the food industry, thus several
classifications and a preferred definition are proposed to
minimize confusion during the symposium. A "thinly tradr-d" or
"thin" market would be a market with few negotiated transactions
per unit time, although it need not be an illiquid or por'rly
performing market. The great concerns seem to be associated with
markets that were once broadly traded, but that changed when
vertically integrated systems or longer-term contracts, became
dominant. As the residual market decreased, insecurity increased
regarding the representativeness of transacted and reported
prices, the potential ease of price manipulation, the adequacy of
market information, and the risk of having sufficient buyers or
sellers available at any time to ensure an equitable price.
Caves explores several potential causes of market thinness or
market failure, with each characterization or causal diagnosis
implying its own set of possible remedies, and suggests the need
for case studies of the structural determinants and performance
implications of thinness. The policy question of whether the
private gains associated with some of the causes of thin markets
are identical to their social productivity, or whether the
associated externalities are costly to society is raised.
Powers discusses some of the practical policy issues associated
with thin markets, emphasizing the ease of manipulation, the
higher execution and transaction costs and associated risk
premiums, and the difficulties in using prices from thin markets
as reliable regulatory standards or as an equitable basis for
transfer prices, government support prices, etc. The problems of
market information from thin markets are explored and it is
concluded that market information distortions that can arise may
still be more preferable for some market participants than more
costly and more accurate information gathering processes. Some
causes of thin markets are considered, and it is argued that the
most cost-effective approach to make thin markets into more
liquid markets is to facilitate arbitrage between related
markets, which can tie markets together more effectively,

118

299.Hayenga et al.
1979
reduce transaction costs, and smooth the pattern of short-term
price movements over time.
-CAB
Analysis: It is interesting to link this discussion of the causes
and implications of thin markets created in relation to
increasing vertical integration with specific CF schemes, where
"price-setting" at the farmer level is in direct
contradistinction to "thick market" transactions associated with
local markets. Farmers' concerns over fair price, in the absence
of a wider (i.e., thicker) market by which to judge a scheme's
payment, is infrequently treated in the literature.
However,
World Bank reports treating CF schemes mention grower dissatisfaction with payments, in
cases where the firm has not
adequately explained pricing structures to their growers.
On the other hand, where thick markets do exist locally (as,
e.g., for CF-produced vegetables or
palm oil that can be sold to
local merchants or processors), the CF prices set by the firm can
be undermined as farmers sell
contracted commodities to these
local sources offering higher prices. Such local-level leakage
to alternative marketing structures has the farmer-perspective
benefit of escaping repayment of inputs and credit that would be
deducted from the firm's CF payment.
This issue is discussed in
Development Alternatives, Inc.
(1975b) with respect to tomatoes
in Nigeria, and by Shipton (1985,,
with respect to tobacco in
Kenya. Leakage is also associated with some World Bank schemes
in both the nucleus estate-outgrower sector, as well
as in more
recent horticultural crop schemes being supported by Bank funds
(discussions with Bank staff, 1985-1986).
Current evidence seems to
suggest that the creation of thin
markets at the local level, by
means of CF schemes, may not be
possible where the commodity grown has a strong appeal to local
merchant-market demands, which the scheme is unable to
countermand.
Key Topics: Area General; Marketing.

119

301.Heald, Suzette and Alex Hay

1985 Problems of Theory and Research: Comments
on Buch-Hansen and Marcussen. Review of
African Political Economy 34(Dec.):89-95.
[IDA]
This is a brief critique of Buch-Hansen and Marcussen's article,
"Contract Farming and the Peasantry: Cases from WesLrn Kenya"
(1982), which employs data collected at the Kenya Tea Development
Authority and Mumias outgrower schemes in order to demonstrate
that these data do not support the claims of dependency
theorists, namely, that with capitalization of the periphery
comes impoverishment of the peasantry. Buch-Hansen and Mercussen
attempt to demonstrate that peasants on these two schemes have
benefited (albeit unequally).
The authors criticize this interpretation on a number of grounds:
1. The problem of what constitutes an "average" income in
societies with both subsistence and clash strategies is
ignored;
2. The fact that poverty is relative is ignored;
more data are
needed on subsistence production, labor time, and so forth;
3. It is therefore an empty claim, that there is
no
proletarianization or exploitation of the peasantry;

4. Concepts such as "exploitation" are not easily

empirically demonstrated;
5. The argument that there is an emergent bourgeois,
based on the fact that growers (1) employ wage labor
over own labor and (2) use their income for capital
accumulation is not directly linked as a specific
outcome of scheme involvement; it could be due to
other factor(s).
6. The research is static and does not account for
local social and cultural dynamics;
7. Discussions of poverty and inequality cannot be
placed only at the level of the household treated
as an undifferentiated unit;
8. The reading of dependency theory is too narrow.
The authors will be conducting a long-term study of tea and
tobacco schemes in Kenya and hope to address a number of the
theoretical and analysis issues raised above.

120

301.Heald and Hay

1985
Analysis: Many of the criticisms addressed by the authors
to the Buch-Hansen Marcussen argument can
be extended to
other pieces that have been abstracted; see the analyses of
Barclay (1977), Buch-Hansen and Kieler (1983),
Mulas (1981), and
Wallace (1980).
As for the issue of "causality" -- perhaps Buch-
Hansen and Marcussen fell into the same trap they associate with
dependency theorists, namely,
mono-causal interpretation a of
data: e.g.,
suggesting that capital accumulation "causes"
proletarianization (their interpretation of dependency theory,
according to Heald and Hay);
the outgrower schemes of KTDA and
Mumias "cause" the emergence of a bourgeoisie and increasing
st~.atification (Buch-Hansen and Marcussen's
own "causal"
proposition).
The rendering of associational relations into
causal relations is slippery indeed,
and here Heald and Hay may
be over-interpreting their adversaries, who do not, in fact,
claim that proletarianization is "caused"
-- but that the schemes
"lead to" increased proletarianizatior . Pedantic as
it may seem,
the difference between the two statements is
enormous.
The authors' interpretations of what Buch-Hansen and Marcussen
"mean" are over-rigorous in other dreas,
as well. For example,
poverty is, of
course, relative, and "average" incomes as we all
know are nearly impossible to calculate.
However, that does not

the scheme and certain socioeconomic phenomena that suggest,

e.g., that proletarianization may or
may not be increasing. I do
agree, however, that the data given are not sufficient to support
the argument, und would expand the criticism to suggest that the
short time (a few decades) that these schemes have been
in
operation is in itself
limiting factor in determining what
a direction socioeconomic differentiation seems to be taking;
it is
hoped that Heald and Hay also take this historical shallowness
into account in their own field work and subsequent analysis.
Key Topics: Area - Kenya; Political Economy; cation.
Stratifi

-- or should not --
stop one from suggesting correlations between

121

305.Heghe, G. van
1976 Modalit~s et organisation de l'int~gration horizontale

et verticale dans l'agriculture belge. Belgium: Notes

de l'Institut Economique Agricole No. 50.

After defining and analyzing the concept of integration, Heghe

distinguishes the various forms of
integration according to
whether they are at the same or successive levels in the
production cycle. Horizontal and vertical
integration, and their
own integration in a circular integration system,
are then
defined. The various manifestations of integ,'ation in
agricilture are analyzed.
Horizontal integration occurs in joint farming operations.
More
significantly, circular integration occurs
in situations such as
cooperative dairies, and fruit and vegetable and pig auctions.
Three main kinds of vertical integration are distinguished: total
integration, where food firms have their
own production units;
direct sale by the producer to the retailer or consumer; and
contract farming.
An appendix reproduces part of the text of the proposed law on
vertical integration in the livestock sector.
-CAB

Analysis: A good discussion of market integration that can be

usefully compared with Mittendorf (1978 and Mignel and Hoofnagel
(1972), both of
whom write about different forms of integration
and the place of CF schemes in integrated markets. Compare also
with Hayenga (1979), who focuses on the emergence of thin markets
in relation to CF.
Key Topics; Area - Belgium; Marketing.

122

339.Jabara, C.L.
1985 Agricultural Pricing Policy in Kenya.
In: World
Development 13(5):611ff. [WBI
Examination of Kenya's agricultural pricing policy, its rcle in
the development of key sectors of the agricultural economy during
the 1970s, and its impact on different classes of producers.
Description of the country's process of agricultural price
deterriination, and examination of trends in
real producer price
indic,!s for selected crop groupings and by size of holding.
It is found that agricultural pricing policy has been used to
create incentives for the growth of marketed agricultural
production, and also to promote the agricultural development of
smallholders.

-WB

Analysis: The relation of pricing policies to firm and

outgrowers' profits in Kenya, specifically in relation to both
tea and sugar smallholder contracting, has gone largely
unanalyzed in the literature on
CF scheme operation. A notable
exception is the article by Scott (1982),
who discusses the
negative impact on the scheme exerted by state control over the
pricing of both cane and sugar.
The debate over whether pricing
policies actually do stimulate agricultural development is
increasingly
at issue in Egypt, where such policies have played a
central role in the economy since the 1950s.
Key Topics: Area - Kenya; Development; Government Policy.

123

341.Jaffee, Stephen
1985 The Potential and Benefits of Crop Diversification
and Horticultural Production. Mimeo. [IDA]
Shifts to monocultur. in Africa have contributed to unbalanced
agricultural practices of smallholders. It is argued that
smallholders should diversify their farming activities so as to
include various horticultural crops. This would decrease the
producer's risk, increase the efficiency of the farming
operation, minimize pest and other losses, and allow the producer
to take advantage of new profit opportunities. Horticultural
crops yield high net returns, provide greater income per unit of
land, generate more employment than traditional crops, and
provide a high source of nutrition. Finally, export promotion
associated with the introduction of agribusiness schemes is in
line with government strategies.

Analysis: This draft is part of a larger, in-progress work. No

detailed examples are given in thi, preliminary draft to support
the author's generalizations, but presumably will be included in
future drafts. Reasons given for crop diversification, while
technically and economically sound, need to be grounded in real
productive and exchange processes in order to define clearly both
paramaters of operation and differential impacts of
diversification on these productive units and associated
processes of distribution.
Key Topics: Area - Africa; Food Crops; Food Security;
Mixed Farming.

124

346.Johl, S.S.
1975 Gains of the Green Revolution: How They have been
Shared in Punjab. In: Journal of Development Studies
ll(April):178-189. [WB/IDA]
It is fashionable for sociologists and political economists these
days to malign the "green revolution" technology on the grounds
of its effects upon the agricultural income distribution, which
are claimed to affect small
farmers and agricultural laborers
adversely.
No doubt the income effects of a technological change
should be
valid concern for a society inflicted with mass
a poverty and unemployment, yet to condemn an
improvement in
production technology 61one seems misplaced. Inequality in
income distribution depends not only on
the nature of the
technology, on
its degree of scale-neutrality or labor intensity,
but often arises from resource allocatiois and fiscal policies.
In
India green revolution technology is unfortunately being
condemned out of all proportion. The policy measures that
emanate out of this thinking
are throttling the development of
the agricultural sector.
This article is an attempt to examine the recent changes in
employment and agricultural laborers and farmaers
in the Punjab
State, which is the
area most favorably affected by the green
revolution technology in India.
-WB

Analysis: The issue of appropriate tec ology transfer is as

applicable to CF
as it has been to the .:een Revolution. For a
discussion, see the Analysis under Chaudhry (1982),
who also
argues that negative socioeconomic impacts of the Green
Revolution are
minimal. On the unequal socioeconomic impact of
CF on Peru outgrowers' communities, see Kusterer (1982), and on
Kenya sugar cane outgrowers see Barclay (1977).

Key Topics: Area - India; Case Studies; Food Crops;

Food Security; Stratification; Technology
Transfer.

125

351.Jones, Theo
1985 Philippine Nucleus Estate Scheme is Defended as
in the Farmer's Interest in Agribusiness
Worldwide (May/June):14-22. [IDA]
General Background: In 1982 the NDC-Guthrie Plantations, Incorp.
began developing an 8000 ha nucleus palm oil estate on Mindanao
with assistance from the Commonwealth Development Corporation.
Since its inception controversy has raged over the impact of the
scheme on surrounding farmers. The area is one of both
considerable poverty and increasing ecological degradation
related to forest clearing and overcropping. The issue of
whether CDC can design a 6cheme supportive of impoverished
farmers living in an increasingly desiccated environment, as they
have proposed to do, is relevant not just here, but also in other
areas where CDC is involved in outgrower schemes.
Development Objectives: In order tD address the condition of
local farmers, an integrative approach was considered necessary
that included the following actions:
1. Flatlands farmers to increase food production through
extension services;
2. Marginal flat lands farmers to be introduced to better
husbandry suited to fragile lands;
3. Upland hills farmers to replace native trees with tree
crops;
4. Earning opportunities to be introduced in the area
through the scheme;

5. Infrastructure to be strengthene2d -- especially

marketing;

6. Insure thet benefits go to the farmer -- not the

middlemen.
Increased food production in the flat lands would provide food
both for this area and for the upland hill population.
Encouraging the hill people to grow trees for sale would provide
a cash income for them.
Nucleus Estate: A socioeconomic survey indicated that lands to be
acquired for the nucleus estate were mainly uncultivated, and
called "abandoned lands" (logged and left over) by the locals.
A 1983 Parliamentry Human Rights Group Mission determined that
CDC proposals for land purchase provided sufficient safeguards to
the farmers. Choices offered the farmers included: (1) sell
their "abandoned land"; (2) grow the scheme cash crop on their
land; (3) obtain employment with the Company ("with the

I I) C

351.Jones

1985
opportunity of learning a trade"); (4) establish a small
enterprise in the face of opportunities newly opened by the
development coming in the area. Surveys established that people
were receptive to the project and wanted change: "They recognized
that subsistence farming is unproductive and unrewarding and
indicated that they were prepared to work hard to make a success
of any reasonable alterna ive that protects their rights of
choice and their freedom as individuals."

Analysis: The author was CDC's Natural Resource Advisor until

recently. The article is too generally written to be able to
determine whether/to what extent CDC intends actually to get
involved in implementing local development objectives enumerated
above, nor is it clear whether these objectives were based on the
socioeconomic survey (presumably conducted by
-- or at the behest
of -- CDC). The problems of implementing such an ambitious
integrated development project in an area with little to
no
infrastructure, with soil erosion, apparently great poverty, and
presumably suspicion towards Lhe scheme are enormous and call
to
mind the admonitions by Fleurat (1984) about over-ambitious
project designs based on too little informaticn in an area with
few preexisting infrastructural or institutional arrangements
through and by which to implement the plans. For a specific
discussion of the difficulties of implementing complex rural
integrated development schemes see Wallace (1981). Also, various
sections of Voll (1980) discuss how certain TNC schemes were
unsuccessfully implemented as a result of the same
kinds of
problems.
The author's description of the local population ("the peasants")
is exceedingly simplistic, as is the ideological and ethnocentric
statement that farmers were prepared to ."..protect their rights
of choice and their freedom as individuals." A closer attention
to detail and critical analysis, and less attention to ideology
would have enhanced the article enormously.
Key Topics: Area - Philippines; Case Studies; Commodity
- Palm Oil; Development; Food Security;
Management.

127

354.Kauffman, D.
1984 An Evaluation of the Potential for a Market in Hog Con tracts. Agricultural E2E.nomics Report No. 462. East
Lansing: Department of Agricultural Economics, Michigan
State University.
Production decisions will
always be fraught with uncertainty: The
potential of a Pork Contracting Market as a way to reduce this
unccrtrinty by improving the market information available to
farmers and improving supply coordination between buyer and
seller is analyzed in this study.
A Pig Contracting Market would connect, by computer, those
wishing to sell and those wishing to buy contracts for delivery
of pigs at some future date. The contract would deal with
delivery of a specified quality and quantity of pigs at a
specified time and place. The contract would not deal with
production methods or production contracting. Knowledge of
futures terminology would not be necessary for farmer
participants. Packers and those further up the marketing channel
would have to be able to estimate approximately the demand they
would face at the time the contrac:t was delivered. Packers and
retailers, being close to final demand, are
in a much better
position to estimate it than farmers. However, if packers and
others lacked confidence in their demand estimates they could
always hedge their prices, risk in the futures market.
-CAB
Analysis: This article is one of several appearing in the
annotated bibliography that deal with animal protein contracting
in developed countries. Others include: Lance (1978; 1981; 1983)
on poultry in America, Mackel (1979; 1980) on cattle in Scotland;
Millman (1980) on sheep in England; and Rogers (1980) on poultry
in America. The comparative level of technological
sophistication required in
some forms of protein contracting
creates problems in introducing the technology and related
standards of mairtenance in LDCs. Similar difiiculties are
occasionally (though apparently with less frequency) experienced
in nucleus estate-outgrower and horticultural contracting
schemes, which may ultimately spell the demise of the scheme, as
described by Laramee (1975) in relation to vegetable production
in Thailand, and by Development Alternatives, Inc. (1975b) in
relation to tomato production in Nigeria.
The necessity of providing extensive TA in order to maintain
adequate production output experienced by some of these schemes
-

- such as the poultry battery scheme in Egypt -suggests that if

the general technological and associated infrastructural level of

the practicing population is not adequately matched to the
technology that is introduced, the expense of maintaining such TA
128

354.Kauffman
1984 can be extremely high. Indeed, as pointed out by Cable and
Mukherjee (in Moran [1986), not annotated), chances of success
for TNCs choosing to set operations in LDCs with poor
infrastructure are poor.
Key Topics: Area: United States; Commodity - Pigs
Management.

129

367.Kurian, Rachel
1981 The Position of Women Workers
in the Sri Lanka Plan tation Sector. Work and Development No. 5. Geneva:
ILO. tdeT/WB)
This study examines the different activities undertaken by the
women and the implications of these for the plantation sector and
for the economic development of the country as a whole.
The conditions of the female worker cannot be taken out of the
context of the conditions for all workers on the plantation, a
unique form of labor organization that was introduced under
colornialism. The plantation sector with its th:.ee main crops:
tea, rubber, and coconuts, still accounts for 90 percent of the
country's agricultural exports and 70 percent of its total
exports by value.
Improvements in living conditions on the plantation have been
introduced to meet mounting labor problems, but these efforts
have been "aegmented." Any strategy concerned with improving the
position of plantation labor must address the specific needs of
women.
Housing and medical facilities could also be improved. A
list of proposals and recommendations is included.
-WB
Analysis: Detailed case studies of the impact of cash cropping on
domestic labor are few.
The topic is of central importance in
considering the likely impacts of CF schemes on over-all
development at the local level
as well as issues of equity. See
the Analysis und
Fan (1981) for a more detailed discussion of
r this topic.
Key Topics: Area - Sri Lanka; Case Studies; Coconuts, Rubber, Tea; Gender; tations; Stratification.
Commodity -
Labor; Plan

130

368.Kusterer, Kenneth
1982 The Social Impact of Agribusiness: A Case Study
of Asparagus Canning in Peru. Washington, DC:
USAID(LAC/PP/PPE). [IDA]
General background: A social
impact study of a new Asparagus
outgrower scheme involving 106 new CF farmers in
Santa Valley, 80
established CF farmers in Viru Valley, and
processing factory
a employing 432 workers.
In addition, since asparagus production
is highly labor intensive, many growers were required to
hire
labor thereby providing work to a daily average of 520 farm
laborers.
Santa Valley outgrowers were newly-established
settlers in a recent irrigation scheme, and while the project has
radically transformed their life, they have also fallen heavily
into debt because of the scheme. Viru Valley farmers, on the
other hand, had been asparagus farmers in the past and so this
new usiness meant reviving a dying industry. b In both areas the
labor intensity of the crop has not only created substantial wage
labor employment but has also removed "underemployment" frcm the
household, since all able-bodied household members must
now
participate in the highly labor-intensive cultivation of the
crop, including year-round twice-daily harvests. The firm
maintains a staff of fifteen extensionists in order to deliver
technical assistance to the 106 widely disbursed farms in the
Santa Valley. At the time of the evaluation not only were yields
only 40 percent of anticipated production, but high overhead in
maintaining a necessary level of extension and other inputs
resulted in the firm's continuing to run with a deficit.
Furthermore, farmers were
unhappy since interest rates rose to
almost 50 percent per annum;
they were tied to subsistence loans
that would see them through the three-year production cycle
before the crop began to show a profit.
Firm organization: Initially the firm financed 100 percent of all
costs and promised growers a great deal. However, ensuing loose
financial dealings led to a revised plan with very tight
accountability over the loan program, which was run
by a "highly
bureaucratized staff of twenty."
No new farmers have been taken
on since 1980. Technical assistance is coordinated by six
agronomists and nine farm technicians who also run a much tighter
program since management has changed hands.
Santa Valley: Two types of farmers signed contracts: Small
farmers dependent on family labor and farming entrepreneurs.
Both groups plant approximately one-half of their cultivated land
in asparagus. Impacts on
the farmers of the area have included:
1. The first access to credit through bi-weekly wage-like
loans (which proved to be unworkable - they were to
provide subsistence to growers until
crops matured);

131

368.Kusterer
1982
2. Great labor intensity and reduced undereployment;
3. Increased technical assistance;
4. Grower dissatisfaction relating to: Lower than
promised yield, rising debts, over promotion,
company evasiveness, and "agribusiness normali zation" (increasing grower dissatisfaction following
the initial honeymoon period with a project);
5. Founding of the Asparagus Growers Association in
order to bargain for higher prices and to reduce the
length of asparagus spears accepted by the firm;
6. rurning family farmers into family employees,
thereby transforming the nature of the farm enter prise - even the poorest growers had to take on wage
laborers;
7. Changing roles of farm women who now must spend 5-6
hours daily in the fields and thereby may not only
become more materially dependent on husbands but also
may lose the ability to sell at local markets in order to
obtain their own cash: while the asparagus income
may be more than the market income, "income to the
family and income to the woman may not be entirely the
same thing."
Vinu Valley growers: The scheme had Lhe following impacts on
farmers, who had been growers of asparagus in the past:
1. Reviving an old industry;
2. Less dependence but alc'o less technical assistance
than Rosa Valley growers;
3. Greater grower satisfaction because they think they are
both making a profit and being offered higher profits,
better credit and better administrative assistance
than with other firms;
4. They may still be in the "honeymoon phase," since the
firm only recently established contracts in the area.
Collective farms: The 25 member Amatu Cooperative has 127 ha of
collective land, all planted in asparagus. Scheme impacts have
included:
1. Debt increases because the firm's labor loans have
132

368.Kusterer
1982
constituted most of the income of the coop members
since 1979, resulting in a collective debt of
of $132,000 in addition to $100,000 owed the agrarian
bank;
2. Requests to dissolve the co-op;
the impacts that such an
action would have on the collective debt have yet to be
determined.
Asparagus farm workers:
The largest and poorest group affected by
the scheme. Impacts on
them have included:
1. A tendency towards long term employment rather than
dismissals as normally practiced;
2. Less exploitation than with regular, temporary farm
work because of increased permanency of employment
associated with asparagus production;
3. Easier work than traditional farming tasks;
4. Possible increased employment of women as farm
laborers.
Asparagus plant employees: Impacts on these over
400 workers have
included:
1. New jobs -- 90 percent being women;
2. Three groups of women employees have emerged: Youths,
experienced factory workers, and first time factory
workers. The greatest adjustment problems and
satisfaction are associated with the third group.

- Household Impact:

1. Due to inflation two wage earners are now

neces sary to maintain prior living standards;
2. Health care: employees have access to a health clinic
and sick days;
3. Housework and Childcare: tension i. created as
women
must Juggle these activities with a new job.

- Personal impact:

1. New work roles:

50 percent of new workers describe life as
being improved and preferred since the work is easier
133

368.Kusterer

1982
than farm chores, more structured, and in the company
of friends rather than the isolation of households;
2. Self esteem and independence: expressed by one-third
of the workers; while male workers moving from farm
to factory express reduced self-esteem, it is the op posite for women;
3. Work dissatisfaction: one-fifth are openly dissatis fied and an absolute majority do not feel positive;
a variety of reasons ranging from wages to the system
of work contracting;

Community impact:

1. There has been a shift of employment from men

to women whereby 60 percent of Sana residents holding
a full time job are women; the (male) elected
and appointed town leadership blame increases
in crime, alcoholism, family dissolution and
child neglect on this shift;
2. A shift from public, non-profit employment to
private, for-profit employment has generated
some tension in the town;
3. The firm has become the new local patron, re placing the old haciendas role as sponsor of
community events;
4. Multiplier effects: the only visible multiplier
effects are associated with increasing numbers of
street foo's vendors near the factory and of small
neighborhood stores used in place of the local market
for food shopping.

Analysis: This is the only study reviewed that disaggregates data

not just by socioeconomic strata but also with respect to
elements such as shifts in household labor allocation,
gender/time/work, self esteem, and so forth, in addition to
examining firm impact on the factory workers and the wage
laborers of the contract farmers. As the most detailed of the
socioeconomic studies in these respects, it is usefully
contrasted with Barclay (1977), Buch-Hansen and Kieler (1983),
Buch-Hansen and Marcussen (1982), Mulas (1981)and Shipton (1985).
The problems of the firm can be compared with Austin and Ross
134

368.Kusterer
1982 (1979), Development Alternatives Incorporated (1975b), Laramee
(1975), and Voll (1980:sectioris on unsuccessful agribusiness
schemes).
Key Topics:
Area - Peru; Case Studies; Extension;
Gender; Intermediaries; Labor; Participation.

135

371.Lance, G.C.
1978 Economic Comparison of Contract Broiler Hatching Egg
Production and Housing Systems in Georgia. Research
Bulletin No. 229. College of Agriculture Experiment
Stations. University of Georgia.
Estimates show that more thon 508 contract broiler hatching egg
farms were operating in Georgia on January 1, 1978, with
approximately 4,215,000 hens in production. Cost and returns
presented, with comparisons among three types of housing systems.
Partial-slatted-floor houses with manual egg collection may offer
the best compromise for the contractor and the contract producer,
of all systems studied. Contractors generally preferred this
system because eggs are cleaner and less contaminated, and
surplus eggs are more marketable than from the total litter floor
system.
Returns to the contract producer are the greatest per dollar
invested from this system. Average cash income to
land, labor,
and management was estimated at $8.813 or
$3.70 per man hours of
labor required for a 7600-hen operation when new investment costs
of housing and equipment are amortized over 20 years. Labor
requirements averaged 2,380
man hours per year for a 7,600
breeder hen operation.
The non-cash value of litter from a 7,600 broiler breeder hen
flock was estimated at $4,100 per year ($25 per ton) for
fertilizer or $8,856 per year ($50 per ton) for cattle feed. A
beef farmer would probably need a high level of management to
realize the potential value of poultry litter for pasture
fertilizer or cattle feed.
-CAB

Analysis: As discussed in the Analysis of Lance (1981), detailed

treatments of time/labor are rare in the literature on CF schemes
operating in nonwestern countries.
The focus in this article on
the relation of costs and
returns to the kind of technology used
by the farmer are equally missing in the literature on contract
farmers in LDCs. See the Analyses under Lance (1981) and
Butterwick (1975) for a further discussion.
Key Terms: Area - United States; Comv,.odity - Poultry; Technology Transfer.
Labor;

136

372.Lance, G.C.
1981 Economic Comparison of Costs and Returns for Contract
Producers in Broiler, Broiler Hatching Egg, and Table
Egg Enterprises in Georgia. Research Bulletin No. 263.
College of Agriculture Experiment Stations.
University
of Georgia.
The objectives of this study are to:
(1) present capital
investment, labor requirements, and contract production costs and
returns comparisons for (a) broilers, (b) broiler hatching eggs,
(c) manual table egg production systems, and (d) automated table
egg production systems; and (2) present
description of the
a production characteristics of alternative poultry enterprises to
help prospective producers to determine the feasibility of
coordinating contract poultry production with off-farm work and
other farm enterprises.
Results indicate that the highest labor returns per unit of
capital invested from contract poultry production facilities
within the investment range of $56,000 to $167,000
were obtained
from broiler hatching egg operations of 7600 to 23,000 hens.
Broiler hatching egg producers must work full time on
the farm,
and production is usually limited to a maximum of 12,000 hens for
one full-time owner-operator and 23,000 hens if both husband and
wife work full time on the farm. The highest returns per hour of
owner
labor for operation within the capital investment range of
$65,000 to $200,000 can be obtained from contract broiler
operations of 32,000 to
96,000 birds per batch. The highest
returns per hour of
owner labor from larger investments wiLhin
the range of $345,000 to $415,000 were obtained from automated
table egg operations of 78,000 to 93,000 hens.
Cash returns from
manual table egg operations are
the lowest of all contract
poultry enterprises that were studied.
However, manual cage
operations can be operated with the least skilled labor, and
contract producers assume much less capital
investment risk than
producers investing in automated table egg systems.
Cash returns from manual table egg operations are the lowest of
all contract poultry enterprises operated with the least skilled
labor, and contract producers assume
much less capital investment
risk than producers investing in automated table egg systems.
-CAB
Analysis: The detailed treatment in this article of cost-time labor contrasts sharply with the paucity of such data
on CF
schemes in nonwestern countries.
See also Lance (1983), where
the author contrasts contractor-noncontractor costs, and Lance
(1978), where costs and returns are
analyzed in terms of poultry
housing types. Other farmer-oriented analyses (also western based) are to be found in Butterwick (1975), on vertical
integration in EEC countries, Kauffman
(1984), on hog-contracting
137

372.Lance
1981 potentials in the United States, Mackel
(1979, 1980), on fat
cattle contracting in Scotland, and Rogers (1980),
who focuses on
American farmers' interests in poultry contracting.

Key Terms: Area - United States; Commodity - Poultry;

Labor; Management.

138

373.Lance, G.C.
1983 Production Costs and Returns for Independent and
Contract Turkey Growers in Georgia. Research Bulletin
No. 301. College of Agriculture Experiment Stations,
University of Georgia.
Cost-and-return analyses were made for independent turkey growers
and production contract turkey growers in Georgia.
Production
costs for independent operators are highly variable due to
variations in feed prices, conversion rates, and other factors.
Average independent production costs, excluding land,
labor and
management, with feed priced at $200/t.,
were estimated as
follows: (1) confinement toms, S00.43/lb; (2) range toms,
$O0.41/lb; (3) confinement hens,
GOO.43/lb; and (4) range hens, $00.39/lb.
Production contract growers provide land, farm production
facilities, labor and farm operating expenses.
They grow turkeys
for contractors for specified fees.
The contractors provide the
pou.ts, feed, medication and transport of bird to contract
growers. Production contract grower costs, excluding land, labor
and management, were estimated to be $00.36/lb. for confinement
hens and $00.26/lb. for range hens.
Growers can estimate the
turkey market prices that are needed to obtain equivalent net
returns by operating independently as compared to being under a
production grower contract.
Returns to land, labor and management from range hen flocks for
independent operators and production contract growers were
estimated to be approximately equal when feed prices averaged
$200/t and turkey market prices- averaged $00.42/lb.
-CAB
Analysis: Only
one other article reviewed focuses on a
cost/benefit analysis comparing contractors and noncontractors
(see Subranmanyam 1981).
The profit margin enjoyed by
contractors over independent growers is substantial; just why
growers opt for independent production rather than contracting is

articles on CF poultry raising in the United States

(see Lance
1978; 1981 and Rogers 1980).
It is interesting that none of the
articles on contracting in LDCs treat cost-benefit analyses from
the grower's perspective. This bias away from specifically
analyzing smallholder gains and losses, in
favor of examining
costs/benefits obtaining for the contracting scheme, illustrates
an unfortunate miopia in the technical
literature on CF in the
Third World. This bias -- linked
to the historically-based
western interests in the products that are contracted in LDCs
rather than to the interests of the LDC growers -- needs to be
changed substantially if CF is to be employed as an
instrument
139

an interesting question not addressed by this

-- or other -

373.Lance
1983 for development in the growers' interests.
A further discussion
of the issue can be found under Butterwick (1975).

Key Topics: Area - United States; Commodity - Poultry;

Management.

140

378.Laramee, Pete-: A.

1975

Problems of 3mall Farmers under Contract Marketing,

with Special Reference to a Case in Chiengmai
Province, Thailand. Economic Bulletin
for Asia and the Pacific 26 (Sept/Dec>:43-57.
[USAID/IDA]

General Background: The project area,

in one of the most
important river valleys in Northern Thailand, is dominated by
smallholders engaged primarily in subsistence production.
Diversification and intensification were beginning to take place
in the early 1970s, as a result of the increasing need for cash
and related desire of smallholders to become engaged in
commercial larming.
Firm Organization and Extension: Contract farming was
initiated
in the area in 1974 by the Thai Farming Company, which was part
of a larger international joint-venture enterprise. The Thai
Farming Company was to provide a variety of vegetables for the
other three companies in the joint enterprise (a dehydrating
plant, a canning plant and a freezing plant). Contracting was
organized according to a nucleus-estate outgrower scheme, whereby
the company purchased 1600 ha of land and planned also to
contract with small growers in the area, who would be remunerated
and whose farming would be managed by means of semi-autonomous
firm sub-offices set up at the district level.
Four sub-offices
were initially set up and more followed. Demonstration plots,
associated with an open-book accounting procedure, were
established both to show farmers the amount of profits to be made
and to have input pricing data available to be used in
negotiating future crop prices with farmers.
Each sub-office
Head would have under him ten to twenty extension agents who were
to be stationed in villages and who would supervise planting,
care and harvesting. Since the company would be totally
dependent on outgrower production for at least the first year of
production, needing approximately 52,000 pounds of raw vegetables
annually, an intensive recruitment campaign was initiated by the
company and implemented by Division Heads and extension agents.
Village leaders were asked
to form groups of 25 or 30 farmers, to
whom extension staff explained the project. Because of the
agents' eagerness to commit as many farmers
as possible to the
scheme, promises to the farmers were beyond what should have been
made. Regardless of acceptability, 99.9 percent of those
applyi-g were admitted to the project.
Farmer Organization: The organization of farmers into units of
25-30, as stipulated by the company, had to be revised to 20, the
exact number accepted by the banks in arranging credit loans for
the farmer groups. Each group had to appoint one member to
represent them in all transactions with the company and in
141

378.Laramee
1975
signing loan applications. The awkward size and artificiality of
these groups created considerable problems, and so the firm began
working with pre-existing farmer associations -- voluntarily
organized groups registered under the government's Cooperative
Societies Act. These also proved to be unsatisfactory because of
inadequate government support (extension staffing, inputs).
Contracts: Contracts were signed with the Farmer's Group
representatives who were individually bound by the terms of the
contract. The contracts were a general buying and selling
agreement based
on a specific crop. Farmers' responsibility:
Grow crops according to technical instructions; sell all crops to
the company; deliver the crop to the collection agent; harvest
only at the time stipulated by the firm (they would be given
twenty-four hours notification); acknowledge the weighing and
inspection by signing; allow the company to assume care of the
crop if it
was seriously neglected. Company responsibility:
Obtain short-term credit with interest of
no more than 1 percent
per month for inputs; determine the proper time for harvesting;
purchase at a fixed price per kilogram; provide an
agriculturalist; make available to the farmers the necessary
inputs; take title of the produce at the collection point; pay
one-fourth of total price for each delivery within one week's
time of receiving produce and the remainder within fifteen days
of final delivery; first year, provide free seed; give an
unspecified amount of money to farmers in cases
of crop failure
due to natural disasters.
Problems incurred: A number of difficulties set in from the
inception of the scheme, based primarily on 1. an inadequate
feasibility study, 2. inexperience of the firm in working with
small groups, 3. lack of knowledge of local conditions, and 4.
failure to realize the importance of the growers' preexisting
agricultural knowledge and farming-system constraints, in
relation to which the scheme would be operating. Major problems
and confusions were experienced in the following areas: farmer
recruitment, farmer selection, delivery of
inputs, land
preparation, nursery establishment and maintenance, c&re of the
crop, harvesting, and payment. Additionally, the scheme had not
taken into account the following: 1. in computing guaranteed
pricing figures, the pay needed for hired labor that was used by
many outgrowers, so that farmer profits were much lower than
either farmer or firm had anticipated; 2. competition by the
commercial crops with food crop planting, care and harvesting.
Finally, the company had yet to provide farmers with a yearly
package program, resulting in continued misunderstandings on both
sides; neither had extension activities been favorably
established. Furthermore, the
move from farmer-organized groups
to the government-registered farmer,association was
small
142

378.Laramee
1975
improvement, since these groups received little, if any, support
from government agencies.
A variety of specific examples are
given illustrating these problems.

Analysis: This is one of the few articles written by an

agronomist, economist, or agribusiness person that gives an
analysis of contract farming based on a well-grounded
understanding of local farmers' own
operating conditions,
priorities, and expectations. The author's candor provides a
fresh approach to a genre often dominated by social science and
economic jargon.
For example, in relation to firm sensitivity to
farmers' perceptions, the timely production and delivery of
produce, and exLension agent cooperation in these matters: "The
great majority of farmers would never be able to conceive of what
would happen to their produce once it was carted off to the
factories.
They could not care less, either, as long as they
were paid fcr their labour .... The company had its own ideas,
however, and had not consulted the farmers about products and
methods they had previously used and found effective .... The
extension workers, when they did manage to get out to the
villages, usually found it more relaxing to
lounge in and around
the farmers' homes than to get out with the farmers to
keep
abreast of the conditions of the crop in the fields."
The article can
be usefully compared with Commonwealth
Development Corporation (1984), Phillips (1965),
Scott (1982),
and Stubbings (1972) who also discuss firm/outgrower management
-
- from the firm's perspective. Also with Development
Altern'tives Incorporated (1975b),
where a good synopsis of
problems at the levels of firnt,
farmer, and government is given.
Key Topics: Area - Thailand; Case Studies; Commodity -
Vegetables; Extension; Food Crops; Government
Policy; Intermediaries; Labor; Management.

,13 A

380.Lele, Uma
1984 Rural Africa: Modernization, Equity, and Long-Term

Development. Science 6(February):547-553.

Reprinted in: Africa Tomorrow: in Tech nology, Agriculture, and U.S. Foreign AID -- A Tech nological Memorandum. (96-110). Washington, D.C.:
Congress of the United States, Office of Technology

Assessment.

[USAID-W/IDA]

General Background: A critical discussion of both donor and local

government past and current policies and practices directed to
food production. Based on the Asian experience, large amounts of
assistance need to be directed to developing agricultural
techniques suitable for the ,,mallholder section. However, donor
government assistance tends to be uncoordinated and to focus on
capital expenditure and technical assistance that often have
little short-ran impact and seldom lay foundations for long-run
development. Furthermore, there is not yet a consensus among
African policy makers that development efforts need to focus on
the smallholder as the backbone of future food security
strategies. These policy makers tend to focus instead on the
"modernization now" approach of industrialization and
commercialization of agriculture through mechanized large-scale
farming. In Malawi, for example, estate sector large-scale
production has grown at 17 percent since 1968 while the
smallholder sector has grown at only 3 percent annually.
What should be done:
1. Incentives: The importance of providing incentives to small
producers goes largely unrecognized. Smallholders tend to pay a
large share of the total taxation on output (for example: In the
Sudan the rate of taxation on cotton farmers reached 35 percent
in the late 1970s; in Mali it reached 36-39 percent on cotton and
52-65 percent on groundnuts). Furthermore, a large part of the
agricultural budget is spent on subsidies in many countries -- 70
percent in Zambia.
2. Input-Output Marketing: This is usually operated by
parastatala or government cooperatives having monopolies that
generally have poor financial control and management ability.
Informal market operations tend to be discouraged, as in
Tanzania, where 400 parastatals and over 8000 state-established
village cooperatives were to provide these services, thus
discouraging indigenous trade.
3. Agriculturel research, extension training and social services:
These are largaly neglected, and where they are developed they
often do not address problems of recurrent costs. The Kenya Tea
Development Aut.ority is one of the few exceptions (but the crop
is for export).

I IA

380.Lele
1984
Africa's special challenges: A number of features render Africa
quite different, and therefore not directly comparable, in terms
of development strategies, to Asia.
Some of these features
include: highly diverse ecologies within individull countries;
extensive land use as
result of low rainfall, associated with
a shifting cultivation and widespread nomadism; seasonal labor
shortages -- exacerbated by a low level of technology; over stocking of cattle in many areas;
low population density, which
accounts for inadequacy of transport infrastructure; limited
evo'ution of indigenous technology -- associated with limited
growth of sedentary cultivation. For these reasons, the
challenge of research and development in Africa is the greatest
in the world, and substantial investment in scientific research
at national and regional levels is needed.
Developing
administrative capability, along with increased trained
management will
take a long time to develop at national,
regional, and local
levels. Both national unity and conducive
political policy are requisite environments.
Role of Donors: Since the perceived failure of the "trickle down"
approach to reach the rural poor after the Green Revolution, a
broader set of development issues has been addressed:
basic
needs, environmental protection, women's rights, for example.
However, although projects have refocused from export crops to
domestic food crops, to institution-building and strengthening,
to project planning, and to implementing capacities of the
national ministries of agriculture, efforts of aid agents
nevertheless remain largely uncoordinated. Other areas of needed
donor assistance include: 1. increasing efforts to strengthen
secondary and higher education in
order to produce the trained
manpower that is needed in both administration and research
directed to agriculture and other development issues, 2.
substantial investments in physical infrastructures, 3. a balance
between short-term relief efforts aiming to alleviate poverty and
long-term development agendas.
Implications for long-term development: Prospects are good for
turning around the current situation. Attitudes and vested
interests are the greatest problems at the national
level, where
the view of the subsistence sector must be seen
as critical for
economic development. The reordering of priorities
-- by both

donors and nationals -- will take at

least a decade.

Analysis: A concise, critical analysis of where the author thinks

that development in Africa has gone wrong, and what both donors
and governments need to do in reordering priorities to address
more effectively Africa's food-related problems. The contrasts
145

380.Lele
1984 between Asia and the Green Revolution experience are useful. The
macro approach used allows the author to explore food-related
problems in Africa with great clarity. However, this macro-view
also obscures some of the more important
socioeconomic factors related to the problems at the micro level
-- such as great variation among strata, the difficulties of
reliably computing subsistence-oriented production and
consumption, and the role of both local and government elite in
exacerbating the maldistrubtion of both resources and
commodities. The articles of Berry (1984) and Fleuret
(1984) are
useful in addressing the problems inherent in macro/micro
approaches to food production and distribution. While the
author's suggested remedies are sound in principal, little
attention is directed to either the difficulties that large
donors (such as the Bank or USAID) have had in actually achieving
formally established goals (or possible reasons for these
difficulties),
or to the impact of larger economic forces on both
the form and direction of local economies: It is not just
government and donors who are "responsible," as the author
suggests, but also these larger economic structures and
associated processes in which all three
-- donors, local
governments, and smallholders -- are embedded as both subject and
object.
Key Topics: Area - Africa; Development; Donors; Food
Security, Government Policy; Policy Issues.

146

390.Lewis, Robert G.
1981 Contract Growing of Flue-Cured Tobacco in Jamaica.
In Successful Agribusiness Management, J. Frievalds,
ed., (282-188). Brookfield, Vt.: Glower Publications
[IDA]
General Background: The Cigarette Company of Jamaica, an
affiliate of Carreras Group, Ltd.,
itself associated with the
Virginia-type tobacco grown on the Island.
The decision to move
into tobacco production was a result of the government's import substitution mandate.
The country has moved from complete
dependence upon imports of cigarettes and leaf 28 years ago, to
now supplying about 80 percent of its total consumption.
Contracting arrangements: Few farmers had grown tobacco before
the company introduced contracting. There were 54 growers
producing cigar tobacco and six producing cigarette tobacco in
the 1981/82 crop. The growers must adhere
to strict supervision
of their growing practices, and are provided necessary training.
The company provides the seeds (or seedlings), and advances funds
for production, harvesting, and curing processes.
This credit is
deducted from the value of the crop at season's end.
Choices of
farmers are made by a selection committee composed of existing
growers. Production contracts are
offered either on their own
land or as sub-tenants on
land leased from the company. During
the off-season growers are restricted from planting certain crops
on
their land that might encourage insects or diseases to which
tobacco is vulnerable. Sub-contractors of company land
are
allowed to plant own-cr )ps for a small fee during the off-season.
When profits exceed costs, additional payments are distributed to
the growers.
Growers' committees: The company encourages growers to form
committees and works with them in training programs,
administration of project activities, and
in giving advice on
technical and operating problems. These ".lected committees
apparently act as informal growers' communication and negotiation
associations.
The company's Senior Manager describes this
participation in decisions affecting management, training,
operations, and pricing

."..a positive and constructive
as feature of the project." While this success demonstrates the
ability of
contract farming systems successfully to transfer and
apply modern agricultural technology, these gains should be
viewed with caution since the total number of contract farmers in
the Jamaican tobacco industry in 1981/82 constituted less than 1
percent of the total number of farmers. There are also
numerous
"backward" tobacco growers, whose importance has likely been
under-estimated.

147

390. Lewis
1981 Analysis:
very general article: data specific to either A the
firm or the growers are not systematically given. For example,
whet is the organization of the growers' committees and how
are
they financially supported?
What is their working relationship
with the firm? Are growers small, medium or
large farmers, or a
combination?
The author talks about "the farmers in each farming
project..." What is
"farming project"? a Is wage labor or
primarily family labor used?
And so forth. The author's
suggestion that there has been
"successful technology transfer"
is open to debate, since the technology in questicn remains under
the firm's control and is not individually sustainable by the
growers.

Key Topics: Area - Jamaica; Case Studies; Crop - Tobacco;

Government Policy; Intermediaries; Management;

Participation; Technology Transfer.

148

398.Lipton, Michael
1978 Inter-Farm, Inter-Regional and Farm/Non-Farm Income
Distribution: The Impact of the New Cereal Varieties.
In: World Development 6:319-337. (WBJ
HYVs affect distinct aspects of income distribution. Among
farmers, the technology on
balance most readily benefits the
small;
but public policy -- on prices, credit, irrigation,
nutrients, mechanization, crop-breeding
-- has skewed gains
toward larger owners. Between landed and landless the latter
gain, as HYVs -- unless subverted by inappropriate mechanization
-- raise and smooth wages and employment. The evidence on rich
and poor regions lightens the prevailing gloom; and agronomic
features of newer HYVs fit then
well for some long-neglected,
ill-watered areas.
As for city and country, urban price policies, etc., have
diverted some gains from HYVs toward less-poor urban consumers
(and their employers).
However, natural scientists are
sufficiently independent of policy-makers to produce -- with
proper socioeconomic support -- research that steers benefits
from HYVs toward the natural gainers from more food, labor intensively grown: The rural poor.
-WB
Analysis: This article can be compared with the pro and con Green
Revolution articles by Chaudhry (1982),
Johl (1975) and Wills
(1972), which treat the socioeconomic impacts of Green Revolution
technology transfer.
For a discussion of technology transfer
dissemination, see Molnar (1983).
These different arguments are
useful in understanding the complexities that CF faces as a
mechanism by which to transfer technology.
Key Topics: Area - General; Government Policy;
Stratification; Technology Transfer.

149

406a.Mackel, C.
1979 Contracting for Fat Cattle. Economic Report No. 131.
North of Scotland College of Agriculture.
This regional study is based on
survey of 100 beef farmers in
a the north east of Scotland. The study was funded by the Central
Council for Agricultural and Horticultural Cooperation, which was
particularly concerned about the level of commitment that farer
members felt toward their marketing cooperatives. After a brief
review of recent developments in food marketing and their likely
impact on meat marketing and contract sales, part two presents
the results of the survey, and part three the conclusions.
The survey shows that the majority of farmers sold less than 20
cattle a month and there
were considerable fluctuations in sales.
Those selling less than 300 head
year would find it difficult
a to deliver regular batches on a contract Areement (at present
most animals are auctioned). Larger farr., rs were more ready to
consider change and about 60 percent of farmers had satisfactory
experience of marketing other farm products under contract.
Some
62 percent were members of meat marketing cooperatives, h-ut most
regarded them in the same way as any other commercial marketing
enterprise.
Recommendations suggest how cooperatives could provide the medium
for evening out supply and for exchange of information between
buyer and producer.
-CAB
Analysis: This detailed case study of CF "armers provides the
kind of data collection and analysis generally lacking in
literature on CF in developing countries.
It is interesting to
compare the author's treatment of a cooperative as a medium
between buyer and producer with the treatment of intermediaries
associated with LDC schemes.
In the latter case, the role of
intermediaries is often seen as
vehicle to enforce firm a centered standards of production rather than as a "medium"
between firm and farmer. Kauffman (1984), writing on hog
contracting in the U.S.,
also treats the contract farmer as an
equal participant in the vertical linkage of production and
distribution. Cf. also analysis under Butterwick (1975).
Key Topics: Area: Scotland; Commodity - Cattle;
Case
Studies; Intermediaries..

150

406b.Mackel, C.
1980 Is Contracting for Fat Cattle Desirable or Even
Possible? IN: Farm Management Review (Aberdeen:
North of Scotland College of Agriculture) 13:25-31.
Two major aspects of problems of fat cattle contracting are
examined: (1)
the forces of change in the beef marketing chain
that might indicate the need for contracts. (2) farmers'
attitudes toward the contract selling of fat cattle, and the
feasibility of this formalized type of marketing on the typical
farm.
The first question was tackled by an examination of trends
in the food industry in general, and the meat sector in
particular. The second was approached through a survey of 100
beef producers in the north east of Scotland.
The survey results are summarized under four headings: market
outlets, the ability to meet contractual requirements, attitude
to change, and existing contracts. It appears that (a) any
contract would have to be seen to be paying a competitive price;
(b) cash flow delays would have to be kept to a minimum; (c) many
farms, particularly those selling less than 300 cattle per year
(73 percent of the sample) would have extreme difficulty in
making delivery of specified numbers of cattle toward particular
market outlets; (d) and conditions more/less favorable to
contracting are apparently not
going to develop inducement to
change;
(e) forward pricing is also important, particularly for
small producers; (f) of those already involved in farm produce
contracting, the main areas of mistrust were concerned with
pricing and grades. The larger enterprises are more open to the
possibility of contracting. Only one interviewee was already
contracting for fat cattle, and he sold 5000-1000 cattle per
year.
-CAB
Analysis: A further elaboration of the author's earlier survey of
beef farmers in Scotland. See Mackel (1979) and related
Analysis.
Key Topics: Area - Scotland; Case Studies; Commodity
Cattle.

151

413.Maganya, E.N.
1985 Tanzania Country Paper on Contract Farming and Smallholder
Outgrower Schemes. A paper presented to a Workshop on
IDRC
proposed research projects on contract farming and
smallholder outgrower schemes in East and Central Africa,
November 27-30. Nairobi, Kenya. Mimeo. [IDA]
General Background: Contract farming in Tanzania is examined with
reference to tea and sugarcane production in the context of
changing state policy since independence in 1961. Because of
state involvement in household production, the definition of
contract farming should, it is argued, be local-level state
agencies and farmers.
Evolution of state policy as it relates to CF: Three phases since
1961 can be identified:
1. Improvement and transformation: (1961-1966). A dual
agricultural policy, in which "transformation" entailed
establishing settlement schemes for producing specific cash crops
-- tobacco being one of the most important. All were abandoned
by
1966 except for the tobacco settlement schemes. "Improvement"
entailed a continuation of the colonial policy of consolidating
the cash-crop production of rich peasants, from whom the benefits
were to "trickle down" to the less advantaged.
2. Socialism and rural development (1967-1969). During
this period the voluntary formation of communal villages was
encouraged. This was tried because the policies of Stage I did
not appear to be working. But the experiment did not take off,
and in 1969 the first signs of food shortages appeared, in
addition to the emergence of a foreign exchange crisis. These
events precipitated Stage III:
3. Villagization: (1973 - present) Both state intervention
and joint ventures after 1:39 show a preference for large-scale
farming over smallholders and outgrowers. In 1976 intermediary
cooperatives were disbanded and the state took direct control of
production and distribution through state-owned crop authorities.
This both stifled peasant initiative and increased overhead
associated with running the institutions, thus lowering producer
prices, which further discouraged increased production.
4. Post 1980 changes: (1) Rural-based administrative and
marketing institutions are being restored. (2) There is an
increasing emphasis on smallholder agriculture; for successful
local-level farming activities, it is important that these rural nased institutions and smallholders have a certain degree of
autonomy and independence; (3) The 1983 agricultural policy
emphasizes smallholder production and encourages a change in land

152

413.Maganya, E.N.
1985
tenure practices, away from "socialist" policy (in 1963, the
state nationalized nearly all land)
to a system whereby village
governments would have 99-year leases and would themselves have
the authority to sublease to a peasant for not less than 33 or
more than 99 years.
Stable land ownership is necessary, the
author points out, if stable contractual agreements associated
with contract farming are to be established.
Tea production:
Tea was an estate crop into the late 1960s. In
1965 the Tanzania Tea Authority was formed -- a government
institution that would coordinate smallholder, contracted tea
production and processing. In 1983/84 private tea estates
accountea for 70 percent of the production and TTA for the
remainder.
TTA owns six factories for processing contracted tea.
The country's smallholder production has been dwindling since
1978/79.
Sugar cane production: Outgrowing is a recent phenomenon in sugar
cane, eccounting in 1984 for 15-25 percent of total
cane
production. Between 1965-1969/70 there was a rapid increase in
contract farming, followed by a decrease, possibly because (1)
most owners were absentee landlords employing wage labor; (2)
labor supply was intermittent
-- locals in tea growing areas were
not interested in the wage labor, and thereore growers had to
rely on migrant laborers. Mitibwa outgrower scheme, started by a
Greek in 1953, eventually was bought by the Madvan Group in 1967,
which initiated formal
production contracts with the outgrowers.
This scheme regulated planting, weeding, and delivary of sugar
cane, and provided outgrowers with services such
as can
transport.
Reliable labor supply in this labor-intensive crop is
a problem, and state-outgrower relations have not been good.
The
Kilombero Sugar Estate expansion program, possibly recognizing
problems of labor-intensity associated with the crop, began in
1978 to offer a variety of incentives to their outgrowers
including (1) soil-field survey; (2) land clearing-ploughing; (3)
organizing the supply of productive units;
(4) drawing up annual
planting programs; (5) organizing cane harvesting for growers
unable to conduct operations themselves; (6) maintaining
outgrowers' transportation roads; (7) organizing repairs and
maintenance of outgrowers' machine
ry; (8) organizing interest-free loans to perform operations such
as weeding.
Tobacco production:
Tobacco farming associated with the
settlement schemes was set up by BAT Tanzania Ltd.
(British
American Tobacco). The administration was taken over
by state
cooperatives and the Tanzanian Tobacco Board, which was formed at
the time. Production has been very tightly controlled by the

153

413.Maganya, E.N.
1985
cooperatives, and while there are no contracts with the growers,
the arrangement is structurally similar to the sugar cane and tea
outgrowing schemes and therefore should be included in
any future
studies.
Field research focus: The following aspects of contract farming
will be examined in the IDRC-supported field work:
1. Technology transfer;
2. Risk allocation;
3. Peasant differentiation and marginalization;
4. Outgrower-state relations and the role of various
instruments of the state in enhancing or retarding
contract farming schemes.

Analysis: This paper is really an exploratory overview of

contract farming in Tanzania, in preparation for future, detailed
studies of several outgrower schemes. The discussion of changing
state policy since independence is useful in understanding the
place of both individual producers and outgrower schemes in this
larger arena. Whiie the importance of state policy in defining
many aspects of the operating parameters of both farmers and
firms is often mentioned as being important (as Lele; 1984),
this
is the only article really to document how state policy
formulations have impacted,
over time, on both farmers and firms.
It is hoped that the author's proposed study of contract farming
will continue to relate the study-schemes to state policy
contraints and incentives. The inclusion in the CF study of
tobacco production controlled by means of state cooperatives at
the local level -- on the basis that it is structurally similar
to actual CF schemes -- is important. Only by comparing such
schemes to "real" contracting schemes can diffc -ences and
similarities be both documented and analyzed.

Key Topics: Area - Tanzania; Commodity - Sugar, Tea, Tobacco;

Development; Government Policy; Methodologies.

154

428a.McPherson, M. Peter
1983 Going Private at the Agency for International Develop ment.
In Directors and Boards 8(1):24-27. [USAID]
The Agency for International Development (AID), which administers
most of the foreign aid programs of the US government, has been
viewed as an international welfare program. Actually, the US
economy is helped by the promotion of economic growth abroad.
AID has had considerable successes with
new programs geared for
business development in Third World countries.
Its Bureau for
Private Enterprise exemplifies the significant policy and program
changen taking place in US foreign-aid assistance. The bureau is
a small, business-oriented unit that acts
as a laboratory for
innovative private enterprise ideas.

The agribusiness sector is a major area

of specialization. The
major impediments to
local business growth in the less developed

countries are government policies, capital markets, lack of

skills, and a need for modern technology. AID is looking toward
a coordinated approach with greater private-sector involvement,
greater emphasis on technical assistance and institutional
development, and more careful targeting of
resources to continue
helping Third World countries.
ABI-I

Analysis: This statement by the Director of USAID on

the growing
interest in, and support of,
private sector projects as a
development tool can be compared with Barovlck (1982) on the same
topic, Freeman and Karen (1982) on the positive role the private
sector could have in development, and Williams and Karen
(1985)
on specific, pro-agribusiness case studies relating to
development.
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Private
Enterprise; Policy Issues (Donor, Lender).

155

434.Menegay, M.R.
1985 Improving the Performance of Procurement Systems for Fruit
and Vegetable Processors in Thailand: A Case Study of Up-
Country Picklers and Canneries. Ph.D. Dissertation.
Department of Agricultural Economics, Michigan State Uni versity.
Although the small-scale picklers in Thailand do not contract for
the production of their raw materials, the fruit and vegetable
canneries generally do.
Five case studies of canneries are
provided, all of wnich contract production. The author draws
lessons from the experience of three relatively successful firms,
one facing severe financial difficulties, and one large effort
that failed disastrously. One of the main lessons is the need
for the processing firms to deal with farmers through
"promoters." The successful cases involved plants that purchased
raw materials through a commissioned production organizer who is
trained in the quality standards but who takes responsibility for
organizing and scheduling production, providing credit, and
getting the produce to the plaitt at harvest time. This activity
requires a good knowledge of local conditions and farmer
constraints, making it more appropriate for a local vegetable
trader or grower than for university-trained agriculturalists.

- N.M.

Key Topics: Area: S.E. Asia;

Case Studies; Commodity: Fruit,
Vegetables; Intermediaries; Management.

156

439.Micou, Ann McKinstry

1985 The Invisible Hand at Work in Developing Countries. Across the Board (March) :8-15. [HBS/IDA]

In

The author argues that (1) agribusiness has an important role to

play in the development of the Third World and
(2) agribusiness
needs to quit its defensive posture and begin to show how it has
benefited national economies and local development in many
countries, "...attempting to demonstrate that business is not
quite the ogre that it is portrayed." A variety of examples are
given to demonstrate how TNCs have assisted development and how
the interests of firms and local development are not necessarily
at odds as some critics
-- such as Ralph Nader -- claim.
On the contrary, companies see their own self interest as
inseparable from the needs of the country in which they operate;
"enlightened self interest,"
as the Chairman of the Bank of
America puts it.
TNCs should begin to compile and publish their
developmental activities, just
as annual financial reports are
published. Southern Peru Copper Corporation is an example of one
country company that has done this, publishing a ten-year summary
of contributions to the Peruvian economy, which provides annual
breakdowns of specific contributions (investment in Peru from
1970-79 amounted to $974m.).
Benefits of TNC involvement include: (1) Developing human
resources through employment; (2) Strengthening the knowledge
base through research and development and the transfer of
technology;
(3) Raising the standard of living by creating wealth
and encouraging local industry; (4) Enhancing the quality of

life. TNCs need to find ways "...to

identify with the major economic and social goals of their host
country." More data on socioeconomic impact needs to collected
in order to help demonstrate the positive effects of big
business.

show they are able to

Analysis: The benevolent view of agribusiness, stressing the

commonality of social and economic goals among the firm, its host
country, and nationals working with the firm,
can be compared
with the opposite view of TNCs expressed by Collins and Lappe
(1977) and Mulas (1981). An intermediate approach to the impact
of big business on LDC development is given by Voll (1980), who
suggests that LDCs must select very carefully the firm(s), in
terms of their own
development priorities and constraints. This
pro-TNC article shares the same
problems of analysis as Collins
and Lappe's anti-TNC article (1977), in that little by way of
contextualized understanding is presented.
Examples to support
each position are pulled out of a larger, quite complex
socioecononic fabric, which is neither as
"black" nor "white" as
those opposing protagonists would have their readers believe.
157

439.Micou, Ann McKinstry

1985 See also Glover (1984), who makes a similar criticism of the Food
First approach.
Key Topics: Area - General; Development

158

441.Mighelle, R. and Hoofnagle

1972
Contract Production and Vertical Integration in Farming,
1960 and 1970. ERS No. 479. Washington, D.C. USDA.
Discusses the patterns of
contract production and vertically
integrated production in the United States and how they have
changed over
the 1960s. "Vertical integration" is defined
as
combining vertical stages (e.g., farming and processing) in the
same firm. "Vertical coordination" refers to various mechanisms
for coordinating stages including integration, contract
production, and simple price coordination.
According to estimates provided, in 1970 contract farming
i:ccounted for
over 80 percent of the production of vegetables for
V, ocessing, sugarbeets, seed crops, poultry, and fluid-grade
'ilk, and
over 40 percent of potatoes, citrus fruits, sugarcane,
and turkeys.
On the other hand, contract production is quite
uncommon for grains, hay and forage, cotton, tobacco, oil seeds,
and hogs. Overall, it accounts for 17.2 percent of crop
production and 31.4 of livestock production. In general, the
proportion of output produced under contract has been stable or
risen slightly for most crops and livestock.

N.M.

Key Topics:
Area: U.S.; Food Crops; Management.

159

442.Millman, J.
1980 Sheep by Contract. In: Big Farm Management November:29-30. [WB]

(UK)

This brief article touches on several situations where sheep

could be introduced on a contract basis to provide a part-time
sheep enterprise that would efficiently use surplus grass and/or
provide organic fartilizer. A sheep enterprise does appear
to
lend itself to a contract or cooperative system, especially in
congregations of farms where available grassland in each does not
Justify a permanent flock of sheep. A high degree of cooperation
and local knowledge is thought to be essential.
-CAB

Analysis: The place of animal protein contracting in the west has

been more systematically treated than similar schemes in
developing countries. See Kauffman (1984) on hog contracting
possibilities in the States, Mackel
(1979; 1980), on Cattle in
Scotland, Lance (1978, 1981, 1983), on poultry in the U.S., and
Rogers (1980), also on poultry in America. By contrast, such
articles on animal protein contracting in LDCs, suci as those by
Freivalds (1985), on poultry contracting in Jamaica, and by
Thosanguan (1983), on poultry contracting in Thailand, are quite
general and are wri4 'en largely from the point of view of the
firm rather than that of the producer. See Analyses under Lance
(1983) for a further discussion of this issue.
Key Topics: Area - Engla.d; Commodity - Sheep.

160

444.Mittendorf, H.J.
1978
Vertical Coordination of Agricultural Marketing Systems
in Developing Countries: Some Empirical Observations.
FAO Working Paper. Rome:
FAO. Mimeo. EUSAID/IDA]
General Background:
An overview of marketing structures focusing
on export and internal marketing arrangements with attention paid
both to
(a) private and government channels and (b) differences
in vertical coordination of production marketing in relation to
both commodity type and firm organization.

Vertical coordination: is
taken to mean "...all

harmonizing and synchronizing the interlinkage of vertical stages

of the food production-distribution process."
It has as its main
objectives, first, facilitating adjustments of supplies to
demands in association with reducing market risk and uncertainty,
and second, minimizing the costs of product flow from the farmer
to the consumer. These goals
can be achieved through: (1)
Optimal information flow among all participants in the
production-marketing chain;
(2) Standardizing product quality,
packaging, and transaction procedures; (3) Establishing stable
techniques for cooperation among marketing partners;
(4)
openness to innovation for improvements to the production marketing system
in order to increase its efficiency; (5)
Coordinating government marketing policies, rules, regulations
and services in order to promote vertical coordination. Vertical
coordination can be effected through either
opon-market nn price
directed system, an administratively regulated system
or a
combination of both,
and therefore the principals are equally
valid in a capitalist, socialist,
or mixed economy. Necessary
incentives in order to achieve optimum performance include
managerial skills and a well-coordinated system.
Vertical integration: entails the same aims as
vertical
coordination. The difference lies in the method by which
different stages
are linked. In vertical integration, two or
more stages of the chain
are contained within one
unit under the
same management, such as wholesaling and retailing or producing
and processing.
Vertical contracts:
is a form of vertical coordination and
describes the process of
contract production as, for example,
contract farming of a crop or
contract management of a scheme.
I. Export Marketing:
separation between (1) multinational A and
private sector and (2) government-sponsored cooperatives and
schemes can be made:

ways of

161

444.MittendorT, H.J.
1978
1. Multinational and private sector firms: There are two
types. The first type includes the integrated production and
processing and marketing systems typified by plantation schemes
(coffee, tea, rubber, palm oil, sugar, bananas). Examples of
other kinds of commodities include the DCK Production Kenya,
Ltd., which specializes in cut flowers, and the Del Monte Canning
Company in Kenya, which specializes in pineapples. The second
type of multinational private-sector firm focuses on smallholder
production-export marketing schemes. These are
different from
the plantation-type in
that here the small farmer is directly
assisted in agricultural development. The greatest problem with
this system is finding the most suitable coordinator-integrator
who has the necessary technology and managerial skills together
with small farmer support. The two most successful forms of
smallholder production-export marketing schemes include: (1)
Smallholder outgrower schemes associated with established
exporters (BUD Senegal's vegetable outgrower scheme: DCK Kenya's
cut flower scheme; some banana cooperatives). The export conpany
with which the outgrowers are associated plans production
according to market requirements, provides technical assistance
and necessary !mports, and controls quality and packaging. (2)
Processinqn-cLented schemes in which the product must be
processed before being exported (tea in Kenya and Ruwanda, Palm
oil in Malasia, tobacco and cotton in various countries). In
both cases, management skill and technical know how
-- translated
to the level of the farmers' activities by means of extension
-are critical in successfully integrating smallholders into the
production-processing-distribution chain.
The costs of
effectively training farmers may be too high to
justify a scheme,
and this factor may be neglected in the feasibility studies.
2. Government sponsored export schemes: These include
export marketing boards and cases in which the state also
intervenes in pricing policy or export of the crop. Export
promoting and regulating boards provide key market information,
control standardized grades, packaging, and export promotion, and
they promote innovation in production and marketing. The biggest
problems in Africa associated with this form of management
include the shortage of s:illed management, undue political
influences, undue overhead costs, insufficient services, and not
enough marketing outlets.
II. Internal Marketing: The following constraints affect
vertical coordination of internal markets:
(1) Lack of physical
infrastructure, including feeder roads, storage, communication
Tacilities; (2) Lack of market information and training
services; (3) Intervention of the government in food pricing in
the cities to fight inflation; (4) Coordination among different
agencies involved is often cumbersome -- as between Ministries of
162

444.Mittendorf, H.J.
1978
Agriculture and Trade; (5)
Government interventions in local
marketing systems -- especially with respect to
grain and
fertilizer.
There are three kinds of internal marketing:
1. Government-sponsored sche.es such
as grain-price
stabilization schemes associated with marketing boards.
Here,
the main problems of vertical coordination are associated with
the kind of government intervention: Whether competitive, where
government intervenes only when the pri'-e goes below a certain
level, or whether a monopoly cereals-marketing board, buy'ing
and
selling at set producer and consumer prices.
2. Fertilizer marketing schemes: Generally fertilizer
import and sale are government controlled in LDCs. Although
vertical integration could be facilitated, mcny suffer from poor
management, inadequate incentives, and so forth.
3. Marketing perishable foods: Vertical coordination can be
facilitated by improving marketing mechanisms at both assembly
markets in
rural areas, and at wholesale and retail markets in
urban areas. Both are main transfer points.
Also, by improving
pricing conditions through promoting standard weight, measures,
quality standards, better market information, and by enforcing
rules and regulations. And finally, by working toward
minimum
a package of support services for the producer by coordinating
marketing, inputs, credit, and extension.
The key issue in promoting all vertical find the right coordinator or integrator who managerial skill and marketing organization, relation to cooperatives --
which have often research and training needs to be focused
on
that service both small-scale farmecrs
and

coordination is to
will have necessary
especially in
failed. More
marketing systems

expanding number of low income producers."

"...the rapidly

Analysis:
This excellent overview of vertical coordination
provides a well ordered typology for different forms of
production and firm organization (private/state;
smallholder/Plantation or
TNC), including several forms of
contract farming. In all cases, key factors for success are
related to "good management and a well-coordinated system." By
focusing on vertical coordination as a paradigm by which
production and distribution can be explained, the author
elegantly transcends domestic production and related systems of
exchange.
While this elegance allows one to contemplate and
understand the system without these "lower-order" interferences,
by so doing the producer's perspective and own production and
163

444.Mittendorf, H.J.
1978
marketing rationale are also removed from consideration;
marginalized; logically subordinated to the well-integrated,
vertical system. This aptly illustrates a major difference in
approaches between the discipline of agri-economics and agri business on
the one hand, and social science perspectives, which
are concerned with "lower-order" units of production and
distribution, on the other (domestic production and periodic or
long-distance markets, for example)
-- between small-producer
strategies where market logic is imbedded in domestic relations
of production, and large, agribusiness strategies, where market
logic is imbedded in vertically-integrated systems.
There is an inherent, structural opposition between the
logic of these two
"systems" of production and distribution.
Just how much
room there is for overlap -- for negotiating mixed
strategies that combine domestic and capital-intensive systems of
producLion and distribution -- seems to be a moot question at
this point.
Consider the American "family farm": can it
continue, as a dome tic-based unit of production, in the face of
systems-based agribusiness? Perhaps it is in some gray area
between the two paradigms that a compromise of sorts will be
worked out; a strategy to humanistically associate domestically organized smallholders (including American farm families) with
agribusiness. Or perhaps both LDC smallholders and (authentic)
American family farms will be utterly subordinated to the logic
of vertically coordinated systems, whereby the human factor will
ultimately be rendered into
(mere) factors of production.
This article can be contrasted with discussions of domestic
production by Fleuret (1984),
also with Versel's discussion of
marketing channels in Niger (1984).
For a blow-by-blow account of
what goes wrong when the production-marketing chain is not well
coordinated, see Austin and Ross (1972). For an example of a

firm that "grew with the times" ---

management contracts -- see Dew

(1978). For other typologies of
production-distribution systems, see Goldsmith (1985) and Glover
(1985), and also Vergopoules (1985) who places the agribusiness
systems-approach in a larger,
more complex historical framework.
Key Topics: Area -General; Government Policy; Marketing.

from plantation production to

164

450.Moghadam, F.E.
1985 An Evaluation of the Productive Performance of Agri business:
An Iranian Case Study. In: Economic
Development. and Cultural Change 33(4):755-776.
The paper compares the productivity of four agribusinesses and
five villages in Iran.
It examines both the purely technical
input-output relations and the impact of the social organizations
of production on output and efficiency.
The agribusinesses were inefficient both in
terms of their own
productive potential and relative to the productive performance
of the farms in the five village case studies. It is
demonstrated that material resources were
not the limiting
factors.
The model presented suggests that differences in the
farms
were responsible for the differences in productivity. It
is hypothesized that, given the existing socioeconomic and
historical conditions in Iran, corporate management and wage
labor in agriculture would be
likely to produce inefficiencies.
In addition, the bulk of the labor force in the companies
consisted of the original peasant holders of the areas, who had
been forced to sell their lands and become wage laborers. It is
also hypothesized that forced depeasantization is likely to
produce further inefficiencies, that the specific resource
allocation policies in Iran were wasteful, and that a more
favorable approach toward the traditional sector would probably
have resulted in significantly higher growth rates.
The findings imply that large-scale corporate-managed
agricultural systems in underdeveloped countries are likely to
produce resource waste.
-CAB
Analysis: This case study of the failure of agribusiness in Iran
can be instructively compared with the pro-agribusiness arguments
presented, for example, by Freeman and Karen
(1982). It offers
an excellent example of why detailed case studies of the
interactions of agribusiness schemes with host country
socioeconomic processes are necessary in order to begin to
understand the reasons for scheme difficulties. Over-focusing
on scheme management to the exclusion of these larger, contextual
issues is a general problem associated with both pro agribusiness and technological literature on
CF, as discussed in
the introductory essay to this document.
Key Topics:
Area - Iran; Case Studie-; Management; Economy; Stratification.
Political

165

452.Molnar, J.J. and H.A. Clonts (eds)

1983 Transferring Food Production Technology to Developing
Nations: Economic and Social Dimensions. Boulder,
Colorado: Westview Press
The book explores the social, economic, and policy problems
associated with introducing new agricultural and aquacultural
technology to developing nations as a means of expanding food
supplies and increasing well-being. It examines three general
facets of planning for technology transfer and considers
methodologies that enable effective integration of social and
economic factors.
The first section covers problems of planning at the national and
regional level, emphasizing methods and models for macro planning
under conditions when resources are limited. Two subsequent
sections, focusing on technology transfer process, cover a broad
range of topics, among them production and marketing decisions by
small farmers, conflicting objectives of planners and producers,
limitations of resource allocation within the production unit,
and strategies for training extension workers, researchers, and
project planners.
-CAB
Analysis: The role of CF as a vehicle for technology transfer is
often brought up as a positive element associated with this form
of agribusiness. However, as pointed out by Goldsmith (1985),
such application appears to be limited. Specific problems
associated with technology are reviewed in a case study on Kenya
(Freeman 1985). Alleged negative or positive impacts of
technology transfer associated with the Green Revolution in Asia
on socioeconomic conditions at the local level
are argued in the
negative by Johl (1975) and Chaudhry (1982), and in the positive
by Wills (1972).
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Technology
Transfer.

166

457.Morrissy, J.D.

1974 Agricultural Modernization through Production Contracting:

The Role of the Fruit and Vegetable Processor in Mexico and
Central America. New York: Praeger.

A thorough examination of the operations of fruit and vegetable

producers in Mexico and Central America based on
survey of a 24
of 41 such processors identified by the study.
In the U.S.,
contract production is expanding, covering 17 percent of the
value farm output.
This figure is lorger than 50 percent of for
veget.ibles for processing, citrus fruits, sugarbeets, and seed
crops but only 2 percent for food grains. Contracts are most
useful when "quality, variety, or delivery to plant within hours
of harvest are critical."
The survey shows that contractual arrangements are most extensive
among international frozen vegetable producers and least so among
local canners. This pattern was apparent in the use of
production contracts...International freezers supply seed,
fertilizer, pesticides, herbicides, and containers, while local
canners provide an average of 2.7 percent of
[these commodities].
International firms and freezers also tended to employ larger
numbers, work with
larger farmers, and be more specialized in
their product mix.
With regard to export patterns, all frozen
vegetable firms export while only
some canners do.
Interestingly, it is the local
canners who export. Furthermore,
most firms export either 95-100 percent of their output or less
than 5 percent.
The study concludes that contract production can provide small
farmers with access to improved technology, credit, inputs, and
new markets and predicts that contract production will expand to
livestock, cotton, and lumber production. The questionnaire
appears in an annex.

- N.M.

Key Topics:
Area: Central America, Mexico; Commodity: Fruit,
Vegetables; Management.

167

460.Mulas, John
1981 The Politics of a Changing Society: Mumias. Review
of African Political Economy 20:89-107. [IDA]
General Background: The author discusses political and economic
responses of outgrowers to the Mumias sugar scheme in Kenya.
Major points of the article are that: 1. The tightly centralized
administration of the scheme, necessary in order to secure
maximum control over production and therefore high output,
disallows farmers from participating in, or becoming a part of
the scheme. 2. Subsistence production has suffered since the
introduction of the scheme, with large amounts of food
commodities being imported from nearby districts.
Hence, farmers
have become increasingly dependent on sugar revenues. 3. At the
same time, however, the company's monopoly over purchasing cane
crops means that farmers are totally dependent on the scheme. 4.
Lack of real barqaining power by farmers had led to various
threats by farmers and by government officials speaking on their
behalf. 5. A land market has developed in the area only since
the introduction of the scheme.
Labor: In a sample of 160 outgrowers studied by the author, 46
percent used both family and hired labor, 20 percent used only
family labor, and 36 percent used only hired labor. Those
depending on hired labor primarily have non-farming jobs. There
also exists a group of workers who hire themselves out on
contract. In 1979 the scheme employed 4500 unskilled workers,
300 of which were permanent.

Analysis: A lengthy discussion of local politics, which details

the attempts by different political contenders to gain the
support of the growers, does not enhance the article's major
focus, namely, the political and economic situation of the
outgrowers themselves. While this is one of the few "anti contract farming" pieces that systematically uses empirical data,
it is not always clear that data are taken from Barclay's work
(1977), which data are the result of the author's field work, and
which data are the result of more general knowledge. The
analysis is not worked out in as much detail as it could be,
given the author's own collection of primary eata, and in this
respect it is similar to Buch-Hansen and Kieler's article on the

same scheme (1983 -compare "Analysis").

The author's conclusions disagree with those of Buch-Hansen and

Kieler (1983) in several areas, most importantly with respect to
deletericus project impact on both overall local food security
and firm monopoly of both management and marketing activities
whereby outgrowers are marginalized from these processes. This
is the only article to mention a group of locals who "hire
themselves out on contract." This is an interesting development
168

460.Mulas
1981 and it is unfortunate that the author does not go into more
detail:
Does he mean a specific category of contract labor? See
"Analysis" under Daddieh (n.d.2).
Barclay (1977) talks about
casual labor being employed by the nucleus estate of Mumias, but
not about the emergence of formal labor contracting relations.
See Clarke (1974 - not annotated) for an excellent historical
analysis of the relation between contract labor and large-scale
commercial farming in pre-independent countries of southern
Africa, focusing on the Rhodesias.

Key Topics: Area

Kenya; Case Studies; Commodity - Sugar;

Food Crops; Management; Methodology; Political

Economy.

169

485. 1981

'Nyong'o, P. Anyang
The Development of a Middle Peasantry in Nyanza in
Review of African Political Economy 20:108-124.

The uneven development of agrarian capitalism in Kenya is

examined in the sugar-producing area of Nyanza, where it is
argued that consolidation and expansion of a mid-peasantry that
is aligned with the interests of international capital has not
(as some have suggested) taken place. Instead, capital
accumulation and expansion has been associated with an
alliance
of urban-besed merchant capital and simple commodity producers,
initially forged in opposition to land consolidation procedures
initiated in the 1950s.
ln Kikuyu country, land consolidation has accelerated the process
of increased commodity production by households and therefore
facilitated the emergence of
strong middle peasantry. At the
a same time land consolidation was taking place the state set up
extension and credit services for the "new" individual land owner
and removed the ban on
growing tea and coffee, thereby providing
the inputs and productive means necessary for both subsistence
and cash production.
Nyanza land, by contrast, was associated with several
developments leading to a quite different emergence of capital
growth: (1) Settlement schemes established for squatters near
the newly established sugar schemes required that each squatter
pay Ksh. 800 in order to settle. Few "squatters" had such money,
and it is estimated that the majority who acquired land at the
time were in fact members of the urban and rural professional and
bureaucratic middle class. (2)
Overall, ownership of land did
not lead to better use of land, as anticipated by the colonial
government. Sugar crops were being grown in place of food crops,
and the length of time needed to harvest sugar affected the
possibility of shifting cultivation. (3) Where land parcels
were too small a few owners tended to sell, but this did not lead
to land accumulation by a mid or rich peasantry, since the real
economic base of the land-buying class was urban rather than
rural; these were "gentlemen farmers." (4) Landlessness among
offspring has increased since there is insufficient land to be
inherited.
Instead of
an expansion of commodity production associated with
sugar cane, leading to the growth of a rich, middle peasantry, it
seems there has been an ossifCication of small, poor peasants in
both the high)y commodicized sugar-belt sector and the former
subsistence sector. The settlement schemes in the
area have been
a mechanism for the civil servant and middle classes expansion by
means of property ownership typified by land owners who bring in
hired labor for their cash crops and thereby subsidize their own
wages and class position. They are not a middle peasantry, for
170

485. 1981

'Nyong'o, P. Anyang

they do not rely on farm production in order to reproduce their

family, nor is their farm labor primarily family labor -- both of
which are necessary characteristics of a middle peasantry. The
evolution of a real,
autonomous middle peasantry, as bearers of
capital expansion in Nyanza, has been blocked.

Analysis: The description and analysis of the effects of land

conaoiidation in the 1950s, in association with the introduction
of sugar production, provides an important historical context for
the broader processes possibly underlying contract farming in the
Mumias Scheme, which lies to the north.
The author's argument
that a "real" middle peasantry has not emerged can be contrasted
with the conclusions of Barclay (1977) and Buch-Hansen and
Marcussen (1982),
both of whom suggest the emergence of a mid peasantry, but do not submit the data to as tight an
historically-based analysis in detailing the kind of mid peasantry that has emerged.
The brief discussion detailing the
unintended effects of land consolidation on both cash and food
crop production is very good and provides a glimpse of Just how
difficult it may be to separate out the impact of sugar
production from the impact; of (e.g.,)
land consolidation or wage
labor on processes of class iormation/socioeconomic
differentiation. For an agribusiness disuussion of Mumias sugar
scheme, which includes some detail on the outgrowers, see Scott
(1982).
Key Topics:
Area - Kenya; Case Studies; Colonization;
Commodity
Sugar; Food Crops; Labor; Markets
- Merchants; Political Economy;

Stratification

171

493.Oculi, Okello
1984 Multinationals in Nigerian Agriculture in the
1980s. In Review of African Political Economy
31 (87-91). [IDA]
This essay criticizes joint-venture activities in Nigerian
agriculture, arguing that the American investors (International
Harvester Beatrice Foods, and Top Foods, among the largest)
retain control of the necessary technology and financial
management, while at the same time creating a new social category
of businessmen, civil servants, and military and rural elite
-- a
non-agricultural elite class that cooperates with TNCs as
co partners in food production. It is argued that self-sustained,
agroindustrial economic growth cannot be achieved through such
joint-vcnture activities, since the industrial link with
agriculture continues to be controlled by TNCs. On the contrary,
these activities serve to facilitate control from the outside
over indigenous production and related economic activities.

Analysis: It is difficult to determine the strength of the

author's argument, given the brevity of the article and related
brevity of systematic examples. To substantiate the argument, a
more detailed case study approach would be necessary.
Key Topics: Area - Nigeria; Management; Methodologies;
Political Economy; Stratification; Technology
Transfer.

172

500.Oriaku, Ebere Agwu

1985
Evaluation of Large Scale Irrigation and its Linkage to
Food Sufficiency in Nigeria.
Ph.D. Dissertation.
Washington, DC: Howard University. [IDA]
The search for an appropriate solution to the food problems in
Africa has dominated development policies of many African states,
especially Nigeria. Inappropriate use
of technology in
agriculture and poor agricultural output have become inextricably linked in popular and academic analysis so
of Africa's
food problems since the 1970s that the relationship between the
two is taken almost axiomatically as a cause and effect.
This study, by using a social cost-benefit approach based on
financial economic and social variables, has evaluated the
agricultural performance of Nigeria with specific emphasis on
the
role of large-scale irrigation projects as a means of increasing
food output.
The major hypothesis presented is that large-scale irrigation
projects with their technological requirements and capital
intensity have compounded Nigeria's food problem.
The researcher
shows that small-scale irrigation projects are better
alternatives in terms of increasing food output in Nigeria.
He
also disproves the orthodox notion that increases in the use of
technology and large capital investment will increase the output
and the benefit from a project. Finally, he recommends that for
an effective project in Nigeria's agriculture, the smallholder
farmers, who form the bulk of the farm population, should
participate in the planning process.
The use of local resources
should be encouraged instead of the advanced technological
equipments that are
costly and skill intensive.
-DA
Analysis: The conclusions presented here are in general agreement
with those of Wallace (1980, 1981) who also argues that large
scale irrigation projects are
inappropriate mechanisms for local level development.
Wallace's focus is less concerned with cost benefit issues than with socioeconomic impacts of such large
schemes.
The problems incurred in introducing CF into an
irrigation scheme area
in Nigeria are discussed in Development
Altenatives, Inc. (1975b).
Key Topics: Area - Nigeria; Development; Food Crops;
Irrigation; Technology Transfer.

173

514.Payer, C.
1980 The World Bank and the Small Farmer. Review 32(6):30-46.

In: Monthly

It is argued that the World Bank and most other unilateral and
multilateral development agencies
are a major part of the problem
of rural poverty. The real purpose of their policies and
projects is
not the abolition of poverty, but the appropriation
of the land of
poor people to serve the rich markets of North
America, Western Europe, Japan, and the elites of their own
capital cities.
The new wrinkle in this modernization strategy is the
appreciation by international development policy makers that it
may be more efficient to allow small farmers to remain on their
land as supervised, unfree labor, than to run
large farms and
plantations with a hired labor force.
-CAB
Analysis: This anti-Bank, anti-donor argument is elaborated in
a
recent book by the author entitled The World Bank: A Critical
Analysis (1982).
While many of the weaknesses and unanticipated
results of development programs that are discussed here do result
from donor-lender aid programs, the author's attribution of
deliberate causation obscures real processes of evaluation and
debate within these agencies by both staff and consultants
attempting better to understand the complex relationships
involved in project activities. Payer's work should be read in
conjunction with Ayers' book on
the World Bank (1983, not
annotated),
where a more balanced effort is made to understand
Bank involvement in development and poverty-oriented programs
over the past decade. Walton
(1984) also offers a more balanced
treatment of Bank operations.
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Policy Issues (Donor;
Lender); Political Economy.

174

16.Pelosky, Robert J., Jr.

1983 Agribusiness in Africa.
In: Multinational Business
(UK):4:16-26. [WB)
Agribusiness is currently viewed
as one of several factors that
can help sub-Saharan Africa improve its agricultural
productivity. However, it is the only region in the world where
agricultural output per capita fell between 1960 and 1980.
Increasing per capita agricultural output is constrained by many
factors, including excessive government intervention, rapidly
growing populations, and volatile commodity prices.
This analysis examines the interaction of the main actors in
agriculture: (1) the governments and their agencies;
(2) the
agribusiness firm; and
(3) the subsistence or smallholder farmer.
A review of
the interaction between US agricultural programs is
provided, along with an
analysis of the role of agribusiness as
the third party in the agricultural segment of sub-Saharan
Africa.
Policies undertaken in the future must concentrate on
food self-reliant strategies.
The private sector must assume a
leadership role, and the focus must be on the smallholder.
E-ABI-I]
Analysis:
This article provides a good, empirically based
analysis written from an
agribusiness perspective, of the
complexities of agribusiness operation in Africa.
The importance
of agribusiness firms operating as but one of several,
interdependent actors
government, smallholders and firm
--- is
a point not clearly delineated in most of the pro-agribusiness
literature.
Writers in the latter category tend to view
agribusinezs as an operation whose success is based largely upon
securing vertical integration through firm management, with
positive developmental impacts on
both farmer-participants and
the larger society and economy taken as an axiomatic outcome of
successful firm operations. Contextual issues relating to host
country economy, society, politics, and environment are seldom
treated as integral components of the scheme
See Introductory . Essay in this document for a discussion. Key Topics: Area: Africa (General); Food Security; Free
Enterprise; Policy Issues
(Donor; Lender).

175

521.Phillips, T.A.
1965 Nucleus Plantations and Processing Factories: Their
Place in the Developmant of Organized Smallholder
Production.
Tropical Science. Pp. 99-108. (IDRC/
IDA]
General Background:
The author provides a systematic and detailed
description of the organization and operating procedures of the
Commonwealth Development Corporation (CDC) oil
palm nucleus
estate-outgrower schemes. The favorable aspects of outgrower
schemes include: 1. providing the small farmer with the same
level of efficiency as the large estate plantations in a way that
generally is not possible only when working through government
extension services; 2. contracting, which allows small growers to
participate in production, extension, and credit activities in
a
disciplined fashion, resulting in coordination, concentration,
and increased production.
Estate/firm management: Estate functions include:
1. Providing basic throughput for the processing
factory;
2. Providing managerial and agricultural know-how;
3. Arranging the supply of the planting material
for smellholders;
4. Forming the chanoel by which foreign capital can
be brought in;
5. Providing management and labor for the actual
clearing, planting, and bringing to bear of the
snallholder oil palm acreage;
6. Providing some of the finance for the company;
7. Providing various services on
contract to
smallholders, if possible.
Factory: High quality production and extraction rates are
possible only with a factory, although small
hand-presses do
exist, for example, in the area of Mostyn Estates in Malaysia.
Transporting fresh crops is problematic due to sterilization
needs, and therefore it is desirable for smallholders to be
concentrated near the scheme.
Smallholders' relationships to the nucleus estate and factory:
1.
Intermediary:
For large numbers of settlers a Smallholder Control
Authority executive staff is needed to channel finance to
smallholders for developing the lands.
2. Land tenure:
Smallholders can either be tenants or purchasers on CDC lands.
176

521.Phillipz
1965
3. Smallholder agreements: Agreements between the Authority and
the smallholders must be clear to the latter so
that they are
aware of their obligations. Also necessary are agreements
between the :epresentatives and the factory regarding crop
collection, processing, and marketing agreements, all of which
are tied to price agreements.
Government contributions: The government should be able to
provide basic infrastructure and social services. Examples of
various kinds of government support are given from schemes in
Malaysia, Kenya, Malawi, and Swaziland.
The individual holding: The size should correspond to what a
family can manage. On the Mostyn Estates in Sabah, for example,
twelve acres are for oil palms, two acres for food crops, and
one-fourth acre for a house.
There is debate as to whether
houses should be free-standing or grouped together.

Analysis: One of the few articles that details the organizational

aspects of contract farming schemes while also providing a
running commentary on the rationales for the different
administrative components that are outlined.
While more
sensitive to the needs of smallholders than most writers on
scheme administration, the author nevertheless presents an
unquestioned hierarchical approach to the organization of
smallholders, as well as to the organization of the formal
scheme.
For example, the amount of land to be distributed to
families and the organization of living units (whether they
should be separate or in village or settlement groupings) are
decisions apparently based on exigencies of the scheme -- not on
an understanding of, and attempt to accommodate, the preexisting
socioeconomic organizations of the smallholders. This article
can be contrasted with Commonwealth Development Corporation
(1984), Laramee (1975), Scott (1982) and Stubbings (1972), all of
whom discuss firm/outgrower menagement from slightly different
perspectives.

Key Tcics: Area - General, Asia; Commodity - Palm Oil;

Contracts; Government Policy; Management; Participation.

Intermediaries;

177

523.Ping, Ho Kwon
1980 Why Pineapples, Chickens and Bananas Give Much Food for
Thought. In:
ASEAN Business Quarterly (Singapore)
4(3):13-19,49.
Export orientation is applicable to other sectors of the
Association of South East Asian Nations' (ASEAN) economy, in
addition to manufacturing. The luxury-foods export agribusiness
is a logical corollary to the industrialization growth strategy
that has been embraced by ASEAN governments.
There has been a relocation of luxury food transnational
corporations (TNCs) to Asia,
and Japan is the largest importer of
ASEAN food products. Arguments in favor of luxury foods export
include provision of employment for the rural surplus workforce,
earning of foreign exchange, and diversification of the
agricultural base. However, some disadvantages accrue, such
as
increased TNC control
over world marketing and distribution of
luxury consumer food exports, rising domestic food prices due to
scarcity of exported products in
the local market, and dependency
of small farmers on TNCs.
The dimensions and character of the export agribusiness in the
ASEAN region are
illustrated by such diversified areas as: 1. the
pineapple industry in Thailand, 2. the Charoen Phokphand
(business conglomerate) chicken empire in Tha:iland, 3. the
Philippine banana export industry, and 4. the fisheries industry
in Indonesia.
ABI-I
Analysis: A balanced, general discussion of pros and cons of TNC
involvement in food industries in Asia, written by
an insider to
the region and to the food industry. Compare with the more
technocratic piece by Thosanguan (1983).
Key Topics: Area - Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand;
Commodities: Bananas, Fish, Pineapples,
Poultry; Development; Food/Cash Crop Exports.

178

540.Rama, Ruth
1986 Do Transnational Agribusiness Firms encourage the
Agriculture of Developing Countries?
The Mexican
Experience. In: International Social Science
Journal 37(3):331-344. [SUNY-B/IDA]
A case study of
the impact of TNCs in Mexico on food production
and food supplies. The focus is on the collapse of local food
sufficiency in maize and other staple crops, as
TNCs iivolved in
poultry and pig farming encouraged farmers to switch from these
staple crops to producing soya and sorghum for the feed
concentrates needed in these new agribusinesses. In this way,
since the mid-1960s, a major change in Mexico's crop structure

took place whereby

foodstuffs ceased to coincide with the structure of production."

By stressing production of raw materials that are not geared to
Mexico's pre-existing food chains, soya and sorghum competed with
food crops. Further, this negative impact stands to increase
when there is not a direct link between TNC operations and
agriculture -- as in this case.
By also stressing local
consumption of new commodities produced by the TNCs, local
demands stand further to disrupt basic food chain activities,
establishing alongside of them food chains based
on non traditional raw materials that
are not locally produced. TNC induced food chains of this kind tend to have common features:
- Focus on secondary processing of agricultural products (e.g.,
feed concentrates; poultry
not the staple crop, maize);
-- Prices of agricultural products used by the TNC tend to be
subsidized (as sugar and cocoa);
-
TNCs tend to pay more for packaging, product presentation, and
advertising than for agricultural products;
- TNCs use a minimum of agricultural commodities despite their
low cost in the host countries;
- Primary processing takes place by outmoded means;
- Agricultural products are supplied primarily by peasant
farmers, with little land or agricultural inputs.

."..the population's demand for basic

179

540.Rams
1986
There appear to be few examples of where TNCs actually encourage
agriculture directed to food crops for local consumption.
CF is particularly favorable for production by TNCs of primary
products needed for processing. However, this success appears to
be asnociated with increasing economic differentiation, as
schemes support more dynamic and larger farmers who are more
willing to diversify (i.e., take "risk") with new cash crops
-- a
process encouraging differentiation.
The impact of 'NCs, the author concludes, "...will depend on
their strategies (technology policy, supplies policy, etc.)
and
on
the economic policy and conditions in agriculture in the host
country." It is necessary that most countries recognize what the
impact of TNC,: on
local food chains will be -- priority should be
given to TNCs that do not detract from attaining food security
-
-
and that whereas TNC schemes may create modern production of
(e.g.) sugar, they have little impact on food technology. And,
in the case of CF, that although it offers a positive method of
incorporating certain farmers into economies of scale, it also
seems to be associated with increasing socioeconomic dislocation
an
with the sales of lands by the smallest holders to more
successful farmers.

Analysis: An excellent critique of TNC involvement in Mexico,

focusing on costs and gains of TNC operations with respect to
both food crops and socioeconomic differentiation. The author's
demonstration that basic food chains can be disrupted as a result
of TNC operations that stress non-food crops for their inputs,
would be countered by some as possibly a necessary stage of
incorporation into the world economy, and that more
important
than focusing on the disintegration of local food chains is the
creation of export-substitution strategies.
Key Topics: Area - Mexico;
Case Study; Development; Food Crops; Stratification.
Food

542.Rama, Ruth
1985 New Forms of International Investment in Developing
Countries:
The Contract Farming, a Methodological
Approach.
Document presented to the Development
Centre, OECD/IDRC. Ottawa, Canada: International
Development Research Centre.
Mimeo. EIDRC/IDA]
The author provides a checklist of key variables of contract
farming schemes that should be studied:
1. Profile of the foreign investor
2. Profile of the local partner(s)
3. Elements of conflict and common
interest between
partners
4. Criteria influencing the choice made by foreign
investor(s)
5. Previous situation in the region
6. Contract farming versus other forms of supply
7. Characteristics of the contract(s)
8. Impact of contract farming on local agriculture

Each of these variables is in turn broken c'own

into components
and sub-components for study. For example, number two, "Profile
of the local partner(s)":
1. Number of contracted growers
2. Type of partner

- Individual growers
- Cooperatives or associations
- Public agricultural company

3. Legal status of growers

- Proprietors
- Land Reform Law beneficiaries
- Tenant farmers

4. Type of agriculture - define by region (for

example, in Latin America)

- Latifundia
- Large-scale capitalist farming
- Medium-scale capitalist farming

181

542.Rams

1985
- Modern family agriculture
- Traditional peasant agriculture

Analysis: Discussions of topics one, four, six and

seven are
useful for non-agribusiness persons, while discussions of topics
two, three, five, and eight reflect the components of local and
amallholder economic, social, and agrarian organization that are
considered important to study.
The checklist is a good beginning
in developing a more comprehensive methodology for both field and
desk work.
An appendix gives a listing of 23 contract-farming
schemes operating in Latin America during the 1960s and 1970s,
together with references to these schemes in the literature. For
a more comprehensive approach to establishing an
agribusiness,
see Brown (1986). See also Phillips (1965), which is one of the
earliest guides to establishing, by means of nucleus estate outgrower arrangements, contract farming schemes.
Key Topics: Area -
General, South America; Methodologies.

182

545.Raveed, Sion, William Renforth, and Douglas Norvell

1980 Systems Approach to Analyse Agri-Business in Developing
Countries: Central American Example.
In: Journal
of Management (India):10(1):40-46.
Planners have recently re-evaluated the agricultural sector in
Central America. More emphasis is being placed on
the
development of agricultural-based industrial operations that take
advantage of the natural resources and
create linkages between
the urban and rural sectors. Development programs have been
designed to promote the development of agribusiness to provide a
viable domestic food system and a strong export base.
An examination is made of the Central American export-oriented

agribusiness -a key to economic development --

systems approach. The systems approach to agribusiness involves

the institutions and arrangements developed by managers and
government to control the transfers and exchanges from one
component to another within the total complex.
The coordinating
mechanisms that bring the various parts of the system together
are grouped into five areas: (1) ownership forms, (2) marketing
arrangements, (3) financial arrangements, (4) public services and
investments, and (5) transportation activities.
The application
of the systems approach in Central American agribusiness has
already met with some success.
-ABI-I
Analysis: The use of a systems-oriented analysis on export oriented food production offers a tidy analytic methodology - but one that can obscure real relations of production and
distribution operating outside of the capital-intensive economic
sphere, i.e., in the informal .ector.
This kind of over formalized analysis has often created an
incomplete picture of
agribusiness operations in LDCs, as
evidenced by some of the
Harvard Business School's case studies
(see, e.g , Dew 1978). A
good, detailed corrective to such a systemic approach is provided
by Kusterer (1982), who examines the impact of
CF scheme on
a local contracted growers and laborers.
Key Topics : Area -
South America (General); Development;
Food Crops; Policy Issues (Donor; Lender).

by using the

183

564.Rogers, G.B.
1980 The Structure of the Poultry Industry: Contract Grower
Equity, Bargaining Position have Decreased
as Poultry
Unit Sizes have Increased. in: Feedatuffs 52(19):
23ff.
Contract grower equity and bargaining positions in the US poultry
industry are discussed. Market eggs, broiler, and turkey units
are described on the basis of typical farm budgets, and a
"before" and "after" sequence is employed to illustrate the
changes that have occurred in size, functions, investment, and
resource requirements. Contract grower and producer unrest is
attributed to a lack of growth in basic payment rates although
costs are rising.
-CAB
Analysis: A good example of the difference in treating the place
of the contract farmer in the west
-- as opposed to in LDCs. In
the latter case few writers have focused on the active role of
farmers or their own interests and concerns. Kusterer (1982) and
Barclay (1977) are two important exceptions. For a further
discussion of this issue, see Butterwick (1975), Kauffman (1984),
Lance (1978,1981,1983), Mackel (1979,1980), and Rogers (1980),
and associated Analyses.
Key Topics: Area -
United States; Case Study; Commodity -
Poultry; Management; Marketing.

184

568.Roy, E.P.
1972 Contract Farming and Economic Integration. Interstate. [IDA]

Danville, Ill:

Revised edition of 1963 book "Contract Farming," providing a

comprehensive overview of contract farming in the United States.
First, the economic rationale of contract farming is discussed,
including advantages and disadvantages to the farmer, factors
affecting the likelihood of contract farming, and variables that
may be influenced by the establishment of such a system. Then,
several chapters are devoted to the variety of contract farming
arrangements for each agricultural and livestock commodity.
In
general, the greater the frequency of processing and the tighter
the quality requirements, the more likely that production is
contracted.
Toward the end, the elements of a standard
production contract are
provided, and several general principals
of contract farming are listed.

N.M.

Key Topics: Area: U.S.; Management.

185

583.Scott, Brian
1982 Booker Agriculture International, Ltd. Harvard
Business School Case Study No. 1-5798-184 (rev. of
1978 ed.). Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business
School. CIDA]
General Background:
Booker McConnell (Booker Agricultural
International (BAI])
was approached by the Kenya government in
the mid-1960s to design and develop an outgrower sugar scheme
that would address both increasing national needs for sugar and
also community economic development at the local level in the
Mumias region "j" -- an area of underemployment and under use of
land. BAI drew up a project consisting of a 3300 ha nucleus
estate, which would handle:
20 percent of the can requirements,
an
outgrower component in which farmers would be resettled near
the scheme, a central processing factory, and labor-intensive
cane harvesting and transport methods.
BAI's initial caution in
entering the arrangement was in part based on the
lack of
infrastructure in, and remoteness of,
the Mumias area and the
associated possibility of coordination problems with the
outgrower scheme. Nevertheless, Booker agreed to proceed with
the scheme, providing 5 percent of the equity capital and
assuming the role of managing agent. Work began in 1967 with
feasibility and cost-benefit studies that were
completed by 1979.
Operations began in July
1973 and full plant production was
reached by September 1973.
The scheme supplied 45 p-!rcent of
Kenya"s sugar in 1982
Problems -State Policy:

1. BAI had attempted to minimize risks by entering into

partnership with the Kenyan government, thereby sharing common
economic, social, and development goals. The government was to
have constructed scheme housing, in addition to
variety of
a social infrastructural aervices.
These faile: to be initiated
and BAI had to construct the housing itself.
2. Tight control was exercised by the government over both case
and sugar wholesaling. Between 1977-1931 the Mumias Sugar Scheme
(MSC) was forced to subsidize cane farmers' operations because
the state kept prices of sugar and cane constant, in spite of 48
percent inflation and general cost increases in the sugar
industry.
3. Occasional inability of the national sugar commodity systems
to take delivery of sugar forced MSC to shut down operations duo?
to a
lack of their own storage space.
4. Non-contract sugar became an increasing problem, accounting
&or 10.5 percent of factory throughput in 1980. Political and
state pressure demanded that the scheme accept this cane,
even
though it meant that nucleus estate harvesting had to be
186

583.Scott
1982
postponed to accommodate it. BAI was
unable to exert sufficient
influence on other components of the Kenyan sugar industry
commodity system to mitigate these difficulties.

Problems -Outgrowers:

1. None of the farmers had prior cash crop experience -- a risky

fact to BAI.
2. Cane production was organized into blocks in
order to increase
operational efficiency. Individuals were grouped together by the
company into stands of a minimum of fifteen acres.
The land of
the outgrower had to be suitable, as well
as that of his
contiguous neighbors, who had to agree to the arrangement. This
led to favoring certain areas and to the possibility of
increasing social tension and unequal
access to the project.
3. The approximately 1000 families who were displaced to
establish the nucleus estate and factory were not, according to
some critics, adequately supported after their relocation. Cash
compensation to them seems not to have been properly used to
reestablish themselves in the area.
4. Technology for the scheme was not appropriate for individual
smallholder use in non-cane crops.
Some argue that a series of
small, jaggery factories (indigenous sugar cane factories) should
have been built instead of one large one, since these can
be
locally sustained and operated.
5. Concern is expressed ov r the growth of consumption and
economic inequality among the farmers.
6. Firm organization is highly centralized and gives little
freedom to the farmer.
Some argue that he is little more than a
hired hand at MSC.
Inte[-ediaries: Under tue direction of MSC, the Mumias Outgrower
Company was organized in 1975 and funded by CDC to represent
outgrowers, negotiate on their behalf, provide credit, purchase
supplies, borrow, lend, and give guarantees for money in
connection with cane growing, remunerate for services, and pay
out funds for expenses. Some BAI managers privately suggest that
this could be a
vehicle for appropri ate t .chnology transfer for
food crops, especially with the failure of local food production
to respond to increasing demands resulting from increases in
nonfarm employment and associated expansion of money incomes in
the area.
Estate/firm management: Based on
the Mumias experience Bookers
187

583.Scott
1982
had drawn up the following list of criteria considered minimally
necessary for successful nucleus estate-outgrower scheme
operation:
1. Project design must meet political and social as well
as economic objectives of the client/host government.
2. Each technical, agronomic and organizational aspect of
the project must be tested as work progresses.
3. Local farmers and community leaders must be involved in
the project from the start. Pre-project trials are
useful in gaining local acceptance.
4. Close contact must be maintained with all involved
agencies and agreements obtained from each before work
begins on critical stages of project work.
5. Training is critical;
there must be an agreed schedule
for indigenization of the scheme.
G. Host government must be closely, continuously, and
discretely involved in policy formulation: especially
important as regards labor matters.
7. Economic incentives for all participants should be
established when possible.
8. Management team should, if possible, be a cohesive
unit before the scheme starts.
9. Control over outgrowers' performance must be carefully
gauged: too much is destructive and too little results
in failures of crop flow to the factory.
10. An internal or external market for the scheme's
output must exist.
11. Personnel procedures and systems must be thought
through anew for each scheme, although certain basic
models can be used.
Analysis:
An excellent discussion of the problems associated with
both the management and contracting aspects of firm operations.
This agribusiness-oriented article is
one of the few that takes
into account the constraints and perspectives of the outgrowers
when discussing firm management, and in this respect is similar
to the discussions by Brown (1986) and Phillips (1965). The
188

article compliments those of Barclay

583.Scott

(1977), Buch-Hansen and

1982 Heiler (1983), and Mulas (1981) who write about

Mumias primarily from the outgrowers' perspective. As a guide
to setting up nucleus estate-outgrowers schemes, this work should
be contrasted with Brown (1986) and Phillips (1965), as well as
with Laramee (1975), and Stubbings (1972), all of whom discuss
the mechanics of firm organization.
In the Appendix is a series of input-output tables on the firm,
in addition to figures
on numbers of outgrowers, size of nucleus
estate, production figures, and so forth, for the past several
years.
Key Topics: Area - Kenya; Case Studies; Commodity - Sugar;

Intermediaries; Management; Participation; Technology Transfer.

189

594. Shipton, Parker

1985 Land, Credit and Crop Transitions in Kenya:
The Luo
Response to Directed Development in Nyanza province.
Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Anthropology, Cambridge
University.
General background: Tiis dissertation contains a section
on the
British American Tobacco Company's (BAT) scheme in Luoland that
was established in the 1960s following nationalization of BAT's
interests in Tanzania. The company grew tobacco only for the
Kenyan market until 1984, when it began to export, as well.
While tobacco was not a new crop for the Luo, commercial
production of tobacco was new.
Some local opposition to
commercial production was associated with the notion that tobacco
cultivation was an enterprise for the deceased, who were
thought
to follow all transactions conducted by the living where tobacco
was involved, tainting the wealth acquired through it.
However,
demonstrated profitability of the crop over several years both
hastened farmer acceptance and secured at least informal
accommodation by local churches to commercial tobacco production.
The firm: Tobacco production is not
only highly labor-intensive,
but also requires a sophisticated package of inputs together with
"scrupulous adherence to instructions on
the part of farmers" in
order to achieve high yields. In order to achieve these high
yields, BAT initially utilized the government's pre-existing
agricultural extension service.
However, due to lack of careful
follow-through by extensionists, the company took over extension
from the government and established one front-line extensionist

--

for every fifty farmers

African standards."
The agents were given motorcycles, which
instantly transformed them into village notsbles.
They are,
however, closely supervised by BAT, who requires them to visit
each farmer at least once fortnightly and enter remarks into
notebooks which could be checked.
BAT provides all necessary
inputs. Only in-kind loans are given
-- for seeds, pesticides,
and other inputs. Farmer prices are determined by the grade of
tobacco produced; there are considerable pricing differences
between the fifteen grades. Credit is deducted from the price
paid by BAT to the grower. Agents are responsible for estimating
the amount of harvest of every outgrower's field in order to
secure near
100 percent sale of the crop to BAT and to discourage
sales to local merchants, by which strategy the farmers are able
to avoid paying back their credit to BAT. Farmers caught doing
this are publicly disfranchised by BAT -- a strategy that is
apparently successful (for BAT).
The farmers: Tobacco production is both capital and labor
intensive, requiring for the "average" farmer about four times
more capital to plant one-half hectare of tobacco as one-half
hectare of hybrid maize or cotton, and between 2.6 and 4.2 times
more labor per hectare of tobacco. Profits are greater than
190

"...a flood of extension

agents, by

594. Shipton, Parker

1985
nearly every other crop of
the "average" farmer; approximately
2.8 times more than
an "average" maize crop with all recommended
inputs and 4.6 times more than an "average" cotton crop with all
recommended inputs --
enough profit to buy four bulls or cows,
1.1 hectare of good farm land, pay secondary school fees for 1.6
children for one year, or almost finance an iron roof.
While
farmers complain about the high labor and exacting work routines
(seedbed preparation, repeated spraying of pesticides, weekly
prunings, chopping fire wood, weeding, and all-night vigils at
the drying barns) their overall response is enthusiastic.
Socioeconomic impact of the scheme: The production of a
commercially contracted crop over the past 25 years is associated
with the following:
1. Acceptance of tobacco as a legitimate cash crop;
2. Tobacco earnings spent primarily in order to "preserve
part of the wealth as unchallengable male property,"
especially cattle;
3. Associated with (2), men take formal charge of this
cash crop with BAT, including receiving the pay, hence:
4. The Luo
see a changing balance of resource control in
household dynamics:
5. Women are associated primarily with unpaid routine work
such as weeding, and:
6. Both older and younger men are disfavored in the scheme
operation since mid-year males who are strong are
preferred by BAT, and this creates tensions with
respect to the position of elders in the society;
7. Sales on consumer goods favored by men -- especially

beer and prostitutes -- has greatly increased;

8.

Profits are not well distributed among tobacco growers

since payment is based on quality -- the fifteen grade
of tobacco differ by a factor of six, and those with
more resources are able to produce better tobacco;

9. The scheme has created a "powerful new force for

socioeconomic differentiation";
10. Rapid consumption of wood associated with the drying
barns is depleting local resources;

191

594. Shipton, Parker

1985
11. Since BAT entered the world market in 1984, farmers will
become increasingly subject to world-market forces.

Analysis: A good local-level description of both the production

process and the impact of the scheme from the farmers'
perspective, using this local perspective as a major base from
which both to describe and analyze the scheme's impact. It is
refreshing to read this material, because the theory is allowed
to speak through the data, rather than data taking second hand to
the theory, as seems
to be the case in such studies as that of
Buch Hansen and Kieler (1983) Buch Hansen and Marcussen (1982)
and Wallace (1980). Or in studies where the author's
questionnaire agenda seem to have been relied upon to the point
that local context is often obscured, as in Barclay (1977). Of
course, each of these approaches is used for a specific purpose.
The problem of dealing with "averages," discussed by the author,
is treated also by Herald and Hay (1985). Differential project
impact ir outgrowers can be compared with impact studies done by
Barclay (1977), Buch-Hansen and Kieler (1983), Buch-Hansen and
Marcussen (1982), Development Alternatives International (1975a;
1975b), Kusterer (1982, Mulas (1981), and Scott (1982).

Key Topics: Area -

Kenya; Commodity - Tobacco; Extension;

Gender; Labor; Stratification.

192

594a.Shiras, P.
1978 The Political Economy of Smallholder Agriculture: Cur rent Proposals for the Third World in Historical Pers pective. Cornell Agricultural Economics Staff paper
No. 78-5. Ithaca, NY: Department of Agricultural Eco nomics, Corneil University.
The scope for building agricultural development around the
smallholder is examined.
First, the historical perspective is
provided by an examination of agricultural development in four
developed countries: the UK, the USA, France, and Japan.
Constraints on the development of smallholder production in
developing countries
are then discussed, particularly in relation
to the adoption of tech:'ical change. These are found to be
connected mainly with difficulty of access to ii puts such as
credit, water use, fertilizer, and seeds, but the argument that
small farmers cannot take advantage of economies of scale is
found tc, be irrelevant. It ia shown that the small farm can
produce more per ha and create more employment than the large
farm sector.
Paddy rice production is particularly well suited to a small farm
system, but the situation in all non-paddy systems is complicated
by the need to develop appropriate technology.
-CAB
Analysis: A g.Dod
discussion of problems associeted with
development programs focusing on smallholders, offering important
correctives to less-critically grounded articles, such as those
of Freeman and Karen (1982).

Key Topics: Area -

General; Commodity - Ricei Development;

Technology Transfer.

193

596.Siamwalla, A.
1978 Farmers and Middlemen: Aspects of Agricultural Marketing
in Thailand. In Economic Bulletin for Asia and the
Pacific 29(1):38-50. IUSAID/IDA)
A comparison of marketing structures for various commodities in
Thailand as
function of "shifting cost," the difficulty of
a farmers and buyers to shift to other sources of supply or other
commodi.ties.
Argues that high shifting costs (sugarcane)
encourage the establishment of contract production while low
shifting costs (maize, cassava, kenaf, and rice) make it
unl.'kely. Leakage of pineapple to the fresh product market
caused the collapse of a contract system. Commodities like
tobacco and eggs that require a high proportion of purchased
inputs are also likely to develop contract production schemas.
Also argues against the prevailing idea that middlemen offer
credit in order to control the marketing of output, saying that
in fact credit will not be offered unless the flow of the
marketed output can be controlled, such as by having only
processing facilities in the. area.

N.M.

Key Topics: Area: Thailand; Management;

Markets.

194

609.Stern, N.H.
1972 An Appraisal of Tea Production on Small Holdings
in Kenya. Paris: OECD, Centre Studies Case
Study 2. (USAID]
This is a social cost-benefit analysis of the Kenya Tea
Development Authority scheme
(KTDA), based on the methodology
developed by Ian M.D. Little and James A. Mirrlees in
Social Cost
Benefit Analysis (OECD Development Centre, Paris [1969), Voluma
II). The evaluation is based on the Third Plan,
as outlined in
Report on the Operations of the KTDA and its Proposals for
Further Development, London: CDC (October 1967), from 1968/69 to
1972/73. The Second Plan expanded smallholder tea production
from the original 12,300 acres established in 1963, to 25,614
acres established by 1968.
The Third Plan was initiated in 1968
under an agreement with the World Bank and CDC for financing
35,000 additional acres. These
were to be included in the Third
Plan, with an average holding each of 1.09 acres. All three
plans have been successfully completed by KTDA, with respect to
projected planting and processing schedules, associated
infrastructural arrangements, and recruitment and appropriate
extension training to outgrowers.
Tea cultivation i, very labor intensive, requiring 2000 hours an
acre per year, as opposed to maize, which requires approximately
300 hours of labor yearly. It takes four years for tea plants to
mature; plants will produce for upward of 60 or
70 years, if
properly cultivated. The heavy work of planting is done
primarily by the men, while 60-70 percent of the picking is done
by the women. Labor inputs show cycles of one year of heavy work
(planting and associated care) followed by three years of light
work before picking begins. Hours per acre per year show
regional variations: in some regions 50 percent higher. The site
having the highest labor input averages 2.2 thousand hours for
the peak year, while for the low year of the cycle the average is
1.0 thousand hours. Between 30 percent and 75 percent of
required labor is hired and variations in the percentage of hired
labor are site-specific. The main data constraints in this
study, according to the author, are related to labor
input at the
farm level and variations on labor input by different sites.
Producers had been subsistence farmers prior to the introduction
of the KTDA project. In order to assure that outgrowers continue
to have enough land on which to plant food crops,
less than an
acre
(or less than 25 percent) of a producer's holdings is put
into tea. These outgrowers are not the poorest in the area.
Returns to the growers averages 13.9 percent; return to the
project as a whole is 38.8 percent. The author concludes that
the project is valuable, with this "social rate of return" of
38.8 percent.
He argues that the savings of an individual is not
as valuable as government income, since 1. these farmers
are not
195

609.Stern
1972
among the poorest of the population (he computes farmer income
after charging for land and family labor),
and 2. the extra
savings in
project such as this, by means of decreased labor
a wages, facilitates extra investment by the government and by the
firm. The author argues that aince the government will be able
more effectively to invest profits from the scheme than will the
producers, a continued rate to growers of only 13.9 percent is
justified.

Analysis: A good. economistic, social-impact analysis. The

author's proposition that low returns to farmers are to be
justified on the grounds that the state can
more efficiently
invest in a manner that will promote development is interesting
-
- and certainly, nearly fifteen years later, debatable, given the
apparent failure of trickle-down development.
The author's discussion of labor input is one of the most
detailed in the literature; even so he comments that labor input
by farming household was not focused on in either the feasibility
study or
Farming records, and that it was therefore difficult to
move far beyond the general observation that tea produxction is
far more labor-intensive than maize, requiring about 2000 hours
of labor yearly, while the latter requires about 300 hours labor
yearly. It is useful to contrast the findings of this article
relating to labor with those of Buch-Hansen and Kieler (1983),
who argue that. tea is the least labor-intensive of the three
contract farming crops that they examine in Kenya
(sugar, tea,
tobacco). If so, then the labor requirements for sugar and
tobacco production, in contradistinction to food crops, must be
considerable, indeed!

Key Topics: Area - Kenya; Case Studies; Commodity - Tea;

Gender; Government Policy; Households;

Labor; Management.

196

611.Stevens, M.L.O.

1985 The Management of Recurrent Costs. In RecurrE.nt

Costs and Agricultural Development, J. Howell, ed.
Pp. 84-101.

The theme of the paper is that a durable answer to the problem of

recurrent costs in agriculture is beyond the reach of
agricultural planners rnd policy makers acting alone.
It is
impossible to ensure
that the recurrent funding of agricultural
programs is on a sound basis unless the finances of the public
sector as a whole are well managed.
To be confident that the operating costs of agricultural programs
are well catered for requires that the government as a whole
manage its budget so that resources are allocated in an efficient
way, that a balance is kept between the present and future
commitments, and that both are related to the general level of
resources available to the economy. The paper therefore looks at
the budget as a whole, and tries to identify the key elements in
a budget system that can absorb the recurrent costs arising from
agricultural programs and budgets.
-CAB
Analysis: This issue of recurrent costs is
not treated in the
literature on contracting schemes as thoroughly as one would
expect, given the difficulties of maintaining both
infrastructural supports and (e.g.) extension assistance that are
experienced in many schemes. Indeed, Goldsmith
(1985) is the
only author to bring up the topic -- and obliquely, in relation
to the issue of profitability and risk associated with CF
schemes, suggesting that CF economizes less on public resources
than appears to be the case at first glance, since it is not
fully self-sustaining (i.e., that government support in the form
of maintaining infrastructure, etc., must be ongoing and is not
supported by the scheme). Fleuret (1984) brings up the topic in
more general, developmental terms. However, no studies reviewed
have actually addressed this issue in detail, with reference to
specific schemes over time, in order to understand more clearly
the drain of recurrent costs on both local and national
development, as well as to describe what happens in cases where
the state fails to provide recurrent cost mechanisms. The
author's suggestion -- that to assure recurrent costs are taken
care of requires that the government manage its budget so that
resources are allocated in an efficient way -- seems somewhat
Quixotic, given the economic problems of most governments today.
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Government Policy;
Management.

197

618.Stubbings, B.J.J.
1972 Esta',lishment and Management of Nucleus Estates in
Developing Countries in World Crop6 (May/June):
120-122. [IDRC/IDA)
General Background: This paper is restricted to an examination of
managerial and administrative problems associated with nucleus
estate-factory-outgrower schemes. According to the author,
operational criteria for stich
schemes differ from schemes such as
the Kenya Tea Development Authority and Commonwealth Development
Corporation tobacco smallholder schemes in Malawi and Zambia by
virtue of more complex and larger managerial responsibilitie:s and
investments associated with a nucleus estate-factory complex.
Such schemes are especially suitable for crops that must Le
processed quickly and that requ-re capital outlays beyond the
means of smallholders.
Estate/firm management Building on discussion by Phillips (1965)
of the seven functions of the nucleus estate (compare abstract of
Phillips article), the author suggests that to these seven
functions could be added two more:
1. Providing storage facilities for smallholder
crops;
2. Providing marketing services.

A detailed discussion is given of what are considered the three

most important functions listed by Phillips: 1. providing a basic
throughput for the factory, 2. providing the btisic managerial and
agricultural know-how, and 3. providing finance for the factory.
1. Throughput for the fa-'tory: In establishing the size of the
factory it is important both to have agreed minimum and maximum
smallholder production, and to establish at the beginning the
maximum smallholder intakes throughout the scheme's life,
in
order not to vitiate economies of scale. One solution to
preserving economies of scale is to work toward the eventual
establishment of two factories --
one for the scheme and one for
the outgrowers -- as a sisal nucleus establishment in Tanzania
had planned.
2. Manae. ient and technology: Defining a corporate body that can
effectively represent the legal, ecroiomic, and other scheme regulated interests of smallholders is a major problem. Ideally
there should be joint management, but in practice there at least
needs to be a responsible and recognized person who represents
the smallholders, in addition to some form of
joint committee on
which both estate and smallholders are represented. The
functions of such a committee at first should be advisory and
liaisonal, but later could be extended to being a channel
through
which managerial and technological know-how could pass. Several
198

618.Stubbings
1972
other key administrative features include:
(a) selection of
smallholders must be done with care;
(b) land tenure security for
smallholders will be a powerful incentive;
(c) soil fertility of
estate and outgrowers' land6 must be the same;
(d) uncontrolled
expansion must not be allowed in the face of transport problems
that generally exist in getting crops from field to factory.
3. Finance: In
matters of finance (payment of outgrowers,
credit) a suitable corporate unit representing outgrowers must
exist. Methods of arranging purchase, which need to
be discussed
early on, include: (a) purchasing unprocessed crops; (b)
providing factory facilities at
an agreed upon fee, the processed
product being the property of the outgrowers' organization
(cooperative, etc.); (c) purchasing and marketing on behalf of
the smallholder.
Advantages:
estate "...run on normal efficient commercial lines..." latter "...does not have to
contend with outgrowers."

A nucleus estate is less attractive than a separate

since the

Advantages, however, include: 1. establishing good will; 2.

showing the efficiency of plantation farming, which might
"...induce a softening in the current pro-smallholder end
anti-estate attitude and make an
increase in genuine plantation
acreage possible;" 3. efficient processing (and, if possible,
marketing) of smallholder production with good profit margins; 4.
efficient provision of services to smallholders; 5. satisfaction
gained from participating in an "...exacting and complex
development."
Nucleus-satellite estates should be regarded as but an
interim
method of securing agricultural output and development; long-term
goals should focus on individual estates with their own
factories, and smallholder schemes similarly equipped. High
standards of management and establishing good relations are
critical.
This is an effective way to draw smallholders into
economies of scale.

Analysis:
A systematic description of scheme organization, where
nucleus estate-factory is the major project component.
This
article, in conjunction with Commonwealth Development Corporation
(1984), Laramee (1975), Phillips (1965), and Scott (1982) provide
good agribusiness views of the inner mechanics and related
rationale of outgrower schemes, written by technical experts with
specific, empirical knowledge. They are therefore more useful in
understanding the mechanics of scheme operation than the
agribusiness approaches used by Freivalds (1981) and Lewis

199

618.Stubbings
1972
(1981), which are largely descriptive and non-analytical.
Key Topics: Area - General; Contracts; Development;
Intermediaries; Management; Participation.

200

619.Subrahmanyam K.V.
1981 Marketing Fruits: Self Marketing vs.
Contracting. In
Indian Journal of Marketing (Bangalore) 11(17):13-17.
This brief study examines the economic rationale of the practice
of selling orchards to pre-harvest contractors and also the
reasons for the difference in the profits made by contractors and
those who take up self marketing. The study area was the Coorg
district of Karnataka Statu,
where a large area of mandarin fruit
was grown as an inter-crop on coffee plantations. The study
reveals that the incentive for self marketing is not great. The
pre-harvest contractor can
make as much profit as self-marketers
because of better contracts, diversification of produce to
different markets, and the large quantity handled.
-CAB

Analysis: This interesting analysis of contracting and rnon contracting fruit production
can be compared with a similar
article by Lance (1983) focusing on contractors and non-contract
growers of turkeys in Georgia.
Key Topics: Area - India;
Case Study; Commodity Markets.
- Fruit;

636.Thosenguan, V.
1983 Contract Farming in Thailand: Tobacco, Sugar Cane, Pine apple, Poultry.
Paper presented at the International Work shop on Agricultural Markets in the Semi-Arid Tropics,
ICRISAT, 24-28 October 1983, Patancheru, Andhra Pradesh,
India. [USAID/IDA]
Discusses various aspects of contract farming in Thailand
including the nature of the contracts, the role of the contracts
in the marketing system, and policy measures to improve the
system. Argues that contracts are economically convenient when:
1. 2. 3. Large-scale processing is involved;
Production requires large amounts of specialized inputs;
Production requires close
uality control.

Under regulation by the Thai Tobacco Monopoly, curers contract

farmers and provide technical assistance to assure high quality.
Pineapple production is contracted though there is a parallel
market for the fresh product that improves the baige-ning
position of farmers.
Sugar mills contract cane production to
"quota men,"
who in turn contract smaller farmers. Poultry is
contracted because of the large amount of specialized inputs
(chicks, formula feed, and drugs) required for production.
Recommendations include policies to widen the options available
to farmers, such as by allowing tobacco producers to chose
curers. Also recommended are strengthened information services
and supervision of weights and measures.

N.M.

Key Topics: Area: Thailand; Commodity: Tobacco, Sugar,

Pineapple, Poultry; Management; Markets.

202

642.Truitt, G.A.
1981 Multinationals: New Approaches to Agricultural and Rural
Development. New York: Fund for Multinational Management
Education. [FMME/IDA]
A report of a 1981 conference on the potential for multinational
firms to participate in rural development, focusing on the need
for intermediation between the firm and small farmers.
intermediation by a farmers' organization, a consulting firm, a
non-profit institution, or a public agency can provide needed
services not normally provided by private firms, improve
communications between the firm and farmers, facilitate the
delivery of inputs and services from the firm to the farmers, and
facilitate the arbitration cf disputes between the two or with
third parties.
Twelve case studies are considered:
1. Coopezatives played a role in Hanover Brands production of
frozen vegetables for export in Guatemala. Problems in cluded overproduction and corruption/theft among field
personnel.
2. Nestle worked with Mexican government to improve "ejido"
milk production, apparently as public service. Initial
problems resolved.
3. McIlhenny produced chili peppers for export in Honduras
with 300 small contract farmers. A religious training
center was intermediary. Successful project for the firm
and for farmers, but no broad impact.
4. A U.S. non-profit organization was contracted to promote
crop diversification in Costa Rica. No multinational,
unsuccessful project.
5. In Honduras, a cooperative aerved as intermediary be tween small banana growers and Stanard Fruit. Strong
farm leaders helped make project a success and the firm
has since organized other outgrower schemes.
6. A Mexican construction firm carried out successful
corn
project as a public Service.
7. In Lesotho, a UN-financed cannery using contract pro duction of export asparagus was unprofitable. More
funds and private-sector interest suggested.
8. The Kenyan government with management consultants
initiated contract sugar production with 13,000
growers. Successful in income generation, but
alcoholism and other social problems resulted.
203

642.Truitt
1981
9. A Commonwealth Development Corporation scheme produced oil
palm in Papua New Guinea using nuclear estate scheme, that
is a central estate owned by the firm with smallholder
contract production as well.
10. Shell developed and implemented diversified rural develop ment program in Uboma, Nigeria, working through traditional
organizations.
11. A mining company in Liberia hired a
U.S. non-profit organi zation to carry out regional development project in mining
area.
12. Cadbury produced tomato paste using contract growers in
Nigeria. FAO advisor acted as intermediary but problems
with leakage to local market, nepotism among village
heads, and lack of coordination.

- N.M.

Key Topics: Area: Costa Rica, Guatamala, Honduras, Mexico,

Lesotho, Kenya, Nigeria, Liberia, New Guinea;
Commodity: Dairy, Maize, Sugar, Tomatoes, Palm
Oil, Bananas, Vegetables; Development;
Intermediaries; Management.

204

645.Truttt, George A.
1982 Guianchias. New York: Fund for Multinational
Management Education. Mimeo. (FMME/IDA]
General Background: In the mid-1960s in Honduras a group of 85
farmers began to organize a cooperative after losing both their
work and subsistence plots on United Fruit Company's Guianchias
Plantation when United Fruit discontinued banana production. The
idea to form a cooperative came from a social activist ("social
promoter") at the Nati-c,.al Autonomous University in Honduras, who
also encouraged one of the farifters to get a grant and go to
Israel for six months of training in cooperative organization and
management.
They also received assistance from the Directorate
of Cooperative Development, a government agency, in drawing up
the legal documents.
Early scheme history: The first harvest of
corn was produced in
1965, with a $600.00 loan for seeds from a
local merchant. They
then convinced the National Agrarian Institute to guarantee a
$6000.00 loan tu
buy a tractor and food until harvest. This
second harvest was judged unfit for human consumpticn, resulting
in $25,000.00 payment below what was anticipated. The
cooperative therefore decided
to pay themselves the minimum one
dollar each, and to reinvest the remainder in a down payment for
a second tractor. The cooperative was legally established in
1966 with a charter stipulating that 10 percent of future profits
be assigned to a reserve fund, 5 percent to an educational fund,
and 5 percent to a social assistance fund. The remaining 80
percent was to be either distributed among members or reinvested.
The cooperative member who had gone to Israel for training became
the first manager. In 1968 the cooperative signed a buy and sell
contract with Standard Fruit, which assured a guaranteed price
for bananas and also technical inputs.
Later developments: By 1979 approximately $100,000.00
was being
distributed as dividends to the members.
At that time there were
123 members and 327 hired laborers -- mostly relatives of
mc.mbers. Members' wages were $3/day while hired labor received
the prevailing wage of the region.
Food security and diversification: The cooperative began to
diversify operations in the 1970s, entering cattle, egg, and hog
production. Diversification was encournged by 1. the probable
inability of cooperatives to continue to negotiate high prices
for bananas to meet production costs, and 2. increasingly high
prices of food purchased locally. These activities were not yet
great successes
at the time of the writing of the article, but
were apparently not operating at a loss.
Social and welfare activities: In 1970 the cooperative starteL a
housing project of 150 homes for its members on land donated by
INA and the National Autonomous University of Honduras, which
205

645.Truitt
1982
also tssisted in various design and construction activities.
Food and basic commodities were sold at, two cooperative stores
that extended credit to
members, with repayment discounted from
wages. Since the store operated at a 5 percert margin, products
were generally cheaper than in local
stores. A physician and two
nurses were hired by the cooperative, and in 1973 a six-grade
school was built with funds set aside over the years.
Company experience: By 1977 Standard Fruit
now a subsidiary of
-Castle and Cook -- produced 24m. boxes of bananas while
contractors of Standard Fruit were
growing 40m. boxes. The
ini' ial infrastructure of roads, warehouses, railroads, nnd port
facilities had been established at the beginning of the century.
Since the government had little presence at that time, Standard
Fruit became a quasi-government establishment, building schools,
medical services, roads, and so forth.
The company worked to
divest itself of these social infrastructural responsibilities,
donating the hospital to the community in 1924, and later turning
over the transport infrastructure to the government. By 1968 the
company felt that divestment also of much of its plantation land
was desirable because of increasing sensitivity to foreign
ownership, and because the political climate was adverse to these
traditional, monolithic plantation structures.
Standard Fruit
therefore moved in the direction of contracting arrangements with
individual growers.
Government policy and farmer cooperatives: Government policy
favored cooperative formation for smallholder production and
marketing and this support was particularly strong in the
National Agrarian Institute (NAI), whose Director was convinced
that the best strategy for the numerous smallholdings that had
been created as a result of the Land Reform of 1963 was
to group
these parcels into larger schemes. The production cf these
schemes would then be organized through cooperatives formed by
smallholders. He contracted with the International Development
Foundation, a New York non-governmental organization specializing
in rural training, to set up a training department focusing on
IND's personnel, with emphasis on a marketing approach to small
farmer organization and development. IND staff focused at the
community level, convincing farmers of the benefits of
cooperative organization. In 1979 INA brought together the first
assembly of Reform Cooperatives with eleven cooperatives and
twenty-two pre-cooperatives. The Federation of Agrarian Refo:m
Cooperatives was formed at
that time, with the Director of the
Guianchias Cooperative being elected
as its first president. By
1976, 82 cooperatives were affiliated with it.
For a brief
period (1971-1973) the government de-emphasized agrarian reform
and agricultural cooperatives in favor of individual farms, but a
reverse in policy followed, which increasingly emphasized
206

645.Truitt
1982
production cooperatives.

Analysis: A good, historically based narrative account of the

organization and success of the cooperative in the context of
changing government policy and local national and international
economic conditions. There is no explanation accounting for the
success of the scheme (no other cooperatives in Honduras were
able to replicate its activities to the degree of financial
success that it enjoyed); but a variety of factors were probably
critical: members had knowledge of banana cultivation gained as
former plantation workers; members seem not to have been wholly
illiterate and werE', for example, able to send one of their own
to Israel for training; government policy favored 1. smallholders
through land reform measures and through the support of
cooperative formation by smallholders themselves -- not by the
government, and 2. the presence of foreign investment
(which had
apparently not been stifled by controls); and finally, there were
the presence of preexisting physical infrastructure and
preexisting long-term plantation operations (United Fruit) that
were vertically integrated both internally and externally.
The failure of other cooperatives in Honduras to achieve a level
of success similar to that of Guianchias, in spite of sharing
many of the above factors, is also left largely unexplained.

Perhaps market-timing -comparative advantage secured by

entering cooperative-based banana production during a period of relative expansion in the 1960s, associated with a laissez-fare attitude of the government toward self-initiated cooperative formation and operation at that time -plus pre-knowledge of plantation operation by the growers -- were critical variables that were not available to cooperatives or their members a decade later. The director of the cooperative suggests that their success resulted from the amount of "sacrifice and hard work"
that initially had to be invested by members. This describes the
process, but does not explain why members of this particular
cooperative (in contradistinction to members of other
cooperatives) selected "hard work and self-sacrifice" to assure
the success of a form of farmer organization, the cooperative,
the future benefits of which must, at the time, have seemed
dubious to mur.y of those where were "working hard."

Key Topics:

Area - Honduras; Case-studies; Commodity

- Bananas; Credit; Food Crops: Government
Policy; Intermediaries; Labor; Participation.

207

647.Turner, S., M. Bryant, and M.A. Fitzgerald

1984 Agribusiness in Africa.
In: Africa Economic
Digest 5(?4):llff.
Changing priorities in the way aid donors fund agricultural and
rural development projects in Africa are reflected in the market
for agricultural inputs.
The trend is away from large-scale
mechanized schemes and to.ard pr"ojects that help traditional
smallholders who produce the majority of food crops and cash
crops. A discussion is given of the consequences of this trend
for the African agricultural equipment and agrochemicals markets.
Information on Kenya Seed Company
-FTEA
Analysis! One of the few articles to discuss the impact of
changing development strategies -- from large agricultural schemes to smallholder projects -- on technological inputs supplied by donor countries (equipment; pesticides; seeds). The
ease or difficulty accompanying such a transition would be
instructive to document, in considering such issues as First
World technical asistance in specific schemes, the extent to
which agrochemical and agricultural equipment firms base changes
on "real" knowledge of existing smallholder farming constraints,
whether tecl.nology appropriate for smallholders is being designed
in ways allowing for local sustainability or upkeep, or use in
food (as opposed to cash) crops, and so forth.
Key Topics: Area - Africa (General); Development;
Technology Transfer.

208

666. Vergopoulos, Kostas

1985 The End of Agribusiness or the Emergence of
Biotechnology i_ Journal of International Social
Science 37(3):389-400. [IDA]
General overview: An overview of the major transformations in
agriculture during the last two decades, beginning in
the 1970s
when it began to become clear that "agriculture" was not moving
towards its own form of separate entrepreneural activities, as
had the industrial sector; on the contrary, governments continued
to endorse the family farm, which, unlike working for wages, is
not an entrepreneurial activity. The smallfarmer, because of his
economic weakness and because he is partly outside of the sphere
of capital, makes it possible for profits derived from farming
activities to be localized in non-agricultural sectors. In the
midst of this apparent dilemma, it was only through the
intermediary of "food" that the question of agriculture assumed a
legitimate place in economic analysis. Only by means of this new
formulation of agriculture was the new concept of "agribusiness"
able to take shape.
Agribusiness: The transition from agricultural production to
agroindustrial production implies a transition from disbursed to
concentrated and regularized output. In the process of
regularizing the stages of production of the agroindustrialized
complex the autono;nv of "agriculture" as a separate sphere is
lost to "industry" -to the industrialization of agriculture. By consequence, agriculture is then approached only indirectly
from "agribusiness" -i.e., from an industrial viewpoint. Hence, "agriculture" as traditionally operative loses its
autonomy. For this new perspective on, and analysis of,
a.riculture is not from the perspe-' ive of the farm, but from the
perspective of an exogenous firm, usually a transnational
corporation based on transnationalization not only of capital and
the production process, but also of the food cycle itself.
Concurrently, at the time that this new paradigm was taking sh:pe
in the 1970s, it was discovered that even though agribusiness is
less capitalized than the overall economy, it is much more
internationalized.
Farmer integration; The new form of marketing integration of
individual producers is not, as in the past, based on the
impersonal integration of the farmer through credit mechanisms,
but on personalized integration by means of contracts asso'ziated
with the agribusiness firm. This "economy of an integrated type"
takes place outside of market forces (the old style) in such a
way that each agribusiness firm has its own farmers. Still,
production risks remain with the direct agricultural producer.
Biotechnology: The more recent emergence in the 1980s of
biotechnologies based on biological engineering may make it
possible for the industrial component in agroindustry to gain the
209

666. Vergopoulos, Kostas

1985
upper hand such that agroindustrial networks are replaced by
industrial networks producing their own primary products.
Ergo,
the complete industrialization of raw materials will take place.
If this occurs, the concept of agriculture -- as well as the
concept of farm -- will disintegrate. Agriculture will not be
industrialized, rather, industrialization will fully take over
agriculture --
thus completely overcoming the imperfections and
rigidities associated with primary production. This possible
emergence of a "world system of biotechnology" could either
provide peripheral countries the opportunity to become self
sufficient themselves, or could result in new forms of
dependency.

Analysis:
This article presents a fascinating historically-based
analysis of agriculture, aqribusiness, and biotechnology, which,
in its sweeping ability to synthesize the changes that have taken
place from agrarian to capital production both over time and
across space, is comparable to Wallerstein's (short) essay
describing what he calls "the commodification of everything" in
Historical Capitalism (1983). Mittendorf's excellent, but
(necessary for his approach) static and decontextualized analysis
of vertical coordination
(1978) can be usefully juxtaposed to
this historically-generated analysis of the
same institutions.
Compare also with Glover (1986) and Goldsmith (1985), whose
(ahistorical) typologies of agribusiness schemes take on a new
dimension in relation to Vergopoulos' historical discussion. For
an elaboration of the author's theories regarding the place of
peasant production in the larger (capitalist) scheme of things,
see La question paysanne et la capitalisme, which he co-authored
with Samir Amin (1974).
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Markets.

210

668.Versel, Malcom A.

1984 Vegetable Marketing in Niger: An Assessment and

an Overview. Project Implementation Paper/USAID
Niger No. 43. Moscow, Idaho: University of Idaho
in cooperation with USAID. [IDA)

The author discusses local marketing channels and problems

associated with marketing. The three major channels in rural
Niger marketing include: (1) farmer to government at
set prices that are lower than prevailing market prices but have
a price floor; (2) farmer to intermediaries -- primarily dried
vegetable crops and some grains that are purchased by Hausa
merchants who pass through villages; (3) direct sale by producers
to consumers.
The entrepreneural sector is involved primarily in
dried
vegetables and is seen by the author
as being disorganized.
There is limited capital for investment, a focus on only one or
two crops with the aim of quick turnover in order to maximize
short-term profits rather than long-term planning and
investments, no expansion, and minimum risk-taking. Tomatoes and
onions are especially popular for drying and selling.
The major marketing problems include bad roads, poor
transportation, and poor information on
the part of the producers
to know what to produce and what to delay.

Analysis: A good example of a formal,

ronomic analysis of
local-level marketing structures. The study would have been
enhanced if the author had worked in conjunction wtth a
specialist in indio.enous periodic and long-distance marketing
structures and their relation to
different forms of production
and different commodities.
Key Topics: Area - Niger; Commodity - Vegetables; ment; Markets/Merchants.
Invest

211

671.Voll, Sarah Potts

1980 A Plough in Field Arable: Western Agribusiness in
Third World Agriculture. Hannover, NH: University
Press of New England. ESUNY/B]
The author examines the benefits and
costs to the host-country of
transferring First World agribusiness technology and management
packages to Africa for purposes of agricultural development.
Primary case-study materials are used in relation to the Gezira
Scheme in the Sudan, and secondary case-study materials are used
in more generalized analyses o
fifteen other agribusiness
schemes, of which ten
are colonial era and five postcolonial-era
agribusiness projects.
In all cases the benefits and costs are
discussed within what the author calls "a
traditional
microeconomic framework" in
which land, labor, and capital are
treated as key inputs necessary for achieving project
success.
The different ways in which the Gezira Scheme, the ten
colonial
schemes, and the five post-colonial schemes have dealt with
local
factors of land, labor, and capital
are examined and analyzed in
terms of the
successes and failures associated with each.
The author concludes that capital is the least problematic of the
three inputs to LDC agricultural schemes, and based on the
analysis of the different schemes suggests that "...eleven
specific factors must be considered for an agricultural project
involving
western corporation to be successful":
a 1. "The choice of the project site must be based on sound
agricultural considerations. The
measures necessary
to make a marginal site productive are generally too
expensive to be balanced by any foreseeable return.
2. Not all crops are suitable for projects involving
Western corporations. Specifically, subsistence food
crops are better promoted through a nation's depart ment of agricult-re. Projects involving high-value
food and industrial crops are most appropriate.
3. The government must exercise extreme care in its
choice of company, preferably selecting a corpor ation that has both experience in the cultivation of
the desired crop zna some background in Third World
agriculture.
4. The host government must recognize that the
ccn tracting of a Western corporation will not increese
a country's production within the space of
season
a or two.
5. The government must realize that once
the company
is chosen, the government loses some of its
flexibility in agricultuxal production.
212

671.Voll
1980
6. The project must be located near sufficient supplies
of labor. Projects sited in unpopulated areas have
generally been unable to attract an adequate labor
force because of their remoteness.
7. The company must expect to train nationals for the
skilled, supervisory, and management levels of its
labor force anH assume that. almost all of the
foreigners initially recruited to staff the project
will eventually be replaced by host nationals.
8. The project must avoid alienating large numbers of
people from their land.
9. Project designers will have to exercise extreme
care to assure that the physical capital is
appropriate to the productive capacity of the
project.
10. Planners must assure that incentives for efficient
management are incorporated into tl.( project's
design. This is most easily provided by the stipu lation that the managing company invest some of its
own funds in the project.
11. The host government must appreciate that contracting
a foreign company is not a substitute for the cons truction of a local infrastructure, the provision of
social services, or the organization of rural ex tension work."
The form of agribusiness most suited to satisfying these eleven
criteria is the nucleus estate-outgrower model. As the social
context changes, the model can be reorganized in three different
directions: (1) subsistence food crops can be promote: by
government agricultural offices through the network of extension
services established by the scheme; (2) as the standard of living
increases among the outgrower population, the nucleus estate can
use more capital-intensive techniques, thus reducing its reliance
on hand-labor; (3) as outgrowers decide they want greater control
over the production and marketing process, the nucleus estate outgrower structure can be transformed into a cooperative.
Finally, it is suggested that employing western firms cannot be
looked on as offering a short-run solution to Africa's balance of-payments and food problems.

213

671.Voll
1980

Analysis: The only

item reviewed that offers a systematic
analysis of different forms of both contract farming and
contract
management agribusiness schemes.
While the benefits of hiring a
western corporation to
manage and provide the technology for a
scheme are thoroughly discussed, the trade-offs for the host country are not so systematically treated. Nevertheless, the
author does demonstrate, through sixteen case-studies of schemes
ranging from very unsuccessful to very successful, what some
of
the trade-offs entail.
In recommending that core-satellite
schemes appear to be the most appropriate form of agribusiness
operation, it
would have been useful if more examples of the
model were examined and specifically contrasted.
An appendix that gives brief histories of each o the sixteen
schemes together with comprehensive bibliographies is quite
useful.
With respect to the historical move from firm-owned
plantations to management contracts that the author discusses,
Dew (1976) provides an "inside" (agribusiness) view of the
transition from ownership of productive means to contract management and contract-technical assistance and associated
diversification in relation to Tate and Lyle.
Key Topics: Area - Africa, Middle East;
Case Studies;
Development; Extension; Food Crops;
Food
Security; Government Policy; Intermediaries;
Labor, Management.

214

676.Wallace, Tina
1980 Agricultural Projects and Land in Northern Nigeria in
Review of African Political Economy 17:59-69. [IDA]
The author argues that large cari and irrigation schemes supported
by the World Bank and local states negatively impact on local
producers. The increased penetration of commercial farming
forces peasants to use land primarily for making money, as
intercropping is dropped in favor of monocropping of
HYVs that
produce only with lrge amounts of fertilizer, water, increased
weeding, and so forth. Small, poorer farmers (under 30 acres)
are unable to provide needed inputs for these crops end
are
ultimately forced to sell or rent to larger farms -- a
minority
group that the Bank recognizes is favored by agro-cropping
schemes over poorer, smaller products.
The socioeconomic and ecological dislocation that these large
schemes cause
to small farmers is discussed. Most of the cash
crops being grown are not for local consumption but for urban or
overseas exports. Consultants to the Bank assume, it is argued,
that peasanLs will be able to purchase rather than grow their
food needs and will be able to provide the additional necessary
labor from the household for the commercial schemes. The author
concludes that the resulting competition between food crops and
cash crops, associated with increased risks and increasing inputs
(fertilizers, extension, equipment), are all risks that only a
small percentage of the better-off peasants can afford
-- or
urban-dwellers who buy up local land from indebted small-holders
and grow commercial crops as absentee landlords.

Analysis This article is associated with the same dilemma as

those of Oculi (1984) and Buch-Hannen and Kieler (1983), namely,
attempting to address a
very large research issue and associated
set of complex hypotheses in a very brief space. Many
interesting points are presented, such as
the relation between
ecological destruction and agribusiness, the correlation betweei
sale of land by small :armers for cash end their entry into cash
economies of scale -- a point also raised by Barclay (1977),
Buch-Hansen and Kieler (1983), and Mules (1981) -- and factors of
risk taking. But ten pages does not provide adequate space to
demonstrate systematically that the hypotheses presented are
conjoined with the irrigation schemes discussed.
Key Topics: Area - Nigeria; Ecology; Entrepreneurs; Food
Crops; Irrigation; Political Econcmy; Risk
Taking; Stratification; Technology Transfer.

215

677. Wallace, Tina

1981 The Kano River Project, Nigeria: The Impact of an
Irrigation Scheme on Productivity and Welfare. In Rural
Development in Tropical Africa. J. Heyer, P.O. Roberts, and G. Williams, eds. Pp. 281-305. hlew York: St. Martin's Press. [IDA] General Background: This article examines the impact of the Kano
River irrigation project, focusing on the results of this direct,
government intervention approach to development in
the areas of
land, labor, and management/technology. The major goal of the
project has been to increase food production by providing
agriculture during the dry season,
in addition to increasing
incomes, diversifying the rural economy, and enhancing life
quality. Management is
seen by the project as the primary agent
of change, bringing to farmers the necessary advice and services.
Land: 13,000 persons were moved in order to make room for the
dan and for government settlement and facilities to be built in
the area. Some inhabitants were paid compensation, and others
were resettled in new villages. Ownership of the scheme land is
retained by -. he farmers, but the scheme owns the inputs.
Since
the aim of management is to increase production as much
as
possible, removal of less productive farmers or farmers not
cooperating would be preferable
-- but "it is certain that this
would not
serve the aims of 'rural welfare.'" Urban elite
increasingly rent land from poorer farmers during the dry season
in order to grow cash crops of tomatoes and wheat. The project
opens new opportunities for these "armchair farmers,"
thereby
exacerbating socioeconomic inequalities.
Management and Technology: Technology is seen by the author as
the key factor in
bringing about success, and this technology is
owned by the management. What farmers could contribute by way of
information or complaints or participatory decision making is
not
seen as important.
But there are problems of implementation with
the scheme: shortage of skilled manpower in Nigeria;
unwillingness to work in
the rural areas; delivery of inputs by
the state often being irregular; inefficient transportation; very
high recurrent costs; key positions on the scheme often being
held by expatriates because of the manpower shortage, and there
are few training programs in Nigeria to address this issue.
Manpower shortages translate into poor supervision and follow through. Besides these factors the imposition of an outside
management and technology has reduced the autonomy of farmers:
the frequency of irrigation, timing of tractor work, debt
repayment, planting schedules, and so forth are all now
determined by
an outside management hierarchy. Management
decided that the local food of guinea
corn could no longer be
planted, since its timing conflicted with the imposed cash crop
of wheat, and so farmers have been instructed to plant and eat

216

677.Wallace, Tina
1981
maize instead, because its timing coincides with that of guinea
corn. If farmers resist and attempt planting guinea corn, they
are seen by the management as stubborn and against the efficiency
of scheme.
Labor power: The scheme planners assumed that there was both
underemployment and seasonal unemployment in the area.
Both are
untrue. In the wet season there are
often shortages of labor and
it is only during the dry "slack" season that farmers are able to
complete other necessary tasks, such as
house repair, or pursuing
a second, minor occupation -- both of which are
key to long-term
survival. Secondary occupations provide important sources of
re venue, constituting alternative domains of nonagrarian economic
and social activity that are vital to overall-subsistence. As
for underemployment in the household, this also is untrue.
The
concept of an "average farm" used by planners obscures great
variations in the actual size -if household labor pools.
Irrigation productivity and rural welfare:
The main aim of the
scheme was to provide grain and vegetables for urban populations,
and this it is doing, albeit not up to anticipated levels of
productivity.
But while massive capital, technology, and
technical assistance have been pouring into this scheme,
wet season farmers in
other parts of Kano State have received very
little, if any, technical assistance from the state.
Furthermore, erratic water control
nd high labor costs have
meant that profits in 1977 -- an expected good year for tomatoes
-- were very low. While an elite, largely urban-based coterie
are benefiting from the scheme as renter., the poor may
eventually be forced off their land.
The scheme is costly and
whether it will benefit increased production more than a similar
input into wet
season agriculture would, is questionable.

Analysis: This overview of the deleterious impacts of a cash crop oriented irrigation scheme on food production and on
the
socioeconomic and political condition of the farmers highlights
several points made by Fleuret (1984) regarding the danger of
designing overly-complex integrated rural development projects
(or any projects!) without either a
better understanding of the
area or
adequate institutions and recurrent-cost capabilities.
Also, as
Fleuret, the author points out the problems associated
with building elaborate institutional structures that are
designed to give "them" what
"we" know "they" need, thereby
disallowing farmer feed-back or participation. This one-siPed,
top-down management approach to development takes all too
seriously the admonitions of Mittendorf
(1978), whose excursus or
vertical coordination and agribusiness continuously stresses the
217

677.Wallace, Tins
1981
critical role played by "good management" and "a well-coordinated
system" in securing a
successful operation. The results of this
attempt to
integrate vertically have unfortunately resulted in a
very top-down approach to management, by a group of largely
inexperienced managers who, given the problems of securing the
necessary inputs for the project in a timely way, in order to
facilitate vertical coordination, have certainly not been able to
institute a "well-coordinated system."
The dangers associated with pushing poorer farmers into cash-crop
production, who do not have the
resources to fall back upon in
case harvests are poor, are obscured by the scheme plan, which
apparently
assumes that management and technology are sufficient
to increase production for all peasants. As Fleuret points out,
the "worse off" peasants do not,
as a group, have the multiple
income strategies available whereby the risky venture of
new
forms of cash cropping can be tried (1984). This is a lesson
apparently learned on some other CF schemes, such as the Kenya
Tea Development Authority, where smallholders are allowed
to
participate only if their holdings
are sufficient also to grow
food crops (Oevelopment Alternatives Incorporated 1975c).
This
is, of course, a "no win" situation for real smallholders wanting
to increase their incomes by cash farming, since they
are
apparently "damned-if-they-do-and-damned-if-they-don't"
grow cash
crops.
Better-off, diversified smallholders seem to have
a
decided edg-'.
The formation of an
urban-based elite whose accumulation is
achieved at the expense of poorer farmers from whom
they rent or
buy land is comparable to the argument made by 'Nyong'o (1981)
for Niyanza, Kenya.
Barclay (1977) also mentions the existence
of an urban-based, land-buying group associated with the Mumias
scheme in Kenya. The difficulties of sustaining such ark
ambitious scheme, in the face of
a national deficit of trained
technicians, is a
key factor in Lele's policy-oriented article,
which argues strongly for donor assistance to education and
training schools in
Africa (1984), as does Fleuret (1984). A
more detailed description of the problems inherent in
tomato
contract farming on irrigated land in Zaria, Nigeria, is provided
by Development Alternatives International (1975b). Finally, this
article is a pleasure to read next to Wallace's 1980 article
where, as
pointed out in the analysis of Wallace:1980, the author
attempts too much in
too few pages. Even in this article, there
are many generalizations that cry out for better linkages to the
data-base as, for example, better details on
who these new urban
elite really are; come from; buy from... and details on the
smaller farmers from whom they buy.
Key Topics: Area - Nigeria; Case Studies; 218
Crop
Maize, Tomatoes,
-

77.Wallace, Tina
1981 Wheat; Development; Food Crops; Labor; Management;
Participation; Political Economy; Rural Economy;
Stratification; Technology Transfer.

219

678.Walton, Christopher
1984
Lessons from East African Agriculture: Progress Report
on African Development. In:
Finance and Development
2(March):13-17. EWB/IDA]
The World Bank has played an important role in agricultural
programs and projects in sub-Saharan Africa.
It is the largest
exter'nal donor and devotes about a third of
its lending to this
sector from 1972-1982.
A review of projects over this time
period shows mixed results.
Outcomes have U1lounted to less than
the situation demanded, and
most of the lending has been either
directly or indirectly in support of the small
farmer. The
strength of technological innovations, such as
the use of
fertilizer, were
generally inadequate to overcome inherent
structural weaknesses.
The Bank has observed a
trend away from the single crop approach
for projects in favor of
investment addressing total needs of
a
farm. It has issued a progress report on Accelerated Development
in Sub-Saharan Africa:
An Agenda for Action. Two primary
conclusions are highlighted: One, that many nations have
initiated policy reforms critical of their sustained improvement
and two, that their eventual
success depends on higher levels of
foreign assistance than are
now available.

-APT-I

Analysis:
An excellent, critical analysis of Bank performance
over the past decade, by a Bank staff member, which can be
compared with the critical assessment of Bank operations by Payer
(1980), and associated Analysis.
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; (Donor,Lender).
Policy Issues

220

691.Williams, Simon
n.d.1 The Agribusiness Potential for Participation in
Rural Development Worldwide. Mimeo. [IDA]
The indirect benefits of agribusines investment filter too
slowly, or not at all, to the poor. To help the world's hungry,
agribuiiness must realize that traditional methods of investment
are not sufficient.
Reasons for weaknesses in public sector investment include: (1)
Nationalism: encourages local people to reject the good will of
donors; (2) Cultural resistance: response to change is often

more emotional than intellectual, since "...dearly held

traditions.. .dominate life style..."

Simple transfers of money, technology, and management are not
enough. Investment returns must include: Protecting corporate
franchise to do business in a country, deepening the national
market for corporate goods, contributing to traditional services,
contributing to political stability, adding pride to the
corporate staff and labor, and satisfying a moral imperative.
All agribusiness projects should demonstrate integrated rural
development potential. The key to this kind of development
consists of agribusiness management being introduced into the
local community. The four elements behind a successful
introduction of agribusiness include:
1. The entry of agribusiness into projects marginal to
their normal investment channels, but still profitable.
2. Intermediate development enterprises, such as Partner ship for Productivity or Technoserve, cooperating in
the venture.

3. Meetings of agribusiness executives to investment

conferences.
4. An increasing pragmatism among government leaders of
the Third World in seeking solutions -- despite well publicized rhetoric that speaks against foreign investment.

Analysis: The only agribusiness-oriented author to argue for an

extension of firm activities into the economic and social arenas
of the local outgrowers. Agribusiness techniques have the
potential to be specifically applied to local-level development
problems. This agribusiness approach differs substantially from
those of Commonwealth Development Corporation (1984), Laramee
(1975), Phillips (1965), Scott (1982), and Stubbings (1972),
among others, whose agribusiness focus is primarily restricted to
221

691.Williams
n.d.1
discussing firm oper&tion vis-a-vis the interests of the
multinational -- not with regard to firm responsibilities to
local development. Williams' approach raises an important
question: Given that local-level (and national) socioeconomic
conditions are considered primarily from the perspective of the
needs of the agribusiness concern -- e.g., as factors of labor;
favorable business conditions and so forth -- that perspective
will encourage firms to seek to hold CONSTANT forms of local
social organization that are beneficial to firm profit
maximization.
Do they have perspectives to systematically
factor local socioeconomic needs into their operations? The
history of modern corporate activities suggests the opposite
-that in the absence of adequate checks and balances set up by
government regulatory bodies, unions, or advocacy groups, the
logic of the market place will encourage corporate interests to
"hold constant" both socioeconomic and environmental conditions,
focusing instead on profit maximization. That such profit
maximization may impact negatively on environment and society is
not (logically) a concern of such a profit maximizing approach.
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Investment;
Management; Methodologies; Technology Trans fer.

692.Williams, Simon
n.d.2 New Approaches to Agriculture and Rural
Development. Mimeo. [IDA]
The author critiques two papers presented at the Mohonk
Conference in
1980, which brought together institutions and
government organizations interested in agribusiness. Both papers
are by George Truitt, one on nucleus estates as organized by
Commonwealth Development Corporation methodology, and the other,
a case
stuuy of nucleus estate production of palm oil in Papua
New Guinea, organized by CDC. The following remarks are those of
Williams.
In other CDC nucleus estate projects -- such as those established
in Kenya and Swaziland -- CDC relctionships with smallholders are
much tighter both organizationally and in terms of management
structure than is the case
in the palm oil outgrowers' scheme in
Papua New Guinea. The relative 1 )oseness of this scheme may have
contributed to both production and management problems.
Furthermore, the inherent pateonalism that formed the basis of
both production and management operations deferred temporarily

"...the fundamental need for self-determination."

The author concludes by asking whether there is any reason why

the producers should not share in the ownership of the local
firms, in
order to support and hasten self-determination, and
extends this query to all nucleus estate activities.

Analvsis: The more interesting points (- this article are related

to the author's suggestions that (il ti . control over
production processes are necessary for scheme
success and (2)
outgrowers should be allowed greater participation in the
schemes.
Both of these points raise a plethora of problems, one
of the more obvious being: How can a firm both retain tight
control over productive processes while also allowing for greater
outgrower participation in firm management? There is an
inherent
conflict of interests operacing here, which would require systems
of resolution outside the firm.
Key Topics: Area
General, New Guinea, Kenya, Swaziland;
Development; ManAgement; Methodology; Participation;
Policy.

223

695.Williams, Simon
1979 A View from the Village. Issues Paper prepared for
the Presidential Commission on World Hunger and
Nutrition, submitted March 5. Mimeo. n.p.
[IDA]
For successful economic and social development, the following
factors are necessary:
1. Long-term assistance, in order to overcome the
resistance of rural people to accept the means
of change.
2. Good rural development managers: Being an agronomist
(etc.) is not enough.
3. Coordination of agricu'ltural research centers inter nationally.
4. Replicate successful agricultural projects -- focus
on tre SUCCESSFUL not the failed projects.

5. Channel technical assistance and funding through

NGOs, not through large bi/multilateral aid programs.
This increases the flexibility in replicating suc cesses.
6. Villages need to experience "success." Technology and
increased production is not a sufficient index to
success.
Increased production and efficiency, together with culturally based resistance in accepting social change, can be obtained by
means of free-market agribusiness based on Western technical and
administrative expertise.

Analysis: A general article on the presumed ability of

agribusiness to address issues of development at the local
level,
similar in approach to Williams (n.d.2). A critical analysis of
strengths/weaknesses of agribusiness is not provided.
Key Topics: Area - General; Development; Intermediaries;
Methodology; Policy Issues.

224

699.Williams, Simon, and G.R. Allen

1982 Nucleus Estates: New Approaches to Agricultural and
Rural Development - The Mumias Sugar Company, Kenya.
In: Agribusiness Worldwide 3(5):50-56. [IDA]
This is the first in a series of articles that review and comment
upon cases of multinational corporation ii*volvement throughout
Africa, Asia, and Latin America (presented at the 1980 Mohonk
International Conference on Multinationals).
A "nucleus estate" is an agribusiness that includes: A processing
plant; a wholly-owned (by the investcrs in the processing plant)
and controlled core farm that guarantees to the factory a
continuous supply of high-quality raw material, in an amount less
than the total requirement; and a relationship with independent
producers, usually small-scale but in substantial numbers, who
already live and farm in a prescribed area adjacent to the core
farm, or who may be settled in this area.
The question remains: Is actual experience living up to the
promise inherent in the creative possibilities of nucleus estate
design? Clearly, it is too early in the history of this form of
agricultural and rural development to speak with authority.
Indeed, variations in nucleus estate design and operation reflect
the still experimental nature of this structure as
it seeks its
ideal form in the diverse patterns of land tenure, crop
selection, climate, politics, social organization, cultural mores
and business infrastructure that characterize the Third World.
The case study of the Mumias Sugar Company (MSC), whose
management is contractcd to Booker McConnel Ltd (BM) was
originally presented to the conference by G.R. Allen. Three
areas need to be examined in attempting to use the MSC/BM/Kenyan
government experience as a model in the design of other nucleus
estate projects. (1) the primary factors in the environment of
Kenya and in the design of the project that influenced success;
(2) constraints and problems that remain inherent in the project
that may threaten "success" as defined by both private and public
sector investors, as well as by the outgrowers and other people
impacted by the company; and (3) transferability to other
locales, in and out of Kenya.
-CAB

Analysis: It is refreshing to find in the pro-agribusiness

literature a piece that both treats actual operating problems and
constraints, as well as pointing out the dangers of assuming that
a given scheme is, a priori, possible to replicate. Comipare with
Barclay (1977), who has produced the most detail study of the
Mumias scheme.

225

699.Williams and Allen

1982

Key Topics: Area

Kenya; Case Studies; Commodity - Sugar;

Development; Management.

226

700.Williams, Simon, and Ruth Karen

1985 Agribusiness and the Small-Scale Farmer: A Dynamic

Partnership for Development. Westview Press. [IDA]

Boulder. Colorado:

A sizable report on agribusiness projects involving small farmers

in developing countries. The first chaptcr provides the
conclusions: That such projects can provide a healthy return for
the firm, that intensive "hands-on" managem .nt is important, that
"vertical integration works best,"
and that farmer loyalty is
vital. Furthermore, that policy and infrastructural environment
greatly affect the attractiveness of projects to potential
investors.
The second chapter is a general discussion of the role of the
private sector, noting that "if the latent power for rural
development of this exciting, magnificent, business investment
could be harnessed to a worldwide thrust into rural development
far beyond the outreach programs described... the potential impact
would be enormous." It recommends the formation of a
U.S.investment corporation modeled after the Commonwealth
Development Corporation.
The following case studies are provided:
1. A 15-year-old joint venture between Adams (U.S.) and a local
firm in Thailand has grown to produce tobacco for export
using 40,000 contract producers. Credit, planting
ma'erials, and extension are provided.
The profitable Mumias nucleus estate sugar scheme in Kenya
is owned by the government, a management consultant, and the
CDC. It has raised incomes for 23,000 contract growers, but
social problems have arisen.
A sivall U.S. firm produces melons and vegetables for export
using 80-100 contract farmers in the Dominican Republic. A
favorable policy environment and close relations with
farmers are critical to success.
A major Thai firm established four experimental village pro jects, one to produce pigs. Fifty families were provided
land and facilities to which they earn title after seven
years.
Del Monte works with 140 contract growers in Mexico to pro duce canned fruits and vegetables for local consumption.
Problems of land tenure and policy. Del Monte also had a
pineapple plantation in Kenya.
Haggar, an international firm, produces tobacco, tea, and
coffee using production contracts with some 2500 small

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

227

700.Williams and Karen

1985
growers. Private extension introduced crops and is now
maintaining export quality levels.
7. A Turkish firm processes milk from 21,000 farmers (the bulk
from small ones) ani provides feed, veterinary services,
prico- information, anH technical assistance.
Not clear if
contracts used.
8. A large diversified Filippino firm owns feed plants and de developed a hybrid maize variety. It
then oecame involved
in promoting its seed, including the development of an
extension and demonstration program.
9. An Indian subsidiary of Unilever constructed a milk plant
but was unable to obtain sufficient supplies until it began
programs in pasture improvement, animal husbandry, cooper ative development, health, etc.
10. A resettlement and sugar production scheme in Swaziland
was financed by the CDC.
Although it has been profitable
and has raised farm incomes for 250 settlers, the future
of the project is not clear.
An inventory at the end lists some 60 "projects," although some
are just agribusiness organizations, and provides a useful
categorization of agribusiness systems.

N.M.

Key Topics: Area: Kenya, Swaziland, Dominican Republic,

Mexico, Philippines, India, Thailand, Turkey;
Case Studies; Commodity: Coffee, Fruit, Pigs,
Pineapple, Sugar, Tea, Tobacco, Vegetables;
Intermediaries; Management; Resettlement Schemes.

228

701.Williamscn, O.E.
1971 Vertical Integration of Production: Market Failure con siderations. In: American Economic Review 61(May):
112-123.
A classic paper in the institutional economics literature that
attributes vertical integration to the costs and risks of
reaching agreement on a market transaction. Key problems with
mar] et transactions are said to be the imperfect information
available and the tendency to "behave opportunistically," that is
to mislead the other party or withhold relevant information,
combined with the costs of negotiating an agreement and the risks
of contract violations or differing interpretations. The author
argues that firms may wish Lo integrate upstream or downstream.

- N.M.

Key Topics: Management;

Markets.

229

02.Williamson, O.E.
1979 Transaction-costs economics:
The Governance of Contractual
Relations. In:
Journal of Law and Economics (Oct):233-262.
The author compares vertical integration with various forms of
contractual relationships between firms.
Argues that an
important variable is the degree to
which one firms's assets lock
it into e relationship with one firm.
The greater the "asset
specificity" of an investment, the
more likely a contractual
relationship will be a precondition to the
realization of chat
investment.
Compares three types of contracts: the classical
contract
that attempted to cover all eventualities, the neo classical
contract that includes the option of external binding
arbitration for conflict resolution, and the "relational"
contract that is more open-ended and depends on the mutual desire
to
continue the commercial relationship.

- N.M.

Key Topics:

Management.

230

703.Wills, Ian R.
1972 Projections of Effects of Modern Inputs on
Agricultural
Income and Employment in a Community Development Block,
Uttar Pradesh, India. In: American Journal of
Agricultural Economics 54 (August):455-460. [WB)
While the green revolution has increased food production, its
effects on rural employment and income distribution are causing
concern.
This paper presents empirically based estimates of the
impact of new technology on employment and incomes at the local
level.
Results indicate that although adoption of new seeds,
fertilizers, and irrigation increases employment and agricultural
wages, it also increases the disparity between incomes of farmers
and agricultural laborers, a disparity that will
increase further
if labor-saving machinery is introduced.
New technology will reduce the disparity between incomes of large
and small farmers if credit and fertilizers are distributed
according to area operated.
-WB
Analysis: The negative socioeconomic (and by extension,
nutritional) impacts of Green Revolution Technology argued
in
this article are similar to the negative effects argued by
some
critics to
take place in relation to CF and its technology. The
issue is further discussed in the Analysis under Chaudhry (1982),
who provides a pro-Green Revolution argument.
Key Topics: Area - India;
Case Studies; Development;
Stratification; Technology Transfer.

231

V.
TOPICAL INDEX TO ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Administration:
See: Management
Agribusiness:
See: Management; Private
Enterprise
Area:
1. General:
Abbott 1982
Allen et al. n.d.
Barovick 1982
Brown 1986
Clayton 1983
Collins and Lappe 1977
Commonwealth
Development
Corporation 1984
Dinham and Hines 1983
Freeman and Karen 1982
Glover 1984; 1986
Goldsmith 1983; 1985
Graber 1980
Hayenga 1979
Lipton 1978
McPherson 1983
Micou 1985
Molnar 1983
Mittendorf 1978
Payer 1980
Phillips 1965
Rama 1985
Shiras 1978
Stevens 1985
Stukhbings 1972
Vergopoulos 1985
Walton 1984
Williams n.d.1;
n.d.2; 1979

Daddieh 1985; n.d.1;

n.d.2
Dinham & Hines 1983
Fleureh 1984
Jaffee 1985
Lele 1984
Pelosky 1983
Turner 1984
Voll 1980
Keny:
Barclay 1977
Buch-Hansen 1980
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983
Buch-Hansen and
Marcussen 1982
Commonwealth
Devel o pment
Corporation 1984
Development
Alternatives Inc.
1975c
Pinham and Hines 1983
Etherington 1971
Freeman 1985
Herald and Hay 1985
Jabara 1985
Mulas 1981
'Nvong'o 1981
Scott 1982
Shipton 1985
Stern 1972
Wallace 1980
Williams and Allen 1982
Williams and Karen 1985
Lesotho:
Truitt 1981
Liberia:
Truitt 1981
Niger:
Versel 1984
Nigeria:
Development
Alternatives Inc.
1975a; 1975b
Oculi 1984

2. Africa:
General:
Berry 1984
Committee on African
Development
Strategies 1985
233

Oriaku 1985
Truitt 1981
Wallace 1980; 1981
Swaziland:
Dew 1978
Flaye 1980
Williams n.d.2
Williams and Karen 1985
Tanzania:
Maganya 1985
Dinham & Hines 1983
Zambia:
Dew 1978
Zimbabwe:
Dew 1978
4.

Nicaragua:
Bathrick 1981

Peru:
Kusterer 1982

Asia:
General:
Phillips 1965
India:
Halse 1976; 1978
Johl 1975
Subrahmanyam 1981
Williams and Karen 1985
Wills 1972
Indonesia:
Ping 1980
Malaysia:
Haji Salleh 1985
Fan 1981
New Guinea:
Truitt 1981
Williams n.d.2
Pakistan:
Chaudhry 1982
Philippines:
Jones 1.985
Ping 19808
Williams and Karen 1985
Sri Lanka
Kurian 1981
Taiwan
Fu-shan 1983
Thailand:
Laramee 1975
Menegay 1985
Ping 1980
Siamwalla 1978
Thosanguan 1983

3. South and Central America

and the Caribbean:
General:
Goldberg 1974
Morrissy 1974
Truitt 1982
Rama 1985
Raveed 1980
Belize:
Dew 1978
Costa Rica:
Truitt 1981
Dominican Rep.:
Williams and Karen 1985
Honduras:
Truitt 1981
Jamaica:
Feivalds 1981
Lewis 1981
Mexico:
Goldberg 1974
Morrissy 1974
Rama 1986
Truitt 1981
Williams and Karen 1985
234

Williams and Karen 1985

5. Middle East
General:
Voll 1980
Iran:
Moghadam 1985
Turkey:
Williams and Karen 1985
6. North America:
United States:
Goldberg 1974
Kauffman 1984
Lance 1978, 1981, 1983
Mighell and Hofnagle
1972
Roy 1972
Rogers 1980

7. Europe

UK:

General; EEC:
Butterwick 1975
Belgium:
Heghe 1976
England:
Millman 1980
France:
Bechaux 1977
Scotland:
Mackel 1979, 1980
Case Studies
Austin and Ross 1979
Barclay 1977
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983
Buch-Hansen and
Marcussen 1982
Chaudhry 1982
235

Dinham and Hines 1983

Development
Alternatives Inc.
1975a; 1975b; 1975c
Dew 1978
Etherington 1971
Fan 1981
Flaye 1980
Freeman 1985
Freeman and Karen 1982
Frievalds 1981
Fu-shan 1983
Goldberg 1974
Goldsmith 1985
Haji Salleh 1985
Halse 1976; 1978
Johl 1975
Jones 1985
Kurian 1981
Kusterer 1982
Laramee 1975
Lewis 1981
Mackel 1979, 1980
Maganya 1985
Menegay 1985
Moghadam 1985
Mulas 1981
Mackel 1979; 1980
'Ngong'o 1981
Rama 1986
Rogers 1980
Scott 1982
Stern 1972
Subramanyam 1981
Truitt 1982
Voll 1980
Wallace 1981
Williams and Allen 1982
Williams and Karen 1985
Wills 1972
Colonization:
Daddiah 1985; n.d.1
Development Alternatives
Incorp. 1975c
Dew 1978
Halfani and Baker 1984
'Nyong'o 1981
Commercial Agriculture:

See:

Free Enterprise;
Management

Commodity:
Bananas:
Glover 1986
Goldberg 1974
Ping 1980
Truitt 1981; 1982
Beets:
Bechaux 1977
Cattle:
Mackel 1979; Coconuts:
Kurian 1980
Coffee:
Dinham and Hines 1983
Freeman 1985
Williams and Karen 1985
Dairy:
Halse 1976; 1978
Truitt 1981
Williams and Karen 1985
Fish:
Ping 1980
Fruit (Gen.):
Goldberg 1974
Menegay 1985
Morrissy 1974
Subrahmanyam 1981
Williams and Karen 1985
Maize:
Truitt 1981
Wallace 1981
Williams and Karen 1985
Palm Oil:
Glover 1986
Jones 1985
Phillips 1965
Williams and Karen 1985
Piq-:
236

Fu-shan 1983
Kauffman 1984
Williams and Karen 1985
Pineapple:
Glover 1986
Poultry:
Frievalds 1981
Lance 1978; 1981; 1983
Ping 1980
Rogers 1980
Thosanguan 1983
Pyrethrum:
Freeman 1985
Rice:
Shiras 1978
Rubber:
Haji Salleh 1985
Fan 1981
Kurian 1981
Sheep:
Millman 1980
Sugar:
Buch-Hansen 1980
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983
Buch-Hansen and
Marcussen 1982
Dew 1978
Dinham and Hines 1983
Flaye 1980
Glover 1986
Maganya 1986
Mulas 1981
'Nyong'o 1981
Scott 1982
Thosanguan 1983
Truitt 1981
Williams and Allen 1982
Williams and Karen 1985
Tea:
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983
Buch-Hansen and
Marcusen 1982

1980

Commonwealth
Development Corp.
1984
Development
Alternatives Inc.
1975c
EtherLngton 1971
Kurian 1981
Maganya 1985
Stern 1972
Williams and Karen 1985
Tobacco
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983
Development
Alternatives Inc.
1975a
Lewis 1981
Maganya 1985
Shipton 1985
Thosanuan 1983
Williams and Karen 1985
Tomatoes:
Development
Alternatives
Incorporated 1975b
Truitt 1981
Wallace 1981
Vegetables (Gen):
Austin and Ross 1979
Goldberg 1974
Kusterer 1982
Laramee 1975
Menegay 1985
Morrissy 1974
Truitt 1981
Versil 1984
Williams and Karen 1985
Wheat:
Wallace 1981
Contracts:
See: Management
Cooperatives:

See: Intermediaries
Credit:
Bathrick 1981
Development Alternatives
Inc. 1975a; 1975b
Graber 1980
Crops:
See:
Commodity; Food/Cash Crop
Exports; Food Crops
Development:
Allen 1975
Barclay 1977
Barovick 1982
Bathrick 1981
Buch-Hansen 1980
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983
Buch-Hansen and Marcussen
1982
Carey 1983
Clayton 1983
Committee on African
Development Strategies 1985
Fleuret 1984
Freeman and Karen 1982
Glover 1984
Goldsmith 1983; 1985
Graber 1980
Jabara 1985
Lele 1984
Maganya 1985
McPherson 1983
Micou 1985
Molnar 1983
Oriaku 1985
Payer 1980
Ping 1980
Raveed 1980
Shiras 1978
Stevens 1985
Stubbings 1972
Truitt 1981
Turner, Bryant and
Fitzgerald 1984
Vergopoulos 1985

237

Voll 1980
Wallace 1981
Walton 1984
Williams n.d.l; n.d.2;
1979
Williams and Allen 1982
Williams and Karen 1982
Wills 1972
Ecology/Resource Management:
Lele 1984
Wallace 1980

Food Crops:
Barclay 1977
Berry 1984
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983
Chaudhry 1982
Collins and Lappe 1977
Committee on African
Development Strategies
1985
Daddieh n.d.l
Etherington 1971
Fleuret 1984
Freeman and Karen 1982
Glover 1S86
Haji Salleh 1985
Jaffee 1985
Johl 1975
Jones 1985
Laramee 1975
Lele 1984
Mighell and Hoofnagle
1972
Mulas 1981
'Ngong'o 1981
Oriaku 1985
Raveed 1980
Truitt 1982
Wallace i980; 1981
Voll 1980
Food/Cash Crop Exports:
Dinhant and Hines 1983
Ping 1980
Rama 1986
Food Policy
See: Policy Issues
(Donor/Lender);
Government Policy
Food Security:

Economic Differentiation:
See: Stratification
Ethnicity:
Flaye 1980
Export Crops:
See: Food/Cash Crop
Exports
Extension:
Abbott 1982
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983
Development Alternatives
Inc. 1975b
Kusterer 1982
Laramee 1975
Shipton 1985
Voll 1980
Family and in-kind Labor:
See: Labor
Farmers' Organizations:
See: Firms:
See: Manaqement
238
Intermediaries

Berry 1984
Committee on African
Development Strategies 1985
Daddieh 1985; n.d.l;
n.d.2
Fleuret 1984

Freeman and Karen 1982

Johl 1975
Goldsmith 1979
Glover 1986
Halse 1978
Jaffee 1985
Kusterer 1982
Pelosky 1983
Voll 1980
Gender:
Daddieh n.d.1
Fan 1981
Fleuret 1984
Kurian 1981
Shipton 1985
Stern 1972
Government Policy:
Allen et al. 1975
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983
Carey 1983
Development Alternatives
Inc. 1975b
Flaye 1980
Frievalds 1981
Glover 1986
Goldsmith 1985
Haji Salleh 1985
Jabara 1985
Laramee 1975
Lele 1984
Lewis 1981
Lipton 1978
Maganya 1986
Mittendorf 1978
Philips 1965
Scott (1982)
Stern 1972
Stevens 1985
Truitt 1982
Voll 1980
Household:
Stern 1972
Intermediaries:
1983

Abbott 1982
Barclay 1977
Buch-Hansen 1980
Butterworth 1975
Daddieh n.d.l
Development Alternatives
Inc. 1975a; 1975b;
1975c
Dew 1978
Fu-shan 1983
Glover 1986
Goldsmith 1985
Graber 1980
Halse 1976; 1978
Kusterer 1982
Laramee 1975
Lewis 1981
Mackel 1979
Menegay 1985
Phillips 1965
Scott 1982
Stubbings 1972
Truitt 1982
Voll 1980
Williams 1979
Williams and Karen 1985
Investment; Reinvestment:
Barclay 1977
Dew 1978
Flaye 1980
Stern 1972
Versel 1984
Wallace 1980
Williams 1980
Irrigation Schemes:
Oriaku 1985
Wallace 1980; 1981
Joint-Ventures:
Oculi 1984
Stern 1972
Labor:
Barclay 1977
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
Buch-Hansen and Marcussen
1982

239

Development Alternatives Inc. 1975b; 1975c Etheringtun 1971

Fan 1981
Kurian 1981
Kusterer 1982
Lance 1978; 1981 Laramee 1975
'Ngong'o 1981
Payer 1980
Shipton 1985
Stern 1972
Truitt 1982
Voll 1980
Wallace 1981
Manngement (of scheme):
Brown 1986
Barclay 1977
Commonwealth Development
Corporation 1984
Development Alternatives Inc. 1975a; 1975b; 1975c
Dew 1978 Flaye 1980
Freivalds 1981
Glover 1986
Goldberg 1974
Goldsmith 1983; 1985
Halfani and Baker 1984
Halse 1976; 1978 Jones 1985
Kauffman 1984
Lance 1981; 1983 Laramee 1975
Lewis 1981 Menegay 1985
Micou 1985
Mighell and Hoofnagle 1972 Moghalam 1985
Morrissy 1974
Mulas 1981
Oculi 1984
Phillip? 965
Rama 1
.

Stern 1972
Stevens 1985
Thosanguan 1983
Truitt 1981
Vergopolous 1986
Voll 1980
Wallace 1981
Williams n.d.1; n.d.2
Williams and Allen 1982
Williams and Karen 1985
Williamson 1971; 1979
Markets: Merchants; Marketing:

Abbott 1982
Brown 1986
Allen et al. 1975
Austin and Ross 1979
Butterwick 1975
Daddieh 1985
Development Alternatives
Inc. 1975b
Fu-shan 1983
Goldberg 1974
Halse 1976; 1978
Hayenga 1979
Heghe 1976
Mittendorf 1978
'Ngong'o 1981
Rogers 1980
Siamwella 1978
Subranmanyam 1981
Thosanguan 1.983
Vergopoulos 1985
Versel 1984
Williamson 1971
, Methodoloqies [for studying CF
and Baseline Studies]:
Brown 1986
Berry 1984 L
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1983 ,
Buch-Hansen and Marcussen
1982
Collins and Lappe 1977
Daddieh n.d.2

Rogers 1980
Roy 1972 Scott 1982
Siamwella 1978
240

Etherington 1971,
Glover 1984 .
Goldsmith 1985
Maganya 1985

Mulas 1981
Oculi 1984
Rams 1985
Williams n.d.1; n.d.2;
1979
Mixed Farming:
Etherington J.971
Jaffee 1985
Non-Government Organizatons
(NGOs):
See: Intermediaries

1979
Political Economy:
Buch-Hansen and Kieler
1982
Buch-Hansen and Marcussen
1983
Collins and Lappe 1977
Daddieh 1985; n.d.l
Dinham and Hines 1983
Fan 1981
Glover 1984
Haji Salleh 1985
Halfani and Baker 1984
Mcghadam 1985
Mulas 1981
"Ngong'o 1981
Oculi 1984
Pajer 1980
Wallace J.980; 1981
Private Enterprise
Barovick 1982
Freeman and Karen 1982
McPherson 1983
Pelosky 1983
Private Voluntary
Organizations:
See: Intermediaries

Participation (by producers):

Glover 1986
Kusterer 1982
Lewis 1981
Scott 1982
Stubbngs 1972
Truitt i982
Wallace 1981
Williams, n.d.2
Plantations:
Fan 1981
Kurian 1981
Policy Issues (Donor; Lender):
See also: Government
Policy
Barovick 1982
Buch Hansen 1977
Butterwick 1975
Clayton 1983
Collins & Lappe 1977
Committee on African
Development
Strategies 1985
Daddieh n.d.1
Goldsmith 1985
Lele 1984
McPherson 1983
Paver 1980
Pelosky 1983
Raveed 1980
Walton 1984
Williams n.d.1; n.d.2;
241

Production Factors:
See: Credit; Extension;
Food Crops;
Technology Transfer;
Labor
Production Systems:
See: Food Crops;
Food/Cash Crop
Exports
Resettlement Schemes:
Williams and Karen 1985
Risk-Taking:

Flaye 1980
Goldsmith 1985
Wallace 1930
Rural Economy: Rural Income:

Technology Transfer:
Chaudhry 1982
Fleuret 1984
Freeman 1985
Glover 1986
Goldsmith 1985
Johl 1975
Lance 1978
Lewis 1981
Lipton 1978
Molnar 1983
Oculi 1984
Oriaku 1985
Scott 1982
Shiras 1978
Turner, Bryant and
Fitzgerald 1984
Wallace 1980; 1981
Williams n.d.1
Wills 1972

Goldsmith 1985
Wallace 1980
Rural Production Systems:
See: Food Crops
Sex Roles:
See: Gender
Small-scale Enterprise:
Barclay 1977

Stratification:
Barclay 1977
Bechaux 1977
Buch-Hansen 1980
Buch-Hansen and Kieler

1983

Vertical Integration:
See: Markets

VI.

COMPREHENSIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

243

COMPREHENSIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY: A NOTE OF

CLARIFICATION
Some of the entries contained in the Comprehensive Bibliography
do not directly discuss contract farming, but they do provide
important theoretical perspectives, are of methodological
importance, or provide supplementary information relevant to the
topic. An example is At Home Abroad, by T. Horst, where it
is
argued that technology transfer will not be likely to occur in
agribusiness schemes. (Counter to the belief that one
important
positive "spinoff" of agribusiness is the transfer of food
technology.)
The general Locus of these contextual and theoretical works, as
well as the focus of some of the contract farming entries, is
sometimes given in brief content-notes at the end of the entries.

For example, " - Case study of banana CF scheme in Honduras."

(Following the entry "Guianchias...", by George Truitt); or
"-

Criticism of Bank policy." (Following the entry "The World Bank

and the Small Farmers", by Cheryl Payer).
Policy-related documents are included that have formed the
r:.tionale for the promotion of various agribusiness schemes and
practices by donors. For example, the 1981 World Bank document
Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Agenda for
Action, or the 1984 United States Congress document African
Tomorrow: Issues in Technology, Agriculture, and U.S. Foreign
Aid: A Technical Memorandum. Important documents of this type
are flagged by the following note at the end of the entry:
" Key policy paper."
For a further discussion of the Comprehensive Bibliography,
including a key to abbreviations used, see the Introduction.
These entries are thematically indexed in Section VII "Topical
Index to Comprehensive Bibliography."

244

1.Abalu, G.O.I.
n.d. Future Prospects for Food Security in Africa. Paper
Prepared for the Symposium on Agricultural Policy and
African Food Security: Issues, Prospects and Constraints
Toward the Year 2000. n.p. [IDA]
2.Abbott, John C.
1972 Marketing of Fruits and Vegetables, 2nd. EUSAID]

edn.

Rome:

FAO.

1982 Consideration of
Alternative Marketing Organisations to
Serve Small Tropical Farmers. In Agricultural
Administration 9: 285-299. [IDA AB)

4.---

1985 Agricultural Marketing Mechanisms and Institutions: Their

Performance and Limitations. AGRIP Working Paper No. 94.
Washington, DC: IBRD. [USAID/IDA]
4a.--- 1986
Agricultural Processing Enterprises as an Instrument for the Transmission of Technology. Mimeo. Rome: FAO. EdeT AB] 5.Abbott, Susan
1974 Full Time Farmers and Weekend Wives:
Clange and Stress
among Rural Kikuyu Women. Ph.D. Dissertation. Chapel
Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina. (UN)
6.Abdullah bin Sepien
1979 Tctchnical and Allocative EFficiency on
Independent and
Felda Rubber Smallholdings: A Summary. Kuala Lampur:
Rubber Research Institute of Malaysia. CWBJ
7.Accati, Elena Garibaldi
1983 Women's Role in Horticultural Countries. Rome: FAO.

Production in Developing

8.Acland, Julien Dyke

1971 East African Crops: An Introduction to the Production of
Field and Plantation Crops in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda.
London: Longman [for the) FAO. [WB)
9.Adams, Dale W., and E. Walter Coward Jr.
1972 Small Farmer Development Strategies. Agricultural Development Council.

Washington, D.C.[?]

1O.Adams, Kendall
1980 Agribusiness Intecration as an Alternative Small Farm
Strategy. Cochabamba, Bolivia: Consortium for
International Development.
Mimeo. EUSAID/IDA)
245

11.Advisory Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid

1984 Mainstreaming Women:
Inclusive Economic Development in the
Third World. Washington, DC: Advisory Committee on
Voluntary Foreign Aid, USAID. [USAID/IDA)
12.Afrique et d6veloppement
1982 Editorial Note: The Lagos Plan of Action. d~veloppement 7(1/2): i-vi. [WB/IDA]

In Afrique et

13.Agarwal, Mohan, and Dean Linsenmyer

1974 Smallholder Tobacco Schemes in Tanzania.
Report prepared
for the World Bank African Rural Development Study.
Washington, DC: IBRD.
14.Agbonifo, Peter 0., and Ronald Cohen
1976 The Peasant Connection: A Case Study of the Bureaucracy of
Agri-industry. In Human Organization 35(4):
367-379.
CIEDA)
15.Akerele, Olubanke
1979 Women and the Fishing Industry in Liberia:
Measures of
Women's Participation. UN Economic Commission for Africa
Research Sories ATRCW/SDD/RES/79/04. 1EPOC/IDA)
16.Alibaruho, G.
1984 The Challenge to Food Production and the Need to Redirect
Production Strategy in East Africa.
In Eastern Africa
Journal of Rural Development (Kampala) 14(1-2): 47-60.
17.Alila, Patrick 0.
1977 Kenyan Agricultural Policy: The Colonial Roots of African
Smallholder Agricultural Policy and Services. Working
Paper No. 327. Nairobi: Institute for Development
Studies, University of Nairobi. lIDS/IDA]
18.Allen, Franklin
1985 On the Fixed Nature of Sharecropping Contracts. In The
Economic Journal 95
(March): 30-48. [USAID-S&T]
18a.Allen, G.R., L. Malassis, S. Popovic, and G.Viatte
1975 Changes in the Relationships between Agriculture, the Food
Industry and Trade: Market and Marketing. Tn European
Review of Agricultural Economics 2(4): 433-157. [CAB AB)
19.Allen, George A.
1981 Mumias. Case study prepared for a conference on
Multinationals: New Approaches to Agricultural and Rural
Development, held at Mohonk Mountain House, New Paltz, New
York, 26-29 April. New York: Fund for Multinational
Management Education. Mimeo. [FMME/IDA]

246

20.Amin, Samir
1982 A Critique of the World Bank Report: "Accelerated
Development in Sub-Saharan Africa."
In: Afrique et
d6veloppement 7 (1/2): 23-30.
(WB/IDA].
21.Amorin, Cesar
1983 Marketing Agroindustry Chapare Regional Development
Project Component. Report prepared for USAID.
Washington, DC: USAID.
22.Andrews, D.J. and A.H.
Kassam
1976 The Importance of Multiple Cropping in
Increasing World
Food Supplies. In Multiple Cropping, publ.by the American
Society of Agronomy. [n.p.]
23.Anker, Richard
1983 Female Labour Force Participation: ILO Research on
Conceptual and Measurement Issues. In Women, Work, and
Demographic Issues. Report of an
ILO/UNITAR Seminar,
Tashkent, USSR,
11-19 Oct. Geneva: ILO.CEPOC/IDA]
23a.Anyang, 'Nyong'o P. See 'Nyong'o, Anyang P.

24.Ardener, E.,
S. Ardener and WA. Warmington
1960 Plantation and Village in Cameroon.
London: University Press.

Oxford

25.Arhin, Kwame
1977 The Pressure of Cash and Its Political Consequences in
Asante in the Colonial Period. In Journal of
African
Studies 3(4).
26.Aricanli, T.
1984 Agricultural Labor Responscs to
Population Growth: The
Gezira Scheme. Unpubli.hed Report.. Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard University. [MW]
27.Ariza-Nino, Edgar J.
1985 Improving Milk Marketing in Ecuador.
Report prepared by
Sigma One Corporation for Ministerio de Agricultura y
Ganaderia, Ecuador, and USAID.
Quito, Ecuador.
[USAID/IDA]
28.Arrighi, G.
1970 Labour Supplies in Historical Perspective: A Study of the
Proletarianization of the African Peasantry in Rhodesia.
Journal of Development Studies 6(3): 197-234.

247

29.Arthur D. Little, Inc.

1966 The Nigerian Rubber Industry. Report to the Ministry of
Industries, Nigeria. Prepared as part of
Program of
a Technical Assistance Sponsored by USAID. [London] : Arthur
D. Little, Inc. [IDA]
30.Austin, James, and Bill Ross
1972 Zacapa (A). Harvard Business School Case Study No.
9-373-801. Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard Business School.
[HBS/IDA AB]
31.--- 1974 Agribusiness in Latin America.
New York:

Praeger.

32.Aylemba, Elias
1974 Intercensal Population Change: A Comparatie Study of Cane
Locations and the Sugar Belt, 1962-73.
MA Dissertation.
Nairobi: University of Nairobi.[UN)
33.Ayres, Robert L.
1983 Banking on the Poor:
The World Bank and World Poverty.
Cambridge, Mass: The MIT Press. [IDA]
34.Ba, Thierno Aliou and Bernard Crousse
1985 Food-production Systems in the Middle Valley of the
Senegal River. In Journal of International Social Science
37(3): 285-300. [SUNY-B/IDA]
35.Baba, J.
1974 Induced Agricultural Change in a Densely Populated
District. Ph.D. Dissertation, Ahmadu Bello University.
36.Ball, Nicole
1976 Understanding the Causes of
African Famine. Modern African Studies 14(3): 520ff.

in

Journal of

37.Banaji, J.
1977 Models of Production in a Laterialist Conception of
History. In Capital and Class (Autumn).
- On "disguised labor" in peasant production systems.
38.Barclay, A. H.
1977 The Mumias Sugar Project. A Study of Rural Development in
Western Kenya.
Ph.D. Thesis, Ann Arbor, University of
Michigan. [IDA AB)
38a.Bardha, P.
1980 Inter-Locking Factor Markets and Agrarian Development.
Oxford University: Oxford Economic Papers 32:
82-97. [WB/MW]

248

39.Barkan, Joel D., and Frank Holmquest

1986 Politics and the Peasantry in Kenya: The Lessons of
Harambee. Working Paper No. 440. Nairobi:
Institute for
Development Studies, University of Nairobi.
[IDS/IDA]
40.'Barnes, Caroline
1974 The Introduction of Coffee in Gusiland, Kenya, 1933-1942.
Discussion Paper No. 205.
Nairobi: Institute for
Development Studies, University of Nairobi,Kenya.
[IDS/IDA]
41.--- 1976 An Experiment with African Coffee Growing in Kenya:
The
Gusii, 1933-50. Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State, East
Lansing, Michigan. [IDS]
42.--- 1983 Differentiation by Sex among Small-Scale Farming
Households in Kenya. In Rural Africans (15-16): 41-63.
[IDA]
43.Barnett, Tony
1977 The Gezira Scheme, an Illusion of Development. Frank Cass.

London:

44.--- 1981 Evaluating the Gezira Scheme:

Black Box or Pandora's Box.
In Rural Development in Tropical Africa, Judith Heyer,
Pepe Roberts, and Gavin Williams, eds. Pp. 281-305. New
York: St. Martin's Press. [IDA]
44a.Bhaduri, A.
1986 Forced Commerce and Agrarian Growth.
In World Development
4(2): 267-272. [WB/MW)
45.Barovick, Richard L.
1982 A.I.D. Moves Ahead in Support of Third World's Private
Sector. In Business America 5(14): 12-14.[USAID AB)
45a.Barton, Clifton G.
1972 Credit and the Small Farmer: A Case Study of the Mekong
Delta, South Vietnam. In
Small Farmer Credit in East
Asia, Robert B. Morrow and Paul E. White, eds. AID Spring
Review of Small Farmer Credit 11, No. SR 111. Washington,
DC: USAID. [USAID-S&T]
46.Bassett, T. 1985 State, Food and Peasantry in Northern Ivory Coast. Dissertation. Berkeley: University of California.

Ph.D. [MW)

249

47.Bateman, M.
1969 Supply Relations for Perennial Crops in the Less Developed
Areas. In Subsistence Agriculture and Economic
Development, C. Wharton, ed. Pp.243-53. Chicago: Aldine.
48.Bates, Robert H.
1979 The Commercialization of Agriculture and the Rise of Rural
Political Protest in Black Africa.
In Food, Politics, and
Agricultural Development: Case Studies in the Public
Policy of Rural Modernization, Raymond F. Hopkins, Donald
J. Puchala, and Ross B.Talbot, eds. Pp. 227-260.
Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. [IDA]
49.--- 1981 Market and States in Tropical Africa. University of California Press.

Berkeley:

50.--- 1983 Patterns of Market Intervention in Agrarian Africa: A

Review Essay. In Food Policy 8(4): 297-304, [WB]
51.--- 1986 Regulation and Contention: Social Structure and Political
Conflict in Agriculture. Mimeo. Stanford University: Food Research Institute. [MW] 52.Bathrick, D.C. 1981 Agricultural Credit for Small Farm Development: Policies
and Practices. Epping, Essex: Bowker Publ.Company. [CAB
AB]
53.Bechaux, E.
1S77 D~veloppeinent de l'6conomie contractuele et
differenciations sociales en agriculture: l'evolution du
secteur de production et de transformation de la betterave
industrielle dana la Plaine de Dijon 1950-1975. Documents
de Recnerches No. 141. Paris: Institut National de la
Recherche Agronomique, [CAB AB)
54.Beckford, George L.
1983 Persistent Poverty: Underdevelopment in Plantation
Economies in the Third World. London: Zed Books
Ltd.(abbreviated edn. of the original published by Oxford
University Press in 1972). [deT)
55.Beckford, George L.
1986
Caribbean Peasantry in the Confines of the Plantation Mode
of Production. In International Social Science Journal
37(3): 331-344. [SUNY-B]

250

56.Beckman, BJorn
1978 Organizing the Farmers. Upsala: Scandinavian Institute of
African Studies. Mimeo.
57.--- 1980 Imperialism and Capitalist Transformation: a Critique of
the Kenyan Debate. In Review of African Political Economy
19.
58.--- 1981 Ghana, 1951-78:
the Agrarian Basis of the Post-colonial
State. In Rural Development in Tropical Africa, Judith
Heyer, Pepe Roberts, and Gavin Williams, eds. Pp.
143-167. New York: St. Martin's Press. [IDA]

59.---
1985a Bakalori:
Peasants versus State and Capital. Unpublished
Research Report. Stockholm: University of Stockholm.
(Published in Development: Seeds of Change, 1985) [MW)
60.--- 1985b
Industry Goes Farming. Unpublished Manuscript. Bello University. [MW)
61.---- and G. Andrae
1986 The Wheat Trap. London: Zed Press. Ahmadu

[MW)

62.Benedict, Peter
1972 Itinerant Marketing: an Alternative Strategy. in Social
Exchange and Integration, Edwin N. Wilmsen, ed.
Anthropological Papers No.46. Ann Arbor: Museum of
Anthropology, University of Michigan.
63.Benzine, Marie-H6lne, and Jean-Claude Roget
1981 Transformation et commercialisation des produits vivriers
en afrique. Centre Africain de Recherche et de Formation
pour la Femme/Ford Foundation Doc.No.
E/CN.14/ATRCW/BIBLIOi81/Ol.
Addis Ababa: UN Economic
Commision for Africa. [EPOC/IDA)
63a.Berg, Robert J.,
and Jenifer Seymour Whitaker (eds.)
Compact for African Development. Report of the Committee
on African Development Strategies. Washington, DC:
Overseas Development Council. [USAID-W/IDA]
64.Bernstein, H.
1977 Notes on Capital and Peasantry. In Review of African
Political Economy 10.- On "disguised labor" in peasant
production systems.
65.--- 1979 African Peasantries: A Theoretical Framework.
In Journal
of Peasant Studies 6(4): 421-42.

991i

66.Berry, Sara S.
1984a The Food Crisis and Agrarian Change in Africa: A Review
Essay. In African Studies Review 27(June): 2.[IDA AB]
67.--- 1984b Households, Decision Making, and Rural Development: Do We
Need To Know More? Development Discussion Papers, Harvard
Institute for International Development. Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard University.
68.--- 1985 Fathers Work for Their Sons. Accumulation, Mobility and
Class Formation in an Extended Yoruba Community.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
69.--....
1986 Concentration without Privatisation: Agrarian Consequences
of Changing Patterns of Ru_-al Land Control in Africa.
Draft Paper Prepared for Conference "Land Issues, National
and Local, in Africa," March 14-15, Der.irtment of
Anthropology. Cambridge,Mass: Harvard University. 1IDA3
70.Bindzi, M. T.
1985 La femme camerouneise: agent agricole de premier ordre.
In Le Cameroun agricole pastoral et forestier 293(Feb):
44-45. [IBRD/IDA]
71.Binswanger, Hans P., and Donald A. Siller
1983 Rizk Aversion and Credit Constraints in Farmers'
Decision-Making: A Reinterpretation.
72.Blain, Daniele
1984 Tho Stigma of the Middlemen: A Closer Look.
Ceres(January-February). Rome: F.A.0.
73.Bloom Jack
1985 The Economic Crisis in Kenya: Class and Ethnic Confli-t.
In The Insurgent Sociologist 12(1/2): 93-103.
[SUNY-B/IDA]
74.Blumberg, Rae Lesser
1985 A Walk on the "WID" Side: Summary of Field Research on
"Women in Development" in the Dominican Republic and
Guatemala. Summary Report prepared for USAID/LAC and
PPC/CDIE, Washington, DC. [IDA)
75.Boesen, Jannik, and A. T. Mohele
1979
The "Success Story" of Peasant Tobacco Production n
Tanzania. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African
Studies. [IDA]

252

76.Bolder, R. et al.
1980 The Production and Marketing of Export Crops by Small
Farmers in Sierra Leone.
Nijmegen, Netherlands: Inst. for
Geography and Planning of the Catholic University. [WB]
77.Bond, C. A.
1974 Women's Involvment in Agriculture in Botswana. Botswana: Government Printer.
Gaborone,

78.Bookers Agricultural and Technical Services, Ltd.

1970 Mumias Sugar Scheme: Final Feasibility Study, 2 volumes.
London: B.A.T.S.
79.Brcckmann, C. Thomas
1985 Women and Development in Northern Belize. In The Journal
of Developing Areas 19(July): 501-514.[WB/IDA?- On women's
participation in sugar cane schemes.
80.Brokensha, David
1981 The Measurement of Rural Inequality. Paper presented AAAS
Annual Meetings, Jan. 6, Toronto, Canada. Mimeo.
[EPOC/IDA]
81.Bromley, R.J.
19 Markets in Developing Countries:
Review. A 56.

In Geography

82.----, R. Symanski, and C.M. Good

1975 The Rationale of Periodic Markets. Annals of the
Associatiun of Geographers. 65(December): 4.
83.Brooke Bond
(misc) Annual Reports. London: Brooke Bond.
- Provides data on outgrowers' activities.
84.Brown, James G.
1986 improving Agroindustries in Developing Countries. In
Finance and Development (June): 42-45. (IDRC/WB/IDA]
84a.--- 1986 Agroindustrial Development: A Guide to Project Design and
Operation. Washington, DC: World Bank. Draft Mimeo.
[deT AB]
85.Brown, L.H.
1963 National Cash Crops Policy for Kenya, Parts I and II.
Republic of Kenya.
86.Brownrigg, Leslie
1985 Home Gardening in International Development: What the
Literature Shows. The League for International Food
Education. [n.p.]

253

87.Bryceson, D.
1980 Changes in Peasant Food Production and Supply in Relation
to the Historical Development of Commodity Production in
Pre-Colonial and Colonial Tanganyika. Journal of Peasant
Studies 7(3): 281-311.
88.Bryson, Judy C.
1979 Women and Economic Development in Cameroon. Prepared
under Contract NO. RDO 78/8. Yaounde, Cameroon: USAID.
CEPOC/IDA]
89.Buch-Hansen, M.
1980a Agro-Industrial Production and Socio-Economic Development:
A Case Study of KTDA Small Holder Tea Production in Buret,
Western Kenya. Working Paper No.11, Roskilde, Denmark:
Institute of Geography, Roskilde University Centre. [CAB
AB]
90.--- 1980b Agro-Industrial Production and Socio-economic Development:
Case Studies of Sugar Production in Muhoroni and Mumias,
Western Kenya. Working Papers No. 15. Roskilde, Denmark:
Institute of Geography, Roskilde University Centre.
91.---- and Henrik Scher Marcussen
1982 Contract Farming and the Peasantry: Cases from Western
Kenya. In Review of African Political Economy 23
(January/February): 9-36. [IDA AB]
92.---- and Jan Kieler
1983 The Development of Capitalism and the Transformation of
the Peasantry in Kenya. Rural Africana 15-16
(Winter-Spring): 13-39. [IDA AB)
9$.Bujra, J.M.
1983 Class, Gender and Capitalist Transformation in Africa. Africa Development (Dakar) 8(3): 17-42.
94.Bulletin menseul
n.d. La peche Ivoirienne. [WB/IDA]

In

In Bulletin menseul 2(Sept): 41-45.

95.Bunyasi, John
1973 Labour in the Kenyan Coffee Industry: An Economic
Analysis. Ph.D. Thesis. Nairobi: UniversiLy of
Nairobi. [IDS/UN]
96.Burbach, Roger, and Patricia Flynn
1980 Agribusiness in the Americas.
New York: Press 192-20 5.

Monthly Review

254

97.Burfinher, Mary, and Nadine Horenstein

1982 Division of Labor and
Income of the Farm: A Framework for
Analyzing Differential Impacts of Development Projects on
Women and Men.
Africa and Middle East Branch/Internat.
Economics Division/Economic Research Service.
Washington,
DC: USDA. Mimeo. [EPOC/IDA]
98.Burki, S.J., and T.J. Goering
1977 A Perspective on the Foodgrain Situation in the Poorest
Countries. Staff Working Paper No. 251.
Washington, DC:
World Bank.
99.Butterwick, M.
1975 Vertical Integration and the Use of Contracts in
Agriculture. IV. Synopsis. Brussels: European
Communities Commission, Internal Information on
Agriculture No.145. [CAB AB]
100.Bwambale, Henry
1978 Agriculture Research and Technology Diffusion by Foreign
Agribusiness Firms in Kenya. Unpublished DBA
Dissertation. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business
School. [UN/IDA]
102.Calkins, Peter Hollis
1976 Shiva's Trident: The Impact on Income, Employment and
NutriLion of Developing Horticulture in the Trisuli
Watershed, Nepal. Ph.D. Dissertation. Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University.
103.Cameroon, Government of
1984 Textes of.i..c iels: Decret No. 84-78 du
19 mars
1984...reorganisation de la SODECAO.
In Le Cameroun
agricole, pastorale, et forestier 200(May): 48-57.[WB/IDA]
104.Cameroun agricole, pastorale, et forestier, le
1983-5 [Advertisemen - for farmer co-ops; commodity-specific
farmer societies; agricultural projects -- many of the
advertised schemes involve contractual arrangements with
smallholders]
In Le Cameroun agricole, pastorale, et
forestier, No. 195-203: misc.pp. [WB/IDA]
105.--- 1985a
Favoriser le d~veloppement de l'agro-industrie: Un
objectif de la politique du gouvernement. In Le cameroun
agricole, pastorale, et forestier 203 (Feb): 36-37.
[WB/IDA]
106.--- 1985b Liste des principaux 6leveurs du Cameroun/ In Le Cameroun
agricole, pastorale, et forestier 203(Feb):
34. EWB/IDA]

255

107.--- 1985cL "Office c6realier": Lutte contre la famine.

In Le
Cameroun agricole, pastorale, et forestier 203(Feb): [WB/IDA)

38.

108.--- 1985dL Liste des principales soci~t~s agzicoles du Cameroun.

In
Le Cameroun agricole, pastorale et forestier 203(Feb):
29-31. [WB/IDA]
109.Campain Co-op
1980 The World in Your Coffee Cup.

London:

Campain co-op.

110.Carney, J.
1986 Rice Ecologies in The Gambia. Ph.D. Dissertation.
Berkeley: University of California. [MW]
111.Crey Jones, N.S.
1983 Decentralisation and L%.egation in Agricultural
Development. In Agricultural Administration 13(4):
187-199. [CAB AB]
112.Cavusgil, S. Tamer, Lyn S. Amine, and Edward Vitale
1983 Marketing Supplementary Food Products in LDC's. A Case
Stud, in Morocco. Food Policy 8(May): 2ff.
113.Cernea, Michael M., J.K. Coulter, and J.F.A. Russell
(eds)
1985 Research; Extension; Farmer: A Two-Way Continuam for
Agricultural Development. A World Bank and UNDP
Symposium. Washington, DC: IBRD. [IDA]
114.Chaney, Elsa M., and Martha W. Lewis
1985
Women, Migration and the Decline of Smallholder
Agriculture. Women in Internatrional Development Working
Paper No. 97. East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State
University. [IDA]
115.Chanock, M.
1977 Agricultural Change and Continuity in Malawi.
In The
Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa, R.
Palmer and N. Parsons, eds. Pp.396-409. London: Heinmann.
116.Chapelle, G. et al
1974 Etude du D~veloppement de la Production Maraichere, Niger:
I. L'offre et la Demande de Legumes. Paris: Bureau pour
le D~veloppement de la FKoduction Agricole.
117.Chatterji, Ruchira
1984 Marginalisation and the Induction of Women into Wage
Labour: The Case of Indian Agriculture. Worlk Employment
Programme Research Working paper No. WEP 10/WP. 2.
Geneva: ILO. [EPOC/IDA)

256

117a.Chaudhry, M. Ghaffar
1983 Green Revolution and Redistribution of Rural Incomes:
Pakistan's Experience. In Pakistan Review 21(Autumn):
173-205. [WB AB)
118.Chauveau, Jean-Pierre
1979 Economie de plantation et "nouveaux milieux sociaux": O.R.S.T.O.M., ser. Sci. Hum. 16: 59-82[MW]

Cah.

119.---- and Jacques Richard

19 Une "p~riph~rie recentr~e":
propos d'un syst~me local
b d'6conomie de plantation en C6te d'Ivoire. In Cahiers
d'6tudes africaines 68, XXVII(4): 485-523. LMW)
1'O.CheaLer, A.
1981 Women and Their Participation in Commercial Agricultural
Production: The Case of the Medium-Scale Freehold in
Zimbabwe. In Development and Change 12(3): 349-78.
121.Checci and Company
1977 Evaluation of L.A.A.D. de Centro-America. Report
Submitted to USAID. Washington, DC: Checci and Company.
122.--- 1978 Evaluation of the Agro-Industrial Export Development
Project in Honduras. Washington, DC: Checci and Company.
123.Child, Frank C.
n.d. Entrepreneurship, Management and Labor in a Society in
Transition. Working Paper No. 128.
Nairobi: Institute
for Development Studies, University of Nairobi. [IDS/IDA]
124.Chipande, G.H.R.
1983 Smallholder Agriculture as a Rural Development Strategy:
The Case of Malawi. Ph.D. Thesis. University of Glasgow.
[REDSO/IDA]
125.Christian, W.R.K.
1985 Financing Cocoa Projects in Ghana. In Recurrent Costs and
Agricultural Development, J. Howell, Ed.Pp.182-189.
London: Overseas Development Institute. [CAB AB)
126.Christensen, C. et al.
1984 Assessing Africa's Food Policies. 57-61.

In Africa Report 29(4):

127.Chiswick, Carmel Uhlman

1977 A Procedure for Estimating Earnings of Unpaid Family
Workers. World Bank Reprint from Business and Economy
Statistics Section, Proceedings of the American
Statistical Association. [EPOC/IDA]

257

129.Chumba, Jack
1985 Kenya Grain Growers Co-operative Union: Sound and
Effective Service to the Farmer. In Kenya Farmer
48(July): 6-10;31. (IDA]
130.Clarke, Duncan G.
1974 Contract Workers and Underdevelopment in Rhodesia. Gwelo,
Rhodesia: Mambo Press. [REDSOJ
131.--- 1977 Agricultural and Plantation Workers in Rhodesia:
Report
A on Conditions of Labour and Subsistence. Mambo Occasional
Papers; Socio-Economic Series No.6. Harare, Zimbabwe:
Mambo Pre-ss. (deT)
132.Clayton, Eric
1965 Agrarian Development in Peasant Economies, Some Lessons
from Kenya. London: Pergamon Press. [WB/IDA AB)
132a.--- 1983 Agricultural Development and Farm Income Distribution in
LDCs. In Journal of Agricultural Economics .London U.):
34(3): 349-359. [WB AB]
133.Cleave, John H
1974 African Farmers: Labour use in the Development of
Smallholder Agriculture. New York: Praeger.
134.Cliffe, Lionel
1977 Rural Class Formation in East Africa. Peasant Studies 4(2): 195-224.

In Journal of

135.Cloud, Kathleen
1977 Sex Roles in Food Production and Food Distribution Systems
in the Sahcel. Project Activity No. 6254-11-625-0907.
Washington, DC: USAID, Bureau for Africa. (EPOC/IDA)
136.Clough, Richard
1968 An Appraisal of African Settlement Schemes in Kenya
Highlands. Ph.D. Dissertation. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University. CUN)
137.Clute, Robert E.
1982 The Role of Agriculture in African Development. African Studies Review 25(4): 1-20.

In

138.Cohen, Nicholas, and Rene Dumont

1980 Ti.e Growth of Hunger: A New Politics of Agriculture.
London: Marion Boyars.
139.Collins, Joseph, and Frances Moore Lappe
1977 Still Hungry After All These Years. Mother Jones. [IDA AB]

258

140.Collinson, M.P.
1982 Farming Systems Research in Eastern Agrica; The
Experiences of Cimmyt and Some National Agricultural
Research Services, 1976-81. International Development Pa per No.3. East Lansing: Michigan State University.
141.Committee for Economic Development, Research and Policy
1981 Trananational Corporations and Developing Countries.
New
York: Committee for Economic Development.
142.Commonwealth Development Corporation
1976 Partners in Development-Finance Plus Management. Commonwealth Development Corporation.
143.--- 1984
CDC and the Small Farmer. Development Corporation.

London:

London: Commonwealth
[CDC/IDA AB]

144.Congress of the United States

1984 Africa Tomorrow: Issues in Technology, Agriculture,and
U.S. Foreign Aid. A Technical Memorandum. Washington,
DC: Congress of the United States, Office of Technology
Assessment. EUSAID-W/IDA]
-
Key policy statement and recommendations.
145.Constable, Michael
1970 Proposals for Assessing Coffee Diversification Projects.
Staff Paper No. 56. Nairobi: Institute Development
Studies, University of Nairobi. [IDS/IDA]
146.Cooper, Frederi:k
1980 From Slaves to Squatters: Plantation Labor and Agriculture
in Zanzibar and Coastal
Kenya, 1890-1925. New Haven: Yale
University Press. [WB]
147.Coudert, J., L.B. Thrower, and J.
Henry
1981 Culture et commercialization des oignons dans lea pays du
Sahel et de l'Afrique de l'Oust: Leur d6veloppement dans
le cadre des petites expoitations maraicheres. Geneva:
Centre du Commerce International, FAO.
148.Counter Information Service
1975 Unilever's World.
London: Anti-Report No. 11.
149.Courade, Georges
1984 La constitution s'empires agro-industriels 6tatiques
depuis l'ind4pendance au Cameroun: Politique et
d6veloppement rural et/ou national?
In African Economic
History 12: 33-48.

Counter

Information Service

259

150.---- et al.
1980 Complexes agro-industriela au Cameroun. Paris: Orstom.
[WB]
- Chapters on Unilever plantations; other agroindustries.
151.Courtenay, P.P.
1980 Plantation Agriculture. 2nd. Edn. Hyman. EWB/HBS/IDA: selections]

153.---

London: Bell and

1981

Commodity Production in Kenya's Central Province. Inr

Rural Development in Tropical Africa, Judith Heyer, Pepe
Roberts, and Gavin Williams, eds. Pp.121-142. New York:
St. Martins Press. [IDA]

154.--- 1983 The Commercialization of Food Production in Kenya After

1945. In Imperialism, Colonialism, and Hunger: East and
Central Africa, R. Rothberg, ed. Pp. 199-224.
Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath.
155.Cowen, M., and K. Kinyanjui
1977 Some Prob.lems of Capital and Class in Kenya. Occasional
Paper No. 26. Nairobi: Institute for Development Studies,
University of Nairobi. [IDS/IDA]
156 .----- 1978 Capital and Household Production: The Case of Wattle in
Kenya's Central Province, 1903-64. Ph.D. Dissertation,
University of Cambridge. (UN)
157.Craig, Thomas
1980 Ashamu Holdings Limited (B): Let Them Eat Salt. Harvard
Business School Case Study No. 4-581-025. Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard Business School. [HBS/IDA]
158.Crocombe, R.G.
1965 The M'buke Co-operative Plantation. Canberra: New Guinea
Research Unit, Australian National University. New Guinea
Research Unit Bulletin No. 7. [WB]
159.Cross, Malcom, and Arnaud Marks (eds)
1979 Peasants, Plantations and Rural Communities in the
Caribbean. Guilford, Eng: Dept. of Sociology of the
University of Surrey. [WB]
160.Cruse O'Brien, R., Ed.
1979 The Political Economy of Underdevelopment: Dependence in
Senegal. Beverly Hills, Ca: Sage.
161.Currens, Gerald E. 1976 Women, Men, and Rice: Agricultural Innovation in North.estern Liberia. in Human Organization 35(4): 355-365. [IDA] 260

162.,Currie, K., and L. Ray

1985 Class Formation within the Peasantry: Recent Theoretical
Developments in the Analysis of the Peasantry with
Specific Reference to the East-African Debate. In Journal
of the British Sociological Association 19(4): 573-585.
163.Daddieh, Cyril Kofie
n.d.1 The Impact of Contract Farming and Smallholding Outgrower
Schemes on Rural Development. Unpublished Paper, Program
for International Development. Iowa City: University of
Iowa. [IDA AB]
164.--- n.d.2 Reflections on Recovering Africa's Self-Sufficiency in
Food and Agriculture. Unpublished paper, Program for
International Development. Iowa City, Iowa:
University of
Iowa. [IDA AB]
165.--- 1982 Towards a New Politics of Agriculture. Journal 36(2): 389-91.
166.--- 19 Change in Nziantaland, Southwestern Ghana. Dissertation. Dalhousie University.
Ph.D.

In International

167.--- 1985 The Future of Food and Agriculture, or the "Greening of

Africa" -- Crisis Projections and Policies. In Africa
Projected: From Reassertion to Renaissance by the Year
2000. Timothy M. Shaw and Olajide Aluko, eds. London:
Macmillan. [IDA]
168.Daines, Samuel R.
1979 Agribusiness and Rural Enterprise Project Analysis Manual.
Executive Summary. Preliminary Version. Prepared for:
Agribusiness Division, Office of Agriculture, Dev. Support
Bureau, AID. Washington, DC: USAID. [USAID-S&T/IDA]
169.Deere, Carmen Diana, and Alain de Janvry
1981 Demographic and Social Differentiation among Northern
Peruvian Peasants. In Journal of Peasant Studies 8(3):
335-66.
170.den Tuiden, Bastian A.
1978 Ivory Coast: The Challenge of Success. Johns Hopkins University Press.

Washington, DC:

171.de Janvry, Alain

1975 The Political Economy of Rural Development in Latin
America: An Interpretation. In American Journal of
Agricultural Economics 57: 1-4.

261

172.DeLancey, Virginia
1984 Agricultural Extension for Women in Cameroon. Paper
Presented at the 27th Annual Meeting of the African
Studies Assn., October 25-28, Los Angeles, Ca. [IDA]
173.Dennis, C.
1984 Capitalist Development and Women's Work: A Nigerian Case
Study. Review of African Political Economy 27/28:
109-120.
174.Deolalikar, Anil B.,
and Wimn P.M. Vijverberg
1985 The Heterogeneity of Family and Hired Labor in
Agricultural Production:
Test Using District-Level Data
A from India. In Journal of Economic Development 8(2):
45-69. (The Economic Research Inst.of
Chung-Ang
University, Seoul, Korea) [WB/IDA]
175.Derrickson, Erick L., and Kenneth D. Towl
1978 Ashamu Holdings Limited.
Harvard Business School Case
Studies No. 4-57-188. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business
School. [C'BS/IDA]
176.Development Alternatives, Inc.
1975a Nigerian Tobacco Company, Western State.
In Strategies
for Small Farmer Development: An Empirical Study of Rural
Development Projects, Vol. II. Pp. 211-220.
Wanhington,
DC: Development Alternatives, Inc. [USAID-W/IDA AB]
177.--- 1975b Zaria Tomato Production Project, Northern State, Nigeria.
In Strategies for Small Farmer Development: An Empirical
Study of Rural Development Projects, Vol. II. Pp.
221-230.
Washington, DC: Development Alternatives, Inc.
[USAID-W/IDA AB]
178.--- 1975c Kenya Tea Development Authority, Highland Areas. In
Strategies for Small Farmer Development: An Empirical
Study of Rural Development Projects, Vol. II. Pp.
281-290. Washington, DC: Development Alternatives, Inc.
[USAID-W/IDA AB]
180.de Vletter, Fion
1985 Research Notes on Small Holder Contract Far: ing:
Some
Countries oi Southern and Eastern Africa.
Ottawa, Canada:
IDRC. Mif.eo. [IDRC/IDA]
180a.Dew, Robert
1976 Tate and Lyle (B). Harvard Business School Case Studies
No. 4-576-241. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business School.
EHBS/IDA AB]

262

181.de ilde, John C.

W 1967 Experiences with Agricultural Development in Tropical
Africa, Volume I: The Synthesis. Washington, DC: World
Bank.
182.--- 1984 Agriculture, Marketing, and Pricing in
Sub-Saharan Africa.
Los Angeles: African Studies Center and Studies
Association, University of California, Los Angeles.
[IDA]
183.Dinham, Barbara and Colin Hines
1984 Agribusiness in Africa. Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World
Press. [IDA AB)
- Critique of agribusiness schemes in Africa.
184.Diome, Cheikh Gueye
1985 P~che artisanale. In Le point economique. Journal of the
Chamber of Commerce of Senegal 30: 49-51. [WB/IDA3
184a.Diop, Issa
1984 Rapport du President Issa Diop a la XIe Assembl~e g~n~rale
d'Abidjan du 2 au 5 Avril 1984.
In Le point 6conomique.
Journal of the Chamber of Commerce of Senegal 30: 49-51.
[WB/IDA]
185.Diouf, Abdou
1985 Discours d'ouverture de son excellence Monsieur Abou
Diouf, Pr6sident de la R~publique du S~n~gal. In Le point
6conomique. Journal of the Chamber of Commerce of Senegal
30: 49-51. [WB/IDA]
186.Dixon, Ruth B.
1980 Assessing the Impact of Development Projects on Women. AID
Program Evaluation Discussion Paper No. 8. Washington,
DC: USAID, Bureau for Program and Policy Coordination.
[IDA]
187.--- 1982 Women in Agriculture: Counting the Labor Force in
Developing Countries. In Population and Development
Review 8(3): 539-566.
188.--- 1983 Land, Labour, and the Sex Composition of the Agricultural
Labor Force: An International Comparison. In Development
and Change 14(3): 347-72. [WB]
189.Dixon-Mueller, Ruth
1985 Women's Work in Third World Agriculture: Indicators. Geneva: ILO. [deT]

Concepts and

190.Doherty, Victor S., and N.S. Jodha

1977 Conditions for Group Actions among Farmers.
ICRISAT
Occasional paper No. 19.
263

191.Donge, Jan Kees van

1982 Politicians, Bureaucrats and Farmers: A Zambian Case
Study. In Journal of Development SttLies 19(1): 88-107.
192.Eagle, Jeanne
1981 The Social Impact of Agribusiness: A Case Study of Alcosa
in Guatemala.
Harvard Business School Case No. 4-581-140.
Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business School.
[HBS/IDA)
193.Economist, The
1986 Black Africa's Future: Can it go Capitalist? Economist, June 26: 56-58. [IDA]

London: The

194.Eicher, Carl K., and Doyle C. Baker

1982a Research on Agricultural Development in Sub-Saharan
Africa: A Critical Survey. Ag. Econ. Working Paper. East
Lansing, Michigan: Michigan S ate University. [MSU/IDA]
195.--- 1982b Facing Up to Africa's Food Crisis. Foreign Affairs 61(1)z
151-74. Reprinted in: Africa Tomorrow: Issues in
Technology, Agriculture, and U.S. Foreign Aid. A
Technical Memorandum. Pp. 111-134. Washington, DC:
Congress of the United States, Office of Technology
Assessment, 1984. [USAID/IDA)
196.--- 1986 Transforming African Agriculture.
San Francisco: The
Hunger Project Papers, No. 4. [IDA]
197. 1986
_

and John M.

Staatz

Food Security Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa. Internat.

Development Papers Reprint No.1 (Draft). East Lansing,
Michigan: Michigan State University. [USAID-R&D

198.Ellman, Anthony
1985 Contract Farming and Smallholder Outgrower Schemes: A
Review of CDC's Experience. London: The Commonwealth
Development Corporation. Mimeo. [CDC/IDA]
199.El-Molla, Yehyia
1975 The Role of Agro-Industries in Integrated Rural
Development: A Study of Agro-Industries in Egypt, Iraq and
Syria.. .with an Analysis of Patterns and Suggested
Guidelines. Cairo: FAO/RNEA. [FAO-C]
200.Elwert, Georg, and Diana Wong
1980 Subsistence Production and Commodity Production in the
Third World. In University of Vielefeld Review 3(3):
501-522.

264

201.Enzinales, Felipe
1978 The Cut Flower Industry in Columbia. Boston, MA: Harvard
Business School Case Studies No. 9-379-071.[IDAJ
202.Esman, Milton J., and Norman T. Uphoff
1984 Local Organizations: Intermediaries in Rural Development.
Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press.
203.Etherington, Dan M.
1971 Interim Report on
the Economic Survey of Smallholder Tea
in Kenya. Staff paper No.l.
Nairobi: Institute for
Development Studies, University of Nairobi.
[IDS/IDA AB)
204.--- 1971 The Calculation of Smallholder Tea Yields in Kenya by
Multiple Linear Regression Analysis. Staff Paper No. 2
Nairobi: Institute for Development Studies, University of
Nairobi. [IDS/IDA]
205.--- 1973 Smallholder Tea Production in Kenya:
Sociometric Study.
A Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau. [REDSO/IDA]
206.--- 1982 MULBUD Users' Manual. Canberra: Australian National
University. EICRAF] : -
On Kenya outgrower
scheme/agroforestry mix.
207.Fan, Noeleen Heyzer
1981 A Preliminary Study of Women Rubber Estate Workers in
Peninsular Malaysia. World Employment Programme Research
Working Paper No. WEP lO/WP 19.
Geneva: International
Labor Organization. [WB/EPOC/IDA AB)
208.Fearn, Hugh
1961
An African Economy, A Study of the Economic Development of
Nyanza Province, Kenya, 1903-1953. Oxford, England:
Oxford Univernity Press.
209.Feder, Ernest
19 Capitalism's Last-ditch Effort. to Save Underdeveloped

Agriculture: International Agribusiness, the World Bank,
and the Rural Poor. Journal of Contemporary Asia 7(1).
210.----
1976 How Agribusiness Operates in Underdeveloped Agricultures,
Harvard Business School Myths and Reality. In Development
and Change 7: 413-443. (IDA]
211.--- 1977 Strawberry Imperialism. Studies.

The Hague. Institute of Social

265

212.--- 1983 Perverse Development. Quezon City, Philippines:

Foundation for Nationalist Studies. [SUNY-B]
213.Feldman, David, and Peter Lawrence
1975 Social and Economic Implications of the Large Scale
Introduction of New Varieties of Foodgrains.
In Africa
Report. Preliminary Draft. UNISD. n.p.
214.Firestone Plantation Company
1956? Liberia and Firestone: The Development of a Rubber
Industry; a Story of Friendship and Progress. Harbel,
Liberia, Akron, Ohio: Firestone. [WB]
215.Fischer, Alastair J.
1935 On the Provision of Extension Services in Third World
Agriculture. Discussion Paper No.
32. Washington, DC:
IBRD, Agriculture and Rural Dev. Dept. [WBJ
216.Fish, J.
1984 Bitter Leaves. In New African (March).
- On conditions of estate workers on
CF schemes.
217.Fisher, B. S.
1972 The International Coffee Agreement: A Study in Coffee
Diplomacy. New York: Praeger.
218.Fitch, Bob, and Mary Oppenheimer
1966 Ghana, End of an Illusion. New York: Monthly Review Press.
219.Flad, Harvey K.
1976
Africa and the Problems and Paradoxes of Food Production
and Distribution.
In Africa and International Crisis.
Robert W. Brown et al., eds. Syracuse, NY: Maxwell School
of Citizenship and Public Affairs.
220.Flaye, Richard
1980 Swaziland Third Sugar Mill.
Harvard Business School Case
Studies No. 4-580-159. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business
School. [HBS/IDA AB]
221.Fleuret, Patrick
1984 Food, Farmers, and Organizations in Africa. Washington,
DC: USAID/AFR/DP. Mimeo. [USAID/IDA AB]
222.Food and Agriculture Organization
1968 Production et ccmmercialisation des produits maralcheres
en C6te d'Ivoire. n.p.: FAO. [FAO-C]
223.--- 1968 Production et commercialisation des produits maralcheres
en C6te d'Ivoire. n.p.: FAO. EFAO-C]

266

224.--- 1968 Commercialisation des fruits et legumes dans le marchd

francais (en C6te d'Ivoire]. n.p.: FAO. (FAO-C]
225.--- 1969 Vulgarisation agricole et formation des cadres en Haute
Volta. n.p.: FAO. [FAO-C]
226.--- 1971 La vulgarisation agricole en Haute Volta. FAO. (FAO-C]

n.p.:

227.--- 1971 Seminaire sur la vulgarisation agricole en Afrique

Francophone. n.p.: FAO. [FAO-C]
227a.--- 1975 Analyse des problemes des prix de la production et de I'
exportation de la viande bouvine au
Tchad. Njdamena: FAO.
[FAO]
228.--- 1978a Tenth FAO Regional Conference for Africa. Tanzania. Doc. ARC/785. Rome:
FAO.

Arusha,

229.--- 1978b Regional Food Plan for Africa.

Doc. ARC/7815Rome: FAO.
- Increasing production is the solution to
Africa's Food
Problem. Key policy paper.
230.--- 1979
World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development:
Rome, 12-20 July. Report. Rome: FAO.
231.--- 1981 Preparation of Baseline Studies of Women in Rural
Households.
Home Economics and Social Programmes Service/
Human Resources, Institutions and Agrarian Reform
Division. Rome: FAO. EEPOC/IDA)
232.--- 1982 Promoting the Participation of Women in Food Marketing and
Credit. Expert Consultation of Women in Food Production.
September. Rome: FAO.
233.--- 1983a Delivery Systems of Agricultural Services to Small Farmers
in Africa. Case Studies from Ethiopia, Kenya and Nigeria.
Rome: Human Resources, Institutions and Agrarian Reform
Division of FAO. [IDA]

267

234.--- 1983b
Interim Report: Integrated Rural and Agro-Industry
Development in Newly Reclaimed Lands
Egypt. Cairo:
FAO./UNDP. [FAO-C]
235.--- 1983c Women in Rice Farming Systems. Paper prepared by FAO for
the International Rice Research Institute Conference on
Women in Rice Farming Systems, 26-30 September. Los
Banos, Laguna, Philippines. Mimeo. [EPOC/IDA3
235a.--- 1983d FAO Joint ABD/FAO (SCSP-Infofish) Market Studies Vol.7:
Dried Fish Markets in Asia. Rome: FAO.
236.Forrest, R.S., T.A. Petersen, J.J. Hogue, and J. Steckle
1975 The Post-Harvest Food Grain Industry in Semi-Arid Africa.
Ottawa, Canada: IDRC. [EPOC/IDA]
237.Fortman, Louise
1984 Economic Status and Women's Participation in Agriculture:
A Botswana Case Study. Rural Sociology 49(3): 452-464.
238.---- and James Riddell
1985 Trees and Tenure. An Annotated Bibliography for
Agro-foresters and Others.
Nairobi: ICRAF/Madison: Tenure Center. [ICRAF3

2 39.Foster-Carter,

Land

A.
1978 The Modes of Production Controversy. In New Left Review
107: 47-78.
-
On the determined nature of articulation theory; the
"creation" of passive peasants.
240.Fox, Roger
1979 Potentials and Pitfalls of Product Marketing Through Group
Action by Small-Scale Farmers. In Agricultural
Administration. March.
241.Frank, Andre Gunder
1979 Third World Agriculture and Agribusiness. Studies Dis.cussion Paper No. 31. [IDA]

Development

242.Frank, Isaiah
1980 Foreign Enterprise in Developing Countries. Baltimore and
London: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
243.Franke, Richard W., and Barbara H. Chasin
1980 Seeds of Famine: Ecological Destruction und the
Development Dilemma in the West African Sahel. n.p.:
Rowman & Allanheld Osmund & Co.

268

244.Freedman, Deborah, and Eva Mueller

1977 A Multi-Purpose Household Questionnaire: Basic Economic
and Demographic Modules. Washington, DC: IBRD.
245.--- 1985 The Importance of Being First: PreempLion by Early
Adopters of Farming Innovations in Kenya. In Annals of
the Association of American Geographers 75(1): 17-28,
Department of Geography, York University, Downsview,
Ontario M3J IP3, Canada. (CAB AB]
246.Freeman, Orville, and Ruth Karen
1982 The Farmer and the Money Economy: The Role of the Private
Sector in the Agricultural Development of LDCs. In
Technological Forecasting and Social Change 22:
183-20.
- Satellite farming around corporate core
is the most
promising type of CF.
246a.Freivalds, John (ed.)
1985a Successful Agribusiness Management. Publishing. [USAID AB]

Brookfield, Vt:

Gower

247.Freivalds, John
1985a The Growth and Integration of Jamaica Broilers. In
Successful Agribusiness Management, John Freivalds, ed.
Pp. 63-69. Brookfield, Vt: Gower Publishing. EUSAID/IDA
AB]
248.--- 1985b Marketing Commodities: New Types of Export Contracts. In
Successful Agribusiness Management, John Freivalds, ed.
Pp. 76-81. Brookfield, Vt: Gower Publishing. 1USAID]
249.--- 1982 Developing Egypt's Poultry Industry: Opportunity vs.
Bureaucracy. In Agribusiness Worldwide Feb/Mar: 48-55.
[IDA].
250.--- 1984 One Way to Increase Production: Multiple Cropping. Agribusiness Worldwide March/Apr: 34-42. [IDA].

In

251.French, James H.
1983 Workshop on Training, Monitoring and Evaluation for the
Training for Smallholders and Plantation Staff Project.
Bangkok:
UNDP Asia and Pacific Program for Development
Training and Communication Planning. EWB]
252.Froman, Jo
1980a Notes on Tomato Production in Western Mexico. Harvard
Business School Case 4-580-138. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard
Business School. [HBS/IDA]

269

253.--- 1980b Strano Farms.

Harvard Business School Case 4-580-137.
Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business School.
EHBS/IDA]
254.--- 1981 Chontalpa and Others.
Case prepared for Conference on
Multinationals:
New Approaches to Agriculture and
Development, April 26-29.
Mohonk Mountain House, New
Paltz, New York.
255.Fund for Multinational Management Education
1978 Public Policy and Technology Transfer - Viewpoints of
U.S.
Business. 4 vols. Study sponsored by Fund for
Multinational Management Education, the Council of the
Americas, the U.S. Council of the International Chamber of
Commerce and George Washington University. NY: FMME.
255a.Fu-shan, L.
1983 Agricultural Marketing Improvements in Taiwan.
In
Industry of Free China 60(1): 21-34. CAB]
256.Furuhashi, Vusaku, Rev. Donald McNeill, C.S.C.,
and
John P. Thorp.
1982 The Dolefil Operation in the Philippine Islands. In
Multinational Managers and Poverty in the Third World, Lee
A. Tavis, ed. Pp. 187-219. Notre Dame,Indiana:
University of Notre Dame Press.
[deT]
257.George, Susan
1977
How the Other Half Dies. Harmondsworth: Penguin. [IDA]-
Radical criticism of agroindustries.
258.--- 1978 Nestle Alimentana SA:
The Limits to Public Relations. Economic and Political Weekly 13(37): 37ff.
259.--- 1978 Feeding the Few, Corporate Control of Food. DC: Institute for Policy Studies.

In

Washington,

260.German Foundation for International Development

1977
Marketing and Rural Development Working Papers presented
for the International Expert Consultation, Nov. 27-Dec. 3.
n.p.
261.Ghersi, Gerard, and Jean-Louis Rastoin
1981 Multinational Firms and Agro-Food Systems in Developing
Countries: A Bibliographic Review. Paris:
Development
Centre Papers, OECD. [IDA]

270

262.Gillespie, Vivian H., and Catherine Carey Clifford

1977 A Modified Time Budget Methodology for gathering Base-Line

Data on the Roles and Responsibilities of Rural Women in

Nicaragua.

Contract No. AID/otr-G-1477, Office of Women

Washington,DC: USAID. [EPOC/IDA)

in Development.

263.Global 2000 Report

1980 The Global 2000 Report to the President: Entering the
Twenty-First Century. 3 vols. I: Interpretive Report; II:
Technical Report; III: Basic Documentation. Washington,
DC: US Government Printing;, Office, Doc. 0-256-752.
[IDA:
v.1/2)
264.Glover, David J.
1983 Contract Farming and the Transnationals. Dissertation. University of Toronto.

Ph.D

265.--- 1984 Contract Farming and Smallholder Outgrower Schemes in Less

Developed Countries. In World Development 12(11): 1143-47.
[IDA AB]
266.--- 1985 A Comment on "Transnational Corporations and Asymmetries
in the Latin American Food System" [by C.D.Scott].
Ottawa, Canada: IDRC. Mimeo. [IDRC/IDA]
267.--- 1986a Transnational Corporations and Third World Agriculture.
In Investing in Development: and Contributors. By
Theodore Moran and Contributors. New Brunswick, Conn:
Transition Books. EdeT]
268.--- 1986b
The Modern Plantation and its Alternatives: Review
Article. Mimeo. [IDA]
269.Goldberg, Ray
1974 Agribusiness Management for Developing Countries.
Cambridge, Mass: Ballinger. [IDA AB)

270.---

1981

The Role of the Multinational Corporations.

In American
Journal of Agricultural Economics 63(May): 367-374.

271.Goldschmidt, Walter
19 As you Sow: Three Studies in the Social Consequences of
Agribusiness. Montclair, NY: Allanheld.
272.Goldsmith, Arthur
1983 Agribusiness, Small Farmers and Rural
Development. prepared for Office of Multisectoral Development.
Washington, DC: USAID. [USAID/IDA]

Paper

271

273.--- 1985 The Private Sector and Rural Development: Can

Agri-business Help the Small Farmer?
In World Development
13(10/11): 1125-1138. [IDA AB].
274.Gooneratie, Wilbert, and D. Wesumperuma, eds.
1984 Plantation Agriculture in Sri Lanka: Issues in Employment
and Development. Bangkok: ILO, Asian Employment Program.
274a.Graber, K.L.
1980 The Role of Credit in the Development Process.
Development Monograph Series No. 9.
Bolivia: Mennonite
Economic Development Associates. EAB]
275.Grace, Murad
1978 Development of Food and Agricultural Products Processing
Industries: Potentials and Constraints in Selected
Countries of the Region. Cairo: FAO. [FAO-C]
275a.Graaff, J. de
1986 Economics of Coffee. Centre for Agricultural Publishing
and Documentation (PuDoc). Wagening, Netherlands: PuDoc.
CWB]
276.Graham, Edgar, and Ingrid Floering
1984 The Modern Plantation in the Third World. London: Croom
Helm [Croom Helm Commodity Series). EWB/HBS/IDA:
selections]
- Sugarcane plantations; outgrower schemes.
277.Grier, Beverly
1981a Cocoa Marketina in Colonial Ghana - Capitalist Enterprise
and Emergence of a Rural African Bourgeoise. In Ufahamu
i/2(Fall/Winter): 89-113.
278.--- 1981b Underdevelopment, Modes of Production and the State in
Colonial Ghana.
In African Studies Review 24(1): 21-43.
279.Guyer, Jane I.
1980a
Farming and the Evolution of Food Production Patterns
Among the Beti of South-Central Cameroon. In Africa
50(4): 341-35

280.---

1980b Food, Cocoa and the Division of Labour by Sex in Two West African Societies. In Comparative Studies of Society and History 22(3): 455-373. [EPOC/IDA]
-

Household division of

labjr.

281.--- 1981a Household and Community in African Studies.

In African

Studies Review 24(2/3): 87-137.

- Against neoclassical definitions of the household.

272

282.--- 1983 Women's Work and Production Systems: Reports on the Agricultural Crisis. Political Economy.

A Review of Two In Review of African

283.--- 1985 The Role of Women in African Economic Development. Paper

commissioned by the Committee on African Development
Strategies of the Council on Foreign Relations and the
Overseas Development Council. Washington, DC: Overseas
Development Council. [IDA]
284.Hafkin, Nancy J., and Edna G. Bay
1976 Women in Africa: Studies in Social and Economic Change.
Stanford: Stanford University Press.
285.Haji, Salleh Badriya
1985 Malay Rubber Smallholding and British Policy: A Case Study
of the Batang Padang District in Perak (1876-1952). Ph.D.
Dissertation. New York: Columbia University. [AB)
286.Halfani, Mohammed S., and Jonathan Barker
1984 Agribusiness and Agrarian Change. In The Politics of
Agriculture in Africa, Jonathan Barker, ed.
Pp. 35-63.
Beverly Hills, London, New Delhi: Sage Publications. [IDA
AB].
287.Halse, Michael
1976 Operation Flood: An Introduction to the Study Papers on
the Indian Dairy Development Program. Harvard Business
School Case Studies No. 3-577-110. Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard Business School. [HBS/IDA AB]
288.--- 1978 Operation Flood II: The Evolution of
Rural Development
a Programme.
Harvard Business School Case No. 3-578-186.
Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business School.
[HBS/IDA AB]
289.Hansen, Emmanuel
1982 Public Policy and the Food Question in Ghana. In Africa
Development 6(3): 99-115.
- Interrelatedness of food problems; coups;dependency.
290.Harler, Curt
1981 Hummingbird Farm: Hershey's Hope for More Abundant and
Improved Cocoa. In Successful Agribusiness Management.
John Freivalds, ed. Pp. 175-181. Brookfield, VT: Gower
Publishing. [USAID/IDA)

273

291.Harmon, David P.
1980 The Multinational Corporation: A Buffer in the
Food-Climate System. In Critical Food Issues of the
Eighties, Marylin Chou and David P.Harmon, Jr., eds. 347-365. New York: Pergamon Press.
[IDA]

Pp.

292.Harper, M. and R. Karvura

1982 The Private Marketing Entrepreneurs and Rural Development:
Case Studies and Commentary. Rome: FAO.
292a.Harriss, Marshall and Dean T.
Massey
1968 Vertical Coordination via Contract Farming. Natural
Resource Economies Division, Economic Research Service.
Misc. Pub. No. 1073. Washington, DC: USDA. [USAID-S&TJ
293.Harrison, K. and D. Swedel
1974 Marketing Problems Associated with Small Farm Agriculture.
A Seminar Report, ADC/RTN No. 5. East Lansing: Michigan
State University.
294.Harvard Graduate School
of Business Administration
1959 United Fruit Company (A): 1959 - Crisis in Bananas.
Harvard Business School Case No. AI/252. Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard Business School. [HBS/IDA1
295.Harwood, Richard R.
1979 Small Farm Development: Understanding and Improving
Farming Systems in the Humid Tropics. Boulder, CO:
Westview Press.
296.Haugerud, A.
1983 The Consequences of Land Tenure Reform among Smallholders
in the Kenya Highlands. In Rural Africana 15-16: 65-89.
297.Hay, Alan M.
1971-72 Notes on
the Economic Basis for Periodic Marketing Developing Countries. In Geographical Analysis3-4.

in:

298.Hay, M.J.
1982 Women as Owners, Occupants -nd Managers of Property in
Colonial Western Kenya. In African Women and the Law:
Historical Perspectives, M.J. Hay and M. Wright, eds.
Pp. 110-124. Boston University Papers on Africa No. 7,
Boston: Boston University African Studies Center.
- On household division of labor.
299.Hayenga, M.L. (ed.)
1979 Pricing Problems in the Food Industry (with Emphasis on
Thin* Markets). North Central Regional Research
Publication No. 261; Monograph No. 7. Madison:
College of
Agricultural and Life Sciences, University of Wisconsin.
[CAB AB]

300.Haynes, J.A.
1974
The Mumias Sugar Company: A Case Study of a Development
Scheme in Kenya. Paper prepared for a Conference at the
Overseas Development Institute, London.
301.Heald, Suzette, and Alex Hay
1984 Tobacco Smallholder Project. Working Paper No. 2,
Bungoma/Busia Tobacco Division, Kenya.
Lancaster
University. [MW)
302.--- 1985 Problems of Theory and Research: Comments on Buch-Hansen
and Marcussen.
Review of African Political Economy
34(Dec): 89-94. [IDA AB)
304.Hecht, R.
1981
Cocoa and the Dynamics of Soclo-economic Change in
Southern Ivory Coast.
Ph.D. Dissertation, Cambridge
University.
305.Heghe, G. van
1976 Modalit~s et organisation de l'int~gration horizontale et
verticale dana l'agriculture belge. Belgium: Notes de
l'Institut Economique Agricole No. 50.
[AB)
306.Heinzen, B.J.
1983
The United Fruit Company in the 1950s: Trusteeships of the
Camerouns.
In Economic History Review G(Cambridge): 12:
141-156.

30 6 a.Helmquest,

1975

Frank Wesley
Peasant Organization, Clientelism and Dependence:
Case
A Study of an Agricultural Producers' Cooperative in Kenya.
Ph.D. Dissertation. Bloomington: University of Indiana.
[UN)

307.Heyer, Judith
1966 Agricultural Development and Peasant Farming in Kenya.
Ph.D. Dissertation. London:
University of London.
[UN)
308.--- 1981a Agricultural Development Policy in
Kenya from the Colonial
Period to 1975. In Rural Development in Tropical Africa,
judith Heyer, Pepe Roberts and Gavin Williams, eds. Pp.
90-120. New York: St.Martin's Press. [IDA]
309.---- 1981b Rural Development. In Rural Development in Tropical
Africa, Judith Heyer, Pepe Roberts and Gavin Williams,
eds. Pp. 1-16. New York: St.Martin's Press. [IDA]

275

310.Heyer, Sarjit 1960 The Development of Agriculture and the Land Use System in Kenya, 1918-1939. Ph.D. Dissertation. London: University of London. [UN) 311.Hill, Frances 1977 Experiments with a Public Sector Peasantry: Agricultural
Schemes and Class Formation. In African Studies Review
20(3): 25-41.
312.Hill, Polly
1963 The Migrant Cocoa-Farmers of Southern Ghana: A Study of
Rural Capitalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

313.----

1q70 Studies in Rural Capitalism. University Press.

Cambridge: Cambridge

314.--- 1972 Rural Hausa: A Village and a Setting. Cambridge

University Press.
- Commercialization breaks up extended kin.

315.---

1975

The West African Farming Household. In Changing Social

Structure in Ghana, J. Goody, ed. Pp. 119-136.
London:
International African Institute.

- On household division of labor.

316.Hines, C. and Dinham, B.

1984 Can Agribusiness Feed Africa?

In Ecologist 14(2): 61-66.

317.Hitchings, J.
1982 Agricultural Determinants of Nutritional Status among
Kenya Children. Ph.D. Dissertation. Stanford University.
[MW]
318.Hodder, B. and U. Ukwu
1969 Markets in West Africa.
Ibadan: Ibaden University Press.
319.Hodson, Dennis F., and ILO Workers' Education Prog.
1980 The National Union of Plantation and Agricultural Workers,
Republic of Zambia: An Appraisal. Geneva: ILO. EWPI
320.Hoekstra, D. and F. Kuguru (eds.)
1982 Agroforestry Systems for Small-scale Farmers.
Proceedings
of a Workshop, Nairobi, 5-10 September 1982.
Nairobi:
ICRAF. [ICRAF]
321.Holmquist, Frank
1971 Matunwa Farmers Cooperative Society and The Cooperative
Farming Experiment in Kisii District. Staff Paper No.
106. Nairobi: Institute for Development Studies,
University of Nairobi. [IDS/IDA]
276

322.Holtham, G. and Hazelwood, A.

1976 The Mumias Sugar Company. In Aid and Inequality in Kenya.
London: Croom Helm.
323.Horst, Thomas
1974 At Home Abroad. Cambridge: Balinger.
- Transfer of food production technology assoc. with CF
schemes is not high tech; therefore cannot argue 'hat this
is an area of "technology transfer." CSUNY-B]
324.Hughes, Helen
1969 Briefing Notes on Food Processing Industries in Developing
Countries. Economic's Department Working Paper 38.
Washington, DC: IBRD. [WBJ
325.Hugill, A.
1978 Sugar and All That.. .A History of Tate and Lyle. Gentry Books.

London:

326.Hunt, Shane J.
1972 The Economics of Haciendas and Plantations in Latin
America. Research Program in Economic Development,
Discussion Paper No. 29. Woodrow Wilson School.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University. [WBJ
327.Hunter, Guy (ed.)
1978 Agricultural Development and the Rural Poor: Declaration
of Policy and Guidelines for Action. London: Overseas
Development Institute.
328.Hyden, G.
1980 Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania. Berkeley: University of
California Press. ESUNY-B]
- Capitalist penetration is not extensive; householis
remain fairly autonomous from both state and market
structures.
32q. Iliffe, J.
1983 The Emergence of African Capitalism. The Anstey Memorial
Lectures in the University of Kent at Canterbury, 10-13
May, 1982. London: Macmillan.
330.Imo State (Nigeria), Waidyanatha Parakrama, et al.
1983 Study of Smallholders' Fruit Collection and Buying System:
Smallholder Oil Palm Project, World Bank Assisted IBRD
Loan. Brussels, Belgium: Socfin Consultant Services
"SOCFINCO". EWB)
331.International Labour Office
1970 Conditions of Work of Women and Young Workers on
Plantations. Third Item on the Agenda, Committee on
Work
on Plantations. Sixth Session. Geneva: ILO. [WB)

277

331a.--- 1982a Programme des act.tvit~s industrielles. Commission dil

travail dana lea plantations, huiti~me session. Rapport
I. Geneve: ILO. rOB]
332.---- 1982b La formation professionnelle et le recyclage des
travaileurs et dea cadres dans lea plantations.
Commission du travaii dans lea plantations, huitieme
session. Geneve: ILO. [WB]

333.-. ...

1982c

La sec,: :it6 et la
hygiene du travail dana lea plantations,
particulierement en ce qui
concerne la m~canisation et
l'emploi de produits chimiques et l'inspection du travail.
Committee on Work on Plantations. Geneve: ILO. [WB]

335.--- 1985 Reseatc and Technical Co-operation concerning Rural

Employment, Agrarian Institutions and Policies. World
Employment Programme, Rural Employment Policies Branch.
3rd. Edn. Geneva: ILO. [EPOC/IDA]
335a.--- 1985 The Challenge of Rural Poverty. A Progress Report
on
Research and Technical Co-operation concerning Rural
Employment, Agrarian Institutions and Policies. World
Employment Programme, Rural Employment Policies Branch.
3rd. edn. Geneva: ILO> [EPOC/IDA]

3 36 .International

1977

Food Policy Research Institute

Food Needs of Developing Countries. Washington,DC: IFPRI.
-
Increasing food production is the solution to Africa's
food problems. Key policy document.

337.---

1981 Food Policy Issues and Concerns in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Papers prepared by researchers at the International Food
Policy Research Institute and discussed with colleagues in
Ibadan, Nigeria, February 9-11, 1981. Washington, DC:
IFPRI. [IDA]
338.Islam, M.A.
n.d. Population Trends and the Role of Agribusiness: Developing
Country Perspective. Tufts University. Mimeo.
[EPOC/IDA]
339.Jabara, C.L.
1985 Agricultural Pricing Policy in Kenya.
In World
Development 13(5): 611ff. [AB)

278

340.Jackson, J.C.
1985 Contract Farming and Small-Holder Outgrower Schemes in
Zimbabwe: A Situation Review and Proposals for Research.
Paper prepared for the IDRC Nairobi Workshop, Nov. 1985.
Harare: Dept. of Rural
and Urban Planning, University of
Zimbabwe. [IDA]
341.Jafee, Steven
n.d. Analysis of Marketing Channels for Fruit and Vegetable
Exports from Kenya: Thc- Conceptual Framework. Oxford,
England: St. Antony's College, Oxford University. Mimeo.
[IDA]
342.--- 1985 The Potential and Benefits of Crop Diversification and
Horticultural Production. Chapter One. Mimeo. [IDA ABJ.
343.--- 1986 The Kenyan Horticultural Export Sector: An Economic and
Institutional Analysis of Alternative Marketing Channels.
Final Report for USAIDiKenya. Mimeo. [IDA]
344.Jesse, Edward V. and Aaron C. Johnson, Jr.
1970 An Analysis of Vegetable Contracts. In American Journal
of Agricultural Economics 54(4):
545-554. [IDA: selections
only]
345.Jindia, Jaswant R.,
and Thomas T. Williams
1979 The Impact of the Multipurpose Smallh('Ider Cooperatives on
Rural Incomes and Employment in Kenya: A Case Study.
Southern University Unemployment-Underemployment
Institute.
346.Johl, S.S.
1975 Gains of the Green Revolution: How they have been Shared
in Punjab. In Journal of Development Studies ll(April):
178-189. [WB AB]
347.Johnson, Dennis A.
1981 Sabritas' Backward Integration into Agricultural
Production. In Successful Agribusiness Management, John
Frievald, ed. Pp. 108-115. Brookfield, VT.: Glower
Publications. [IDA]

348.Johnson, Steven Lee

1930 Production, Exchange, and Economic Development Among the

Luo-Abasuba of Southwestern Kenya. Ph.D. Thesis. Indiana
University. [UN/IDA]

349. Jones, Christine

19a3a The Impact of the SEMRY I

Irrigated Rice Production
Project on the Organization of Production and Consumption
at the Intrahousehold Level.
Washington, DC: USAID Bureau
for Program and Policy Coordination, Nutrition and
Development Working Paper No. 83-1. [MW]

350.--- n.d. The Hobilisation of Women's Labor for Cash Crop

Production: A
Game Theoretic Approach. Ph.D.
Dissertation. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University. 351. Jones, Theo
1985 Philippine Nucleus Estate Scheme is
Defended as Farmers' Interests. In Agribusiness Worldwide 14-22. [IDA AB]

[MW]

in the
May/June:

352.Jones, William 0.
1970
Measuring the Effectiveness of Agricultural Marketing
Contributing t'-
Economic Development: Some African
Examples. In
Food Research Institute Studies IX(3).
353.Kebala Kabunda, M.K.K.
Multinational Corporations
and the Installation of
Externally-oriented Economic Structureo in
Contemporary
Africa:
the Example of the Unilever-Za-re Group.
In
Multinational Firms in
Africa, Carl Widstrand. ed. Dakar: African Institute for Economic Development and Planning. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of Afrtcan Studies. 354.Kauffman, D.
1984 An Evaluation of the Potential for
a Market in Hog
Contracts. Agricultural Economics Report.
East Lansi.. Department of Agricultural Economics, Michigan State
University. [AB]

355. Keita, Therese

1983 D~veloppement de la
Riziculture %Etude sociologique de
Namade). Niamey, Niger:
Etude MDR/FED No. 4100.032-4C.31.
356.Kenya, Government of.
Ministry of Lands and Resettlement
1971
Mumias Physical Planning Report, Town Planning Department.
Nairobi: Government of Kenya, Ministry of Lands and
Settiement.
357.--- 1981 Government

of Kenya's Food Policy Government Printing Office.

Paper.
Nairobi:

358. Kenya Tea [misc) Annual

Development Authority
Report and Statement of Azcounts. Nairobi: Kenya
Tea Development Authority.
[REDSO/IDA: 1984-85 Report]
-
Provides data on scheme and outgrowers' activiti.es.

280

359.Khedr, Hassan A.
1984 The Impact of the Agricultural Price Policies and the
Procurement System on Inco-me Distribution and Food
Consumption. Cairo: FAO. [FAO-C)
360.KFLH Agricultural Consultants
1985 Agriculture and the Private Sector.
Vol. I. Report
prepared for USAID/Zimbabwe. Harare: KFLH Agricultural
Consultants. [REDSO/IDA: Selectons on CF schemes in
Zimbabwe]
361.Kilmer, Gary, et al.
1982 A Strategy for the Development of Four Districts in
Western K nya. Prepared under IOC Contract
No.PDC/1406-I-O0-1097-O0. Washington, DC: DAI.
CREDSO/IDA: bibliography only]
362.KirschL, O.C.
1976 Vertical Co-operation Among Agricultural Producers in
Western Europe and in Developing Countries. Heidelberg:
Research Centre for International Agrarian Development.
363.Kitching, G.
1977 Modes of Production and Kenyan Dependency. African Political Economy 8(Jan-Apr).

In Review of

364.Klein, Benjamin, and Robert G. Crawford

1978 Vertical Integration, Appropriable Rents, and the
Competitive Contracting Process.
In Journal of Law and
Economics 21(2): 297 365.Knudson, Judith Ann
1984 Bolstering Kenya's Business. Publication. Summer: 29-31.

In Horizons, USAID

366.Kongstad, P., and Monsted, M.

1980 Family, Labor and Trade in Western Kenya.
Uppsala:
Scandinavian Institute of African Studies.
[MW]
367.Kurian, Rachel
1982 Women Workers in the Sri Lanka Plantation Sector. Women,
Work and Development No. 5. Geneva:
ILO. [deT/WB AB)
368.Kusterer, Kenneth
1981 The Social Impact of Agribusiness: A Case Study of ALCOSA
in Guatemala.
Contract No. 525-0044-C-00-1013-00.
Washington, DC: USAID/LAC/PP/PPE. [USAID/IDA]
369.--- 1982 The Social Impact of Agribusiness: A Case Study of
Asparagus Canning in Peru. Washington, DC:
USAID/LAC/PP/PPE. Mimeo. [USAID/IDA AB]

281

370.Lamb, Geoffrey, and Linda Muller

1982 Control, Accountability and Incentives in a Successful
Development Institution: The Kenya Tea Development
Authority. World Bank Staff Working Paper No. 550.
Washington, DC: IBRD. (USAID/IDA]
- Organizational factors behind successful schemes.
371.Lance, G.C.
1978 Economic Comparison of Contract Broiler Hatching Egg
Production and Housing Systems in Georgia.
Research
Bulletin No. 229. College of Agriculture Experiment
Stations, University of Georgia. [AB]
372.--- 1981 Economic Comparison of Costs and Returns for Contract
Producers in Broiler, Broiler Hatching Egg, and Table Egg
Enterprises in Georgia. Research Bulletin No. 263.
College of Agriculture Experiment Stations, University of
Georgia. (AN]
373.--- 1983 Production Costs and Returns for Independent and Contract
Turkey Growers in Georgia.
In Research Bulletin No. 301.
College of Agriculture Experiment Stations, Universitiy of
Georgia. CAB]
374.Lang, Mahlon G.
1977 Vertical Coordination and Vertical Coordination
Mechanisms:
Analysis and Case Studies. North Carolina
Working Paper Series: Studies of the Organization and
Control of the U.S. Food System No.
12. East Lansing,
Michigan: Michigan State University. EUSAID/IDA)
375.Langdon, Steven W.
1981 Multinational Corporations in the Political Economy of
Kenya. New York: St. Martin's Press [IDA/UN: Author's
Ph.D dissertation on the topic]
376.Lappe, Francis, and Joseph Collins
1978 Food First: Beyond the Myth of Scarcity. Ballantine Books. [IDA]

- Radical criticism of the Bank.

New York:

377.--- 1979 Turning the Desert Green for Agribusiness. Bulletin 56: 15ff.

378.Laramee, Peter A.

In IDOC

1975

Problems of Small Farmers under Contract Marketing, with

Special Reference to a Case in Chiengmai Province,
Thailand. In Economic Bulletin for Asia and tha Pacific
26(Sept/Dec): 43-57. CIDAABJ

282

378a.Lee, C.Y.
1976 Siam Food Products, Ltd. In Marketing - an Accelerator
for Small Farmer Development. Bangkok: FAO. [FAO: Rome]
379.Lele, Uma
1975 The Design of Rural Development. Lessons from Africa.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. [IDA]
380.--- 1984 Rural Africa: Modernization, Equity, and Long-Term
Development. In Science 6 (February): 547-553.
Reprinted
in Africa Tomorrow: Issues in Technology, Agriculture, and
U.S. Foreign AID. A Technical Memorandum. Pp. 96-110.
Washington, DC: Congress of the United States, Office of
Technology Assessment. EUSAID-W/IDA AB)
381.---- and W. Candler
1981
Food Security: Some East African Considerations. In Food
Security for Developing Countries, Alberto Valdes, ed.
Pp. 101-22. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. [deTI
382.Leonard, D.
1977 Reaching the Peasant Farmers: Organization Theory and
Practice in Kenya. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- How administrative procedures limit/weaken officials'
control over subordinates; undermine effi :iency of
extension work.
383.Leopold, Marion
iS85 The Transnational Food Companies and their Global
Strategies. Journal of International Social Science
37(3): 301-314. [SUNY-B/IDA]
384.Levret, Rkgine
1984 Les planteurs et la culture du coton au nord-Cameroun. Le Cameroun agricole, pastorale et forestier 200(May):
27-47. [WB/IDA)
385.Levi, John, and Michael Havinden
1982 Economics of African Agriculture.

In

London: Longman.

386.Lewis, Barbara C. (ed.)

1981 Invisible Farmers:
Women and the Crisis in Agriculture.
Washington, DC:
USAID, Office of Women in Development.
[deT]
387.Lewis, J.
1978 Small Farmer Credit and the Village Production Unit in
Rural Mali.
In African Studies Review 21(3): 29-48.
389.--- 1981 Domestic Labor Intensity and the Incorporation of Malian
Peasant Farmers into Localized Descent Groups. In
American Ethnologist 8(l): 53-73.
283

390.Lewis, Robert G.
1981 Contract Growing of Flue-Cured Tobacco in Jamaica. In
Successful Agribusiness Management, J. Frievald, ed.
Pp.
282-188.
Brookfield, Vt.: Glower Pub.ications.
[USAID/IDA AB)
391.--- 1983 A Technology Transfer Success Story: Contract Growing of
Flue-cured Tobacco in Jamaica. In Agribusiness Worldwide
Nov/Dec: 18-24. [IDA].
392.Leys, Colin
1975 Underdevelopment in Kenya, The Political Economy of
New-Colonialism. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
393.--- 1977 Underdevelopment and Dependency, Critical Notes.
In Journal of Contemporary Asia 7(1).
-

Challenging dependency theory.

394.--- 1978 Capital Accumulation, Class Formation and Dependency -the Significance of the Kenyan Case. In Socialist Register Pp. 241-66.
-

Started the Kenya Debate

395.--.. 1982 Afr-can Economic Development in Theory and Practice. Daedalus 3(2):99-124.

In

396.Linares, 0.
1970 Agriculture and Djola Society.
In African Food Production
Systems, P. McLoughlin, ed. Pp. 193-228. Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University Press.

- On household division of labor.

397.Lipton, Michael (ed.)

1977 Rural Poverty and Agribusiness: Conference Pro- ceedings.
IDS Discussion Paper No.104.
Institute for Development
Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton.
- Argues that small farm output/purchases constitutes only
5% of agribusiness transactions with LDC farmers.
398.--- 1978 Inter-Farm, Inter-Regional and Farm/Non-Farm Income
Distribution: The Impact of the New Cereal
Varieties. In
World Development 6:319-337. EWB AB]

284

399.Little, I.M.D. and J.A. Mirrlees

1969 Manual of Industrial Project Analysis in Developing
Countries. Social Cost/Benefit Analysis. Vol. II. Paris:
OECD Development Center.
- Economistic social-impact methodology; used in
evaluating schemes such as KTDA.
400.---- and D.G. Tipping
1972 A Social Co:t-Benefit Analysis of the Kulai Oil Palm
Estate, West Malaysia. Paris: OECD Development Center.
401.Lofchie, Michael F. and Stephen K. Commins
1982 Food Deficits and Agricultural Policies in Tropical
Africa. In Journal of Modern African Studies 20(1)llff.
402.Lonsdale, J.
1964 A Political History of Nyanza, 1883-1945. Ph.D.
Dissertation. Cambridge: Trinity College. [UN)
403.Louis Berger International, Inc.
1975 Kenya Agricultural Advisory Study. AID/Kenya Project
AID-Afr-c-1123. Washington, DC: Louis Berger.
[REDSO/IDA:selections on co-ops/ marketing)
404.Lovbraek, Asbjorn
1982 Can Transnational Corporations be Controlled?
An Analysis
of TNC Responses to Criticism from Development Action
Groups and Efforts of the International Community to
Control and Regulate their Activities. Derap Working
Papers No. A275. Bergen, Norway: Chr. Michelsen Institute,
Development Research and Action Program. LIDA]
404a.Mabbs-Zeno, C.
1985 Nigeria: Export Potential. Economic Research Division
Working Paper. Washington, D.C.: USDA. (USAID/MW]
406.MacCormack, Carol P.
1979 Control of Land, Labour and Capital in Rural Southern
Sierra Leone. Women and Work in Africa Conference. [n.p.]
[EPOC/IDA)
406a.Mackel, C.
1979 Contracting for Fat Cattle. Economic Report No.131.
Aberdeen, UK, North of Scotland College of Agriculture.
IAB]
406b--- 1980 Is Contracting for Fat Cattle Desirable
Even Possible?
or In Farm Management Review (Aberdeen, UK) 13:25-31. CAB]

285

407.Mackintosh, Maureen
1979 The Impact of a Newly Introduced Estate Farming on the
Surrounding Rural Economy:
A Case Study of Bud, Senegal
1971-1976. Ph.D. Dissertation, Institute of Development
Studies, University of Sussex. [IDA]
408.--- 1985 Economic Tactics" Commercial Policy and the Socialization
of African Agriculture. In World Development 13(l):77-96.
[IDA]
411.Maddox, Gregory H.
1986 Njaa: Food Shortages arid Famines in Tanzania between the
Wars. In International Journal of African Studies
19(1):17-34. [SUNY-B/IDA]
412.Madzura, Wiulbrod C., and Adiel N. Mbabu
1986 Agricultural Food Production "Crisis" in Africa: An
Historical Contextualization. Paper presented at the
African Studies Symposium, Agricultural Policy and African
Food Security. Urbana, Ilinois: Center for African
Studies, University of Illinois. [CAS/IDA)
413.Maganya, E.N.
1985 Tanzania Country Paper on Contract Farming and Small holder Outgrower Schemes. Paper presented to a Work- shop
-n IDRC proposed research project on Contract Farming and
"'Tallholder Outgrower Schemes in East and Central Africa,
Nov. 27-30. Nairobi. Mintec. [IDA AB]
414.Maitha, Joseph
1969 Coffee Production in Kenya: An Econometric Study. Ph.D.
Dissertation. Buffalo, NY: State Univ. of New York at
Buffalo. [UN]
415.Mandala, E.
1982 Peasant Cotton Agriculture, Gender and Intergenerational
Relationships: The Lower Tchiri Valley of Malawi,
1906-1940. In African Studies Review 25(2/3):27-44.
416.Marcussen, H. and J.E. Torp
1982 The Internationalization of Capital: Prospects for the
Third World. London: Zed Press.

- Challenges dependency theory.

417.Massini, J.M. Ikonicoff, C. Jedicki, and M. Lanzarotte

1979 Multinationals and Development in Black Africa.
A Case
Study in the Ivory Coast. London(?): Saxon House.

286

418.Massell, B., and R. Johnson

1968 Economics of Smallholder Farming in Rhodesia.
In Food
Research Institute Studies. Supplement to Vol.8.
Stanford University: Food Reserch Institute.
419.Mauritius. Ministry of Agriculture and Natural Resources
1973 Survey of Sugarcane Planters and Their Production Pattern.
Port Louis, Mauritius: L.C.
Achille, Govt. Printer. [WBJ
420.Mbagwu, T.
1978 Land Concentration around a Few Individuals in
Igbo- Land
of Eastern Nigeria: Its Processes, Scope, and Future. In
Africa 48(2):101-115.
421.Mbithi, Philip
1972 Social Differentiation and Agricultural Development in
East Africa. Ph.D. Dissertation. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University. [UN] 422.Mbodj, M. 1981 Un esc-i d'implantation agro-industrielle coloniale au
S~n~gal: La conserverie de Lyndiane (Sine-Saloum),
1912-1919. In Actes du
Colloque Entreprises et
Entrepreneurs en Afrique, XIXe et
XXe Siecles. Tome I,
pp. 351-365. Paris: Editions l'Harmattan.
423.Mbogoh, Stephen
1980 An Economic Analysis of Kenya's Sugar Industry with
Special Reference to the Self-Sufficiency Production
Policy. Ph.D. Dissertation. Edmonton: University of
Alberta. [UNJ
424.McCann, James
1986 Land Reform, Women, and the Persistence of Property
Relations in Northeast Ethiopia. Paper presented at the
African Studies Symposium, Agricultural Policy and African
Food Security. Urbana, Illinois:
Center for African
Studies, University of Illinois. [CAS:IDA]
425.McCommon, C. N. Rueschhoff, L. Tavis, and J. Wilkowski
1985 Guanchias Limitada:
Case Study of an Agrarian Re- form
A Cooperative and its Long-Term Relationship with a
Multinational Firm in Honduras.
Contract No.
AID/OTR-0085-0-O0-3367-O0. Washington, DC:
USAID.
426. AcDowell, R.E. and P.E. Hildebrand
1980 Integrated Crop and Animal Production: Making the Most of
Resources Available to Small Farmers in Developing
Countries. Working Papers, The Rockefeller Foundation,
January. New York: The RockeFeller Foundation.

287

427.McGregor, A.M.
1971 Langandrowa and M'Buke: Corporate Indigenous Plan tations. In New Guinea Research Bulletin No. 43.
Canberra, Australia: New Guinea Research Unit, Australian
National University. [WB]
428.McLoughlin, P. (ed.)
1970 African Food Production Systems. University Press.

Baltimore: Johns Hopkins

428a.McPherson, M. Peter
1983 Going Private at the Agency for International Development.
PsInPs: Directors and Boards 8(l):24-27. EUSAID AB]
429.Mead, Donald C.
1984 Of Contracts and Subcontracts: Small Firms in Vertically
Disintegrated Production/Distribution Systems in LDCs. In
World Development 12: 1095-1106.
430.Meissner, Charles F.
1969 Foreign-owned Food Processing Firms in Five Latin American
Countries. Ph.D. Thesis, Dept. of Economics. Madison:
University of Wisconsin.
431.Mellor, John W.
1966 The Economics of Agricultural Development. Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press.
432.--- 1976 The New Economics of Growth: A Strategy for India and the
Developing World. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
- Low productivity in informal markets is related to lack
of vertical integration.
433.Mencher, Joan
1982 Women and Agriculture. Paper prepared for the Rockefeller
Foundation Conference on Strengthening National Food
Policy Capability, Belagio, Italy, November 1-5. Mimeo.
[EPOC/IDA]
434.Menegay, M.R.
1985 Improving the Performance of Procurement Systems for Fruit
and Vegetable Processors in Thailand: A Case Study of
Up-Country Picklers and Canneries. Ph.D. Dissertation.
Department of Agricultural Economics. East Lansing:
Michigan State University. [AB]
435.Meyers, L. Richard
1982 A Sociological Approach to Farming Systems in Kenya.
Ithaca, NY: Cornell University International Agriculture,
Mimeograph No. 94.
288

436.Mhlanga, L. and D. Mataillet

(eds.)
1977 African Agriculture: New Problems, Old Solutions?
In
African Environment 2(4) and 3(1).
437.Michel, Andrea
1981 Les productrices invisibles, l'emploi et lea besoins essentiels. In Quel monde pour demain? Geneva: AMPS. [EPOC/IDA) 438.Michoma, Jim 1980 The Role of Agro-Based Industries in Rural Development: A
Case Study of Smallholder Tea in Kisii Kistrict, Kenya.
MA Thesis. Nairobi: University of Nairobi. [UN/IDA)
439.Micou, Ann McKinstry
1985 The Invisible Hand at Work in
Developing Countries. In
Across the Board (March):8-15. [HBS/IDA AB)
440.Mighell, R. and M. Jones
1963 Vertical Co-ordination and Contract Farming. Agri cultural Economics Report No.19. Washington, DC: USDA.
[MW]
441.Mighell, Ronald L. and William S. Hoofnagle
1972 Contract Production and Vertical Integration in Farming,
1960 and 1970. Washington, DC: USDA, ERS No. 479.
[USAID/IDA AB]
442.Millman, J.
1980 Sheep by Contract. In Big Farm Management November 29-30. [AB)

(England)

443.Minot, N.
1986 Contract Farming and
its Impact on Small Farmers in LDC's.
Prepared for Food Security in' Africa Project. East
Lansing: Michigan State University. Mimeo. [IDA]
444.Mittendorf, Hans Joachim
1978
Vertical Coordination of Agricultural Marketing Systems in
Developing Countries: Some Empirical Observations. Rome:
FAO. Draft Mimeo. EUSAID/IDA AB)
445.--- 1982 Topics for Studies on Agriculture and Food Marketing in
Developing Countries. In Qt'arterly Journal of
International Agriculture 21(2).

289

446.Mkandawire, Thandika
1982 The Lagos Plan of Action (LPA) and the World Bank on Food
and Agriculture in Africa: A Comparison. In Afrique et
d~veloppement 7(1/2):166-201. EWB/IDA]
447.--- 1983 Le Pl&,a d'Action de Lagos et la Banque Mondiale: Etude
comparative des deux points de vue sur l'alimentation et
l'agriculture en Afrique. In Africa Development (Dakar)
8(4):20-34. [WB]
448.Mock, Christopher Alden
1984 Agriculture and Agribusiness in Burkina Faso. A Re- port
prepared for USAID/Burkina Faso. Washington, DC: The
Pragma Corporation. [USAID)
449.Mock, Peter
1976 The Efficiency of Women as Farm Managers: Kenya. In
American Journal of Agricultural Economics 58(5).
450.Moghadam, F.E.
1985 An Evaluation of the Productive Performance of Agri business: An
Iranian Case Study. In Economic Development
and Cultural Change 33(4):755-776. EAB)
451.Mokerrom, Hossain
1986 Rural Development Cooperatives and Peasants'
Participation: The Bangladesh Experience. Paper pre sented at the International Sociological Association
Annual Conference.
452.Molnar, J.J. and H.A. Clonts (eds.)
1983 Transferring Food Production Technology to Developing
Nations: Economic and Social Dimensions. Boulder,
Colorado: Westview Press. CAB]
453.Monono, Ewumbe
1985 The Women's Notable Participation in the Agro-Pastoral
Show. In Le Cameroun agricole, pastorale, et forestier
203(Feb):68. [WB/IDA]

454.Montavon, Remy

n.d. An Illustration of Nestle's Role in Developing Countries.

Vevey, Switzerland: Nestl..
455.Monu, E.D.
1981 Transfer of Technology to Small Scale Farmers in Nigeria.
In East Africa Journal of Rural Development (Kampala)
14(1/2): 237-247.

456.Mooney, Timothy J.
1985 AID Agribusiness Activities in Africa, 1970-1986.
The
Employment and Enterprise Dev!,lopment Division, Office of
Rural and Institutional Development, Bureau of Science and
Technology. Washington, DC: USAID. [USAID-S&T/IDA]
456a.Moran, Theodore H. and Contributors
1986 Investing in Development: New Roles for Private Capital?
Overseas Development Counrcil. New Brunswick (USA):
Transaction Books. [deT3
457.Morrissy, J. David
1974 Agricultural Modernization through Producticon Contracting:
The Role of the Fruit and Vegetable Processor in Mexico
and Central America. New York, Praeger. [USAIE AB)
458.Mueller, Kenneth M.
1977 Bridging the Developed/Developing Country Gap. A Speech
by Kenneth M. Mueller, President of The Agribusiness
Council, Inc. The Conference Board, March 30. Dallas, Texas. Mimeo. [EPOC/IDA] 499.Mujwahuzi, M.R. lJ81 Probable Causes of Recent Food Shortages. In Tanzania Notes and Records (Dar-es-Salaam): 86/87: 57-71. [NU]
460.Mulas, John
1981 The Politics of a Changing Society: Mumias. In Review of
African Political Economy 20: 89-107. [IDA AB)
461.Munslow, Barry
1985 Prospects for the Socialist Transition of Agriculture in
Zimbsbwe. In World Development 13(1): 41-58. [IDA]
462.Muntemba, Maud Shimwayyi
1982 Women and Agricultural Change in the Railway Region of
Zambia: Dispossession and Counter Strategies, 1930-1970.
In Women and Work in Africa Edna G. Bay, ed. Boulder,
Colorado: Westview Press.
463.Munslow, Barry
1985 Prospects for the Socialist 1'ransit:ion of Agriculture in
Zimbabwe. In World Development 13: 1(41-58) [IDA]
464.Mwangi, W.M.
1985 Low Income Food Systems and Food Safety in Kenya: A Case
Study of Kangemi Peri-Urban Area. Discussion Paper No.
278. Nairobi: Institute for Development Studies,
University of Nairobi. lIDS/IDA]

291

465.Nair, P.K.R.
1983 Tree Integration
in Farmlands for Sustained Productivity
on Small-holdings.
Reprinted from: Environmentally Sound
Agriculture, New York: Praeger Publishers, pp.
315-333.
Nairobi: ICRAF Reprint. [ICRAF]
466.--- 1984 Agroforestry with Coconuts and Other Plantation Crops.
Reprinted from:
Plant Research and Agroforestry. Nairobi:
ICRAF Reprint. [ICRAF)
467.National Agricultural Library
1963 Contract Farming and Vertical Integration 1953-1963. A
List of Selected References. Library List No. 64,
Revised.
Washington, DC: USDA National Agricultural
Library. [IDA: selections]
468.National
Dairy Development Board, Anand, India 1976 Operation Flood - A Study. Anand, India: National Dairy Development Board. Mimeo. HBS/IDA] 469.Ndirangu, Eliud 1967 An Analysis of Land Utilization in Central and Southern
Nyanza Districts of Kenya, with a View to
Raising
Farmers' Incomes. Ph.D. Dissertation. Madison: University
of Wisconsin. [UN)
470.Neerso, Peter
1975 Tanzania's Policies on
Private Foreign Investment. In
Multinational Firms in Africa,
C. Widstrand, ed.
Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies.
471.Nestl6
1975 Nest16 in Developing Countries.
Vevy, Switzerland:
Nestl6.
472.Netting, R.
1965 Household Organization and Intensive Agriculture: The
Kofyar ase.
In Africa 35(4): 422-29.
C 473.New African
1981 Keny&: Flowers Before Food.
In New African

(March).

474.Ng'ang'a, D. Mukaru
1981 What is Happening to the Kenyan Peasantry? In Review of
African Political Economy 20(Jan/April): 7-16. IIDA
475.Njao, Njuguna
1959 The Economics of African Smallholdings in Kenya. Ph.D.
Dissertation. Madison: University of
Wisconsin. [UN)

292

476.Njonjo, A.V.
1981 The Kenya Peasantry: A Re-assessment. In Review of
African Political Economy 20: 27-40.
-Discusses the impact of CF on peasants.
477.Njowo, John
1985a Export Crop Production: The Economy's Rock Foundation. In
Le Cameroun agricole, pastorale et forestier 203(Feb): 59.
[WB/IDAJ
478.--- 1985b Fresh Incentiv-s Promise Bright Future for
Agro-Industries. In Le Cameroun agricole, pastorale et
forestier 203(Feb): 65. [WB/IDA]
479.Nwabughuogu, Anthony I.
1986 Oil Mill Riots in Eastern Nigeria, 1948-1951: A Study of
Indigenous Reaction to Technological Innovation. Journal
of African Studies 12(4): 194-202. [SUNY-B/IDA].
480.Nwabuzor, Augustine
1971 United Fruit Company and the Lettuce Industry. Harvard
Business School Case Study No. 9-371-559 AI 316.
Cambridge, Mass: Aarvard Business School
[HBS/IDA]
481.Nwaka, G.I.
1980 Cadbury and the Dilemma of Colonial Trade in Africa,
1901-1910. In
Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental
d'Afrique Noire (Dakar) Ser. B. 42(4): 780-793.
482.Nyangira, Nicholas
1970 Chiefs' Barazas as Agents cf Administrative and Political
Penetration.
Staff paper No. 80. Nairobi: Institute for
Development Studies, University of Nairobi.
[IDS/IDA]
483.'Nyongo', P. Anyang
1979 Transnational Capital, Industrialization and Agriculture
in Africa: Ivory Coast and Kenya. University of Nairobi,
Institute of African Studies, Paper Series.
484.--...
n.d. The Sugar Industry and Agrarian Capitalism in Nyanza: A
Research Proposal. n.p. [MW)
485.--- 1981 The Development of a Middle Peasantry in Nyanza.
In
Review of African Political Economy 20(Jan/April):
108-124. [IDA AB)

293

486.1981

[Early version of above article] Working Paper No. 380. Nairobi: Institute for Development Studies, University of Nairobi. [IDS/IDA]
Dunstan

487.Obara,

1976

Environmental Problems of Smallholder Sugarcane Production

in the Nyanza Sugar Belt. M.Sc. Thesis. Nairobi:
University of Nairobi. [UN/IDA]

488.Obiero, J.
1980 The Western Kenya Sugar Industry: With Specific to Nyanza and Western Provences. M.A. Thesis. University of Nairobi. [UN/IDA: on order]

Reference
Nairobi:

489.Ocharo, Abel
1977 The Role of Rural Transport Systems in Agricultural
Development: A Case Study of Southern Nyanza District,
Kenya. M.A. Thesis. Nairobi: University of Nairobi.
[UN/IDA]
490.O'Oconner, A.M.
1965 The Geography of Tea and Sugar Production in Uganda: Some
Comparisons and Contrasts.
In East African Geography
Review 3(April): 27-35. [WB/IDA]
491.Oculi, Okello
1976 Dependent Food Policy in Nigeria 1975-1979. In Review of
African Political Economy 15/16: 63-74. [WB IDA]
492.--- 1981 Food Imperialism and African Diplomacy in the 1980s.
In
Afrique et d~veloppement 6(3): 63-73. [WB/IDA]
493.--....
1984 Multinationals in Nigerian Agriculture in the 1980s. In
Review of African Political Economy 31: 87-91. [IDA AB]
494.Okoth-Ogendo, H.
1978 The Political Economy of Land Law: An Essay in the Legal
Organization of Underdevelopment in Kenya, 1895-1974.
Ph.D. Dissertation. New Haven, Conn: Yale University.
[UN]
495.Olayide, S.O. et al.
1980 Nigerian Small Farmers: Problems and Prospects in
Integrated Rural Development. Ibadan: Centre for
Agricultural Rural and Agricultural Development, Ibadan
University.

294

4 96

.Olorunnipa, Zacch
1986 Improved Technology Adaption and Food Security in
Sub-Saharan Africa. Paper presented at the African
Studies Symposium, Agricultural Policy and African Food
Security. Urbana, Illinois: Center for African Studies,
University of Illinois. ECAS/IDA]

497.Oman, C.
1980 Changing International Investment Strategies: The "New
Forms" of Investment in
Developing Countries. Conference
Document No. 2, OECD Development Center, Paris.
-Challenges dependency theory conclusions.
498.0minde, Simeon
1963 Land and Population in the Western Districts of
Nyanza
Provence, Kenya. Ph.D. Dissertation. Kampala: Makerere
University College. [UN)
4 9 9.Organization for African Unity
1981 OAU Lagos Plan of Action for the Economic Development of
Africa. Geneva: International Institute for Labour
Studies for OAU No. 8.
500.Oriakui, Ebere Agwu
1985 Evaluation of Large Scale Irrigation and its Linkage to
Food Suffiency in Nigeria. Ph.D. Dissertation.
Washington, DC: Howard University LAB)
501.Orvis, Stephen
1985 Men and Women in a Household Economy: Evidence from Kisii.
Working Paper No. 432.
Nairobi: Institute for Development
Studies, University of Nairobi. lIDS/ IDA]
502.--- 1985 A Patriarchy Transformed: Reproducing Labor and the
Viability of Smallholder Agriculture in Kisii. Working
Paper No. 434. Nairobi: Institute for Development
Studies, University of Nairobi. lIDS/IDA]
504.Oyugi, Walter
1973 The Administration of Rural Development in
Kenyan
a Sub-District:
Case Study of the Interaction between the
A Kenyan Bureaucracy and the Technical Assistance
Personnel. Ph.D. Dissertation. Nairobi: University of
Nairobi. [UN)
505.Pachai, Briglal
1973 African-Grown Tea in Malawi.
An Experiment in
Agricultural Smallholding. In Rural Africana 21:

1-13.

295

5 0 6.Paige, Jeffery
1978 Agrarian Revolution. New York: The Free Press.
-Comparative methodology based on technical
characteristics of crops (production; processing;
marketing).
507.Pala, Acholo 0.
1978a Women's Access to Land and Their Role
in Agriculture and
Decision Making on the Farm: Experiences of the Joluo of
Kenya. Discussion paper No. 253. Nairobi: Institute of
Development Studies, University of
Nairobi. [IDS/IDA]
508.--- 1978b Changes in the Economy and Ideology among the Luo. Dissertation. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University.

Ph.D.
(MW)

509.Palmer-Jones, R.
1984 Mismanaging the Peasants:
Some Origins of Low Productivity
on Irrigation Schemes in Northern Nigeria. In Irrigation
in Tropical Africa, A. Grove, ed. Pp. 96-108.
Cambridge: Institute of African Studies. [MW)
510.--- 1985 Theoretical and Empirical Aspects of the Smallholder Tea
Scheme in Malawi. Institute of Agricultural Economics,
Oxford University. Unpublished Report. [MW]
512.Partnerzhip for Productivity
1982 Socio-Economic Development Program Study: Buto Oil Palm
Project, Liberia. Yekeba: Partnership for Productivity.
[IDA]
513.Payer, Cheryl (ed.)
1975 Commodity Trade of the Third World.
New York: 514.--- 1980 The World Bank and the Small Farmers. 32(6): 30-46. [AB] Radical criticism of Bank. 515.--- 1982 The World Bank: A Critical Analysis. Peview Press. [deT] New York: Monthly

Wiley.

In Monthly Review

516.Pelosky, Robert J., Jr. 1983 Agribusiness in Africa. In Multinational Business,

Economist Intelligence Unit 4: 16-26. [WB/IDA AB]
517.Pennacchi3o, Letizia
1980 The Role of the State in the Organization of
Agro-Industries in the Arab Republic of Egypt. FAO. [FAO-C]
296

Cairo:

518.Peperkamp, Bart
1981 A Survey of Factors Leading to Exploitation of Small
Farmers by Middlemen in Sierra Leone Export Crops Trade:
A Geographical Perspective. Nijmegen, Holland: Inst. for
Geography and Planning of
the Catholic University. [WB]
519.Petritsch, Mechtild
1981 Women and Development in Ghana.
Expert Group Meeting on
Women and the International Development Strategy,
December 7-11. Vienna.
Paper No. AWB/EGM.81.2./CS.
[EPOC/IDA]
520.Pfeffer, M.
1983 The Social Relations of Subcontracting: The Case of
Contract Farming in Wisconsin. CCSSA Working Pap:.r.
Madison: University of Wisconsin, Department of Rural
Sociology. [MW)
521.Phillips, T.A.
1965 Nucleus Plantations and Processing Factories:
Their Place
in the Development of Organized Smallholaer Production.
In Tropical Science 99-108. CIDRC/ IDA AB)
522.---and W. Cox
1967 Report on the Operations of the KTDA and its Proposals for
Further Development. London: Commonwealth Development
Corporation.
523.Ping, Ho Kwon
1980 Why Pineapples, Chickens and Bananas Give Much Food
for
Thought. In ASEAN Business Quarterly (Singapore): 4(3):
13-19;49. [AB)

52

4.Pinstrup-Andersen, Per
19 Introducing Nutritional Considerations into Agricultural
and Rural Development. In Food and Nutrition Bulletin
4(2): 33-41. [EPOC/IDA]

525.--- 1984

Nutrition-Related Food Policy Research at

IFPRI.
In International Agricultural Research and Human
Nutrition, Per Pinstrup-Andersen, Alan Berg and
Martin Formnan, eds. [EPOC/IDA)

526.Pischke, J.D. von, and J. Rouse

1983 Selected Successful Experiences in Agricultural Credit and
Rural Finance in Africa. In African Savings and
Development 8(1): 21-.44.

297

527.Plange, N.
1979 Underdevelopment in Northern Ghana: Natural Causes or
Colonial Capitalism? In Review of African Political
Economy 5 (May-Dec).
528.Plumb, Benjamin N. Jr.
1970 The United Fruit Company and The Maranhao Development
Corporation. Harvard Business School Case Studies
,4o.
9-314-014 Ea-R 566R (1969: rev.1970). Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard Business School. [HBS/IDA]
528a.Poa Pongsakorn et al.
19853 Food Processing and Marke'ing in Thailand.
[FAO-Rome

Rome:

FAO.

529.Point 6conomique, le
1982-5 [Advertisements for: Farmers' Societies, Import-exporters
of fish, fresh fruits, and vegetables -- many are
associated with contracting arrangements.] Journal of the
Chamber of Commerce of Senegal 26-29: misc. pp. [WB/IDA]
530.--- 1981 Participation du Senegal au Salon d'Alimentation SAUDI
FOOD 81 de Riad (15 au 19 fevrier). In Le point
6concmique. Journal of the Chamber of Commerce of Senegal
23: 41-47. [WB/IDA]
531.--- 1982 La peche Senegal. In Le point dconomique. Journal of the
Chamber of Commerce of Senegal 26: 5-16. EWB/IDA]

532.---
1984 Le commerce international des produits agricoles; Le
Chambre de Commerce Internationale Document No 3-3/57. In
Le point 6conomique. Journal of the Chamber of Commerce
of Senegal 31: 27-31. (WB/IDA]
533.Pollet, E. and G. Winter
1978 The Social Organization of Agricultural Labor among the
Soninke (Kyahunu, Mali). In Relations of Production:
Marxist Aproaches to Economic Anthropology, David Seddon,
ed. Pp. 331-356. London: Frank Cass.
- Commercialization breaks up extended kin.
534.Posnansky, Merrick
1981 How Ghana's Crisis Affects a Village. 3306(1 Dec): 2418-2420.

In West Africa No.

535.Posner, Robert
1971 Agricultural Labor Markets in Kenya. Ph.D. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan [UN]

Dissertation.

298

536.Post, Ken
1972 "Peasantisation" and Rural Political Movements in Western
Africa. In Archives Europeenes de Sociologie 13: 223-234.
537.Potts, Sarah. See Voll, Sarah Potts

538.Raikes, P.
1978 Rural Diffcrentiation and Class Formation in Tanzania.
In
Journal of Peasant Studies 5(3): 285-325.
539.Rajeswaran, K.
1985 Contract Farming and Smallholder Scheme [sic] in Zambia:
A Research Proposal. Paper presented at an IDRC Workshop
on Contract Farming and Smallholder Outgrower Scheme
[sic], November 27-30. Nairob.. Mimeo. [IDA]
540.Rama, Ruth
1985a New Forms of International Investment in Developing
Countries: The [sic] Contract Farming, A Methodological
Approach. Ottawa, Canada: IDRC/OECD Dev. Centre. Mimeo.
[IDRC/IDA AB)
542.--- 1986a New Forms of International Investment in Latin American
Agriculture and Agri-Industry. Document Presented to the
Project for New Forms of International Investment in
Developing Countries. Paris: OECD. Mimeo. (IDRC/IDA)
543.--- 1986b Do Transnational Agribusiness Firms Encourage the
Agriculture of Developing Countries? The Mexican
Experience. In International Social Science Journal
37(3): 331-344. ESUNI-B/IDA AB)
544.Ratchford, C. Bryce
1985 Tanzania Seed Multiplication: AID Project Impact
Evaluaticei Report No. 55. Washington, DC: USAID.
[USAID/IDA]
545.Raveed, Sion; William Renforth, and Douglas Norman
1960 Systems Approach to Analyse Agri-Business in Developing
Countries: Central American Example. In Journal of
Management (India) 10(l): 40-46. (AB)
546.Raynaut, C.
1976 Transformation du Syst~me du Production et
In6galitd
Economique: Le Cas d'un Village Haoussa (Niger). In
Canadian Journal of African Studies 10(2): 279-306.
- Commercialization breaks up extended family.

299

546a.Reda, K.

1970 A Decade of Development of the Poultry Industry Lebanon. Rome: FAO. [FAO-Rome)
in

47.Regional Planning and Area Development Project

1979 Opportunities for Rural Marketing and Infrastructure
Development in Western Kenya. Consulting Report No. 3,
under contract no. AID/DSAN-C-0060. Madison, Wisconsin:
Regional Planning and Area Development Project.
EREDSO/IDA: bibliography only]
548.Reines, Sheila
1982 Togo Returnis to the qszics. Feb/March: 5-10. [IDA]

In Agribusiness Worldwide

549.Rempel. Henry and Richard A. Lobdell

1985 A Model of Labour Allocation Decision-Making in
Peasant-Type Households. Working Paper No. 422. Nairobi:
Institute for Development Studies, University of Nairobi.
[IDS/IDA]
550.Rendell, Wilham
1976 The History of the Commonwealth Development Corporation:
1948-1972. London: Heinemann.
551.Repreasa, Jose
1981 Rationale for Corporate Involvement in Agricultural and
Rural Development. In Multinationals: New Approaches to
Agricultural and Rural Development. Pp. 89-90. New York:
FMME. [FMME/IDA]
552.Rey, P.
1979 Class Contradictions in Lineage Societies. Anthropology 13/14: 41-60.

In Critique of

554.Rezende, Gervasio Castro de

1976 Plantation Systems, Land Tenure and Labor Supply:
An
Historical Analysis of the Brazilian Case with
a
Contemporary Study of the Cacao Regions of Bahia, Brazil.
Ph.D. Dissertation. Madison: University of Wisconsin.
[WB]
555.Richards, A.I., F. Sturrock, and J.M. Fortt
1973 From Subsistence to Commercial Farming in Buganda.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
556.Richards, P.
1983 Ecological Change and the Politics of African Land Use.
In African Studies Review 26: 2.
-On distinctive features of different African
agricultural systems.

300

557.Richter, Robert
1985 Hungry for Profit. Transcript from WNET/Thirteen.
Transcript NFTV-16. New York:
Non Fiction Television.
June 12. [IDA].
558.Riley, Harold M.
and Kelly M. Harrison
1974 Vertical Coordination of Food Systems Serving Large Urban
Centers in Latin America. FAO Staff Working Paper 73-24.
Rome: FAO. (IDA]
559.Rimmer, D. 1983 The Economic Imprint of Colonialism and Domestic Food
Supplies in
British Tropical Africa. In Imperialism,
Colonialism and Hunger:
East and Central Africa, Robert
I. Rotberg, ed. Pp. 141-165. Lexington, Mass: D.C. Heath.

560.Roberts, Richard
1980 The Emergence of a
Grain Market in Bamako, 1883-1908. Canadian Journal of African Studies 14(1):
55-81.

In

561.Rodney, W.
1972 How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Dar-es-Salaam: London
and Tanzania Publishing House of Bogle L'Ouverture.

62.Rodrigues, Carl A.
1985 A Process for Innovatiors in Developing Countries to
Implement New Technology. In The Columbia Journal of
World Business. [WB/IDA]

563.Rogers, Barbara
1981 The Domestication of Women: Discrimination in Developing
Societies. London & New York:
Tavistock Publications.
[deT]
- The impact of commercialization on sexual division of
labor.
564.Rogers, G.B.
1980 The Structure of the Poultry Industry: Contract Grower
Equity, Bargaining Position, have D-creased as Poultry
Unit Sizes have Increased. In Feedstuffs 52(19): 23ff.
CAB]
565.Rogers, William L.
1982 The Role of Small Agribu~.iness Firms in Agricultural
Development. In Agribusiness Worldwide Dec/Jan:
1-2.
LTDAJ.
566.Roncoli, Maria Carla
1985 Women and Small-Scale Farming in Ghana. Working Papers:
Women in International Development.
East Lansing,
Michigan: Michigan State University. [IDA]
301

567.Rose, Tore (ed.)

1985 Crisis and Recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. Development
Centre Seminars. Paris: Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development.
568.Roy, Ewell Paul
1972 Contract Farming and Economic Integration. The Interstate. [AB)

Danville, Ill:

569.Rukandema, F.
1977 Resources Availability, Utilization and Productivity
on
Small-Scale F-irms in Kakamega District, Western Kenya.
Ph.D. Dissertation. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University.
[UN]
570.--- 1984 Food Crop Production Problems and Potentials of Small
Farmers in Tropical Afri!-j. In Eastern Africa Journal of
Rural Development (Kampala) 14(1/2): 105-116.
571.Ruthenberg, Hans
1973 Types of Organization in Agricultural
Production
Development.
In Quarterly Journal of International
Agriculture July-Dec: 234-245.
-Qualities in CF related to technical
requirements that
encourage core-satellite production.
572.Ruttan, Vernon
1980 Bureaucratic Productivity: The Case of Agricultural
Research.
In Public Choice 35: 529-547.
- Agribusiness cannot be expected to focus on
innovative
research on appropriate technology for small farmers.
This is an area of "public good," which will have to be
supplied by the government.
573.Sachs, Carolyn E.
1983 The Invisible Farmers: Women in Agricultural Production.
Totowa, New Jersey: Rowman & Allanheld. [deT)
-The impact of commercialization on women's economic,
social, and political roles.
574.Safilios-Rothschild
1980 The Role of Women in Modernizing Agricultural Systems:
Some Critical Issues. The Pennsylvania State University.
Mimeo. [EPOC/IDA]
575.Saleh, A.
1975 Food and Agricultural Products Processing the Arab Republic of Egypt. Cairo: FAQ.

Industries
in
[FAO-C]

302

576.Sambou, Pascal Ethiang-Thiang

1981 La preparation de l'huile de palme
en casamance. Paper
presented at a seminar on Le role et
les problhmes des

femmes ans le
d commerce ouest africain.

Bureau

International du Travail/centre africain de recherche et

de promotion pour la
femme. Dakar. Mimeo. [EPOC/IDA]

77.Sanderson, S.
1986 The Transformation of Mexican Agriculture.
Princeton:
Princeton University P:[ss. [MW]

578.Sands, Deborah Merrill

1984 The Mixed Subsistence/Commercial Production System
in the
Peasant Economy of the Yucatan, Mexico, An Anthropological
Study of Commercial Beekeeping. Ph.D. Dissertation.
Ithaca: Cornell University.
579.Saul, J. and R. Woods
1971 African Peasantries.
In Peasants and Peasant Societies,
T. Shanin, ed. London: Penguin.

58

0.Savane, Marie-Angelique
1983 Les Projets pour les Femmes en
Milieu Rural au Sdn.'gal.
Departement de l'emploi
et du developpement. Geneve:
ILO.
[deT]
581.Saylor, R.G.
1968 A Study of Obstacles to Investment in Oil
Palm and Rubber
Plantations.
East Lansing, Michigan: Consortium for the
Study of Nigerian Rural Development, Michigan State
University. [IDA]
582.Schubert, Bernd
19 Some Considerations on
the Methods for Evaluating
Marketing System-s for Agricultural Products.
In Eastern
Africa Journal of Rural Development 6(1/2).
583.Scott, Brian
1979 Booker Agriculture International Ltd. Harvard Business
School Case Studies No. 1-578-184. Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard Business School. [HBS/ IDA AB]
584.--- 1979 The Organisational Network:
Study Perspective for
A Development. Ph.D. Dissertation. Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard University.
-
Detailed study of the sugar multinational Booker
McConnell; involvement in Kenyan CF.

303

585.Scott, C.D.

1984 Transnational Corporations and Asymmetrics in the Latin

American Food System. In Bulletin of Latin American
Research 3(4): 63-80.

586.Selim, Robert 1980 The United States and the World Economy. Impact 4. 586a.Sen, Amartya 1982 The Food Problem: Theory and Policy. Quarterly 4(3): 4ff.

In Economic

In Third World

588.Smith, J.A. 1978 The Development of Large-Scale Integrated Sugar Schemes

in Western Kenya. Nairobi: Institute for Development
Anthropology, University of Nairobi. lIDS/IDA)
589.Smith, L.D.
1976 An Overview of Agricultural Development Policy. In
Agricultural Development in Kenya: An Economic
Assessment, Judeth Heyer, J.K. Maitha and
W.M. Senga,
eds. Nairobi: Oxford University Press. [REDSO/IDA]
590.Sen, Amartya
1982 The Food Problem: Theory and Policy. Quarterly 4(3): 4-47-459. [WB)

In Third World

591.Shaffer, James D.
n.d. Thinking About Farmers' Cooperatives, Contracts, and
Economic Coordination. Michigan State University. Draft
Mimeo. [IDA]
592.Shepard, Andrew
1981a Capitalist Agriculture in Africa. In Afrique et
d~veloppement 6(3): 5-21. EWB/IDA]
593.--- 1981b
Agrarian Change in Northern Ghana: Public Investment
Capitalist Farming and Famine.
In Rural Development in
Tropical Africa, Judith Heyer, Pepe Roberts and Gavin
Williams, eds. Pp. 168-192.
New York: St. Martin's Press.
[IDA]
594.Shipton, Parker
1985 Land, Credit and Crop Transaction in Kenya: The Luo
Response to Directed Development in Nyanza Provence. Ph.D.
Thesis, Department of Anthropology, Cambridge University.
[IDA AB]

304

594a.Shiras, P.
1978 The Political Economy of Smallholder Agriculture: Current
Proposals for the Third World in Historical Perspective.
Agricultural Economics Staff Paper No.78-5.
Ithaca, NY:
Department of Agricultural Economics. CAB)
595.--- 1986 The Public Creation of Private Property: The Uses of
Misunderstanding in
the Kenyan Land Tenure Reform.
Prepared for the Workshop on Land Issues, National and
Local, in Africa. March 14-15. Department of
Anthropology, Harvard University. Mimeo.
[IDA]
596.Siamwalla, Ammar
1978 Marketing in Thailand. In Economic Bulletin for Asia and
the Pacific 29(1): 38-50. [IDA]
-Comparative methodology of CF schemes based
on "shifting
costs" analysis, between producers and buyers. [IDA AB]
597.Silberfein, Marilyn
1974 Constraints on
the Expansion of Commercial Agriculture:
Iringa District, Tanzania. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio
University Press.
598.Simmons, Emmy
1975 The Small-Scale Rural Food Processing Industry in Northern
Nigeria. In Food Research Institute Studies 14: 147-162.
[USAID/IDA]
600.Singh, Shamsher
1977 Coffee, Tea and Cocoa, Market Prospects and Development
Lending. Washington, DC: World Bank Staff Occasional
Papers, No.22.
601.--- 1983 Sub-Saharan Agriculture: Synthesis and Trade Prospects.
Washington, DC: World Bank Staff Working Papers No.608.
602.Slutsky, Daniel
1980 Empresas Transnacion.les y Agricultura: El Caso del
Enclave Bananero en Honduras. Tegucigalpa: Universidad
Autonoma de Honduras.
-Good political analysis ol CF schemes.
603.--- 1979 Notas sob.-e amprese transnacionales agroindustrias y
reforma agratia en Honduras. In Estudios Sociales
Centroamericanos 8(23): 35-48. San Jose, Costa Rica.
-Good political analysis of CF schemes.

305

604.Smith, E.D., J.W. Brcckhouse and Kurt R.

Anachel
1985 Organization, Structure and Performance of
Dominican
Papaya Markets. Department of Agricultural Economics.
Staff Papers No.189. Lexington, Ky: University of
Kentucky. [USAID/IDA]
605.Spencer, Ian
1974 The Development of Production and Trade
in the Reserve
Areas of Kenya, 1895-1929. Ph.D. Dissertation. Burnaby:
Simon Fraser University. [UN]

05a.Sporleder, T.
1983 Emerging Information Technologies and Agricultural
Structure. In American Journal
of Agricultural Economics
65: 388-394. [WB.'NW]

606.Staudt, iathleen
1975 The Effects of Government Agricultural Policy on Women
Farmers: Preliminary Findings from Idakho Location,
Kakamega District. Working Paper No. 225. Nairobi:
Institute for Development Studies, University of Nairobi.
[IDS/IDA]
607.--- 1976 Agricultural Policy, Political
Power, and Women Farmers in
Western Kenya. Madison:
University of Wisconsin. Ph.D.
Dissertation. [UN]
608.--- 1985
Women's Roles and Gender Differences in Development:
Agricultural Policy Implementation: A Case Study from
Western Kenya -Cases for Planners. West Hartford, Conn:
Kumarian Press. [IDA]
609.Stern, N.H.
1972a An Appraisal of Tea Production on Small Holdings in Kenya.
Paris: OECD Development Centre. EUSAID AB]

610.o....

1972b Experience with the use

of the Little-Mirrlees Method for
an Appraisal of Small-Holder Tea in Kenya. In Bulletin of
the Institute of Economics and Statistics (Oxford
University): 34(1): 93-123.

611.Stevens, M.L.O.
1985 The Management of Recurrent Costs.
In Recurrent Costs and
Agricultural Development,
J. Howell, ed. London: Overseas
Development Institute. lAB]

306

612.Stoever, William A.
1985 The Stages of Developing Country Policy Toward Foreign
Investment. In The Columbia Journal
of World Business
20(3): 3-9. [WB/IDA]
613.Stoler, Ann Laura
1985 Capitalism and Confrontation in Sumatra's Plantation Belt,
1670-1979. New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press. [IDA:
Review by Tinker]
614.--- 1986 Plantation Polii.ics and Protest on Sumatra's East Coast.
In Journal of Peasant Studies 13(2):
124-143. (IDA]
615.Stone, G.D., eL al.
1984 Household Variability and Inequality in Kofyar Subsistence
and Cash-Cropping Economies.
In Journal of
Anthropological Research 40(1): 90-108.
616.Strohl, Richerd J.
1984 Farming Failures: The Fate of Large Scale Agribusiness in
Iran. In Successful
Agribusiness Management, John Freivalds, ed. Pp.133-146. Brookfield, Vt. Gower. [USAID]
6

17.Stryker, R.E. 1979 The World Bank and Agricultural Development:

Food
Production and Rural
Poverty. In World Development 7(3):
325-336. [WB]
-The Bank's "new rural development strategy" summarized
therein. Key policy statf0ment.
618.Stubbings, B.J.J.
1972 Establishment and Management of Nucleus Estates in
D veloping Countries. In World Crops (May/June): 120-122.
[IDRC/IDA ABJ

19.Subrahmanyam, K.V.
1981 Marketing Fruits:
Self Marketing vs. Contracting. In
Indian Journal of Marketing 11(17): 13-17. CAB]
620.Swainson, Nicola
1977 The Rise of a National Bourgeoisie in Kenya. Review of African Political Economy 8: 39-55. -On the Kenya Debate; cf. also Leys 1978.

In The
(WB]

621,--- 1980 The Development of Corporate Capitalism in Kenya. London:

Heinemann.
-On the Kenya Debate; is there underdevelopment or a
national bourgeoisie .'n Kenya...

307

622.Swainson, Nicole
1986 Public Policy in the Dtevelopment of Export Crops:
Pineapples and Tea in Kenya.
In Institute for Development
Studies Bulletin (Sussex) 17(1)39-46. [IDRC/IDA]
623.Talib, Mohammad
1981 Resistances to Development: A View from Below. Development 3(2): 136-145.

In Man and

624.Tandon, Yash
1981 New Food Strategies and Social Transformation in East
Africa. In Afrique et d~veloppement 6(2): 86-107.
[WB/IDA]
625.Tang, John C.S.
1985 Contractual Farming in Thailand
-Role of Government and the Private Sector.
In
International Journal for Development Technology 3:
57-61.
[IDA]
626.Tate and Lyle
[misc) Annual Reports. London: Tate and Lyle.
-Provides data on outgrower schemes.
627.--- 1975 Kenya Sugar Industry: Expansion Study. London: Tate and
Lyle.
-Study performed on behalf of the Kenya Government and
IBRD. 4 vols.

28.Tayengco, Edward
1968 United Fruit Company -Philippine Project. Harvard
Business School Case Study No. AI/264.
Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard Business School. [HBS/IDA]
629.Taylor, Thomas
1986 The Establishment of a European Plantation Sector Within
the Emerging Colonial Economy of Uganda, 1902-1919. In
International Journal of
African Historical Studies
19(1):35-58. [SUN'.'-B/IDA]
630.Taylor, Wayne C.
1956 The Firestone Operations in Liberia. Case Study in an NPA
Series on United States Business Performance Abroad; 5th.)
Washington, DC: National Planning Association. [WB)
633..Tchaho, Jacques
1984 Dossier: Les cooperatives au Cameroun. In Le
Cameroun
agricole, pastorale et forestier 195-199 (Jul.1983 Mar.1984): 37-45. EWB/IDA]

308

632.---
1985 La SODEPA: Un instrument de la politique pastorale du
gouvernement. In Le Cameroun agricole, pastorale
et
forestier 203 (Feb): 40-41. 1WB/IDA]

633.Thahane, T.T.
1984 The Development Challenges Ahead: Africa and the World
Bank. Africa Report 29(5): 48-52.
634.Thimm, H.U.
1975 Marketing Channels for Horticulture in Kenya. Horticulturae 49.

In Acta

635.Thiombiano, T.
1984 Une enclave industrielle: La Societ6 Sucri~re de
Haute-Volta. Dakar, Senegal: CODERSRIA. (IDA]
636.Thosanguan, Vatchareeya
1983 Contract Farming in Thailand. Paper presented at the
International Workshop on Agricultural Markets in the
Semi-Arid Tropics, ICRISAT Center, Patancheru, Andhra
Pradesh 502 324, India, 24-28 October. Mimeo. [USAID/
IDA AB]
637.Tickner, Vincent
1978 New Directions in Food Marketing Policies in LDCs
In Food
Policy [Guilford, Surrey Eng.] 3/4(November).
638.Toht, David
1984 Eggs for Haiti: Poultry Project Brings Modern Technology
to Peasant Farms. In Successful Agribusiness management,
John Freivalds, ed. Pp.229-237. Brookfield, Vt.: Glower
Publishers. [USAID]

639.Torp, Jens E.
1982 Interna7tionalization of Capital: Prospects for the Third
World. A Re-examination of Dependency Theory. London:
Zed Press.

640.Tosh, John
1978 Lango Agriculture during the Early Colonial Period:
Land
and Labor in a Cash Crop Economy. In Journal of African
History 13(3): 415-438.
641.Tripp, Robert B.
1978 Farmers and Traders: Some Economic Determinants of
Nutritional Status in Northern Ghana. [no ref).
Mimeo.
CEPOC/IDA]

309

642.Truitt, George A.
1981a Multinationals: New Approaches to Agricultural and Rural
Development, George A. Truitt, ed.
New York: Fund for
Multinational Management Education. (FMME/IDA AB]
643.--- 1981b
Food Companies and Farmers of Limited Resources: An
Overview of Problems and Opportunities. In
Multinationals: New Approaches to Agricultural and
Rural
Development, George A. Truitt, ed.
Pp. 55-74. New York:
Fund for Multinational Management Education. [FMME/IDA)
644.--- 1981c El Progresso. Case Study prepared for Confe..ence on
Multinationals: New Approaches to Agricultural and Rural
Development, Mohonk Mountain House, New Paltz, New York,
26-29 April. Organized by: Fund for Multinational
Managmment Education and Aspen Institute of
Humanistic
Studies. Mimeo. [FMME/IDA]
-Case study of McIhenny CF pepper zcheme in Honduras.
645.--- 1982d Guianchias. New York: Fund for hultinational Education. Mimeo. [FMME/IDA AB)
-Case study of banana CF scheme in Honduras.

Management

646.Tuckett, J.R.
1977 Vulvulane Irrigated Farms. Swaziland: A Report on the
First Ten Years. In Agricultural Administration 4: 79-97.
[IDA]
647.Turner, S., M. Bryant and M.A. Fitzgerald 1984 Agribusiness in Africa. In Africa Economic Digest 11ff. [AB] 648.Unilever
(misc] Annual Reports. London: Unilever.
-Provides data on outrowers' activities.
649.--- 1961 Unilever Plantations.

5(34):

London:

Unilever.

649a.--- 1983 The Etah Development Program. London: Unilever.

-On a Unilever CF scheme for peas in India.
650.United States Agency for International Development
1979a Agribusiness and Rural Enterprise Project Analysis Manual.
Washington, DC: Agribusiness Division, Agriculture
Development Support Bureau, USAID.

310

651.--- 1979b Country Development Strategy Statement, Kenya,

1980-1984. Washington, DC: USAID.
652.--- 1982 A.I.D. Policy Paper: (revised edn: 1985).

Private Enterprise Development.

Washington, DC: USAID.

653.--- 1984 USAID/Ivory Coast. Country Development Strategy

Statement. Abidjan, Ivory Coast: REDSO/USAID.
654.--- 1985 USAID/Senegal.
Fiscal Year 1987b Country Development
Strategy Statement. Covering Assistance Activities for
the Fiscal Years 1986 through 1990. Senegal: USAID.
655.----,CIMMYT, ODA, UNDP, and IBRD
1984 African Workshops on Extension and Research: Summary.
Agricultural Sector, Eastern and Western Africa Projects,
World Bank. Washington, DC: IBRD. [IDA]
656.United States Comptroller General
1977 Coffee Production and Marketing Systems. Report to the
Congress by the Comptroller General of the United States,
28 October, Washington, DC.
657.United States Department of Agriculture
1980 Food P-oblems and Prospects in Sub-Saharan Africa: The
Decade of the 1980's. Washington, DC: Economic Statistics
and Cooperative Services, International Economics
Division, Africa and Middle East Branch, USDA.
-Increasing productivity is the key to solving Africa's
food problems. Key USDA policy paper.
658.United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations
1980 Transnational Corporations in Food and Beverage
Processing., New York: Unedited version ST/CTC/19 United
Nations. [IDA)
659.--- 1983 Transnational Corporations in World Development: Third
Survey. New York: Unedited version ST/CTC/.46, United
Nations. (IDA]
659a.UNCTAD
985 Integrated Dairy Develcpment in India: Geneva: UNCTAD.

Operation Flood.

311

660.United Nations Economic Commission for Africa

1984 Women in the Artisanal Fishing Industry in Senegal and
Ghana. Research Series. Addis Abbaba: United Nations
Economic Commission for Africa. [FAO-C]
661.van de Laar, A.
1976a The World Bank: Which Way? 7(1). [WBI
-Criticism of Bank policy.

In Development and

Change

662.--- 1976b The World Bank and the World's Poor. 4(10/11): 837-851. [IDA]
-Criticism of Bank policy.

In World Development

663.Vanzwane, R.
1974 Development of Peasant Commodity Production in
Kenya,
1920-4 0. In Economic History Review 27(3): 442-454.
664.Venema, L.
1978 The 'olof of Saloum: Social Structure and Rural
Development in Senegal. Wageningen: Center for
Agricultural Publications.
-Commercijlization breaks up the extended family.
665.Vengroff, Richard, and Ali Farah
1985 State Intervention and Agricultural 1)evelopment in
Africa: A Cross-National Study. In Journal of Modern
African Studies 23(1): 75-85. [SUNY-B/IDA]
666.Vergopoulos, Kostas
1985 The End of Agribusiness or the Emergence of
Biotechnology. In Journal of International Social 37(3): 389-400. [SUNY-B/IDA AB]

Science

667.Vermeer, Donald E.
1983 Focd Sufficiency and Farming in the Future of West Africa:
Resurgence of Traditional Agriculture. In Journal of
Afiican Studies 10(3): 74-83. [IDA]
668.Versel, Malcom A.
1984 Vegetable Marketing in Niger: An Assessment and Overview.
Mcscow, Idaho: PIP/Niger/Alpril 84/No. 43. University of
Idaho in cooperation with USAID. EUSAID/IDA AB].
669.Vogel, Rowen C.
1967 United Fruit Company (B): 1960 - Organizing for
Turn-Around. Harvard Business School Case Studies No.
AI/248R. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business School.
[HBS/IDA]

312

670.--- 1967 United Fruit Company (C):

1962. Problems of Transition
(Revised Series 1967).
Harvard Business School Case
Study No. AI/251. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business
School. [HBS/IDA)
671.Voll, Sarah Potts
1980 A Plough in Field Arable: Western Agribusiness in Third
World Agriculture. Hanover: University Presses of
New
England. ESUNY-B AB]
-Sections on core/satellite farming.
672.Wainwright, David.
1969 Brooke Bond -- A Hundred Years. London(?): Publ. for
Brooke Bond Liebing Ltd. by Newman Neame Ltd.
673.Waldstein, Abe and F.
Masson
1983 Vegetable Marketing on
the Mossi Plateau of Washington, DC: USAIDrST/MD/RI).

Upper Volta.

74.Wallace, Ian
1968 Peasant Production of Axabica Coffee in East Africa;
Technical and Economic Studies in Bugisu, Meru and
Kilimanjaro. MS Thesis.
Kampala: Makerere University
College. [UN)

75.Wallace, Tina
1979 Rural Development through Irrigation:
Studies in a Town on
the Kano River Project. Zaire:
Ahmadu Bello University.
676.--- 1980 Agricultural Projects and Land in Northern Nigeria in
Peview of African Political Economy 17: 59-70. [IDA AB]
677.--- 1981 The Kano River Project, Nigeria:
The Impact of an
Irrigation Scheme on Productivity ant Welfare. In Rural
Development in Tropical Africa, Judith Heyer, Pepe Roberts
and Gavin Williams, ed. Pp.281-305. New York: St.
Martin's Press. [IDA AB)
678.Walton, Christopher
1984
Lessons from East African Agriculture. Progress Report on
African Development. In Finance and Development 2(1):
13-17. [WB AB
679.Wamba, Joseph
1979 An Economic Valuation of the Kenyan Sugar Industry, of Mumias Sugar Scheme. M.Sc. Thesis. Nairobi:
University of Nairobi. ENU)

Case

313

680.Wasow, Bernard

1973 Regional Inequality and Migration in Kenya:

Some Indirect
Evidence.
Working Paper No. 125. Nairobi: Institute for
Development Studies, University of
Nairobi. [IDS: IDA]
681.Watts, Michael
1985 Silent Violence. Berkeley, California: California Press. [IDA]

University of

682.---- 1985 The Jahally-Pacharr Project, The Gambia.

Unpublished
Report. Berkeley: University of California. [MW]
683.Weber, Michael T.
1977 Toward Improvement of Rural Food Distribution. Paper
presented at Interamerican Institute of Agricultural
Sciences Seminar on
Marketing Strategies for Small
Farmers in Latin America. San Josc, Costa Rica. Mimeo.
[USAID-S&T/IDA]
684.Weil, P.
1970 The introduction of the Ox Plow in
Central Gambia. In
African Food Production Systems, McLoughlin, ed. Pp.
229-264. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins.
685.Weinrich, A.
1975 African Farmers Press.

68

in
Rhodesia.

New York:

Oxford
University

6.Wenstrand, Thomas
1973 Ejura Farms Ghana Ltd. Studies No. 4-373-322. School. [HBS/IDA)

Harvard Business School Case

Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Business

687.Wharton, C. (ed.)
1969
Subsistence Agriculture and Economic Development. Chicago:
Aldine.
688.Wilcock, D.C.
1978 Political Economy of Grain Marketing and Storage in
the
Sahel. East L',Insing, Michigan: Department of Agricultural
Economics, Michigan State University.
689.Williams, Gavin
1976 Taking the Part of Peasants. In The Political Economy of
Contemporary Afica, P. Gutkin and I.
Wallerstein, ed.
Pp. 131-154.

314

690.--- 1981
The World Bank and the Peasant Problem.

In Rural

Roberts, and

Development in Tropical Africa, J.

Heyer, P. G. Williams, ed. London: Mac Millan. (IDA]
-Criticism of Bank policy.

691.Williams, Simon
n.d.1 The Agribu'siness Potential for Participation in
Rural
Development Worldwide. Prepared for the Fund for
Multinational Management Education
and the Aspen Institute
for Humanistic Studies. Mimeo. [IDA AB)
692.--- n.d.2 New Approaches to Agricultural Mimeo. [IDA AB]

and Rural Development.

693.--- 1975 Conflict of Interest and Its Resolution as Factors in the

Commercialization of Aquaculture in
the Apiericas. In
Marine Fisheries Review 37(1): 48-51. (IDA]
694.--- 1978 Managing a Rural Development Enterprise -Query: How to
Train for the Job.
Paper presented at the Conference on
Appropriate Management, Graduate School of
International
Studies, University of Denver, Denver Colorado, May 8-9.
Mimeo. [IDA]
695.--- 1979a A View from the Village. Issues Paper prepared for the
Presidential Commission on
World Hunger and Nutrition,
submitted March 5. Mimeo. [IDA AB)
696.--- 1979b Essay on Agribusiness. In Agribusiness Worldwide
September/October: 1-5. [IDA]
-Revised version of "The Agribusiness Potential"
697.--- 1980 Public/Private Cooperation
in Third World Agriculture and
Rural Development: The Case of Coordinacion Rural, A.C.
-Mexico.
Prepared for the Fund for Multinational
Management Education and the Aspen Institute for the
Humanities. Miteo. [IDA]

698.---
1981 The Corporate Potential for Participation in Rural
Development Worldwide. In Multinationals: New Approaches
to Agricultural and Rural Development, George Truitt, ed.
Pp. 75-84. New York: Fund for Multinational Management
Education. (IDA]

315

699.---- and G.R. Allen

1982 Nucleus Estates. New Approaches to Agricultural and Rural
Development: The Muntias Sugar Company
-Kenya. In Agribusiness Worldwide June: 50-56. [IDA AB)
700.--- and Ruth Karen
1985 Agribusiness and the Small-Scale Farmer:
Dynamic
A Partnership for Development. Boulder, Colorado:
Westview
Press. [IDA AB)

70

1.Wil!iamson, O.E.

Vertical Integration of Pioduction:

Market Failure
Considerations. In
American Economic Review 61 (May):
112-123. CAB]

1971

702.--- 1979 Transaction-Costs Economics:

The Governance Relations. In Journal of
Law and Economics 233-262. [AB]

of Contractual
(Oct):

703.Wills, Ian R.
19'72 Projections of Effects of Modern Inputs on
Agricultural
Income and Employment in a Community Development Block,
Uttdr Pradesh, India. In
American Journal of Agricultural
Economics 54 (August): q52-460.
LWB AB]
704.Wilson, F.A.
1974 The Structure and Or-lanization of Internal Markets for
Fruits and Vegetablx in Kenya.
In Policy and Practice in
Rural Development, Guy Hunter, A.H. Bunting, and Anthron
Bottrall, eds. London: Overseas Development Institute.
705.Wilson, Fiona
1985 Women and Agricultural Change in Latin America:
Some
Concepts Guiding Research. In World Development 13(9):
1017-1035. [IDA]
706.Wilson, Rodney J.A.
1971 The Economic Implications of Land Registration in
Keny-'s
Smallholder Areas. Staff Paper No.
91. Nairobi: Institute
for Development Studies, University of Nairobi.
lIDS/IDA]
707.--- 1972 Land Tenure and Development: A Study of the Economic
Consequences of Land Consolidation and Registration in
Selected Areas of Kenya.
Ph.D. Dissertation. Belfast:
Queen's University of Belfazt. (UN]

316

708.Wilson, RJA, and Tony Doran

1984 The Kenana Sugar Project in Sudan. In Successful
Agribusiness Management,
John Freivalds, ed. Pp.203-212.
Brookfield, Vt: Glower. LUSAID]
709.Witherell, Julian W.
1984 Publication Survey Trip to Africa, March-June
1984: Report. Washington, DC: Library of Congress. Mimeo;
Internal Document. [IDA]
710.Wolff, Mary L
1978 Public/Private Collaboration and Third World Food
Systems. Report of the Workshop held August 20-26.
Supported by AID Grant AID/DS/OTR-G-0002. Aspen,
Colorado.
711.Wood, L.J.
1978 Rural Markets in Kenya. In Market-Place Trade, Periodic
Markets, Hawkers and Traders in Africa, Asia and Latin
America,
Robert H.T. Smith, ed. Vancouver British
Columbia, Canada: University of British Columbia.
714.World Bank
1981a Accelerated Development in
Sub-Saharan Africa: for Action. Washington, DC: IBRD. [IDA]
715.---- 1981b World Development Report, 1981. -Key Bank policy statement.

An Agenda

Washington, DC:

IBRD.

716.--- 1983 World Development Report.

New York: Oxford University
Press.
717.--- 1984 Toward Sustained Development in Sub-Saharan AFrica.
A
Joint Program of Action. Washington, DC: ILRD. [IDA]
718.Worsley, Peter
1981 Paradigms of Agricultural Development.
In Sociologia
Ruralis (University of Manchester) 21(3-4): 269-286.
719.Wuyts, Marc
1985
Money, Planning and Rural Transformation in Mozambique. In
Journal of Development Studies 22: 180-207.
- Planning becaie concentrated
in the state sector, which
consequently received the bulk of the invisible resources
at the expense of family agriculture.
720.Yoon, Soon Young
1983 Women's Garien Groups in Casamance, Sanegal. Assignment Children 63/64.

In

317

721.Young, S.
1977 Fertility and Famine: Women's Agricultural History in
Southern Mozambique. In The Roots of Rural Poverty in
Central and Southern Africa,
R. Palmer and R. Parsons,
eds. Pp. 66-81. Berkeley, Celifornia: University of
California Press.
722.Zelenka, A.T.
1975 Policy Decision-Making for the Horticultural
Industry in
Kenya. In Acta Horticulturae 49.

318

VII.

TOPICAL INDEX TO COMPREHENSIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

319

VII. 1.

TOPICAL INDEX TO COMPREHENSIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

Key Topics:

Agribusiness (Private & Public Sector;

Portfolio Investment)
General 84, 84a, 96, 100, 141,
168, 176, 242, 246, 248, 255,
267, 268, 269, 270, 275, 323, 32A, 338, 385, 438, 439, 456, 458,
503, 516, 542, 545, 565, 612, 658, 659, 666, 692, 696, 698, 710
And Smallholders .0, 14, 26, 75, 79, 87,
102, 222, 223, 272,
273, 397, 643, 691, 695, 700
Case SLudies of 4a, 21, 26, 29, 31, 40, 41, 43, 44, 85, 96,
103, 104, 105, 106, 150, 157, 191, 201, 214, 217, 234, 249, 254,
256, 275a, 287, 288, 290, 294, 306, 322, 325, 347, 360, 407, 417,
422, 425, 430, 438, 454, 470, 471, 478, 480, 481, 517, 528, 530,
544, 577, 583, 584, 597, 616, 628, 638, 630, 642, 648, 649, 649a,
669, 670, 671, 672, 686, 697, 700, 722
Critiques of 14,
36, 48, 59, 60, 61, 109, 115, 121, 122, 138,
139, 148, 149, 153, 154, 164, 165, 176, 183, 209, 210, 211, 212,
216, 241, 257, 258, 259, 271, 273, 275, 286, 291,
316, 323, 353,
368, 369, 375, 376, 377, 383, 397, 339, 404, 416, 423, 439, 450,
473, 483, 492, 493, 497, 503, 513, 523, 543, 541, 542, 545, 551,
557, 565, 572, 577, 585, 592, 593, 635, 639, 643, 647, 666, 671,
691, 693, 700a, 710,
See also: Contract Farming; Commodity Section
Agroforestry 206, 238, 320, 465, 466, 487
Bibliograph'2s 238, 261, 467, 709
Capitalism
See: Agribusiness - Critiques of;
Historical Development;
Private Enterprise
Cash Crops 8,
40, 41, 48. 75, 76, 84, 94, 102, 147, 153, 154,
200, 222, 223, 224, 285 312, 313, 342, 349, 355, 384, 414, 415,
419, 469, 477, 490, 505, 506, 531, 576, 578, 615, 674
See also: Agribusiness; Contract Farming; Commodities Section
Class
See: Stratification
Colonization
See: Historical Development
Commercial Agriculture
See: Agribusiness
Commodities
See: Commodities Section
Commodity Production
See: Cash Crops; Contract Farming
Contract Farming
General 3, 4a, 18, 18a, 38a, 44a, 84a, 99,
104, 163, 164, 180,
183, 246, 251, 264, 266, 267, 268, 269, 273, 275a, 276, 292a,
302, 340, 360, 364, 374, 399, 407, 413, 425, 429, 440, 441, 443,
444, 467, 476, 503, 520, 523, 529, 539, 540, 5'l, 543, 542, 544,
550, 568, 571, 585, 591, 605a, 636, 671, 700, 700a, 702
Animal Protein 104, 247, 354, 371,
372, 373, 406a, 606b, 409,
410, 442, 528a, 564, 638, 649
Horticultural Crops 30, 53, 74,
104, 177, 1S2, 201, 252, 253,
320

Key Topics:

(cont.)
(cont.)

Contract Farming

256, 344, 347, 368, 369, 378, 378a, 434, 457, 596, 602, 604, 619,
622, 625, 636, 642, 6-14, 644a
Nucleus Estate-Outgrower Schemes
19, 32, 38, 78, 83, 84a, 89, 90., 91,
92, 142, 143, 160a, 198,
220, 246, 265, 276, 300, 302, 322, 330, 351, 356, 400, 404a,
407, 438, 460, 484, 485, 486, 487, 488, 489, 512, 521, 550, 571,
583, 584, 588, 618, 627, 642, 646, 648, 649, 679, 699
See also: Vertical Coordination/Integration
Plantation Tree Crops (non-nucleus estate)13, 83, 89, 92, 176,
178, 203, 204, 205, 206, 285, 301, 358, 370, 390, 391, 438, 47G,
505, 510, 522, 594, 603, 609, 610, 626, C42, 645
Contract Labor 130, 131
See also: Labor
Cooperatives
See: Intermediaries
Core-Satellite Schemes
See: Contract Farming Schemes
Credit 3, 44a, 45a, 52, 71, 232, 274a, 387, 526, 594
See also: Intermediaries
Crops
See: Agribusiness; Cash Crops; Commodities Section; Contract
Farming; Food Crops

Development - Agricultural

General 63a, 137, 141,

142, 144, 181, 194, 327, 274, 335a, 379,
385, 431,
432, 458, 567, 692, 694, 696, 698, 718 Critiques of 59, 88, 111, 132, 136, 153, 170, 171, 173, 181, 186, 196, 212, 218, 221, 243, 306a, 307, 30' 309, 311, 328, 349,
379, 380, 382, 386, 392, 393, 394, 395, -08, 21, 431, 436, 461,
451, 461, 463, 482, 509, 519, 563, 567, 573, 574, 586, 594, 608,
612, 617, 623, 624, 665, 675. 676, 677, 682, 689, 692, 695, 697,
698, 700, 703, 715, 716, 717, 718, 719
Local-Level 9, 10, 16, 35, 43, 44, 47, 52, 56, 67, 97, 115,
116, 123, 124, 145, 166, 191, 221, 274a, 260, 292, 295, 307, 426,
461, 482, 495, 504, 506, 580, 605, 664, 678, 687, 695, 699, 700
Planning 11, 12, 137, 230, 283, 327, 361, 379, 524, 581, 587,

58.9, 600, 601, 650, 651, 652, 653, 654, 719

See also: Policy; WID

Domestic Work/Workers

See: See: Labor Policy Domestic; Labor -

iender-based

Donors/Donor Assistance

- Donor.'Lender

Ecology/Resource Management
Economic Differentiation
See: Stratification

Extension 113, 172, 215, 251, 378, 382, 655

See also: Intermediaries

Fa.nily and In-kind Labor
See: Labor

321

Key Topics:

(cont.)

Farming Systems
See: Peasant Agricultural Systems
Farmers
See: Labor; Peasaant Agricultural Systems
Farmers' Organizations
See: Intermediaries
Firms
See: Agribusiness
Food Crops 16, 34, 46, 63a, 66, 66, 87, 98, 196, 200, 213, 219,
267, 279, 280, 412, 428, 464, 559, 570, 578, 615, 667, 676
Food Processing
See: Processing Firms
Food Security 1, 22, 36, 63a, 66, 98, 107, 144,
167, 195, 196,
197, 229, 243, 250, 289, 291, 336, 337, 376, 381, 401, 411, 412,
436, 459, 496, 500, 559, 590, 657, 667
Free Enterprise
See: Private Enterprise
Gender

See: Labor - Gender-based

Historical Development 17,

25, 28, 36, 37, 3S, 40, 41, 45a, 48,
57, 58, 63, 65, 69, 87, 92, 93, 115, 130, 134, 138, 152, 154,
155, 156, 160, 162, 208, 255a, 277, 278, 279, 285, 286, 298, 302,
306, 306a, 307, 308, 310, 329, 363, 392, 393, S94, 395, 402, 411,
412, 422, 460, 462, 479, 481, 483, 485, 494, 497, 498, 508, 527,
546, 550, 553, 555, 559, 560, 61, 563, 593, 594a, 605, 620,
621, 639, 640, 663, 666, 672, 678, 681, 721
See also: Plantation Systems
Households

See: Labor - Domestic

Intermediaries (Co-ops; Farmer Organizations; PVOs) 3, 108, 129,

158, 190, 202, 233, 240, 274a, 287, 288, 306a, 319, 321, 328,
345, 378, 403, 425, 451, 468, 482, 528, 529, 591,
631, 632, 634,
645, 649a, 659a, 695
Investment; Reinvestment 581
Irrigation Schemes 26, 43, 44, 161, 235, 349, 355, 413, 500, 509,
675, 67G, 677
Labor
See also: Contract Labor; Peasant Agricultural Systems
Domestic 37, 67, 68, 95, 133, 156, 174, 231, 280, 281, 314,
315, 366, 389, 396, 406, 472, 498, 501, 502, 533, 546, 549, 615,
639, 664
Gender-Based 5, 7, 15, 23, 42, 63,
70, 77, 93, 94, 117, 120,
135, 161, 172, 173, 187, 188, 189, 207, 231, 235, 237, 262, 280,
281, 282, 283, 298, 331, 348, 350, 367, 386, 406, 415, 424, 433,
437, 462, 507, 563, 566, 573, 574, 576, 606, 613, 514, 613, 614,
615, 660, 720, 721
Wage Labor 26, 28, 64, 95, 102, 123, 131, 133, 174, 216, 231,
319, 331, 331a, 332, 333, 335, 367, 46, 533, 535, 554, 630, 640,
680, 703
Measurement/Survey Instruments; Techniques 97, 127, 189, 231,
322

Key Topics:

(cont.)

Measurement/Survey Instruments; Techniques (cont.)

238, 244, 262
Land Control/Reform/Tenure 69, 238, 296, 298, 310, 406, 420, 424,
469, 475, 494, 498, 507, 553, 554, 556, 594, 595, 603, 639, 640,
706, 707
Management 251, 694
See also: Agribusiness - General; Agribusiness - Case Studies;
Contract Management; Contract Farming Schemes;
Intermediaries
Marketing
See also: Vertical Integration/Coordination
General 2, 3, 4, 231, 260, 299, 582
Capital Intensive 3,
21, 27, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 76, 104, 106,
108, 112, 147, 182, 184, 219, 227a, 232, 235a, 236, 240, 248,
255a, 260, 277, 292, 293, 305, 341,
343, 352, 353, 359, 403, 444,
445, 513, 518, 529, 547, 560, 582, 596, 604, 619, 628, 631, 634,
637, 656, 683, 704
Periodic; "Local" 45a, 47, 62,
72, 61, 82, 235a, 297, 318, 348, 366, 518, 560, 641, 668, 673, 688, 711 Merchants, Middlemen See: Marketing -. Periodic; "Local" Methodologies (for Case Studies; Evaluations) 84a, 399, 582, 610 See also: Labor - Survey Instrumants Middlemen See: Marketing - Periodic; "Local"
Multiple Cropping 250
Nongovernment Organizations
See: Intermediaries
Nutrition 102, 317, 359, 524, 525, 641
Outgrowern
See: Contract Farming Schemes; Labor; Peasant Agr. Systems
Parastatals
See: Abribusiness; Contract Farming Schemes
Peasant Agricultural Systems 5, 24, 28, 34, 35, 37, 39, 42, 46,
48, 51,
56, 65, 66, 68, 87, 110, 132, 135, 140, 169, 171, 221,
239, 279, 295, 306a, 312, 313, 314,
315, 320, 366, 384, 395, 312,
324, 348, 349, 363, 387, 389, 396, 418, 428, 435, 463, 469, 472,
474, 475, 508, 533, 534, 536, 555, 556, 569, 578, 579, 594, 594a,
615, 623, 664, 667, 681, 682, 685, 687, 689
See also: A,-.-ibusiness - and Smallholders; Contract Farming;
Labor; Marketing
Plantation Systems 8,
24, 54, 55, 118, 119, 131, 146, 148, 151,
158, 159, 207, 214, 216, 251, 268, 274, 276, 285, 319, 326, 331,
331a, 332, 333, 367, 427, 428, 554, 581,
613, 614, 629, 630
See also: Historical Development
Policy (Directed to Food Production; Agribusiness)
Critiques of 12, 20, 33, 59, 66, 126, .38, 139, 164, 165, 167,
191, 195, 196, 197, 257, 309, 328, 335, 335a, 380, 411, 436, 446,
463, 491, 492, 497, 499, 514, 515, 590, 606, 607, 612, 617, 633,
661, 662, 690
323

Key Topics:

(cont.)

Policy (cont.)
Donor/Lender 11, 12, 45, 63a, 132a, 141, 142, 143, 144, 168,
186, 198, 221, 228, 229, 230, 255, 263, 327, 336, 337, 339, 379,
380, 403, 428a, 433, 446, 503, 504, 524, 567, 598, 622, 650, 654,
651, 652, 653, 654, 657, 714, 715, 716, 717
Government 46, 49, 50, 51, 103, 105, 107, 184a,
185, 289, 328,
335a, 339, 357, 401,
408, 413, 447, 461, 470, 497, 499, 504, 517,
532, 548, 550, 589, 622, 665, 722
Political Economy
See: Historical Development; Development - Critiques of;
Agribusiness - Critiques of; Stratification
Pricing Policies 339, 359
Private Enterprise/Private Sector 45, 193, 246, 273, 360, 365,
428a, 483, 497, 503, 650
See also: Agribusiness
Private Voluntary Organizations
See: Intermediaries
Processing Firms 4a, 246a, 275, 430, 457, 528a, 479, 575, 598,
649a
See also: Agribusiness; Contract Farming
Recurrent Costs 125, 611
Research 100, 113, 140, 141, 194, 655, 705
Risk 71
Smallholders
See: Labor; Peasant Agricultural Systems; Contract Farming
Schemes; Agribusiness and Smallholders
Social Differentiation
See: Stratification
State Policy
See: Policy - Government/State
Stratification 42,
68, 73, 80, 91, 92, 93, 107, 117a, 132a,
134, 152, 155, 162, 169, 213, 225, 239, 225, 277, 286, 302, 311,
346, 359, 363, 394, 398, 421, 474, 485, 536, 538, 552, 615, 620,
621, 680, 703, 719
See also: Peasant Agricultural Systems; Historical Development
Subsistence Agriculture
See: Food Crops; Peasant Agricultural Systems
Technology Transfer 6, 100, 117a, 144, 161,
194, 213, 245, 255,
323, 346, 398, 452, 455, 479, 496, 562, 572, 586, 591, 594a, 638,
641, 684, 703
8 Vertical Integration/Coordination 38a,
46, 99, 305, 362, 364,
374, 426, 429, 432, 440, 441, 444, 469, 558, 571, 591, 701, 703
See also: Agribusiness; Contract Farming; Marketing
WID (Women in Development) and Agriculture , 11, 74, 79, 88,
186,
187, 232, 237, 283, 284, 432, 433, 449, 453, 462, 519, 580, 660,
705, 606, 607, 608
Zee also: Development; Labor - Gender-based

2.

Area:

Africa
General 1, 12, 20, 36, 49, 50, 62, 63, 63a, 64, 65, 66, 69, 93,
97, 115, 126, 133, 135, 137, il, 144, 148, 163, 164, 167, 181,
182, 183, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 213, 216, 219, 221, 228, 229,
235, 236, 281, 282, 283, 284, 286, 309, 316, 320, 329, 337, 352,
379, 380, 385, 393, 395, 401, 408, 412, 428, 436, 446, 447, 456,
459, 481, 492, 499, 516, 526, 556, 559, 561, 567, 5'70, 579, 592,
601, 633, 642, 647, 655, 657, 665, 671, 689, 690, 709, 714, 716,
717
Central Africa 154
East Africa 8, 16, 134, 140, 154, 162, 180, 381, 421, 499,
582, 624, 570, 674, 678
Sahel 135, 147, 243, 688
Southern Africa 130, 180
West Africa 25, 147, 227, 280, 313, 314, 315, 318, 536, 553,
576, 667
Bama;io 560
Botswana .1a, 77, 237, 246a
Buganda 555
Cameroon 24, 70, 88, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 149, 150,
172, 279, 306, 349, -50, 384, 453, 477, 478, 631, 632
Chad 4E, 227a
Ethiopia 233, 424
Gaibia 110, 682, 684
Ghana 4a, 5<, 125, 166, 218, 277, 278,
289, 312, 313, 314, 519,
527, 534, 566, 593, 641, 660, 686
Ivory Coast 46, 94, 119, 170, 222, 223, 224, 303, 417, 483, 653
(enya 4a, 5, 8, 17, 19, 32, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 57, 73, 78, 83,
85, 89, 90, 91, 92, 95, 100, 123, 129, 132,
136, 145, 146, 152,
153, 155, 156, 178, 179, 203, 204, 205, 206, 208, 231, 245, 286,
296, 298, 300, 301, 302, 303, 30r, 308, 310, 317, 220, 321, 322,
339, 341, 342, 343, 345, 348, 35,, 357, 358, 361, 363, 365, 366,
370, 375, 382, 392, 393, 394, 402, 403, 414, 423, 435, 449, 458,
460, 464, 469, 473, 474, 475, 47u, 482, 483, 484, 485, 486, 487,
488, 489, 494, 498, 501, 502, 504, 507, 508, 535, 547, 5-..9, 569,
583, 588, 569, 595, 605, 606, 607, 608, 609, 610, 620, 621, 622,
626, S27, 634, 642, 651, 663, 679, 680, 699, 700, 704, 706, 707,
711, 722
Lesotho 642
Liberia 15, 161, 214, 512, 630
Malawi 115, 124, 415, 505, 510
Mali 387, 389, 533
Mauritania 4a
Mauritius 419
Mozambique 719, 721
Niger 116, 355, 546, 581, 668
Nigeria 29, '5, 60, 68, 157, 173, 176, 177, 233, 330, 404a,
420, 455, 479, 480, 491, 493, 495, 500, 509, 518, 598, 675, 676,
677, 681
Rhodesia 28, 130, 131, 418, 685
325

Area

(cont.)

Africa (cont.)
Senegal 34, 160, 184, 184a, 185, 407, 422, 529, 530, 531, 532,
580, 654, 660, 664, 720
Sierra Leone 76, 406, 518
Sudan 26, 43, 44, 246a, 708
Swa2'iland 4a, 220, 646, 700
Tangcnyika 87
Tanzania 4a, 8,
13, 75, 87, 328, 411, 413, 459, 470, 538, 544,
597
Togo 548
Uganda 8, 490, 629
Upper Volta 225, 226, 635, G73
Zaire 353
Zambia 180a, 191, 319, 462, 539
Zanzabar 146,
Zimbabwe 120, 340, 360, 461, 463
See also: Rhodesia
Asia
General 246a, 251, 642, 523
Bangladesh 451
India 4a, 117, 174, 287, 288, 346, 432, 468, 619, 649a, 659a,
700, 703
Indonesia 4a, 235a
Japan 594a
Malaysia 4a, 6, 207, 285, 400
Nepal 102
New Guinea 158, 427, 642
Pakistan 117a
Philippines 212, 256, 351, 628, 700
Sri Lanka 274, 367
Sumatra 613, 614
Taiwan 255a
Thailand 4a, 378, 378a, 434, 528a, 596, 625, 636, 700
Viet Nam 45a
Europe; EEC; UK; USSR
General 99, 362
Belgum 305
England 442
France 53, 594a
Scotland 406a, 406b
UK 594a
USSR 246a
Latin America
General 21, 31,
96, 171, 254, 266, 294, 326, 430, 480, 528,
542, 558, 585, 683, 693, 705
Caribbean 55, 159
Central America 121, 457, 545, 603
326

Area:

(cont.)

Latin America (cont.)

Belize 79
180a, 246a, 290
Bolivia 4a, 10
Brazil 4a, 246a, 554
Columbia 201, 246a
Costa Rica 603, 642
Dominican Republic 74, 604, 700
Equador 4a. 27
Guatamala 3G, 74, 192, 368, 642
Haiti 538, 638
Honduras <a, 122, 425, 602, 603, 642, 644, 645
Jamaica 4a, 246a, 247, 390
Mexico 211,
252, 253, 347, 457, 541, 543, 577, 578, 697, Nicaragua 262
Panama 246a
Peru 4a, 169, 369
Puerto Rico 246a
Trinidad 246a
Venezuela 246a
Middle East; North Africa
General 97, 275, 671
Egypt 199, 234, 249, 359, 361, Iran 450, 616
Iraq 199
Lebanon 4a, 546a
Morocco 112
Saudia Arabia 246a
Sudan
See under: Africa
Syria 199
Turkey 700

700

517, 575

North America
United States 246a, 253, 271,
344, 354, 364, 371, 372, 374, 440, 441, 467, 520, 564, 568, 591, 594a, 605a

373,

327

3.

Commodity:

Animal Protein
Cattle 4a, 227a, 246a, 406a, 406b, 649a
Dairy 4a, 27, 246a, 287, 288, 468, 596, 642, 649a, 659a, 700
Eggs
See: Poultry
Fish 4a, 15, 94, 184, 235a, 529, 531, 660
Lobster 4a, 246a
Pigs 255a, 354, 700
Poultry; Eggs 247, 249, 371,
372, 373, 523, 564, 636, 638
Sheep 442
Shrimp 4a
Bee Keeping 578
Cassava 246a, 404a, 596
Cerial
See: Grain
Cocoa 125, 246a,
277, 280, 290, 303, 312, 554, 600
Coconuts 466
Coffee 40, 41,
95, 109, 145, 217, 275a, 414.600, 656, 674, 700
Cotton 26, 43, 44, 384, 415
Feed Concentrates 4a, 246a
Flowers (fresh) 201, 246a, 342, 343, 473
Flowers (dry) 4a
Forestry 246a
Fruit
General 2, 7, 224, 306, 341, 342, 343, 434, 457, 529, 528,
619, 628, 669, 670, 700, 704, 722
Bananas 269, 294, 425, 523, 602, 643, 645
Limes 4a
Orange Juce 4a, 246a
Papaya 604
Pineapples 4a, 256, 267, 378a, 523, 596, 622, 636, 700
Prunes 4a
Strawberries 211
Grain 61, 98, 129, 213, 236, 246a, 398, 560, 676
Kenaf 596
Maize 596, 642, 676, 686
Oil Palm 246a, 2Cn7, 330, 351, 400, 479, 512, 540, 576, 581,
642
Potatoes 347
Rice 110, 161, 235, 246a, 349, 350, 355, 594a, 596
Rubber 6, 29, 148, 207, 207, 214, 285, 581, 596, 613, 614,
630
Seeds 347, 544
Sorghum q49, 686
Soya 246a
Sugar 19, 32, 38, 78, 79, 90, 91,
92, 179, 180a, 208, 220,
246a, 267, 276, 300, 322, 325, 356, 413, 419, 423, 460, 484, 485,
486, 487, 488, 490, 583, 584, 588, 596, 626, 627, 635, 636, 642,
646, 679, 699, 700, 708
Tea 83, 89, 92, 142, 178, 203, 204, 205, 206, 216, 301, 358,
370, 390, 391, 413, 438, 490, 505, 510, 522, 600, 609, 610, 622,
636, 672, 700
328

Commodity: (cont.)
Tobacco 13, 75, 92,
176, 413, 594, 596, 700
Vegetables
General 2, 7, 30, 74, 116, 192, 224, 341,
342, 343, 344, 368,
374, 434, 457, 529, 619, 625, 636, 642, 668, 673, 700, 704, 720,
722 Asparagus 4a, 369
Beets 53
Lettuce 480
Onions 147
Peas 649a
Peppers 4a, 644
Tomatoes 177, 246a, 252, 253, 642, 676
Wheat
See: Grain

329