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I wouldnt chuck this out!

Applying Infographic Design and


Information Shortcuts to Local
Election Candidate Booklets

By Dominik Peter Niko Elsen




A dissertation submitted for the degree of
Bachelor of Arts (Honours)
At the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand

15
th
October 2010
Word Count: 15, 628

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UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICS
PLAGIARISM DECLARATION FORM

Name: Dominik Peter Niko Elsen

ID Number: 1614631

I certify that this dissertation does not incorporate without acknowledgement
any material previously submitted for a degree or diploma in any university;
and that to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any
material previously published or written by another person except where due
reference is made in the text.

Signed: ___________________ Date: 12 October, 2012
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Abstract

With close to half of all eligible voters choosing not to vote in local elections,
the modern campaign is clearly failing in its role of exciting and informing
people in their civic participation. Preliminary research suggests that a lack of
voter information is most often cited as the main reason for not voting in New
Zealand local government elections. Electoral authorities currently provide
one policy that seeks to alleviate this perceived shortage of information;
namely the candidate information booklet that is delivered with postal ballot
papers. However, results as to the usefulness of this booklet have been
mixed. This dissertation aims to ascertain what kind of information voters
find useful in local election candidate booklets, and further ask how these
booklets might be improved. To do this, this research tests theories of voter
information shortcuts as well as information design theories, by producing
and testing an alternative infographic booklet with focus groups of voters.
Ultimately, this dissertation contends that in order for voters to find a
candidate booklet useful, electoral authorities need to consider not only the
quantity of information but also the quality and accessibility of information.

















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Table of Contents

Abstract .................................................................................................................. ii
List of figures ......................................................................................................... 5
Introduction .................................................................................................... 6!
Chapter 1: Understanding Voter Information ........................................... 10!
Candidate Information Booklets: the perfect touchpoint? .............................. 11
How voters use information to decide in politics ............................................. 16
The Power of Infographics and Visualised Information ................................... 22
Examples of political infographics in action ..................................................... 26
Summary ............................................................................................................... 30
Chapter 2: Qualitative Research Methodology ......................................... 31!
Why use qualitative methods? ........................................................................... 31
Dunedin as a case Study .................................................................................... 32
Focus Group Composition and Organisation ................................................... 34
Development of the Infographic Candidate Booklet Prototype ...................... 37
General Information ............................................................................................. 38
General Information ........................................................................................... 40!
Political Shape ................................................................................................... 41!
Timeline .............................................................................................................. 42!
Issues Section .................................................................................................... 42!
Summary ............................................................................................................... 45
Chapter 3: What makes a Voter Information Booklet Useful? Voters
Perspectives. ............................................................................................... 46!
Accessibility The current Candidate Information Booklet ............................ 46
Quality The current Candidate Information Booklet ...................................... 47
Quantity The current Candidate Information Booklet .................................... 49
Accessibility- The Infographic Booklet ............................................................. 49
Quality- The Infographic Booklet ....................................................................... 52
Quantity- The Infographic Booklet ..................................................................... 55
Discussions of Results ....................................................................................... 56
Conclusion ................................................................................................. 622
!
Bibliography ................................................................................................. 65!
Appendix ...................................................................................................... 70!


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List of Figures

Figure 1 An example of the candidate booklet used in New Zealand. ........... 11
Figure 2 the layout of elements in the current booklet. .................................. 10
Figure 3 Two examples of Voter Guides used in California Elections. .......... 12
Figure 4 Infographic priorities by application. ................................................ 23
Figure 5 Left vs. Right Political Infographic ................................................... 27
Figure 6 a screen shot taken of the New York Times' website. ..................... 26
Figure 7 An example of the SmartSpider in use at euprofiler.org.eu ............. 27
Figure 8 The SmartSpider used in compariso newspaper "Der Bund" .......... 30
Figure 9 The general information section of a candidate ............................... 40
Figure 10 The political shape section ............................................................ 41
Figure 11 The timeline section ....................................................................... 42
Figure 12 The issues sections divided into past and future issues ................ 43
Figure 13 The front cover of the Infographic Booklet ..................................... 42
Figure 14 The full profile of as a page in the Infographic Booklet....42
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Introduction

Democracy asks two things of its citizens in an election. The first is to vote.
The second is to be well informed when making that vote.
1
Local democracys
big problem however is that its citizens are responding to neither demand.
There are two alarming trends the world over which plague the elections of
our cities and towns voter turnout in local elections is in decline,
2
and voters
who are unsure, misinformed or uncertain with their vote are on the rise.
3

While many factors, such as disinterest and apathy explain some parts of
these trends, one factor in particular lies at the heart of both issues; and that is
a lack of information.

Numerous studies have shown that there is a strong link between the level of
information a voter feels they have in local elections and their likelihood of
voting.
4
This is because some voters feel that a lack of information makes their
vote pointless and that it is better to abstain from voting altogether.
5
A lack of
information in this sense can mean anything from perceived lack of adequate
media coverage, a negative perception of the candidates and the city council,
a lack of political parties and even the way information is presented and
organized.
6
In contrast, for most general or national elections however,
information is not a problem. Thanks to the mass media, the mediatisation
7
of
elections and the 24-hour news cycle, most sizable elections avoid the
democratic dilemma of voter information
8
as citizens are able to rely on the
inescapable bits of knowledge that mass campaigns bring. Local elections,
however, have no such popular coverage and thus citizens are left without
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1
R.A. Dahl, Democracy and its Critics (Yale Univ Pr, 1989).
2
A.K. Karnig and B.O. Walter, "DECLINE IN MUNICIPAL VOTER TURNOUT A Function of
Changing Structure," American Politics Research 11, no. 4 (1983).
3
I. Somin, "Voter ignorance and the democratic ideal," Critical Review 12, no. 4 (1998).
4
T.R. Palfrey and K.T. Poole, "The relationship between information, ideology, and voting
behavior," American Journal of Political Science (1987). V. Larcinese, "Does political knowledge
increase turnout? evidence from the 1997 british general election," Public Choice 131, no. 3
(2007).
5
P Harris, . Parackal, M., Rudd, C. & Williams, J., "Reflections on engagement in an evolving
political process: Evidence from Aotearoa, the Land of the Long White Cloud," in 3rd
International Political Marketing Conference 2006 (2006).
6
Josh Hercus, "To Vote or Not to Vote: Students Perceptions and Attitudes Towards
National and Local Elections in New Zealand" (University of Otago, 2011), 66.
7
D.N. Hopmann and R. Zeh, "Mediatisation of Politics or Political context? Explaining
Changes in Twenty Years of Televised Election Campaign Coverage" (2011).
8
See A. Lupia and M.D. McCubbins, The democratic dilemma: Can citizens learn what they need to
know? (Cambridge Univ Pr, 1998).
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the very information standards they have come to rely on or in other words
there are no sound bites, montage moments, or trending topics on twitter.

Nowhere is this more apparent than in New Zealand local elections, where a
lack of information is the most common reason that citizens choose not to
vote.
9
Other reasons such as efficacy and parental influences have an effect
also,
10
but in terms of the most prominent explanation, a lack of information
appears to make up a significant proportion of local democracys failings.
This is not to say local election campaigns do not provide any useful
information; a vast range of communications from town hall debates to
leafleting and door knocking exist in largely the same form as they have since
the 1950s. With the arrival of the information age, however, voters
expectations have changed. Information quantity is no longer of central focus
but rather the quality, (how useful it is) and accessibility (how we receive it) are
increasingly important.
11


Election authorities in New Zealand, however, acknowledge many of these
problems and even attempt to compensate voters by providing the Local
Election Candidate Information Booklet that is delivered with postal ballot
papers. This booklet has a position in local election campaigns that is
interesting for a number of salient reasons, not least because of the weighty
democratic problem it has come to bare. In local elections these booklets are
often the last if not the only touchpoint, that citizens receive as they make
their choice. Branded as an official document, the contents allow voters to
view a short written statement and photo of every candidate. Their function
appears like many other tools used in 21
st
century information campaigns; to
synthesise and emphasise the important information from extraneous
rhetoric. However the problem remains that although their position at the
point of need
12
is clearly valuable, the actual information they deliver is seen
by a significant proportion of voters and non-voters alike as, not useful in
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9
E. Cavana, Mcmillen, P., Palmer, S.,, "2004 Local Council Post-Election Survey Summary of
Findings " (2004).
10
Hercus, "To Vote or Not to Vote: Students Perceptions and Attitudes Towards National
and Local Elections in New Zealand."
11
B. Smith, S. Laskowski, and S. Lowry, "Implications of Graphics on Usability and
Accessibility for the Voter," E-Voting and Identity (2009).
12
D. Moon, "What You Use Depends on What You Have," American Politics Research 18, no. 1
(1990).
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deciding who to vote for.
13
The contents, style and format of candidate
booklets are seen as inaccessible and at worst, more of a hindrance than a
help.
14


With these considerations in mind, this dissertation will seek to explore
further whether Local Election Candidate Information Booklets are fulfilling
their purpose as well as they could. And if not, how could they be improved?
Central to answering these questions will be a firm understanding of what
voters consider as useful in making an informed choice. Chapter 1 will refer
to a wide scope of literature and theory not only from political science but
also from information design. First, it will look at existing candidate
information booklets, and weigh up whether other studies have found them
useful for voters. Second, it will look at the theories behind voter information
in elections, and ask how voters use information in making a choice. Third, it
will look more holistically at what makes information useful from an user-
centric design perspective is quantity of information enough or does the
quality and accessibility of information need to be considered also? Using
these three angles of research, chapter 2 will then define a framework for
testing more specifically voters preferences and information needs. This will
include the development of an alternative booklet, designed using
information graphics or infographics to capture a number of themes found
in the theory. This alternative booklet will then be tested against the current
candidate information booklets, with the use of focus groups. Chapter 4 will
subsequently present the results of the focus group discussions before the
conclusions of this research.

An important point to acknowledge from the outset is that this study does not
aim to argue for any silver bullet solution to all the democratic and
information related problems mentioned above. Numerous studies unpick
the fact that apathy and low voter turnout are complex problems with
multiple causes. Rather it is under a more contributory guise that this study
seeks to make progress and initiate discussion surrounding the role that
candidate booklets could play. In New Zealand, candidate information
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13
Cavana, "2004 Local Council Post-Election Survey Summary of Findings " 15.
14
J.A. Scholte, "Civil society and democratically accountable global governance," Government
and Opposition 39, no. 2 (2004): 227.
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booklets, also known as voter information pamphlets, or simply candidate
statements, currently have their format and contents strictly controlled by
statute. Candidates enter a statement and photo either online or in person
with the Electoral Commission centrally developing booklets to be sent out
across the nation. The booklets contain the same format but with separate
content specific to local areas.
15
For the purposes of this study, reference will
be made to the Dunedin City Council candidate information and to Dunedin
voters as this allows the research to remain applied to real world perceptions
while manageable. Using a case study such as this, will allow this research to
generalise more broadly about the use of candidate booklets in New Zealand
local government elections, and most importantly how they could fulfil their
potential. In this sense it will argue that the function of this information
should be held to a high bar. If authorities are willing to fund, collate, print
and distribute an official resource, then its contribution to voters engagement
should be more than perfunctory; and at the very least be able to match
voters contemporary needs.

Thus, this study sees the candidate information booklets, distributed for local
government elections in New Zealand, as an opportunity not only to fill a
gap
16
in voter information but also to use that gap as a foothold in moving
Local Election Voter Information forward. If voters remain uninspired and by
implication uniformed when participating in these elections, it calls into
question not only the legitimacy of an elected local government but also the
democratic connection between citizens and their electoral choices.
17





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15
Local Government New Zealand, "Making a stand mad easy- A candidate's guide to local
government," (2010).
16
L. Brantgrde, "The information gap and municipal politics in Sweden," Communication
research 10, no. 3 (1983).
17
S. Young, "Vancouver's informed electorate: Voter knowledge in the 2005 municipal
election," (2006): 1.
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Chapter 1: Understanding Voter Information

Many voters, and indeed non-voters see voter information in local elections,
as insufficient.
18
One source in particular, the candidate information booklet,
is produced in response to this lack of information and yet it is rarely read
19

and perceived by many voters as not useful.
20
The existing research
suggests three broad areas of relevance when understanding how candidate
booklets might be improved. The first group of existing literature looks
specifically at the role that voter information booklets currently play and
defines what makes them both an informational laggard but also a potential
area of strength. The second group of literature draws on theories from within
political science and describes the way in which voters decide who to vote for
in elections. In particular it looks at the role of information in producing an
informed choice and draws from economic theory and behavioural
psychology in defining how voters deal with uncertainty around elections.
The third group of literature comes from information design and information
processing more generally and looks at a recent phenomenon tied to the
development of the information age known as infographic and visualised
information.

This chapter seeks to form a holistic overview of how voter information
works from a voters end-user perspective and in doing so tie together a
number of previously unconnected research areas; namely political science
and information design. When placed together these parts can be seen to
build a specialised understanding of not only how information in elections
currently works but also how it might adapt most effectively in an
information environment that has fundamentally evolved in the last 20 years.
Ultimately it will be argued that because of the way that most voters use
information, voter booklets should have the potential to help overcome a
number of problems with modern democracy but that they must be
reconceptualised in a way that matches how people currently understand
complex information in the 21
st
century infographics and visualisations.
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18
Cavana, "2004 Local Council Post-Election Survey Summary of Findings ".
19
D Magelby, ""Voter Pamphlets: Understanding Why Voters Don't Read Them," " in
American Politica ( American Political Science Association,
New York, September 1981. ).
20
Cavana, "2004 Local Council Post-Election Survey Summary of Findings ".
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Candidate Information Booklets: the perfect touchpoint?
As alluded to in the introduction the candidate booklets provided with ballot
papers in local elections are one source of information that does particularly
well in presenting a source of material exactly at the point of need.
21
In this
way Hewitt sees voter guides as the perfect touchpoint in elections as
candidates are able to speak right to the voter as they open their envelopes for
voting.
22
While electoral authorities often claim this intrinsic value, the net
worth for voters is not overtly celebrated. The terminology used in describing
these booklets varies greatly, thus it is useful at this point to explain some
semantics. In this study, candidate information booklets will be regarded as
the same as voting information booklets as well as the common American
phrase voter pamphlets(see fig. 1). Voter guides however represent
unofficial versions that are usually developed by community groups and
supporters of candidates. This following section will focus on studies
concerned with voter information booklets, with reference to some studies on
community voter guides. What is involved, why are they used, whether they
are useful and which elements if any hold more value than others?

Figure 1 An example of the candidate information booklet and statement used in New Zealand.
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21
Moon, "What You Use Depends on What You Have."
22
J.F. Hewitt, "COVER STORY Citizen-centered design (slowly) revolutionizes the media and
experience of US elections," interactions 16, no. 5 (2009): 21.
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Voter pamphlets are publicly funded and disseminated publications that
provide the recipients with an array of information on the candidates and the
election processes.
23
In many nation and state jurisdictions, including New
Zealand, voter pamphlets and particularly those sent by mail with ballot
papers, have their content and format regulated by statute
24
. Most examples
are relatively uniform and require a name, recent photograph and candidate
statement of between 150 and 300 words (see fig. 2).
Some electoral practices such as in Utah
25
and Oregon
26
in the United States
however require candidates to respond to more restrictive and specific pieces
of information such as age, occupation, qualifications and contact
information
27
.

In this way voter pamphlets can be an accurate frame of both biographical
and policy based information that links into an ability to pick up on shortcuts
and heuristics (a topic explored in the following section).
28
Brien supports this
view and claims Well-designed and well-written candidate voter pamphlets
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23
P. Brien, "Voter Pamphlets: The Next Best Step in Election Reform," J. Legis. 28(2002): 88.
24
See Parliamentary Counsel Office, "Local Electoral Act 2001 section 61 Candidate profile
statements," (2001).
25
Utah Code ANN. 20A-&-702(2)(f) (2001)
26
OR. REV Stat. 251.026(3)(a) (1999)
27
Brien, "Voter Pamphlets: The Next Best Step in Election Reform," 92.
28
Moon, "What You Use Depends on What You Have," 20.
Figure 2 the layout of elements in the current booklet
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would seem to bestride the narrow information spectrum like a Colossus.
29

He backs this up with a range of data from the various American states that
endorse the high use of candidate booklets:

1. Voters are highly likely to read the voter pamphlets- an average of 87% of
Utahns read all or part of the pamphlet in the elections from 1980-1992
2. Voter pamphlets are overwhelmingly viewed as valuable- a 1998 survey of
Californian voters found that they considered voter pamphlets issued by the
state to be their most important source of election information.

However, the value of voter pamphlets has not been without its critics also.
Cronin,
30
Leib
31
and Magleby
32
claim that voters dont read them and
voters dont use them. More recently Young finds that pamphlets fail to
keep up with modern information needs and language.
33
In his 2005 study
of Vancouvers Municipal Voters, Young made an important distinction
between what voters say in surveys and what voters actually do in practise.

Although a popular desire exists to have easier access to this information in
electoral surveys regression analysis reveals that consultation had no
statistically significant impact on levels of voter knowledge. Some respondents
admitted that they flicked through but usually did not read further.
34


Furthermore during focus groups of local (Dunedin) student voting
perceptions, Hercus finds that:

The booklet was negatively perceived by some of the participants, who felt that
the blurbs lacked meaningful information and were presented in a boring
manner.
35

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29
Brien, "Voter Pamphlets: The Next Best Step in Election Reform," 110.
30
T.E. Cronin, Direct democracy: The politics of initiative, referendum, and recall (Harvard
University Press Cambridge, MA, 1989).
31
E.J. Leib, Deliberative Democracy in America: A Proposal for a Popular Branch of Government
(Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004). 17.
32
Magelby, ""Voter Pamphlets: Understanding Why Voters Don't Read Them," ".
33
Young, "Vancouver's informed electorate: Voter knowledge in the 2005 municipal election,"
38.
34
Ibid., 39.
35
Hercus, "To Vote or Not to Vote: Students Perceptions and Attitudes Towards National
and Local Elections in New Zealand."
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10While these findings are far from a conclusive rejection of candidate
booklets, it must be noted that the mixed nature of these findings suggests
that voters, while encouraging of the idea of booklets, also appear sceptical
about how useful they are and how they are presented.

In a similar vein, a number of studies also point to a strong demand for
information like voter pamphlets but with easier accessibility. In seeking an
answer to the question What do voters need to know? Bedolla and
Michelson look at the use of Easy Voter Guides(see fig. 3) in municipal
elections and find that guides that are carefully designed to reduce the effort
of voting can affect both voter turnout and voter certainty.
36
Clark, Wold and
Mayeri found that one such guide in California known as the Easy Reading
Voter Guide increased turnout rates from an expected 35% to more than
70%.
37
Similarly Addonizio found that providing young people with user
friendly yet detailed information linking election issues to youth issues
increased participation by 24%
38



What is interesting to note from these studies is the demographics of the
participants. Both Young and Hercus find a negative association with plain
candidate booklets from highly educated voters and younger voters.
Conversely, Clark et al. find that both citizens from low income backgrounds
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36
L. Garcia Bedolla and M.R. Michelson, "What Do Voters Need to Know?," American Politics
Research 37, no. 2 (2009).
37
S. S. Clark, Wold, M., & Mayeri, H. , "The key to community voter involvement project: Fall
1996 election study," (San Jose California: Key to Community Voter Involvement Project,
1997).
38
E. Addonizio, "A social approach to voter mobilization and election day," Unpublished
Manuscript. Institution for Social and Policy Studies, Yale University (2006).
Figure 3 Two examples of Voter Guides used in California Elections
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with poor literacy skills and citizens with higher education with full time high
salary employment responded most positively to the Easy Voter Guide.
The key to this broad appeal seemed to stem from not so much what was
provided but how it was displayed. Clark notes the laymans language the
easy-to-skim layout with large type, colour and photos, basic definitions and
background information made for a quick and easy use.
39
Youngs findings
explain why voters might prefer this ease of use and in particular why
educated voters would not be interested in using the more comprehensive
written pamphlets:

as education level increases, so does the opportunity cost of not only casting a
vote but also of investing substantial amounts of time, effort, and money to
inform ones electoral choices.
40


Movius goes even further and finds a number of specific elements from
within an information guide that young student voters do find useful.

Candidate information must be brief and to the point
Participants are less likely to engage in communication in a
visually !unappealing format.
Participants want neutral information about an issue.
Candidate statements, blurbs and descriptions are disliked and
considered staged across multiple formats.
Marketing of online or deeper interactive communications is essential;
voters will not seek it out.
41


Whether or not candidate statements and information booklets in their
current form are effective is clearly a point of disagreement in the literature.
What does seem to be clear however is that certain demographics,
particularly younger and more educated voters appear more disgruntled with
the informations lack of appeal.

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39
Clark, "The key to community voter involvement project: Fall 1996 election study."
40
Young, "Vancouver's informed electorate: Voter knowledge in the 2005 municipal election."
41
L. B. Movius, "New Technologies and Political Communication: A Case Study of a Local
Election Campaign," in annual meeting of the NCA 94th Annual Convention (San Diego: CA
Online, 2008), 16.
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Although no studies were found that looked specifically at improving
candidate information booklets, a small group of related researchers has
looked more generally at which categories or types of information voters would
prefer to be provided with across websites, community questionnaires and
newspaper features. Graber states that voters principally want to know how
the candidates differ and how their governance will effect both society and
the individual.
42
In posing the question what do voters want from political
candidate information? Nicholson finds five types of information that are of
particular relevance to voters expectations, including: biographical
information, political information, monetary donations, issue information and
volunteering or event opportunities.
43
Similarly Lipsitz finds both through a
mixture of survey and focus group questions that people are equally, if not
more, interested in getting a sense of the candidate as a person than learning
about his or her stands on the issues.
44
He also finds that when participants
were asked to rank what kinds of information they would want in a[n
information] document
45
they picked general information (such as name,
photo, age and hometown) their highest interest and candidate voting record
second. While these categories provided by Lipsitz and Nicholson are not
specifically related to local elections or candidate booklets as such, they still
add weight and insight into understanding voters clear demands and needs.

How voters use information to decide in politics
Crucial to understanding what voters want to know is an appreciation for how
voters use information in making a choice. Traditionally political scientists
assumed that in an liberal democracy, citizens would themselves research or
gather relevant information, take it in, understand the issues, weigh up the
choices and on balance make an informed choice.
46
As one local councillor put
it it is the duty of people to be informed to look through the newspaper,
the pamphlets, the minutes and the websites and have a look at what
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42
D. Graber, "Mass Media and American Politics (Washington, DC: Congressional
Quarterly)," (Inc, 1997), 333.
43
S.S. Nicholson, "What Voters Want From Official Political Candidate Websites"
(Georgetown University, 2008).
44
K. Lipsitz et al., "What voters want from political campaign communication," Political
Communication 22, no. 3 (2005).
45
Ibid.
46
A. Downs, An economic theory of democracy (Harper, 1957). 207.
! 17!
people are standing for.
47
In reality however this level of encyclopaedic
research
48
rarely transpires. While as Popkin admits there are some who
find politics so fascinating that they inform themselves most however
simply do not devote much time and energy directly to their vote.
49


While at its surface an unwillingness to research your vote might seem
simply lazy to some, there are strong explanations from the fields of
behavioural psychology and economic choice theory why this is so. They
propose that an unwillingness to vote is linked to a form of choice anxiety
and carries what researchers call a high cognitive cost. This view is related
strongly to a particular research perspective that is often used in the study of
political science known as rational choice. In sort, rational choice draws on
a group of economic theorists from the end of the 1950s who centre on
applying an economic theory to how voters and politicians behave- namely as
utility maximisers.
50


Perhaps the most important of these theorists was Anthony Downs, who,
amongst other points, focused strongly on the link between political
behaviour and uncertainty an element that surrounds decision making and
in particular choice during elections. Downs claimed that most uncertainty is
removable through the acquisition of information if sufficient quantity of data
is available and that the more information a decision maker acquires the
more confident of making the right decision he becomes
51
a feature, that
could be argued, is tied directly to the strength of a democracy. However as
Downs highlights information is only obtainable at a cost.
52
This cost may
involve some tangible financial costs in terms of the access to paid media and
experts but for the most part refers to the time used for assimilating data and
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47
Interview with Michael Guest in Dominik Elsen, "Where do voters get there information in
New Zealand local body elections," in Unpublished Research Report, Department of Politics
(Dunedin: Otago University, 2010), 25.
48
A. Lupia, "Shortcuts versus encyclopedias: Information and voting behavior in California
insurance reform elections," American Political Science Review (1994).
49
B. Grofman, Information, Participation, and Choice: An Economic Theory of Democracy in
Perspective (University of Michigan Press, 1995). 17.
50
For a more in-depth description of Rational Choice Theory see A.S. Edlin et al., Voting as a
rational choice: why and how people vote to improve the well-being of others (National Bureau of
Economic Research, 2007).
51
Downs, An economic theory of democracy: 77-78.
52
Ibid., 207.
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weighing alternatives leading up to a decision.
53
This in part leads Downs to
conclude that theoretically it is more rational for voters to abstain rather than
become truly informed before making a choice. But he then explains this by
exploring how voters actively overcome the cognitive cost of being
informed
54
in a process known as information shortcuts a theme which is
discussed further by Lupia, Popkin and others.
55


An important aspect of understanding information shortcuts is that the term
does not attempt to describe a voter with blank political knowledge
shortcutting their way to an arbitrary decision, but rather that a voter uses
such a shortcut to tie together existing free knowledge with a relevant
choice.
56
In this way voters draw on political information that is acquired-
for free- as a by-product of activities they pursue as part of their daily
lives.
57
This may lead them to be micro experts on certain areas and from
certain perspectives but for most there are large gaps in their knowledge
about government and politics. To overcome the limitations of their
knowledge, voters use shortcuts.
58


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53
Ibid., 209.
54
See ibid. Pages 220-237
55
See ibid.
56
S. Banducci et al., "Candidate appearance cues in low-information elections" (2003); L.M.
Bartels, "Uninformed votes: Information effects in presidential elections," American Journal of
Political Science (1996); F. Buckley, N. Collins, and T. Reidy, "Ballot Paper Photographs and
LowInformation Elections in Ireland," Politics 27, no. 3 (2007); Grofman, Information,
Participation, and Choice: An Economic Theory of Democracy in Perspective; H.T. Himmelweit et
al., "How voters decide: A longitudinal study of political attitudes and voting extending over
fifteen years," European monographs in social psychology (1981); S.B. Knouse, "Impressions of the
resume: the effects of applicant education, experience, and impression management," Journal
of Business and Psychology 9, no. 1 (1994); R.R. Lau and D.P. Redlawsk, "Advantages and
disadvantages of cognitive heuristics in political decision making," American Journal of Political
Science (2001); R.R. Lau and D.P. Redlawsk, How voters decide: Information processing during
election campaigns (Cambridge Univ Pr, 2006); M. Lodge, K.M. McGraw, and P. Stroh, "An
impression-driven model of candidate evaluation," The American Political Science Review
(1989); Lupia, "Shortcuts versus encyclopedias: Information and voting behavior in California
insurance reform elections."; G. Lutz, "Participation, Cognitive Involvement, and Democracy:
When Do Low Turnout and Low Cognitive Involvement Make a Difference, and Why?"
(2003); M. Matson and T.S. Fine, "Gender, ethnicity, and ballot information: Ballot cues in
low-information elections," State Politics & Policy Quarterly 6, no. 1 (2006); M.L. McDermott,
"Voting cues in low-information elections: Candidate gender as a social information variable
in contemporary United States elections," American Journal of Political Science (1997); S.L.
Popkin, The reasoning voter: Communication and persuasion in presidential campaigns (University
of Chicago Press, 1991); B.F. Schaffner and M.J. Streb, "The partisan heuristic in low-
information elections," Public Opinion Quarterly 66, no. 4 (2002).
57
Downs, An economic theory of democracy: 223,24.
58
Popkin, The reasoning voter: Communication and persuasion in presidential campaigns.
! 19!
Popkin categorises these shortcuts also known as heuristics into five main
groups.
1. Opinions of others (including evaluation by experts)
2. By keeping "running tallies" on political parties using a party label.
3. Estimate policy on "demographic traits" and supporters.
4. Campaign behaviour rather than historical performance
5. Estimate sincerity and adherence to promises not by evaluating past
behaviour but from private lives to public lives.
59


Of these, demographic traits are of considerable value in estimating a
candidates policy preferences
60
and are, in the context of this study are the
most relevant as the other categories rely heavily on mass media and other
elements such as political parties labels, which are more common at national
and general elections. Popkin defines demographic traits as things like
candidates age, ethnicity, religion, gender and local ties and argues that they
provide important cues because the voter observes the relationship between
these traits and real-life behaviour as part of the voters daily experience.
61


While some of these elements might be questioned as information that relies
heavily on stereotypical notions, the reality is that in the absence of more
easily accessible and uncostly information a broad range of these
demographic heuristics beyond Popkins suggestions have been proven to be
relied upon-particularly in low-information contexts. McDermott looks at a
number of these including candidate occupations, race and gender and
stresses that the lower the levels of information in an election the higher the
reliance on heuristics. She writes voters in low-information electoral
situations frequently rely on cues to aid them in making a decision between
unfamiliar candidates
62
and that for voters this simply means personal
information is taken and inferred as political information. She argues that this
is not necessarily as inaccurate or simplistic as it may sound and that [i]f
voters stereotype candidates by group affiliations, then demographic
characteristics should provide relatively accurate information based on
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
59
Grofman, Information, Participation, and Choice: An Economic Theory of Democracy in
Perspective: 18.
60
Ibid., 19.
61
Ibid., 27.
62
Ibid., 28.
! 20!
commonly held social expectations even in the lowest possible information
context.
63
Knouse similarly draws a parallel with the utility of resumes and
how occupation and vocational labels are essentially an accurate and
reasonable shortcut resume readers attempt to compare job titles and
associate skills with the requirements of the job at hand evaluating how close
the presumed skills of the applicant match those of the job. Unfortunately for
voters they get nothing like a resume, interview or training period.
64


In some ways however, if ballots are supplemented by a candidate
information booklet, voters are provided with a form of truncated resume
which may include such information. This is an element that Banducci and
others pick up on in their focus on appearance cues in candidate profile
photos. They argue that such appearance and visual cues definitely help
citizens reach reasonable voting decisions that reflect their own preferences
and influences.
65
However they find that while it may help voters make a
decision it may not necessarily be the correct one a criticism that is more
fully explored by Lau and Redlawsk in their longitudinal study.
66
They find
that cues are used by everyone but they did not substitute for political
sophistication in predicting correct voting and that only in experts appear to
be helped. They conclude that their finding should give pause to thinking
that heuristics are the answer to the problems of low information voting.
67

Lupia and others however strongly refute this finding:

If we believe that well-informed voters make the best possible decisions, then
the fact that relatively uninformed voters can emulate them suggests that the
availability of certain types of information cues allows voters to use their
limited resources efficiently while influencing electoral outcomes in ways that
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
63
M.L. McDermott, "Race and gender cues in low-information elections," Political Research
Quarterly 51, no. 4 (1998): 895.
64
McDermott, "Voting cues in low-information elections: Candidate gender as a social
information variable in contemporary United States elections," 271.
65
Knouse, "Impressions of the resume: the effects of applicant education, experience, and
impression management," 34.
66
Banducci et al., "Candidate appearance cues in low-information elections."
67
Lau and Redlawsk, How voters decide: Information processing during election campaigns.
! 21!
they would have if they had taken the time and effort necessary to acquire
encyclopaedic information.
68


This statement does well to capture what is so significant about the research
surrounding information shortcuts. While it may seem counter intuitive that
briefer pieces of information can lead people to the same conclusions as larger
amounts of more in-depth information, the significance lies more in the
connections that information cues allows the reader to make. To relate back to
the terminology of Downes, using such cues essentially allows voters to avoid
more costly information that is unfamiliar or simply hard to absorb and
process and instead, through heuristics, connect with the free political
information that the voter already holds. Voters may not be experts in all the
nuances of the local political agenda but they will have broad areas of impact
and association that are familiar and do seem relevant when prompted by
various touch points within the campaign, such as candidate booklets.

In a similar vein to the literature around voter booklets, the findings around
shortcuts and voter cues challenge the traditional assumption that all voters
want more deliberative and substantive political campaigns. While this
assumption may hold for one segment of votersthe politically informed and
involvedthere is strong evidence within the literature to suggest that other
voters want information that is less demanding, where citizens are provided
with simple cues and clear choices that require minimal time and effort to
make.
69
These points draw not just the shape of a certain problem of
information needs during elections but in part begin to reveal the nature of
what might also be a potential solution. In the face of a changing information
context with the growth of the Internet and more importantly Web 2.0, it is in
many ways not surprising that a few black and white pamphlets with small
type and limited word count are effectively unable to compete with peoples
informational expectations. As the theory tells us citizens will only become
voters if the cognitive cost of making a decision is affordable and in terms of
21
st
century information currency the current booklets for many are only an
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
68
Lau and Redlawsk, "Advantages and disadvantages of cognitive heuristics in political
decision making," 961.
69
Lupia, "Shortcuts versus encyclopedias: Information and voting behavior in California
insurance reform elections," 72.
! 22!
added cognitive expense. However, if these costs could be shifted away from
the voter and on to the democratic structure itself, official information
pamphlets should in theory provide a logical and strategic way of actually
reducing costs, so why are they not more effective? This research believes that
a stronger focus on the actual style of information within New Zealands
variety of booklet may hold certain clues as to how the booklets could be
made more useful. Exactly how this might be achieved will now be
explored in an area of research and information innovation that similarly
attempts to provide cognitive shortcuts to understanding namely
infographics and visualised information.

The Power of Infographics and Visualised Information
While infographic information has had little application within the field of
political and electoral communications so far, its relevance lies in the fact that
it is able to quiet effectively achieve the very purpose that current local
campaign information fails to do- draw in the audience, provide context,
overview and detail, whilst remaining succinct, objective and useful. This part
of the study will provide a brief background of what Infographics are, why
they are valuable, how they work and explore a number of areas where they
have been applied in relation to politics.

Infographics are a visual representation of information, data or knowledge
supported by text.
70
Crucial to their definition however is their sense of
purpose a visualization of data or ideas that tries to convey complex
information to an audience in a manner that can be quickly consumed and
easily understood.
71
More succinctly British graphic designer, author, and
information design theorist Nigel Holmes simply refers to them as
explanation graphics.
72
In this way infographics straddle an important
limitation of text explanations in that they are able to remain both general and
specific by using visual processing that is simultaneous rather than
sequential.
73
To describe something purely through words and text with
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
70
Lipsitz et al., "What voters want from political campaign communication," 353.
71
L. Mol, "The Potential Role for Infographics in Science Communication," (2011): 7.
72
M. Smiciklas, The Power of Infographics: Using Pictures to Communicate and Connect With Your
Audiences (Que, 2012). 4.
73
Ibid., 10.
! 23!
adequate detail can often require long paragraphs and specialized
terminology. Images and graphics on the hand while said to be worth a
thousand words can often raise more questions than answers.
74
A
combination of the two however, when carefully constructed, are able to
frame subject matter a great deal closer to real world experience and in this
way can not only be more detailed but also easier to understand two
elements that are usually locked in paradox.

In a technical sense, infographics work because of their high visual
component. Although many people think of visual learning in terms of Neil
Flemings VAK model (with separate groups of visual, auditory and
kinaesthetic learners),
75
many information communication researchers such
as Colin Ware point out that this split only represents subtle differences in
how people learn and that overall all humans are inherently and inescapably
hard wired for visual information.
76
He explains further

The human visual system is a pattern seeker of enormous power and subtlety.
The eye and the visual cortex of the brain form a massive parallel processor
that provides the highest- bandwidth channel into human cognitive centres.
At higher levels of processing, perception and cognition are closely
interrelated, which is why the words understanding and seeing are
synonymous.
77


These natural functions that result from the connection between the eyes and
brain are most useful when there is a need to communicate to people who do
not have a lot of time, a long attention span or are unfamiliar with specific
terminology or concepts.
78
In terms of voter information these visuals
elements are able to attract people by appealing to them aesthetically, but can
also decrease the amount of time it takes them to comprehend the message
and increase their ability to retain it- or in other words act as a powerful
visual cue.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
74
S. Heller, Nigel Holmes on Information Design (Jorge Pinto Books, 2006).
75
C. Covill and J. Hayles, "Learning styles," (2011).
76
C. Ware, Information visualization: perception for design (Morgan Kaufmann, 2012). 12.
77
Ibid., xxi.
78
J. Lankow, R. Crooks, and J. Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling (John
Wiley & Sons, 2012). 45.
! 24!

While the label infographics may in itself be somewhat of a new
phenomenon, the use of visualisations and visual explanations is well
documented by the literature.
79
The main points of discussion centre on what
should be considered an infographic. While this debate will not be entered
into here in any depth, it is useful to acknowledge in terms of theory both the
writings of Edward Tufte
80
and Nigel Holmes
81
who represent opposite ends
of the debate and who are often seen as the fathers of modern infographics.
Tufte argues that any graphic elements of a design that do not communicate
specific information are superfluous and should be omitted.
82
In contrast
Holmes supports heavy use of illustration and decoration to embellish
information design. His more editorial or journalistic perspective supports
the notion that using illustration and visual metaphor makes the graphic
more appealing to view and thus more memorable.
83


These two approaches underpin the wider theory that explains why
infographics are useful to their audience. A central principle of design is
that for an outcome to be seen as useful, it must be thought of from a user-
centric perspective.
84
This involves presenting the information in a way
where all the needs of the user are considered and weighed up against each
other in the development of the design. Roman architect and engineer
Vitruvius uses such an approach when he talks of the three standards to
which all structures should adhere: soundness, utility and beauty.
85
Moore
and Purchase
86
as well as Lankow et al.
87
apply this more specifically to
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
79
See U.M. Fayyad, A. Wierse, and G.G. Grinstein, Information visualization in data mining and
knowledge discovery (Morgan Kaufmann Pub, 2002); D.A. Keim, "Information visualization
and visual data mining," IEEE transactions on Visualization and Computer Graphics 8, no. 1
(2002); A.V. Moere and H. Purchase, "On the role of design in information visualization,"
Information Visualization 10, no. 4 (2011); R. Spence and A. Press, "Information visualization,"
(2000); E.R. Tufte, The visual display of quantitative information (Graphics Press, 1983); Ware,
Information visualization: perception for design.
80
Tufte, The visual display of quantitative information; E.R. Tufte, Envisioning information
(Graphics Press, 1990); E.R. Tufte and E. Weise Moeller, Visual explanations: images and
quantities, evidence and narrative (Graphics Press Cheshire, CT, 1997).
81
N. Holmes, Designer's guide to creating charts & diagrams (Watson-Guptill Publications,
1984).
82
Lankow, Crooks, and Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling. 35
83
Ibid. 36
84
C. Kraft, User Experience Innovation: User Centered Design that Works (Apress, 2012).
85
Pollio Vitruvius, De Architectura (Teubner, 1867).
86
Moere and Purchase, "On the role of design in information visualization."
87
Lankow, Crooks, and Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling.
! 25!
information when they conclude that for a piece of communication to be
regarded as user-centric, with its usefulness maximised it must use a
mixture of three criteria:
1. Appeal- Communication should engage a voluntary audience.
2. Comprehension Communication should effectively provide knowledge
that enables a clear understanding of the information.
3. Retention Communication should impart memorable knowledge.
88

This triadic theory however can also be used to detail the differences of
purpose between infographics. Lankow et al. describe three main areas where
infographics are commonly used and explain how the priorities between the
three principles shift slightly according to the exact use.
89
More scientific or
academic uses such as Edward Tuftes have a focus on comprehension first,
retention second and appeal third. Whereas more Editorial infographics such
as Holmess would focus on appeal, then comprehension, that retention, with
Infographics used in Marketing holding a different focus again (see fig. 4). In
this way Infographics used in the design of Candidate Information Booklets
would likely fit in a similar criteria, as will be explored further in the
methodology chapter.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
88
Ibid. 30
89
Ibid. 38
Figure 4 Infographic priorities by application
(Taken from Lankow et al. 30)
! 26!



In sum, infographics provide a framework for presenting information in a
way that maximises effect and utility. Their power lies in that they capitalise
on the high visual capacity of the human brain, and are able to provide
shortcuts that are intuitive and meaningful without compromising correct
information. While it must be acknowledged that infographics can be done
badly, and are often criticised as a style for oversimplifying and
misconstruing information, this could be said for any type of communication
that does not adhere to appropriate craft and theoretical guidelines. When
considered properly, well-designed infographics are much more sophisticated
than the mere accompanying internet illustrations they are often taken for
and lie at the nexus of journalism, design, communications and academic
analysis.
90


Examples of political infographics in action
When it comes to representing qualitative or more specifically political
information, however, as Slone argues visual tools currently used to analyse
qualitative information fall far short of matching the analytical power,
familiarity, and share-ability of quantitative tools like bar-charts, pie- charts,
and scatter-plots.
91
It is therefore useful to briefly turn to a number of
contemporary examples and research outcomes that show where political
information and discussion can be visually represented. David MaCandless,
author of Information is Beautiful,
92
contrasts his infamous data
visualizations, with a number of designs that explore ideas and concepts.
His left vs. right political comparison (see fig. 5) is an excellent starting point
for showing how information without quantities can be visually explored.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
90
Smiciklas, The Power of Infographics: Using Pictures to Communicate and Connect With Your
Audiences.
91
D. Slone, "Visualizing qualitative information," The Qualitative Report 14, no. 3 (2009).
92
D. McCandless, Information Is Beautiful (Collins, 2010).
! 27!
!
Figure 5 Left vs. Right Political Infographic (taken from D. McCandless 2010)

Although this graphic has been criticised from a number of angles for over
simplifying or generalising politics,
93
its ability to show the fundamental
relationships between ideas and contrast opposing ideologies in a seemingly
effortless way is quite profound. As MaCandless himself explains [t]here is
something a lot friendlier about seeing different political perspectives rather
than being told or forced to listen to one. It lets you quite easily become
capable of holding conflicting viewpoints joyously when you can see them.
Its even fun to engage with them.
94
This element of fun is of course
something that usually could not be more negatively associated with politics
and the ability to hold conflicting perspectives is a vital component in the
utility of decision-making information. In a similar vein The New York times
capitalized on this inherent thirst from voters for information that is
comparable, interactive and side by side.
95
Their 2008 Election Guide to the
presidential race was presented over a data and visual rich interactive website
that included Milestone timelines (see fig. 6), issue by issue comparisons,
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
93
Gaunt James, "Information is Beautiful: Left v Right redux -What's the difference between
the left and the right? David McCandless goes back to the future," The Guardian (2011).
94
David McCandless, The beauty of data visualization, vol. TED Global 2010, (ted.com:
TEDTalks, 2010).
95
M.A. Baum and T. Groeling, "New media and the polarization of American political
discourse," Political Communication 25, no. 4 (2008).
! 28!
event calendars and maps, collections of debate clips and even complete
display of campaign advertisements.

While a large amount of the information available in this coverage is written
in text, the most engaging elements are either well supported by visual
language or crucially displayed in a visual way -drawing on some of the
themes of simultaneous vs. sequential processing. Also as explained above
the broad categories of bibliographic, policy and performance indicators are a
key part of understanding the range of information needed to make a good
decision.

One of the key problems with political information is that it is difficult to
quickly compare between contradicting and multi-dimensional views.
Michael Hermann and his Swiss Based Sotomo Research Unit
96
were asked
specifically to look at this problem and came up with an interesting solution.
Based on 50 years of Swiss referendum data, Hermann developed a political
mapping tool known as the Politisches Spinnenprofil or the SmartSpider(see fig.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
96
See http://www.sotomo.ch/
Figure 6 a screen shot taken of the New York Times' website
nytimes.com/election08
! 29!
7).
97
The SmartSpider consists of a Spider graph or radar chart, which details
eight broad political dimensions that define the areas of most diverse political
opinion.
98
When profiling politicians views, each candidate answers 30 issue
questions and ranks on a scale of one to five where they stand. From this data
a political map is created that is unique to each candidate.


The value in this SmartSpider is that Hermann is careful to base the special
placing of dimensions in a way that correlates with the traditional
understanding of the political spectrum. He draws on cleavage theory by
Rokkan, Lipset and Kitschelt
99
and theoretically deduces a multidimensional
model of political differentiation.
100
While the research behind these
dimensions may be rather complex and sophisticated, the visualized or
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
97
H. Leuthold, M. Hermann, and S.I. Fabrikant, "Making the political landscape visible:
mapping and analyzing voting patterns in an ideological space," ENVIRONMENT AND
PLANNING B PLANNING AND DESIGN 34, no. 5 (2007).
98
J. Thurman and U. Gasser, "Three Case Studies from Switzerland: Smartvote," Berkman
Center Research Publication No 3(2009): 6.
99
H. Kitschelt, "Formation of Party Cleavages in Post-Communist Democracies Theoretical
Propositions," Party Politics 1, no. 4 (1995).
100
H. Hermann Leuthold, M., "Methodenbeschreibung smartmap," ( 2007).
Figure 7 An example of the SmartSpider in use at euprofiler.org.eu
! 30!
mapped nature of the information is shown in the projects results to have
wide application (see fig. 8).
101

!
Figure 8 The SmartSpider used in comparison for the Bern Daily newspaper "Der Bund"

Summary

This chapter has reviewed the key theories related to how voter information
works and how voter pamphlets work while also exploring the potential role
of infographic information in politics and the theories relating to its use.
These factors when pulled together can be seen as explanatory in nature but
in doing so also present a largely prescriptive conclusion whereby the
combined theories offer a view of how voter information in the 21
st
centaury
could be. Chapter three will further break down this hypothesis and present
the methodology for this dissertations substantive section.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
101
Ibid. 28
! 31!
Chapter 2: Qualitative Research Methodology

As was shown in chapter one, the research surrounding how voters use
information, points us towards a very specific set of tools for dealing with the
information problem- namely combining the ideas of information shortcuts
with visualisation shortcuts. This discussion now shifts to asking whether the
successful combination of these theories can be proven in a more empirical
setting. This chapter discusses the research methods and frameworks that are
necessary in testing how voters might respond to an alternative candidate
information booklet with the information presented as infographics. First, it
will address why qualitative research and focus groups are an appropriate
way of collecting data on this topic. Second, it will look at the wider context of
the case study location and why it typifies a number of the problems this
study is concerned with. Third, it will explain the specific focus group
methods and in particular layout the participant selection, operational
environment, question format, content and moderators role. And finally it
will focus on design process of the alternative infographic booklet and how it
is based on many of the theoretical findings in the previous chapter.

Why use qualitative methods?
Using qualitative methods such as focus groups and interviews are
appropriate for this project simply because of the prescriptive nature of the
question being asked- what can be done to improve the information provided
with ballot papers in local body elections? This question from the outset
assumes that something is wrong with the current information - a point that is
highlighted but not answered by a number of qualitative findings such as the
2010 Local Elections statistics report
102
and the New Zealand Election
survey.
103
Going beyond these findings however this research seeks to
ascertain the reasoning behind peoples decisions to vote or not to vote, or to
use a piece of information or not to use a piece of information, and therefore
capture a participants feelings, perceptions and ideas from a users direct
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
102
Department of Internal Affairs, "Local Authority Election Statistics 2010 ", ed.
Brendan Boyle Secretary for Local Government (Wellington: The Department of
Internal Affairs 2011).
103
J. Vowles, "The New Zealand Election Study," Political Science 52, no. 2 (2012).
! 32!
experiences.
104
To capture and analyse these feelings and perceptions,
qualitative research and in particular focus groups are seen to be the most
effective way of obtaining this data due to their capacity to look at a
phenomenon or way of life through the eyes of the participants, providing a
better insight into the views and attitudes of participants.
105
This user end
focus is particularly useful in not only describing what is happening and
what is wrong or right about it, but also in prescribing potential solutions and
alternatives to a problem.

Dunedin as a case Study
The city of Dunedin is situated on the South Island of New Zealand and is
home to around 120, 000 inhabitants. As a case study for testing whether an
improvement in local election voter information is necessary, Dunedin makes
for a particularly useful example as a number of factors compound the
problems of information scarcity and accessibility namely its young seasonal
population base, its electoral system and its recent change to an at large
central ward representation. As far as a high cognitive cost of voting goes,
Dunedin provides an excellent example.

As the home of Otago University and a number of other larger educational
institutions, Dunedin attracts a disproportionately high number of young
people aged between 18-24 years as well as a concentration of 25-30 year
olds.
106
Of those around 20,000 are estimated to be students coming to
Dunedin from outside the city and so are seen to be a largely temporary or
seasonal populous with numbers dropping of significantly between
November and March. This leads to four points in terms of why the citys low
voting and enrolment turnout can be attributed to the attitudes and
experiences of students as found by Hayward, Rudd and Hercus in their 2010
study.
107
First, many students feel too disconnected with local and city issues
and regard the campaigns in the citys elections as issueless. Second, the
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
104
Hercus, "To Vote or Not to Vote: Students Perceptions and Attitudes Towards National
and Local Elections in New Zealand."
105
Z. O'Leary, The essential guide to doing your research project (Sage Publications
Ltd, 2009).
106
Affairs, "Local Authority Election Statistics 2010 ".
107
J. Hayward, Rudd, C. & Hercus, J, "Voting 101: Student Voters in Dunedin's Local Election
2010," in Along a Fault-line: New Zealand's Changing Local Government Landscape, ed. Jean Drage
(Wellington: Dunmore Press., 2011.).
! 33!
lack of party politics in local elections takes the partisanship out of the local
political scene and increases the costs of obtaining the accessible shortcut
information. Third, the lack of local media that is integrated with the student
population provides another gap of information. And fourthly and possibly
most importantly, some students consider it inappropriate for them to vote in
local elections when they are only in Dunedin for a limited time and feel a
stronger civic connection to their hometowns. In addition to this, even if
student voters are informed, enrolled and interested, the timing of local
elections in New Zealand usually falls in October or November and thus lies
either during exams or summer holidays which also acts as a disincentive to
voting in the city.
108
What is significant about these comments and findings
however is that at least the first three points relating to issues, partisanship
and the information gap reinforce that information quantity, quality and
accessibility lie at the heart of Dunedins democratic problems.

Under the New Zealand Local Electoral Act 2001
109
the city is required to run
elections for Mayor, city council, regional council, community boards and
district health board every three years. Territorial Authorities in New Zealand
have the choice as to how they conduct their elections and are able to choose
for council elections between the First Past the Post (FPP) and the Single
Transferable Vote (STV) voting systems. While many New Zealand cities
have followed the FPP model, Dunedin and a few other exceptions such as
Wellington, use the STV system. STV asks voters to rank candidates according
to preference and is seen as considerably more proportional in reflecting the
preferences of voters.
110
However it is also largely seen as a system of
perceived complexity[that] may put some voters off,
111
and in this way is
often pointed to contributing to Dunedins low voter turnout and a strong
contributor to cognitive cost.

In 2010 following a representation review in 2009 the Dunedin City council
voted to merge a number of urban Dunedin electoral wards into a single at
large ward consisting of 11 council seats. This meant that while voters had a
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
108
Ibid., 108.
109
New Zealand Parliament, "The Local Electoral Act," in 5b (Wellington, New Zealand2001).
110
J. Zvulun, "Implementation of STV in 2004 New Zealand."
111
Hayward, "Voting 101: Student Voters in Dunedin's Local Election 2010," 107.
! 34!
greater say over the make up of their council, the increased number of
candidates to choose between also increased the cognitive cost of making a
choice.

In combining the above factors it is therefore not surprising that Dunedin
(and particularly the North Dunedin area) holds some of the lowest forms of
enrolment and turnout in the country. In 2010 local election Dunedins
turnout was 53% compared with 60% in 1992 and a mere 30% in Dunedins
Cargill ward in 2007 (where a large amount of the student population reside).
The enrolment statistics are also low with only 47% between 18-24 year olds
enrolled as of 31
st
August 2012.
112
In summary Dunedin provides excellent
conditions for studying the problems of low information in local elections as
any solution that is able to combat some of the problems typified in Dunedin
is likely to have already overcome some of the highest bars of apathy,
information appeal and efficacy.

Focus Group Composition and Organisation
Young voters were particularly important to test because not only do they
represent the demographic with the lowest turnout in Local elections (and
thus the greatest area of potential impact) but also because their fickle and
nonchalant attitude towards local politics represented somewhat of a high
bar to overcome. These two groups represent what is often seen as the
shameful contradiction of the modern campaign
113
as, although they would
seem both well equipped and eager for effecting change, young educated
voters in particular are more likely not to turnout
114
and most likely to be less
well informed.
115
As Young explains this is best explained by traditional
economic theory, as education level increases, so does the opportunity cost
of not only casting a vote but also of investing substantial amounts of time,
effort, and money to inform ones electoral choices.
116
Thus anything that is
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
112
Ibid., 106.
113
Young, "Vancouver's informed electorate: Voter knowledge in the 2005 municipal
election," 29.
114
D.D. Lassen, "The effect of information on voter turnout: Evidence from a natural
experiment," American Journal of Political Science 49, no. 1 (2005): 112.
115
Young, "Vancouver's informed electorate: Voter knowledge in the 2005 municipal
election," 32.
116
Ibid.
! 35!
able to reduce that cost for this demographic should then in turn increase the
chances of voting and informed decisions.

In addition to this, a major variable highlighted in the literature is the effect of
expert knowledge in voters willingness to engage in information use before
voting. Lau and Redlawsk note that one major difference in how voters
respond to cognitive heuristics can be drawn between voters who self identify
as political experts and those who do not. Experts are more likely to use
informational cues in an accurate way and pick candidates in accordance
with what their fully informed preferences would be.
117
While this research
does not intend to focus on the accuracy of voter choices it does wish to
garner how useful voter information is in making those choices. In this way
the likelihood that experts will respond differently to certain types of
information relative to others is highly probable.

Two focus groups of four to five participants were conducted over a 30-40
minute session. The sessions were held separately and one after another. They
included a mixed but non-proportional spread of gender, age, and voting
experience.

In accordance with the above findings, one focus group was composed of
students who self identified as experts and one group who did not.
Participants were sourced from a number of undergraduate university
colleges and were asked to self identify as either not interested or
knowledgeable about politics or interested and knowledgeable about
politics. This also had a practical consideration in separating those most
likely to dominate discussion and those most likely to be hesitant in
contributing. Similarly the small size of the groups (also known as mini focus
groups)
118
was decided upon in order to allow all the participants to
contribute more to the discussion, expressing their views in the process.
119
In
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
117
Lau and Redlawsk, "Advantages and disadvantages of cognitive heuristics in
political decision making." 16.
118
R.A. Krueger and MA Casey, "A practical guide for applied research," A practical
guide for applied research (2000).
119
J. Munday, "Identity in Focus," Sociology 40, no. 1 (2006): 96.
! 36!
this way any saturation point
120
was reached fairly easily as few variables
were being tested between groups. The more specific aim of these groups
therefore was to gather a representative set of reactions and perspectives that
would likely have been similar regardless of whether three students or 300
students were asked.

The focus groups were organised into three sections and designed to take
around ten to twelve minutes each. Initially participants were asked to give
their name, their age and what they studied at university, as a tentative
icebreaker and allow participants to feel comfortable talking in the group
environment before discussing the more substantive material. The following
two or three questions continued this informal tone asking participants
broadly about their voting experiences in the past and expectations in the
future. The questioning then focused in on the topic of voter information
whether participants were likely to seek it out, look for specific things or if
they used it at all.

The second phase sought to carry on this theme but this time with the current
candidate booklets that are used in local elections. Questions were grouped
into initial impressions of the booklets, whether they liked what they saw and
whether they would actually use the information in deciding whom to vote
for. The third phase largely was a repeat of the format used in the second
section but this time participants received the alternative infographic booklet
designed specifically for this research project. This booklet provided
participants with a large proportion of the information visualisation
techniques such as special mapping, standardised form, symbology,
iconography and colour.
121


The focus groups were held in a medium sized tutorial room at one of the
Otago Universitys residential colleges. Participants were provided with
refreshments and were asked to complete ethics approval forms relating to
their comfort, confidentiality and participation in the project. Participants
were recorded using a ZOOM H2 audio recorder which ensured a high
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
120
D.L. Morgan, Focus groups as qualitative research, vol. 16 (Sage Publications, Inc,
1997). 43.
121
For a more detailed explanation see booklet development section or appendix.
! 37!
quality if somewhat distant sounding record of proceedings and
contributions. The seating arrangement was spread around a large
rectangular table with participants spread in a U-shape around 3 sides of the
table and the moderator on the other.
122


While the use of a external moderator not attached with the research project
was considered, the informal nature of the conversation and the sample based
topic suggested any dangers of bias or interference would be minimal.
Although the moderator at times was required to stimulate and query
discussion between participants for the most part the pamphlet examples did
this by themselves with most questions remaining open and general.

Development of the Infographic Candidate Booklet Prototype
In order to accurately test the participants perceptions of infographic
information, I designed an alternative booklet that reflected many of the
theories and findings explored in chapter one. Although this design process
was somewhat tangential to this research it is still useful to briefly recount
how the booklets were developed in relation to the application of
infographics to politics. It is important to distinguish that the infographic
booklet refers to the alternative booklet I designed and the current
candidate booklet refers to the original candidate information booklet
currently in use.

The first step in the process was to develop a framework for the candidate
information content. What specific areas of information did voters want to
know about, that candidates were able to provide? As was set out in chapter
1, according to Nicholson and Lipsitz voters prefer political information to be
categorised into a number of main areas.
123
In addition to this Popkins five
groups of information shortcuts
124
provide some overlap also, and so it was
decided that categories of Basic information, Political information, Biographical
information, and Specific Issue information, would work as the most relevant to
this study as monetary donations are withheld in New Zealand Elections
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
122
J.T. Miner, L.E. Miner, and J. Griffith, Collaborative Grantseeking: A Guide to Designing
Projects, Leading Partners, and Persuading Sponsors (Greenwood, 2011). 66.
123
Lipsitz et al., "What voters want from political campaign communication."; Nicholson,
"What Voters Want From Official Political Candidate Websites."
124
Popkin, The reasoning voter: Communication and persuasion in presidential campaigns.
! 38!
until after the result. To ensure that these areas were broadly covered in the
content traditionally presented in local Dunedin elections, a brief analysis of
existing candidate profiles, interviews and community information
pamphlets was undertaken. The questions and topics covered in the three
local newspapers the Otago Daily Times, D-Scene and the Star as well as the
Local Elections Official Website were of particular use. Although very little
content was standardised both between publications and candidates, the
content themes very clearly matched with the literature, and confirmed that
councillors were comfortable answering a range of questions across
biographical and political areas. It was interesting to note, however, that in
addition to the more predictable pieces of information, (such as -what is your
occupational background? How have you been involved in the community?)
more specific questions relating to familial status, which suburb the candidate
lived in and how the candidate could be contacted for further information
were also included. With these questions and topics in mind, a
comprehensive set of information was developed, with corresponding
questions and elements as follows:

General Information
Candidate Name
Candidate Photo
Campaign Slogan
Describe what you stand for, why are you running?
Are you officially running on a particular group ticket or as a
representative of a political party?
Where do you live?
What is your familial/marital status?
How can you be contacted?
Political information
How would you broadly describe your politics? Where would you
place yourself on the political party spectrum?
Biographical Information
What is your educational background?
What is your vocational/occupational background?
! 39!
How have you been involved in the community? Have you held
particular positions within community groups or organizations?
Issue Information
Where do you stand on [this] issue?
If [this] was to happen how would you vote on council?
Are you for or against [this] issue?

While these questions represent a very broad selection of topics and
information areas, for the purposes of researching how participants react to
certain sections, it is useful to begin with a wide catchment of areas, rather
than arbitrarily pre-empt the areas voters would prefer. Moreover it is also
useful to keep Bowler and Donovans finding in mind, which clearly states
that different voters find value in different types of political information,
125

thus a broad range of information is likely to suite a wider range of voters
needs.

The second part of the booklet development process was to present the
content sections in accordance with a number of visualisation rules and
infographic styles. Central to understanding this user centric design
approach is the fact that the type of information being presented must
directly inform, how it is presented, or in other words the form must follow
the function.
126
As was set out in chapter one the overall type of information
that is being communicated is somewhat different to the usual applications of
infographics as it most likely sits at point in between Lankow, Crooks and
Richies categories of Academic/Scientific infographics and Editorial
infographics.
127
Decision-making Infographics (such as the format being
proposed here) appear to form a different category as they could be said to
have a priority of comprehension first, appeal second and retention third.
In keeping with this focus each section of the profile was assigned a specific
visualization tool to reflect the content. Using a number of definitions and
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
125
S. Bowler and T. Donovan, "Information and opinion change on ballot propositions,"
Political Behavior 16, no. 4 (1994): 419.
126
W. Glenn, "Form Follows Function," From the Editors 3 (2004).
127
Lankow, Crooks, and Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling.
! 40!
methods, such as Lengler and Epplers Periodic Table of Visualisation,
128
each
element was carefully chosen to match the content.

General Information
This section of the infographic profiles draws heavily on providing the basic
shortcuts that voters want to know. Central to this is the clear focus on the
candidates name and photo, in what information designers call the F-shape or
top left corner position.
129
Other visual elements include the provision of a
party or groups logo, an iconography of the candidates family members and
a small map of the basic shape of the candidates suburb of residence. It was
decided that an individual description of a candidates reasons for standing
was best displayed in simple block text. Although this initially seemed like a
contradiction in a profile that aims to visualise rather than use type
paragraphs, the text provided a point of contrast with the visual information,
it gave users an opportunity to sample the candidates rhetorical tone and
also substantiated the point that infographics can rely on both text and visuals
in their communication. In addition to this, candidates were able to provide a
number of other methods of contact such as email, phone number, and
Facebook and twitter contact details, which simply used the websites well
known icons as reference (see fig. 9).

Figure 9 The general information section of a candidate

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
128
R. Lengler and M.J. Eppler, "Towards a periodic table of visualization methods for
management" (2007).
129
J. Nielsen, "F-shaped pattern for reading web content," Retrieved May 12(2006).
! 41!
Political Shape
This section of the infographic profiles sought to broadly shape the politics
of each candidate by showing the direction of candidates opinions plotted
along several dimensions displayed on a spider graph (see fig. 10). According
to The Periodic Table of Visualisation Methods
130
a Radar Chart Cobweb is
appropriate for providing overview and in encouraging convergent
thinking to amplify cognition. More specifically spidergraphs are a useful
way to display multivariate observations with an arbitrary number of
variables.
131
In terms of its application to Political Science this political
shape drew inspiration from the Sotomo research project, which developed a
Political Smartspider for candidates in Swiss and European Union election
candidates
132
and is frequently used in Swiss newspapers. In addition to this
the answers given also help generate each candidate a unique political
colour which was used throughout that candidates profile.
133


Figure 10 The political shape section
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
130
Lengler and Eppler, "Towards a periodic table of visualization methods for management."
131
C. John et al., "Graphical methods for data analysis," Wadsworth, Ohio (1983): 158.
132
The shape is generated by asking candidates their views on 40 local political questions,
divided into 8 categories or political directions- 5 questions on each. Candidates are able to
respond with 1 of 5 answers: completely agree, tend to agree, neutral, tend to disagree,
completely agree. These responses are then quantified and applied to the spider-graph. The
stronger the support of a political direction, the further out the shape will extend towards the
edge- the stronger the disagreement the closer to the centre.
132
Thurman and Gasser, "Three
Case Studies from Switzerland: Smartvote."
133
For more see appended booklet.
! 42!


Timeline
This section sought to display the various biographical backgrounds of
candidates by placing mayor events, occupations and other contributions in
sequential order across a timeline(see fig. 11). According to the Periodic
Table of Visualisation Methods a timeline is a process visualization that is
able to display both detail and overview it displays sequential information in
linear graphic space.
134
In terms of its application to Political Science the
Lifetime line is frequently used by the New York Times graphics department
for describing the biographical history of political candidates.
135
In this
projects application, the lifetime line is filled according to the candidate and
uses the format of the Linked! In professional social network, stating a Job title,
organisations/ name and the approximate years involved.

Figure 11 The timeline section

Issues Section
The final section of the profiles sought to clearly display a range of electorate
specific issues in a simple table form that included simple icons and for and
against symbols (see fig.12). According to the Periodic Table of Visualization
Methods
136
a table is useful for showing information in a schematic form
that is able to display both detail and overview. This particular form draws
heavily from an infographic style where iconography is used to quickly
orientate the user, symbology (such as ticks or crosses) quantifies that nature
of the information and then a short text description is able to qualify why
such a stance on an issue was taken. In this way this table is related to many
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
134
A. Grafton and D. Rosenberg, Cartographies of Time: A History of the Timeline (Princeton
Architectural Press, 2010). 122.
135
C. Royal, "The Journalist as Programmer: A Case Study of The New York Times Interactive
News Technology Department" (2010).
136
Lengler and Eppler, "Towards a periodic table of visualization methods for management."
! 43!
info graphic issue charts that are used often online to show the difference
between candidate positions.

Figure 12 The issues sections divided into past and future issues

While the content provided in the prototype booklets for this research was
only roughly based on actual candidate information, it is useful to note that
hypothetically, a strict process of data collection would need to be fully
developed to ensure non-bias and proper process. Although this will not be
attempted here, it is still worth noting a few brief points. All candidates
would be given equal opportunity with identical questions in completing the
profiles. All candidates running would ideally be individual!y interviewed
during the four months leading up to the campaign period and answer
questions related to the information outlined above. Once completed (see fig.
! 44!
13 and fig.14), candidates would be able to see what their final results and
responses looked like and would be invited to review any answers they
believed misrepresented them. A panel of local and politically neutral experts
would be asked to identify the top three most salient issues in the past and
the top three in the future. They would be advised to use media reports,
council agendas and minutes and candidate consultation in the formation of
the issues.


Figure 13 The front cover of the Infographic Booklet
Figure 14 The full profile of as a page in the Infographic Booklet
! 45!
Summary
In sum, this chapter has detailed the qualitative methods use in this research
and described how the alternative infographic candidate information booklet
was compiled. In terms of the theories highlighted in chapter 1, the design of
this booklet attempted to apply the user centric focus of design theory to
the political science theory of reducing the cognitive cost of information in
elections. To do this, it has shifted the process of shortcutting away from
heuristic information cues and toward visual cues such as iconography,
colour and spatial mapping. This allows the quality and complexity of
information booklet to stay high while also increasing the quantity and
overall accessibility of the information. By doing this, the booklet maximises
its usefulness as it then fulfils Moere and Perchases informational triad of
appeal, comprehension and retention characteristics.
137
The following chapter
will assess how a focus group of voters responds to the alternative
infographic booklet when compared to the original candidate information
booklet.
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
137
Moere and Purchase, "On the role of design in information visualization."; Lankow,
Crooks, and Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling.
! 46!
Chapter 3: What makes a Voter Information Booklet Useful?
Voters Perspectives.

The focus group discussion focused on what kinds of information voters find
useful in regards to candidate booklets used in local elections. Participants
perceptions of what made the information usable were effected by three main
themes- the quantity, quality and accessibility of information. This chapter will
first cover the reactions of participants to the current candidate information
booklet before discussing how the infographic booklet was received.

Accessibility The current Candidate Information Booklet
The first theme that will be highlighted in the focus group discussions relates
to the idea of accessibility of information. This includes factors such as overall
appeal, the existence of any high cognitive costs and more specifically how
aesthetically pleasing the booklets were. Participants quickly expressed that
for them, a major accessibility problem with the original booklet was a
reluctance to even open a booklet or pamphlet that arrived in their mailbox
along with their voting papers. Firstly, Jonny admitted that:

To be honest I would chuck it outyou just get sent so much [sic] things in
the mail from like that orange letter every like couple of months update
your voting details or we need this we need that so its just like too hard.

When queried further it appeared that this too hard barrier related both to
the shear volume of electoral correspondence and the administrative weight
of enrolling by post. George agreed:

You just dont know that its going to be your actual vote and a booklet that
tells you about what all these candidates stand for and really you think that its
just more crap that they want from you

Pam said she might even mistake it for an advertisement if it came in an
undesirable big wad. These comments suggest the participants were well
aware of their expectations as information users, and felt that if information
! 47!
was not in line with their behaviours, they were less likely to use it and
probably would not access it in the first place.

One of the apparent reasons that the very idea of a booklet seemed
strenuous and boring to the participants was clearly because of an
association with the block text paragraph style commonly used in
candidate booklets. Amy seemed clear in her statement that this represented a
large cognitive barrier too long, too small font and youre just like oh god
its like another essay to read Similarly the second group remarked:

Olive: Also aesthetically its not presented in a very friendly way.
Ben: No its not going to capture our attention eh?
Pam: No its big blocks of text which are not exactly easy

The frequent reference to the block text as too much effort, or what the theory
would describe as cognitive cost, showed that perceived mental effort can
depend very heavily on presentation.

Quality The current Candidate Information Booklet
The next theme revolved around the quality of information in the booklet.
Quality related to the degree of comprehension, understanding and depth
that the information provided. Did the participants think that the booklets
actually helped them understand the difference between candidates or were
they just boring/cool to read?

A major consideration of the participants comprehension of the information
was the style of rhetoric the candidates used. They took particular issue with
the unrestrained or lack of standardised text blurbs. Olive seemed to imply
this was an insufficient way of organising the information in order for her to
easily understand events and references she had not heard of:

Cause there is nothing standardised its really hard here they are not
really saying very much at all. They have a vested interest to give you the best
bits but there is no kind of system where you can see like all of their policies
and how they are different
! 48!

Similarly the first group felt a system was needed also:

Moderator: what do you think would help you read what they are trying to
say?
Amy: If they had a table maybe. And they had like issues Maybe like a
table might be easier to actually read than just like
Sarah: Or bullet points or something
Moderator: Ok, anything else?
Jonny: Yeah and have information on certain issues rather than have it all
spread out like this
Sarah: Yeah just listing them and that, has taken up almost half of the
paragraph and I still dont know what he is going to do for the council

One of the most dominant aspects that came out of the discussions was the
importance of informational cues or shortcuts in the participants thoughts
and justifications when they were asked on what basis they would choose
particular candidates.

When asked what specific parts of the booklet they would use to vote, Amys
reply was frank to say the least:

Last time I voted for the mayoral ones there were so many options, it was kind
of overwhelming, so I just picked ones with funny last names. Its kind of bad
but like yeah

Jonny similarly made reference to name: I wouldnt vote for the guy at the
back because his first name is Martini. Perhaps an even more shocking
revelation however was just how genuinely gender cues were pointed to,
with George expressing that:

Probably as dated as it is I would probably tend to only vote male like off
the cuff quick and easy I mean I could vote female but like initially I would
go in with the perception that I would vote male.

! 49!
He later qualified this with his deeper thinking on the issue:

In terms of that voting male thing its mainly because I do finance and like Ive
been to a couple of finance corporations and they are like all built around men
and I think councils need thata bit more.

Quantity The current Candidate Information Booklet
The third theme that arose from the discussions was the participants
responses to the quantity of information presented. As set out in the section
on accessibility there was a clear relationship with the amount of text
presented and the likelihood of participants being put off from finding the
information useful, however on the other hand a common finding of surveys
on local government elections is that voters feel they have a general lack of
information available, so where should the balance lie?

Amys comment that she saw text information as another essay to read set
an awareness that short descriptions were acceptable and anything more
would be too hard. The second group however was not so sure about the
balance between too little and too much information.

Pam: I dont think its enough information at all
Olive: But again how much information is too much?
Pam: Exactly
Olive: Would you actually read every paragraph, cause I wouldnt?
Pam: No

What participants appeared to be referring to here was the problem of the
cumulative information across the booklet, while 100 words seemed easy
enough, and indeed too brief in some cases, collectively it amounted to far
more reading then they felt was acceptable.

Accessibility- The Infographic Booklet
In contrast, the infographic booklet appeared to answer a number of concerns
discussed with the original booklet. However in relation to accessibility,
similar perceptions of the posted booklet remained. Although the booklet
! 50!
overall was seen as so much better to look at, the following exchange still
illustrated an honest reluctance.

Amy: Yeah like Im pretty sure for all of us when you gave it to us we were all
like oh my god another thing to read and, I mean its really good but like
getting them to open it
Sarah: Once its open its like great its just
Rachel: I would sit down and take the time to read this if I knew what it
was

However, this time suggestions and ideas about what could be done to
increase the likelihood of them opening it were forthcoming. Jonny felt that
the ability to access more applied information needed to be foreshadowed
with a good advertising campaign- otherwise he would likely not seek it
out on his own.

Participants from the expert group felt that the chances of a readers eye still
being caught with the booklets pages was probably enough. Pam thought
that but most people would open it youd at least do that [Pam
flicks through booklet]. And for Olive the outside seemed appealing
enough this is very inviting. Its nice. You couldnt make it any more blatant,
I think YOUR GUIDE says what you need!

The appeal of this paragraph information in the original booklets
contrasted heavily with the introduction of the infographic booklet; where the
information was visualized. Immediately, the tone of the groups reactions
changed from a rather not interested and passive set of answers to an active
and excited sense of discussion. When the booklets opened the responses
were surprisingly instantaneous

Rachel: Ah, its really nice set out
Sarah: I like it
George: Hmm. yeah,
Sarah/Amy: Its really cool
Amy: I like this thing down here
! 51!
Rachel: Yeah its just like what you (Amy) were saying before
Amy: Its like woh?!?!

The second groups responses were similarly lively:

Ben: Woh! This is so good ehI wouldnt chuck this out!
Pam: It just looks better.
Olive: It does, its just so much better to look at
Moderator: And why is that?
Olive: because of
Pam: More pictures
Olive: Its got more colour more things that your eye is attracted too
Pam: Its wonderful, its exactly got everything that you would want
Olive: yeah yeah its like a crib sheet!

This seemed to reflect that the participants felt they were able to relate, if not
to the candidates initially, then at least to the visual style, which offered
reference points, such as icons and logos to orientate with. Comments relating
to visual appeal and aesthetics as a way of engaging with the information,
was spread right throughout both discussions. Ben remarked,

Its way nicer to look at and readand I think I can digest this whereas I
wouldnt digest any of the paragraph stuff.

Similarly Rachel commented,

I really like the symbols and the colours they really liven it up but actually
help you think about what its saying as well.

These comments reflected that the participants appreciated the integrated
nature of the explanation graphics rather than just clip-arty illustrations
that Ben thought were often used badly to try and make things fun.

Similarly, after reading the second booklet Olive professed, Im more a
visual learner to be honest and went on to explain that
! 52!

The symbols, colours and diagrams made me curious cause I wanted to
know why things were the way they were which actually made me read the
bits underneath them... which I probs[sic] wouldnt normally do.

Phrases like I find its really interesting and so many helpful bits would
naturally be phrases uncommon in campaign information, even to those
involved with local politics, yet the responses even from the less politically
inclined group seemed pretty genuinely fascinated with a type of
information, they would usually chuck out.

Quality- The Infographic Booklet
In terms of the quality of information, and how useful the voters found the
information content, it appeared that although there was much more
information, comprehension was markedly improved by the infographics. In
this way a prominent theme that arose was how the form improved the
function or how simply organising the information was a substantial aid to
understanding. In the infographic booklet by separating information out into
different sections and organising the information along diagrams, graphs and
tables.
George: I think it gives like a more open sort of view and takes the
scripted personality traits out of it, which is like what you want in your
elections, you want their ideals and their policies not a look at me contest.
Sarah: I think this makes it much much easier to compare

Similarly, Jonny pointed out that this form would also put pressure on the
candidates quality of response

Producing this would change how these people present themselves if they
come across as not sure on issues that would really reflect badly on them for
being inconsistent and undecided on things

In this way, Jonny appears to be suggesting that the information transparency
and clarity provided by the second booklet not only helps his decision but
also increases his trust in the politicians and the democratic process in
! 53!
general. One general concern of this project was whether voters who were
less interested and knowledgeable about politics were able to comprehend
seemingly complex visualisations of a subject they were not familiar with.
Initially most of the interest seemed to cluster around the issues section at the
bottom of the profiles. Amy in particular talked at length about why she
thought they were useful.

Thats the first thing I looked at and I immediately related cause Im like a
student Im against the introduction of the liquor ban and then even I
can read why they are against it so if I were to change my opinion I can
have some reason behind that.

For non-political students, the quick comprehension of the political shape
section, with its eight webbed dimensions, was quite surprising. George
remarked

I think the political shape is really good, because it says like what hes closer to
thinking like fiscally progressive environmentally conservative like it
shows where his loyalties lie in terms of values and stuff which is what
Id prefer to know than say I grew up in Roslyn

Sarah backed up this easily understood idea when asked whether shed
used the instructions and explanations in the back:

Yeah but its easy enough to interpret like I didnt see that till the end and I
already knew what the political shape and the life time line meant you
know?

Discussions around how understanding was aided continued into the area of
information shortcuts and deducing political information from certain
elements. The second group of participants definitely felt more secure using
the booklets to infer more political information. Pam remarked on colour;
And this person Tracy (purple) must be somewhere in the middle? As well
as rhetorical style; she sounds a bit brash, and via the image provided;
Like this guy here looks probably a greenie yeah?
! 54!

While the infographic booklet in its design and development had attempted
to capitalise on the use of informational shortcuts it also presented two
interesting findings by simply offering a broader range of shortcuts that were
clear and transparent. First, despite the apparent eagerness of participants to
confidently infer some information via shortcuts, a number of the participants
seemed very aware of the dangers of heuristics also. In the second pamphlet
this included the information shown on family status and local suburb.

Amy: I think its a bit weird that they have like their family and like kids
status and like I dont know is that ok? like this lady has just one
daughter and then you are like single mum and you know? I think that
those bits like the family and the lived in bit were probably unnecessary

Sarah: Like there are a lot of people who you know wouldnt look at this
information (the other substantive sections) but be like oh look she lives in
Andersons Bay I live in Andersons Bay therefore Ill vote for her.

The first group also shared a wide-ranging set of concerns in regard to colour
as Jonny summed up

I think people have to be careful with colour because they associate it will
sway people in a way thats maybe not as obvious as people wont always read
to the back and if they see a big read splotch then they feel that Im labour
Im gonna vote for that which actually just means fiscally progressive

Second, when provided with visual shortcuts to more complex political
information the participants preferred to use these instead of their previous
stereotype shortcuts. Rachel proved this to some extent:

I think its really good having that because for students who are like a bit
lazy we can still just glance at it and knowbecause of what they have
ticked or crossed but our decision is just then so much more informed than
if we had gone eeny meeny miny mo or randomly its actually got facts we
can use.
! 55!

However the most telling example of this came from a comment by George
who after reading the second booklet concluded

I tend to agree to an extent that if there is [sic] two people that like I dont
know anything about Ill just vote for the dude like I dont know why I
would but I just would. And then in terms of after reading this like none of
these guys I dont feel like they stepped in line with my political views and
these two females in that do, so I think it gives like a more open sort of yeah
view of that and takes the personality traits out of it which is like what you
want in your elections, you want their ideals and their policies not a
personality contest.

The participants commented widely on the degree to which they felt different
forms of information actually enabled them to engage with quality of the
political content they would use in deciding who to vote for. This sense of
usefulness thus included a wide range of factors such as layout, design and
visual appearance of the booklet as well as the organization and visual
articulation of information.

Quantity- The Infographic Booklet
As mentioned earlier the participants projected the idea of pages and pages
of writing on to the physical size of the infographic booklets and saw it as a
barrier

Amy: I thought that it was going to be just pages of writing like that one
George: yeah.
Sarah: Totally
Amy: we were all like oh my god another thing to read!
All: (laughter)

When the booklets were studied more closely however the shear variety of
different individual elements seemed to compensate for what was in fact a
substantial increase in the actual quantity of information provided.

! 56!
Rachel: This is definitely manageable. I would sit down and take the time to
read this

This did not necessarily mean that all sections were used equally but that at
least every one has got something that they can relate too. Sarah continued:

Well you know like different people in this group are saying I like the
bottom[section] because its got issues, I like the thing in the top because it like
symbolises values and there will be other people that are really interested in
their family situation

Notwithstanding these comments however, the participants appeared to
prefer a more concise format overall and suggested limiting each candidates
spread to a page-of-a-book size.

Or even if you would like try and condense this so that its a small brochure
like that could be even just this timeline for each person on one of those
brochures then probably we could take it in just cause this looks like a book.

Ben agreed Ideally it would be so much better if this was half the size but I
dont think thats possible.

Discussions of Results
This chapter will now to turn to a brief discussion of the above focus group
findings and assess whether the themes identified are supported by the
theories and literature.

What kind of information do voters not find useful?
Overall, the current candidate information booklets were identified by most
participants as a barrier rather than an aid. As a finding this is in line with
both sets of the theory-based literature; the cognitive cost of voter
information
138
and the literature on user centric information design
139
. If a
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
138
Downs, An economic theory of democracy; Popkin, The reasoning voter: Communication and
persuasion in presidential campaigns.
139
K. Baer, Information Design Workbook: Graphic approaches, solutions, and inspiration + 30 case
studies (Rockport Publishers, 2010).
! 57!
format has high cognitive cost and is not user friendly the extra effort to
engage with it will likely outweigh the potential benefits received. The most
common response from the participants before they saw the infographic
booklet was that they needed something to break up the pages of block text
candidate statements, which were essentially too boring and too meaningless.
Whether this was via visual stimuli (appeal), clearer standardisation
(comprehension) or simply reducing the quantity of information presented
(retention),
140
the participants required something substantially more
engaging for them to call it useful. From the focus group discussions these
booklets in a local election context appear to result in three reactions. Firstly,
voters will attempt to read the booklet in search of information they
recognize, if they find it they will use it. Secondly, voters will not read the
booklet but instead will rely on the uncostly information shortcuts such as
name, gender and photo appearance. Thirdly, voters will feel the booklet
projects too high a barrier to engaging with, comprehending and applying
any of the information, and thus refrain from using it to decide or voting
altogether.

Where the literature is perhaps not so clear, however, is in relation to the
candidate booklets.
141
What is important to note here is that while all three of
the above reactions at a superficial level could constitute the use of the
booklet, the overall usefulness however is something quiet different. Whether
a voter uses a source is somewhat of a binary acknowledgement, they either
use it or they do not use it. Usefulness however describes a more qualitative
measure, how valuable or useful was the source? This point in itself illustrates
why it is benficial for this study to focus on this booklet in isolation from
other election tools. The first hand focus group reactions rather than survey
perceptions of past use demonstrates why the qualitative nature of this
research is vital. As was discussed in the second chapter, research on the
utility of the booklets presented mixed results. Some showed the booklets
with high levels of value,
142
others with more negative perceptions.
143
As was
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
140
Lankow, Crooks, and Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling: 30.
141
Brien, "Voter Pamphlets: The Next Best Step in Election Reform." Magelby, ""Voter
Pamphlets: Understanding Why Voters Don't Read Them," ". Cavana, "2004 Local Council
Post-Election Survey Summary of Findings " 15.
142
Brien, "Voter Pamphlets: The Next Best Step in Election Reform."
! 58!
made clearer through this research however the divide appears relatively
evenly split between quantitative studies
144
that show positive perceptions of
candidate booklets and qualitative studies
145
that show negative perceptions
of candidate booklets. From this it would not be too reaching to conclude that
this presents a clear limitation of quantitative research in understanding the
value of information for voters. The ability for survey questions to reach
beyond initial impressions of simple use to a deeper sense of usefulness
would understandably appear limiting. This research suggests however that
these methods, while useful for a broad picture of voter information sources
potentially do not provide an accurate barometer of the value of the booklets
more specifically.

What kind of information do voters find useful?
Moving on from considerations related to the current booklet however the
feedback received in regards to the infographic booklet is able to lead us to
draw a number of insights about candidate information, which as a research
area is typically difficult to understand due to the interdisciplinary nature of
the subject matter. Using theories and insights from a number of different
angles such as behavioural psychology, economics, political science,
marketing and information design, this research has been able to form a clear
framework for understanding participants perceptions and in turn build a
clear picture of exactly what kind of information voters prefer to have when
learning about candidates they do not know.

From a political science perspective this usefulness is seen as reducing the
cognitive costs of becoming informed.
146
From an information design
perspective usefulness can be seen as the overall appeal, comprehension and
retention of the information.
147
In both regards the infographic booklet
appeared to meet these criteria with the participants.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
143
Hercus, "To Vote or Not to Vote: Students Perceptions and Attitudes Towards National
and Local Elections in New Zealand," 94.
144
Brien, "Voter Pamphlets: The Next Best Step in Election Reform."
145
Hercus, "To Vote or Not to Vote: Students Perceptions and Attitudes Towards National
and Local Elections in New Zealand."
146
Downs, An economic theory of democracy.
147
Lankow, Crooks, and Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling: 30.
! 59!
On a more specific level however the perceptions of participants also added
to a number of pieces of more tangible knowledge about booklets. Perhaps
the clearest demand and confirmation for any of the findings was for a better
organisation of information. Participants wanted standardisation between
profiles and demarcation within profiles. They appeared to agree with the
categories provided by Nicholson
148
and reiterated by Lipsitz
149
finding that
although they would likely cherry pick relevant sections to compare,
organising the information increased their chances of reviewing all of the
profile.

Furthermore the organisation and visualisation appeared to aid, at least from
participants subjective views, stronger comprehension.
150
This included a
range of complex political concepts, including ideological dimensions, past
and future policy commitments and measurement of likely skill sets for office.
Participants who claimed to understand very little about politics were able to
reach reasoned conclusions based on a format of information they had never
seen before, without referring to explanatory notes.

The focus group sessions also added to the literature and knowledge of
information shortcuts or heuristics.
151
While participants clearly used
shortcuts, such as educational and occupational background in line with the
processes set out by McDermott,
152
the findings also confirmed some elements
of concern as raised by Lau and Redlawsk
153
and others.
154
Reference to
family/marital status, gender and living area caused concern for participants
who essentially felt these pieces of shortcut information might lead them to
the wrong choice.
155
Instead when given the option, this study has found
that voters prefer to use more complex heuristics such as political direction
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
148
Nicholson, "What Voters Want From Official Political Candidate Websites."
149
Lipsitz et al., "What voters want from political campaign communication."
150
Lankow, Crooks, and Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling.
151
Lupia, "Shortcuts versus encyclopedias: Information and voting behavior in California
insurance reform elections."
152
M.L. McDermott, "Candidate occupations and voter information shortcuts," Journal of
Politics 67, no. 1 (2005).
153
Lau and Redlawsk, "Advantages and disadvantages of cognitive heuristics in political
decision making."
154
Bartels, "Uninformed votes: Information effects in presidential elections."
155
R.R. Lau and D.P. Redlawsk, "Voting correctly," American Political Science Review (1997).
! 60!
and issue positions and that they increase certainty for a voter about their
choice.

Perhaps the single most significant finding from the second booklet however
was a profound increase in appeal
156
and accessibility provided by the visual
nature of the content. Political information, even in its most thought-
provoking representations, usually has connotations of boredom, hollow
rhetoric and clich.
157
By literally pouring colour, symbolism and visualisation
into the format however, the change in reaction was stark. Participants who
had self identified their disinterest, disengagement and indeed apathy
towards local government politics and elections, were not only engaging with
candidate information but were notably excited by it. It is important to
acknowledge however that the group environment of the focus groups may
have exaggerated these responses somewhat, and thus it would be necessary
to further research participants on an individual level and as well as from a
wider range of demographics and backgrounds.

A number of themes raised by the focus groups also highlighted some areas
of potential weakness and limitation of the infographic booklet. In a very
practical sense participants expressed hesitation as to the likelihood of them
actually opening a booklet that is delivered by post. Booklets and information
from government institutions more widely seemed to carry heavy
preconceptions amongst the participants, as being wordy, irrelevant and thus
not worth reading. While most participants conceded that they might at
least give it a flick through, this still highlights a major barrier, and perhaps
suggests the need for information not to be simply limited to print and post
format. Furthermore, other limitations of the booklet included concerns as to
the controversial nature of particular sections and informational elements.
Some of these were discussed above in relation to gender and other status
shortcuts, whilst others were concerned with a subliminal bias based on the
use of some colours. This was particularly in relation to political parties
colours commonly used in elections.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
156
Lankow, Crooks, and Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling.
157
M. Scammell and A.I. Langer, "Political advertising: why is it so boring?," Media, culture &
society 28, no. 5 (2006).
! 61!
However in contrast, to these more technical considerations, the findings also
produced a small set of wider electoral and democratic benefits that were
unforeseen at the start of this research. Because of the way candidates would
be interviewed or surveyed for the information in the booklets, a number of
participants expressed that this significantly improved their trust not only in
relation to the candidates but also the democratic system in general. They felt
it was an appropriate check and a balance on power that candidates were not
easily able to appear vague or undecided on their policy and background, and
that too often politicians capitalized on the lack of transparency in election
campaign communications. Further to this, one participant also mentioned
the booklets made her feel less guilty about local politics and that it treated
here with a sense of dignity. She went on to explain that this was because
the booklet did not make her feel that in order to vote she had to know about
every issue and every candidate but rather that her interest and opinions, no
matter how small, still counted.

In sum, the findings showed that the participants preferred the infographic
candidate booklet to the current candidate information booklet. More
importantly however, the reasons behind why they found it more useful are
meaningful and well explained by the theories identified in this research. If a
format has high cognitive cost and is not user friendly the extra effort to
engage and access with it will likely outweigh the potential benefits received.
Furthermore, because of the way visual information is processed by the brain,
displaying and organising the information in an infographic style, not only
attracts the eye but also increases comprehension and thus the quality of the
information as a decision making source. In this sense the focus group
findings suggest that considering the quality and accessibility of information,
when producing candidate information booklets, are not just nice to haves
but must haves. Simply providing a minimum quantity of information for
voters in these booklets is not enough. If New Zealand electoral authorities
expect voters to vote, and indeed use their booklet in being informed of their
vote in local body elections, then it is important to consider what voters find
useful in a much wider sense.

! 62!
Conclusion

This dissertation has sought to answer a very specific question as one piece of
a significant democratic problem. As was outlined in chapter one, voter
turnout, particularly in local elections is in decline.
158
When non-voters in
New Zealand Local Body Elections are asked why they choose not to vote the
most common reason given is a lack of information.
159
The lack of information
for voters in local body elections is particularly acute because of low-media
coverage, negative perceptions of local politics, lack of political parties and
high numbers of candidates running for office. The only significant policy
used in New Zealand for compensating this lack of information is the
provision of candidate information booklets that are supplied with postal
ballot papers, however results as to the use of this booklet have been
mixed.
160


What then, might help improve this information booklet, and in turn seek to
address a number of other related issues further up the line? I tested theories
of voter information shortcuts and infographic shortcuts by producing and
testing an alternative booklet with focus groups of young voters. The
visualization of infographic candidate information booklets, as this research
has shown, has significant potential. Key to understanding this is that
visualisation refers not only to the strong aesthetic components of
infographics, but in fact to a whole new vision of how candidates engage with
their diminishing audience. While infographic information at the surface
appears to be the addition of better organisation and graphic design, this is
but an end result of a much more holistic approach to thinking about how
information works and how it can be maximised to serve its purpose.

In sum, this project has attempted to apply the user centric focus of design
theory to the political science theory of reducing the cognitive cost of
information in elections. To do this, it has shifted the process of
shortcutting away from heuristic information cues and toward visual cues
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
158
J. Ackaert, B. Wauters, and D. Verlet, "Turnout at local elections," (2011).
159
Cavana, "2004 Local Council Post-Election Survey Summary of Findings ".
160
Hercus, "To Vote or Not to Vote: Students Perceptions and Attitudes Towards National
and Local Elections in New Zealand."
! 63!
such as iconography, colour and spatial mapping. This allows the quality and
complexity of information to stay high while also increasing the quantity and
overall accessibility of the information. By doing this, the booklet maximises
its usefulness as it then fulfils Moere and Purchases informational triad of
appeal, comprehension and retention characteristics.
161


While this research has sought to address many of the theoretical and end-
user aspects of providing visualised candidate information, in reality a
number of significant barriers to their actual development remain. As was
mentioned previously, changing the format of the official booklets Elections
New Zealand provides is not simply a change of policy. While the current
booklets are produced and printed in New Zealand by the Electoral
Commission, the form and function are directed strongly by limitations
legislated by Parliament. In other words if any significant changes were to be
made to the booklets, such as is proposed in this study, this would require the
entire repeal of the 2001 Local Government Electoral Act by the Government
of the day.

Furthermore, this research is also cognisant of the fact that producing the
booklets in the exact way that they are presented in this studies prototype,
with separate surveys, issues and suburbs for every separate Local Authority,
is more than likely not feasible or practical because of the additional resources
that would be required. While efforts could be made to standardise certain
features, the reality is that the production of such a publication would require
substantial research and preproduction work in every area. This is obvious
enough without having to mention the shear cost of printing an A4 colour
page of every candidate for every voter in every electorate. Making such an
argument for actually implementing an analogous policy provision however
was neither the aim nor the outcome of this research project. Rather the point
has been to further understand the issues and stimulate debate and discussion
around how electoral information In New Zealand has underutilised
potential.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
161
Moere and Purchase, "On the role of design in information visualization."; Lankow,
Crooks, and Ritchie, Infographics: The Power of Visual Storytelling.
! 64!
These findings highlight several important features as to the real world role of
official candidate information booklets. If officials are willing to fund the
provision of a booklet that is collated, printed and distributed and yet
ultimately fails at least half of its audience, surely an applied re-conception
that is proven to make a difference is not inconceivable? After all, while
democracys strength may belong to its citizens, its longevity is more likely to
lie on its ability to remain relevant and responsive. Eventually moving ballot
papers online and into the 21
st
century may be able to boost voters interests
temporarily, but if the other features of elections are left lagging behind, the
waves of perceived indifference and apathy will likely always show little sign
of letting up.


!
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! 65!
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! 70!
Appendix
!

List of Moderators Questions

What are your experiences of voting?
What where you looking for when you voted?
Are you planning to vote in next years election?
If not why?
If so what kind of things would determine who you might vote for?
How would you expect to get that information?
What are your first impressions of this information?
What are you looking for or expecting to find out from this information?
Does this information meet that purpose?
Would you call this informational useful?
Which parts of the information do you find most useful?
Do you think this is enough information to cast a vote on?
How long would you spend thinking about this information?
How many pages would you read/look at?
What else would you like to have included here?
















! 71!

Example of Infographic Booklet Prototype used in Focus Group
discussions.
(see following pages.)


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