ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Univ.-Prof. Dr. Allan James for supervising this thesis. Furthermore, I wish to express my being deeply grateful to him for introducing me to the topic of (English) linguistics. His enthusiasm concerning this topic and the highly comprehensive explanations in his lectures brought me to, finally, know what I am aiming at in professional life. Attending his lectures, I have learned to love linguistic signs, analyse them, interpret them, put them in relation.

I would also like to thank Chris Upward and Fred Swartz for making relevant newspaper articles available on the Internet, all the people responding to my questionnaires and Martine Vitteau and Julius Wallner for providing me the answers to the two missing French questionnaires.

Further acknowledgements go to my close friends for supporting me, each of them in her/his own special way. Especially, I would like to thank Ingrid Fernandez de Retana for constructive criticism and useful discussions as to the final reading of this paper.

Finally, I would like to express my deep gratitude to my family. My parents, for providing me the opportunity to make my studies. Dad, for keeping me in a good mood when I was just to throw away the word lists, Mum for lending me her new notebook and for her ever presence when computer problems occurred, Grandma for causing some diversion with her parrot, Sebastian for his support not only concerning layout of a diploma thesis and Johannes for his being my contact to important topics other than studies.

PREFACE

The definition of an Anglicism, in all its parameters, is itself an issue that anticipates in microcosm virtually every important element of the vast debate that will unfold in the pages of this volume.

(Michel Piccone, 1996)

In its easiness of grammatical construction, in its paucity of inflection, in its almost total disregard of the distinctions of gender excepting those of nature, in the simplicity and precision of its terminations and auxiliary verbs, not less than the majesty, vigour and copiousness of its expression, our mother tongue seems well adapted by organization to become the language of the world. (a reviewer of the British periodical The Athenaeum, 1848)

Beyond doubt, this prophecy proves to be true, as English, in fact, has become the global language in these days. So, what makes a global language? Is it simple grammatical structure? Certainly not. According to David Crystal, the world authority on English language, the fact that English is the global language has little to do with structure or its number of speakers, but It is much more to do with who those speakers are. Latin became an international language throughout the Roman Empire, but this was not because the Romans were more numerous than the people subjugated. They were simply more powerful. And later, when Roman military power declined, Latin remained for a millennium as the international language of education, thanks to a different sort of power the ecclesiastical power of the Roman Catholicism. There is the closest link between language dominance and cultural power, and this relationship will become increasingly clear as the history of English is told []. Without a string power-base, whether political, military or economic, no language can make progress as an international medium of communication. Language has no independent existence, living in some sort of mystical space apart from the people who speak it. Language exists only in the brains and mouths [] of its users. When they succeed, their language succeeds. When they fail, their language fails. In other words, the fact that English, nowadays, has become the global language is mainly due to the dominance of the English speaking world throughout recent history. Starting to spread in the aftermath of the Industrial Revolution from Great Britain to rest of the world, the English language, or more accurately its influence, first appeared around 1750 in other European countries. The interest in England, then, was not only due to economic reasons, but also (mainly) to socio-cultural reasons, with other nations just favouring English style, opinions, fashions and games. Soon, the English language set out on a new triumphant progress, now, originating in the United States since, by the end of the 19th century, America had overtaken Britain in its economic power. With the invention of the steamship and the railway in the early 19th century and the spread of communication systems (telegraph and telephone) in the latter half of the century, people started to get in contact with each other even over a long distance. The urge for a common means of communication for the first time became apparent and it was only natural to give English this status. Likewise, in the 20th century, the English language continued to hold a prominent position in the field of communication, and, in course of time, due to the ever increasing power of the US and new technologies, the language has penetrated deeply into the international domains of political life, business, safety [], entertainment, the media and education. The convenience of having a lingua franca available to serve global human relations and needs has come to be appreciated by

millions. Several domains [] have come to be totally dependent on it the computer software industry being the prime example. To have a lingua franca, thus, provides mankind with the possibility of interacting on the international level and this is why it is primarily English that is taught as a second language in various nations In recent time, however, it is not the English language in its complexity as a language system getting the upper hand in global communication / education that gives rise to ongoing discussions, it is primarily the English language as a source language to widespread linguistic borrowings that causes linguistic uproar. Yet, linguistic borrowing from foreign languages is but one phenomenon of how the lexicon of a language develops (as will be dealt with later on). David Crystal states in English as a global language that, world-wide, a total of 337 million represent those who have learned English as a first language compared to 235 million who have learned English as a second language.
1.1. The influence of the English language on other languages

Linguistic borrowing is, perhaps, the most obvious result of language contact. Due to nowadays permanent exposure to English, it is only natural that languages will adopt some expressions.

Daniel K. Sokol gives the reasons: 1. Lexical borrowing is today the result of the international socio-economic exchange. Science, sport and technology, the media and so many other activities to which men are devoted to, are the determining factors of lexical borrowing. 2. Many linguists [] believe in the self-explanatory law of least effort which, in this case, would claim that [] speakers favor anglicisms because the words are concise, take little time to pronounce and are consequently better adapted to todays hectic lifestyle. 3. Borrowings occur through an impossibility to find an equivalent in ones language []. 4. We use them, too, even when the analogies exist, for team or group spirit and to indicate its special and technical character, particularly to the group, which, in our minds, we would lose by using a word from everyday language [] 5. One uses them out of snobbery [] and one uses them out of laziness. English today is more fashionable than ever [], especially among the young, and this has resulted in a great proliferation of English words. 6. One of the main ways English words are adopted by the public is by the press. [] the language of journalists and advertising agents is indeed strongly marked by anglicisms [] they introduce the English word as it is, either for a touch of couleur local or simply because they like neologisms, wish to be up-to-date and couldnt care less about the norm. 7. Englishs prominence on the Internet (95% of the Internet pages are in English) will no doubt cause a sharp increase in borrowed words. 8. Television is undoubtedly the most effective language proliferator. [] The link between English and trendiness/modernity can be traced, amongst other things, to the

very high number of English and American films and soaps on the screens. [] Televisions direct and indirect effects can also be applied to radio and pop music. With regards to purist tendencies, it is interesting to note that, although English has become the most generous donor of words to other languages, the English language once was one of the most hospitable languages of the world as to its acceptance of foreign loans. 1.3. The fundamental definition Essential to this thesis (and to any other thesis on Anglicisms) is, undoubtedly, the definition of the expression Anglicism. For the purpose of this paper I will define Anglicisms, according to Michel Piccone, as: any borrowing from English that constitutes a new word. Hence, in this paper, I will not differentiate between Americanisms and Briticisms.

2.1. An Introduction to lexicography

Lexicography is often defined as compiling dictionaries, which first and foremost lays stress on the product, i.e. dictionaries. However, it is perfectly possible to work on lexicography without actually writing dictionaries []. It would therefore be more correct to define lexicography in the following way: Lexicography is a branch of applied linguistics which consists in observing, collecting, selecting, and describing units from the stock of words and word combinations in one or more languages. In cases where two or more languages are involved simultaneously, the description takes on the nature of a comparison between the vocabularies of the languages in question. It is the last two sentences of this quotation that exactly describe the primary object of this paper. In the following chapters I will analyse and compare special units of the stock of words in the French, German and Italian language, namely the units being labelled as Anglicisms (what exactly the term Anglicism stands for will be discussed in the subsequent chapter on terminology). The basis for my study will be the linguistic units provided by a French, a German and an Italian monolingual dictionary.

How are these linguistic units presented in a (monolingual) dictionary? As to Svensn, a dictionary, firstly, describes the formal characteristics of a word (how the word is spelt, how it is pronounced, how it is inflected and how this word forms derivatives or compounds). Secondly, dictionaries present the semantic characteristics of words (what a word means). Thirdly, the combinational characteristics of a word are demonstrated (how the word combines with other words, how this word is to be employed in a text). In addition to these linguistic statements, dictionaries also provide information on pragmatics and stylistics.

These four levels of a words description found in a dictionary (format, meaning, construction patterns and style) are called the microstructure of a dictionary. The microstructure, thus, represents the format each single entry in a dictionary reveals. However, it does not only concern the four parts an entry consists of, but also involves typographical (type-size and type-face) conventions throughout the whole dictionary, as well the use of abbreviations, punctuation and symbols. I will deal with microstructure in more detail when presenting the dictionaries I consulted for this paper. With the microstructure to be referred to as the structure and format of each entry, the macrostructure of a dictionary means the relative arrangement of the dictionary entries Macrostructure, thus, comprises questions such as methods of arranging the words.

For the most part, dictionary entries are arranged by their spelling and in alphabetical order. Svensn refers this type of dictionary as a dictionary in semasiological format in contrast to onomasiological formats (words with shared semantic features are grouped together, e.g. Thesauri) and syntagmatic dictionaries, where the focus lies on the combinational aspects of the words (e.g. valency dictionaries) 15 .

13 Svensn, Practical Lexicography, p. 3 4 14 Svensn, Practical Lexicography, p. 223 15 cf. Svensn, Practical Lexicography, p. 17 15 The alphabetical arrangement of words can either be word-by-word or letter-by-letter, as Svensn demonstrates with the following example 16 :

word-by-word

letter-by-letter

pass

pass

pass away passage pass for pass off pass out pass up passage passenger passion passive passport password pass away passenger pass for passion passive pass off pass out passport pass up password

Other matters the macrostructure of a dictionary deals with are whether one entry constitutes one paragraph or whether there is more than one entry per paragraph. The below example 17 shows (1) a one-entry-per-paragraph-arrangement and (2) an arrangement that puts more than one entry in a paragraph:

(1) Zwischengericht n entre [course] Zwischengescho n mezzanine [floor] Zwischengre f intermediate size Zwischenhandel m intermediate trade

(2) Zwischengericht n entre [course] Zwischengescho n mezzanine [floor] Zwischengre f intermediate size Zwischenhandel m intermediate trade

Before turning to the question of what the criteria are for a word to find its way into a dictionary, let me just quote Svensn on the fact that lexicographers have a really hard job:

16

Svensn, Practical Lexicography, p. 224 17 taken from Svensn, Practical Lexicography, p. 224 16

It is not only the information needs of different categories of user that are of importance. An equally important factor is their ability to find and make use of the information given. Here the lexicographer is forced into a difficult balancing act. On the one hand, the dictionary must contain as much information as possible without becoming unnecessarily bulky; on the other hand, this information must not be so compressed that the intended user will not be able to utilize it. [] He has to find the right entry word []. [] When the right entry word is found, the user also has to find the right section within the entry, and within that section the material is grouped in a certain order and presented according to certain conventions []. In order to help users with this, more or less detailed instructions for use are given at the beginning of a dictionary, where these conventions are more or less clearly explained. Hartmann [] observed the discouraging fact that introductory explanations are very seldom consulted and that users rarely take the trouble to learn the various codes, symbols, and abbreviations used in dictionaries [] 18

2.1.1. How a word finds its way into a dictionary

Before the actual process of collection and selection of material, a number of decisions as regards the size and aim of the dictionary must be taken. Furthermore, a dictionary must be authentic, meaning it must include only such linguistic signs that actually exist. In order to

prove this, the lexicographers have to find evidence for the words in several sources, written and spoken. In addition, the editors of a dictionary have to prove the representativeness of a word, that is to say the word must occur often enough, with a certain frequency, in a language 19 .

It is for these reasons that you do not find ephemeral words or ad-hoc formations in a dictionary. Both are phenomena that I would claim as typical for todays hectic life: one might feel up-to-date when using fashionable words (that will pass away only after a few months to be replaced by another fashionable expression) or one creates a new word only for a moment, a particular situation, out of laziness and not wanting to search for a more appropriate word.

Generally speaking, big publishing houses, such as Dictionnaires Le Robert, Dudenredaktion, Klett, Langenscheidt, Larousse, Centro Lessicografico Sansoni, Zanichelli, etc., each have their own linguistic index cards providing information about the sources where the words have been found, in which context, number of occurrences, etc. And it was in the 1980s that computer applications began to a alter the methods and

18 Svensn, Practical Lexicography, p. 16 19 cf. Svensn, Practical Lexicography, p. 40 42 potential of lexicography 20 . Gone are now the days of manual sorting and transcribing, with vast lexical databases (continuously updated) 17

21 that also provide special search modes enabling users to ask special questions, such as show all words with English etymology.

2.2. Presentation of the dictionaries

Dictionaries come in all shapes (printed in book format, electronic on CD-ROM, etc.) and sizes (from pocket dictionaries with about 10,000 entries to special dictionaries for advanced linguistic studies that cover more than 60,000 entries), they can be monolingual or bilingual, arranged in a semasiological, onomasiological or syntagmatic format (see definitions above) and dictionaries can be general or restricted (specialised dictionaries of dialects, slang, neologisms, professional jargon, foreign words, etc.)

Thus, the requirements the dictionaries I use for this thesis have to meet are:

general monolingual hugest possible coverage (more than 60,000 entries) electronic version (for easy to access searching in many ways) latest version

The basis of analysis for this paper will be the following prevailing general monolingual dictionaries:

In the French speaking world:

Le Nouveau Petit Robert (in the following LNPR), 1996 1997 Dictionnaires Le Robert,

Paris. Version lectronique du Nouveau Petit Robert. Ralisation informatique par le bureau VAN DIJK

- 60,000 entries - 300,000 meanings

20 Crystal, Cambridge Encyclopedia, p. 111 21 The hugest and most interesting to use lexical database (in German) I found in the internet is COSMAS at http://corpora.ids-mannheim.de/ ~ cosmas/ 18

In the German speaking world:

DUDEN Deutsches Universalwrterbuch (DDUWB), 2001 Bibliographisches Institut F.A. Brockhaus AG, Mannheim. DUDEN auf CD-ROM, PC-Bibliothek Express

- 140,000 entries

In the Italian speaking world:

lo Zingarelli 1998 in CD-ROM (LOZ), Zanichelli editore S.p.A. Bologna. I.CO.GE: Informatica S.r.l. - Trento

- 134,000 entries

My English reference is:

The Concise Oxford Dictionary (COD), 9th Edition. CD-ROM version of Oxfords best selling dictionary, Oxford University Press 1997 99, Software: TEXTware A/S. Licensed to the Focus Multimedia Limited

I also consulted these special dictionaries of foreign words (see Chapter 4: English Internationalisms):

De Mauro, Tullio / Mancini, Marco : Dizionario delle parole straniere nella lingua italiana. Milano: Garzanti Linguistica, divisione di Utnet S.p.A. 2001 (PS) Pogarell, Reiner / Schrder, Markus [ed.]: Wrterbuch berflssiger Anglizismen. 2., erweiterte Auflage, Paderborn: IFB-Verlag 2000 (WBA) Tournier, Jean: Les mots anglais du franais. Paris : ditions Belin 1998 (LMADF)

2.2.1. The Concise Oxford Dictionary

The COD is a semasiological general monolingual dictionary that organises its entries in alphabetical order, by means of the letter-by-letter principle: 19 new New Age New Age music new arrival

new birth new born new broom Newcastle disease newcomer new deal newel Newfoundland

In addition, the COD mentions only one entry per paragraph.

new /nju:/ adj. & adv. adj. 1 a of recent origin or arrival. b made, invented, discovered, acquired, or experienced recently or now for the first time (a new star; has many new ideas). 2 in original condition; not worn or used. 3 a renewed or reformed (a new life; the new order). b reinvigorated (felt like a new person). 4 different from a recent previous one (has a new job). 5 in addition to others already existing (have you been to the new supermarket?). 6 (often foll. by to) unfamiliar or strange (a new sensation; the idea was new to me). 7 (often foll. by at) (of a person) inexperienced, unaccustomed (to doing something) (am new at

this business). 8 (usu. prec. by the) often derog. a later, modern (the new morality). b newfangled. c recently affected by social change (the new rich). 9 (often prec. by the) advanced in method or theory (the new formula). 10 (in place names) discovered or founded later than and named after (New York; New Zealand). adv. (usu. in comb.) 1 newly, recently (new-found; new-baked). 2 anew, afresh. a new one (often foll. by on) colloq. an account or idea not previously encountered (by a person). newish adj. newness n. [Old English niwe, from Germanic]

There are, however, derivatives that are mentioned in the same paragraph (newish, newness) and that would break the letter-by-letter order as these two words do not have a special headword entry. 20 The CODs electronic version reveals the following microstructure:

When you first load the dictionary you are presented with the main window. This is divided into two main areas. On the right is the entry window: this is where the dictionary's entries are displayed. On the left is the word wheel: all the headwords in the dictionary are listed here 22 (double-click on the word you want to have displayed). Above the word wheel is an input box. This is where you type the words you want to look up. 23

Headwords, in COD, are typed in bold, each meaning of these is given a separate subsection (each subsection headed by an Arabic number).

Attached to the headwords, the COD provides their pronunciation (according to the IPA alphabet with RP accent) and information on word class (in italics)

24 .

22 Note that the entry window on this picture does not display all CODs entries, but only entries that show the word performance. 23 based on the HELP options found in COD 24 Plural marking is only explicitly mentioned when irregular. 21 The paraphrasing and definition section in the entries shows the following typographical principles:

Information on combinational principles are presented in round brackets and in italics: (attrib.) or with the word to be combined in italics: (usu.foll. by of). They precede the definitions and paraphrases (in contrast to examples given that follow the definitions). Information as to the level of style is typed in italics: colloq. Information on subject fields are shown in round bracket and normal type-face: (of a duty etc.) Examples are usually put in round brackets and typed in italics: (made such a performance about leaving).

Following the definitions section the COD usually gives evidence of the words etymology: new [Old English niwe, from Germanic]

Interesting with the COD is that you can double-click every single word in the entry text to get its definition as a headword (this function more or less replaces cross-reference in a

book-shaped dictionary).

2.2.2. Le Nouveau Petit Robert

The Nouveau Petit Robert fulfils all of my above requirements even if I only have the 1997 version, it is the latest electronic one to have been published (see appendix A).

As on the level of macrostructure, the entries in LNPR are arranged in alphabetical order. They are organised by the letter-by-letter principle as can be seen below:

nvrotique new-look newsmagazine newton newtonien, ienne nez ni

22

LNPR principally mentions one entry per paragraph, only disrupting this method by crossreferences (which are highlighted, but do not attract more attention than do the headwords):

after-shave [aftZYGDv] n. m. inv. 1959; mot angl. Anglic. Produit que les

hommes appliquent sur leur visage aprs s'tre rass. aprs-rasage. Flacon d'aftershave. Des after-shave. Adj. inv. Lotion after-shave.

In the following I will outline the microstructure of the LNPRs electronic version.

The right hand window shows all the headwords listed in LNPR (alphabetical, letter-byletter), with the left hand window to display the entries. Above the list of headwords is an input box to type in words for a simple search modus.

23 The headwords in LNPR are presented in bold, presented in a serif typeface. They are followed by the pronunciation (IPA symbols) 25 and the information on parts of speech in sans-serif typeface.

Before displaying the (different) meaning(s) of a word, LNPR provides information on the words etymology, preceded by the symbol (in contrast to the COD it also states the date the word has entered the French lexicon and in brackets the date the word first appeared in the host language)

If an expression has a general style or subject field label, this is shown by going before the definition section26 . The semantic subsections are each preceded by an Arabic number and . Next are placed subject field, register and style labels (typed in sans-serif).

Following the definitions and paraphrases, (synonymic) cross references are indicated by , with the (underlined) word in bold. Subsequently, examples of how to use the word are typed in italics (usually, these examples also include information on plural marking).

LNPR on CD-ROM also provides the possibility to just double-click a word in an entry text to get its meaning.

2.2.3. Duden Deutsches Universalwrterbuch

Actually, before choosing Duden Deutsches Universalwrterbuch as my German reference, I wanted to use Duden Die neue deutsche Rechtschreibung. However, my findings in consulting the dictionary were not all satisfactory (see appendix A).

The DDUWB acts as one of the prevailing general monolingual dictionaries (along with the above stated Duden Die neue deutsche Rechtschreibung). It is layouted in semasiological format and alphabetises its entries letter-by-letter:

25 following the rules of British English pronunciation 26 It is interesting to note that LNPR gives 776 out of 60,000 entries the Anglicism label. 24 Newcomer New Delhi New Hampshire New Jersey New Look New Mexico New Orleans New-Orleans-Jazz News Newsgroup Newsletter Newton

Again, DDUWB also states one entry per paragraph, just giving evidence of derivatives or compound forms within the entry:

Af|ter|shave [':], das; -[s], -s, Af|terShave-Lo|tion, (auch:) Af|ter|shave|lo|tion [':'], die; -, -s [engl. after shave = nach der Rasur]: nach der Rasur zu verwendendes Gesichtswasser.

The DDUWBs electronic version looks like this:

25

Corresponding to COD and LNPR, the electronic version of the Duden Deutsches Universalwrterbuch also presents two windows the window listing the entries on the left side (here again the window does not show all entries, but the ones that are labelled as having English etymologies) and the window displaying the actual entry on the right side. Above these two windows you see the input field for words you want to have looked up.

On the level of microstructure, the DDUWB reveals the following organisation:

Headwords are typed in bold and attached is their spelling in IPA format 27 (the vast majority is British English based) and information on word class. However, the actual naming of part of speech does not follow common rules of lexicography, i.e. just classifying the words under n (noun), v (verb), adj (adjective) , adv (adverb), interj (interjection), etc.

The DDUWB only explicitly classifies words that are not nouns as to their corresponding part of speech with < > :

se|xy [', auch: '] <Adj.> [engl. sexy, zu: sex, Sex] (ugs.): sexuell attraktiv od. zu einer entsprechenden Wirkung verhelfend: s. Wsche; sie, er ist, wirkt s.; ich finde sie, ihn s.

lif|ten <sw.V28 .; hat> [zu engl. to lift, 1 Lift]: 1.

a) (Med.) durch 2 Lift heben, straffen: die Gesichtshaut, den Busen l.; b) (ugs.) jmdn. einem 2 Lift unterziehen: sich l. lassen. 2. a) (bes. Technik) in die Hhe heben, wuchten: die Behlter ans Tageslicht l.; b) (Jargon) anheben, erhhen: die Preise l.

hipp, hipp, hur|ra! <Interj.> [zu engl. hip, gebraucht zur Einleitung von Hochrufen u. Trinksprchen, H. u., u. hurra]: Ruf, mit dem man jmdn., etw. feiert, jmdn. hochleben lsst.

Nouns are treated as to their attributed grammatical gender and case, giving their nominative singular definite article, followed by the inflexion of the genitive case and the plural marking.

27 This exclusively applies for difficult-to-pronounce-words. 28 sw. V. meaning schwaches Verb, inflecting along the stem + -ete / (haben) ge + stem + et) pattern 26

Particular to the DDUWB are the hints provided for word division, represented by the symbol | in the headword.

Information on etymology is shown in square brackets using the terminology of Carstensen/Busse (to English , from English , etc.) which I will deal with in more detail in the next chapter concerning loan terminology.

Definitions in DDUWB are typed in italics, with examples of use attached in normal typeface.

Style level, subject field and register labels are put into round brackets:

Bro|ker ['], der; -s, - [engl. broker, eigtl.= Weinhndler < anglofranzsisch. brocour, H.u.] (Brsenw.): Effektenhndler.

ea|sy ['i:zi] <Adv.> [engl.] (ugs.) leicht, locker: alles e., Leute! (es gibt keine Probleme, keinen Grund zur Aufregung).

The electronic version of DDUWB also has the function to just double-click any word to display its meaning (as have COD and LNPR)

2.2.4. lo Zingarelli

Lo Zingarelli, quite in contrast to the other dictionaries of my reference, although also

semasiologically formatted and alphabetically arranged, uses the word-by-word principle 29 :

new new age new deal new entry New Jersey new look

29 The word-by-word principle works on the electronic version. What the printed version looks like I cannot tell, but I assume both versions to be equivalent. 27 new wave news newsletter newsmagazine newton newtoniano newyorkese

As to the distribution of entries per paragraph, LOZ also makes use of the one-entry-perparagraph-method with derivatives to interrupt this pattern:

pesca (1) o (lett., dial.) persica

[lat. persica, nt. pl. di persicum pesca, propr. (frutto) della Persia, da Persia Persia] A s. f. 1 Frutto del pesco | Pesca noce, V. nocepesca | Pesca (alla) Melba, pesca sciroppata servita su un gelato alla vaniglia, con guarnizione di salsa di lamponi, panna montata e pezzetti di mandorle (dal n. della soprano australiana N. Melba (18611931) cui il grande cuoco A. Escoffier (18471935) la dedic) | Volere la pesca monda, (fig.) volere i frutti di q.c. senza faticare per ottenerli. 2 (tosc.) Lividura di percosse | Percossa che lascia il segno. 3 (fig., fam.) Occhiaia, borsa sotto gli occhi: la ragazza cos gracile, cos pallidina, con quelle pesche sotto gli occhi (VERGA). B in funzione di agg. inv. (posposto al s.) Che ha il colore del frutto omonimo | Rosa pesca, rosa lievemente aranciato. || peschetta, dim. | peschina, dim. | pescuccia, dim.

The CODs electronic versions microstructure shows headwords in sans-serif typeface which is unusual compared to the other dictionaries I refer to.

Attached to the headword is, along lexicographical principles, the pronunciation. As to

words borrowed from another language, lo Zingarelli not only presents the (assimilated) Italian pronunciation of a loan/foreign word, but also states the original pronunciation. In the case of English being the host language of linguistic borrowing it is only the Zingarelli which exclusively shows American English (AE) pronunciation:

28 charter AE (in LOZ) /t h :t/ British English (BE) (in COD) /t:t/

pole position AE (in LOZ) / ph oJpzn/ scanner BE (in COD) /plpz()n/ BE (in COD) /skan/

AE (in LOZ) /skn/

The microstructure of the electronic version of LOZ reveals the following:

Contrary to my other reference dictionaries, the LOZ does not state part of speech information right after the headword / its pronunciation, but only classifies the headwords as belonging to a word class after the etymological information. The part of speech marking, in LOZ, also includes the marking of plural inflexion.

Subsequently, the meanings(s) of the word are given (organised by Arabic numbers).

Within the entries, subject field, style and register labelling is presented in italics put into round brackets: (est.), (ling.)

Examples of the use of the headwords are given in italic typeface after the definition. 29 2.2.5. Dizionario delle parole straniere nella lingua italiana (PS)

This specialised dictionary of foreign words not only mentions English words in the Italian

lexicon but also words of Arabic, Chinese, French, German, Japanese, Hindi, Persian, Polish, Portuguese, Russian and Spanish origin (just to mention a few examples).

PS is semasiologically formatted and arranged alphabetically, following the letter-by-letter principle. To have access to foreign words organised as to their host language, the PS provides source language indices in its back matter (technical term used in Svnsen30 ).

Notes from the editor say that 4,320 entry words are of English origin (compared to a full coverage of 10,650 headwords), which would give a total of 41%. 31

Concerning the microstructure of PS, headwords are typed in bold, followed by their IPA spelling in its assimilated Italian form and their syllable division.

Etymology is presented in square brackets providing the original English pronunciation, the ways of derivation and the date of first occurrence in Italian.

Meaning(s) are subdivided by Arabic numbers, followed by examples in italics.

management /manadment/ (ma-na-gement) s.m.inv. TS ammin.az. [1973; ingl. management /mndmnt/ pl. managements, der. di (to) manage dirigere, amminstrare] 1 linsieme delle attivit relative alla direzione e alla gestione di

unazienda o di unorganizzazione pubblica o privata 2 CO estens., l linsieme dei dirigenti dellazienda stessa: decisioni prese dal. m. TS and CO label subject fields: tecnico-specialisto and comune

ammin.az represents a further register division: amministrazione aziendale

estens. marks semantic extension

30 cf. Svnsen, Practical Lexicography, p. 234 31 Compare this figure to words of French origin (1669 entry words = 16%) and words with German origin (328 headwords = 3.1%). 30 2.2.6. Wrterbuch berflssiger Anglizismen (WBA)

The Wrterbuch berflssiger Anglizismen is freely available in the Internet 32 and provides an excellent reference corpus as an alphabetical list of English-German equivalents.

However, it lacks any kind of lexicographical microstructure.

The WBA lists about 3,500 Anglicisms that are (as subjectively judged by the editors) superfluous as to the German vocabulary.

Although lacking microstructure (with the exception of: notes from the editors in italics), the WBA does have a macrostructure (semasiological and letter-by-letter arranged). It is, however, although claimed to be a German monolingual reference, primarily layouted as a bilingual dictionary, providing equivalents to the headwords:

listing Auflistung lite AE fr light little klein, kurz, wenig live 1 leben, wohnen live 2 zeitgleich, direkt, unmittelbar, vor Ort, persnlich, vor allen in Medien, auch in : live-act Auftritt Livesendung Direktbertragung Denglisch load laden, Beladung lob berkopfball

Ulrich Busse, one of the authors of the German reference on Anglicisms 33 (Carstensen, Broder / Busse, Ulrich: Anglizismen-Wrterbuch Der Einflu des Englischen auf den deutschen Wortschatz nach 1945. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter 1993), remarks on the WBA34 :

Die Herausgeber geben an, den Kern der Anglizismen im Deutschen erfasst zu haben, indem sie Wrter aus allen gesellschaftlichen Bereichen gesammelt haben, mit denen ein normaler Mensch in Berhrung kommen kann. [] Eine kleine Stichwortauswahl illustriert allerdings, dass die

32 It can be downloaded at http:///www.vds-ev.de (the sites of Verein Deutsche Sprache). 33 There is another dictionary on Anglicisms now in print that, according to Busse, seems to have high potential: Grlach, Manfred: UDASEL A Usage Dictionary of English in Selected European Languages. Oxford. 34 I found this article only after consulting WBA for my thesis (chapter 4). 31 Auswahl an Anglizismen [] uerst heterogen und zuweilen wahllos erscheint. [...] In ihrer Frequenz, in ihrem diachronen wie synchronen Fremdheitsgrad und in ihrer Zugehrigkeit zur Gemeinsprache bzw. Fachsprachen und in einigen Fllen der Zugehrigkeit des deutschen Sprachsystems berhaupt, sind diese Anglizismen vllig unterschiedlich zu bewerten. Eine Dokumentation im Sinne von Belegung findet nicht statt. Jegliche Art von lexikographischer Mikrostruktur fehlt diesem Glossar vllig, und Kriterien, an denen die vermeintliche

berflssigkeit gemessen werden kann, fehlen ebenso; sie existieren wohl nur in den Kpfen der Herausgeber. 35

2.2.7. Les mots anglais du franais (LMADF)

LMADF is a special dictionary on foreign words in, primarily, onomasiological format: it groups words together that belong to the same semantic field:

sports and leisure science social legal, political, economic technical arts everyday life miscellaneous

The index in the back matter of the dictionary, however, displays all the headwords in alphabetical (letter-by-letter) order.

As far as the microstructure of LMADF is concerned, it is layouted along the following principles.

The headwords are typed in bold, with the IPA pronunciation attached, followed by an

assimilated syllable-spelling pronunciation in round brackets. Furthermore, information on parts of speech is provided, as well as information on plural marking and etymology (citing dates of first occurrence).

LMADF (as do French language dictionaries in general) not only gives native equivalents or synonyms, it also provides recommendations officiels proposed by Committees

35 Busse, Typen von Anglizismen, p. 145 - 146 32 engaged in language purism36 . I will deal with these committees as a phenomenon in the French speaking world later on.

after-shave [aftv] (af-teur-chv), adj. et n. m. invar. 1959. Se dit dune lotion utiliser sur le visage, aprs rasage. Litt. aprs-rasage . De after aprs et shave , v. et n. (se) raser, rasage . Emp. intgr, dusage commercial et un peu snob, en concurrence avec lotion aprs-rasage, n. f., ce dernier prfrable.

lay-out [lawt] (l-aoutt), n. m., pl. invar. ou en s, 1971. tude prliminaire, projet, plan, maquette. De lay out taler devant soi, disposer, prparer . Emp. Snob et

inutile. Voir quivalents dans la dfinition.

broker [brkr] (bro-keur), n. m. dat.? Agent charg des transactions sur les valeurs mobilires dans les Bourses des pays anglophones. Litt. courtier , Emp. Culturel peu utile. Le J.O. (11.10.91) recomm. courtier, n. m.

Date of first citation in French

Literal translation (Litt.)

French equivalent (in italics)

French syllable-spelling pronunciation (in round brackets)

Information on style and pragmatics (with Emp. = loan word)

Official recommendation published in a J.O. (Journal officiel)

2.3. Assembling the corpus data

For the purpose of this paper, I intended to create lists of words of each of the general monolingual dictionaries containing words that are marked with English etymology.

2.3.1. Search criteria

In this context, LNPR and LOZ are the only electronic dictionaries to give access to this search modus. DDUWBs search engine can just be consulted for either headword entries or search in complete text (meaning entry text). It is for this reason that I had to consult all of the electronic dictionaries in question for the occurrence of English in complete text.

36 LNPR states 196 of those recommendations officiels, e.g. arrire-plan for background, liste de vrification for check-list, publipostage for mailing, individuel for single, navire-citerne for tanker, etc. 33

My search criteria according to the abbreviations used in the dictionaries , thus, were:

LNPR: angl OR amr OR anglic in complete text = 2771 (4.6% of the total)

 DDUWB: engl OR amerik in complete text = 3167 (2.3%)

34

 LOZ: ingl OR amer in complete text = 3126 (2.3%)

2.3.2. Problems with the Results

As my formulation of search criteria also lets headwords be listed that merely have the term English (in whatever form or language) be inherent in their entry text, the resulting lists (see appendix B) are by no means representative as to English words in French, German and Italian); e.g. also listed are hybrid forms (words consisting of one English element and one native element) as well as English proper names 37 .

The DDUWB takes this problem even further, with only marking so-called base words, with, occasionally, their derivatives and compounds left without a label:

37 At this point I made use of the Microsoft Word 1997 GB spell check and found out that LNPR contains 1316 English spelled headwords = 2.2% (of the total number of entries), DDUWB contains 1809 English headwords = 1.3% and LOZ contains 1803 English headwords = 1.3% (see appendix C). 35 Marked English in DDUWB Trainer trainieren Training

Not marked English in DDUWB Training on the Job Trainingsanzug Trainingsdress Trainingseinheit Trainingshose Trainingsjacke Trainingslager Trainingsmglichkeit Trainingsprogramm Trainingsschuh Trainingszeit

Nonetheless, in the following, the lists mentioned in 2.3.1. (appendix B) will represent my corpus material: I do not only want to prove evidence for spelling correspondences in the English, French, German and Italian dictionaries to go in for English Internationalims (where the lists of words resulting after the English spell check would be sufficient), but I also want to point out similarities on the international level (imperialism imprialisme Imperialismus imperialismo) and work on the characteristics of linguistic borrowing in general as demonstrated in the subsequent chapter.

36 3. TERMINOLOGY AND STATUS OF LINGUISTIC BORROWING

Within this chapter, my primary object will be to untangle and clear up the terminological confusion concerning linguistic borrowing. To start with, I will deal with several different models of loan terminology (Busse, Dardano, Jaboski, Viereck K. and Viereck W.) in order to arrive at a comprehensive model of my own. This model, then, will be the basis

for a more detailed look at linguistic borrowing from English concerning French, German and Italian.

As already mentioned in my introductory chapter, linguistic borrowing from foreign languages is but one phenomenon of how the lexicon of a language develops 38 . The following display illustrates this:

How the lexicon of a language develops: (to illustrate these word formation processes I will add some examples from English)

Internal borrowing (from dialects, sociolects etc. of the same language) External borrowing (linguistic borrowing from foreign languages) Derivation (by means of adding affixes to create new words): e.g. child-ish, un-predictable, etc. Compounding (joining of two separate words to produce a single form): e.g. sunburn, desktop publishing Ad-hoc- and ex-nihilo-formation (totally new words are created = coinage): e.g. aspirin, Kleenex (trade names as source), etc. Blending (two separate forms merge into each other to form a new word; usually the beginning of one word is combined with the end of the other word): e.g. brunch (from breakfast and lunch), smog (from smoke and fog), etc. Clipping (clipping only concerns the reduction of one word): e.g. fax (facsimile), ad (advertisement), sitcom (from situation comedy), etc. Back-formation (involves the reduction of a word to form another part of speech): e.g. option to opt, editor to edit, etc.

 Conversion (the function of a word is changed without reduction = functional shift): e.g. butter to butter (a noun becomes a verb), must a must (a verb becomes a noun), empty to empty (an adjective becomes a verb), etc. Semantic shift (the verb undergoes a shift in meaning): e.g. wife (in former times this word was referred to women in general and has undergone a semantic shift to its nowadays meaning of a married woman) Sigle words (they are formed from the initial letters of a set of words, their pronunciation remains this set of letters): e.g. CD, VCR, etc. Acronyms (these are sigle words that are pronounced as single words): e.g. NASA, laser, Aids, etc.

38 cf. Jaboski, Rezeption englischer Internationalismen, p. 8 9 37

3.1. Linguistic borrowing from foreign languages models of reference

In the following, I will critically deal with points of strength and weaknesses of various models of loan terminology. For reasons of comparability I put these various approaches into diagrams.

3.1.1. Maurizio Dardano

Summarising Dardanos definitions concerning loan terminology I come to the following diagram:

Fig.1: Maurizio Dardanos model of loan terminology

38 First, Dardano39 distinguishes between unadapted and adapted Anglicisms. Unadapted Anglicisms, here, refer to direct borrowings from English: dumping, marketing, trust, boom, flirt, jet, etc. Adapted Anglicisms are defined as words having undergone assimilation as to native patterns in phonetics (English words are pronounced according to the spelling-pronunciation correspondence in Italian) and morphology, e.g. manageriale (manager), flirtare (flirt), decentralizzare (to decentralise), accettabilit (acceptability),

etc.

Dardano moves on to calques, loan blends (compound forms of one English and one Italian element) and semantic loanwords (meaning that existing words take on new meanings). Calques, he states, involve the creation of new words and he differentiates between homonymic calques (words that reproduce all elements of the English source word) and synonymic calques (translated forms of the English model).

Here, the first terminological problem arises: Does the verb ottimizzare, for example, stand as a graphological and morphological assimilated form to to optimize, is ottimizzare a homonymic calque or is it a simple derivative of the Italian word ottimo?

Thus, we see that for my own summarising model at the end of this section I will have to more clearly distinguish assimilated forms, derivatives and homonymic loan words.

3.1.2. Karin Viereck

The next terminological approach I will deal with is the model of Karin Viereck40 . In her article in English in contact with other languages 41 she provides a clear and detailed description of different forms of linguistic borrowing from other languages. She classifies loan words according to a three-folded model: zero substitution, partial substitution and full substitution. However, she only gives detailed information on zero (direct borrowing) and partial substitution (loan blends), leaving totally aside full substitution as the following illustration reveals:

39 cf. Dardano, Influence of English on Italian, p. 237 247 40 Viereck K., Influence of English on Austrian German, p. 161 162 41 Bald / Viereck W., English in contact with other languages, p. 159 177 39

Fig.2: Karin Vierecks model of loan terminology

Here I will not go into detail concerning a further description of the contents of Vierecks model, as the main points of her approach are distinctly demonstrated and exemplified in the diagram above.

When creating my own model I will primarily refer to Vierecks model in classifying loan blends (here: partial substitution) in genuine and pseudo categories. I will also make use of Vierecks grouping of assimilated forms (here: modification) into phonetic/phonemic or phonemic-graphemic (meaning the representation of the soundsymbol relation) and inflectional (concerning morphology). 40 3.1.3. Wolfgang Viereck

The next model I will take into consideration when making up my own model of reference is Wolfgang Vierecks approach towards loan terminology42 .

Fig.3: Wolfgang Vierecks model of loan terminology

42 Viereck W., The Influence of English on German, p. 115 119 41

In accordance with Karin Viereck, Wolfgang Viereck classifies English influence into zero substitution, full substitution and partial substitution.

Wolfgang Viereck refers tozero substitutions as words that are taken over directly from English, but that are only partially borrowed semantically (meaning that these words do not

take along all the meanings they have in the source language).

He also classifies English words that are used with a non-English meaning in the host languages as belonging to direct borrowings (zero substitution), e.g. City in German has the sense of English city-centre.

Other English words used with a non-English meaning are what Viereck calls semantic and lexical pseudo-loans, e.g. dressman (for male model), handy (for mobile phone).

Along with morphological pseudo-loans, according to Wolfgang Viereck, are genuine loan words that have undergone a process of morphological assimilation to the replica language, e.g. infinitive inflexion of verbs in German, such as jobben, checken, etc.

As to my model of reference, I will not classify these morphologically adapted words as pseudo-forms, but simply as assimilated forms of direct borrowings with pseudo only being attributed to words that look English but have a non-English meaning in the host languages (these are named semantic and lexical pseudo loan words in Wolfgang Viereckss model; see above).

Concerning Vierecks sub-categories of full substitution, semantic loans, loan renditions, loan translations and loan creations, I will classify all of them as synonymic calques (with reference to Dardano in 3.1.1.).

Partial substitution, in the above model, is not further divided into genuine and pseudo loan blends, as in Karin Vierecks model.

42 3.1.4. Mirosav Jaboski

As to clarity and precision, this approach (illustrated in the diagram below) will constitute the basis for my later model.

Fig.4: Mirosav Jaboskis model of loan terminology

43

Jaboski 43 bases his three-fold classification of linguistic borrowing on the semiotic triangle 44 , describing each word as having a form and a meaning. Thus, linguistic borrowing in this context either involves a borrowing of both, form and meaning, a borrowing of meaning only or a borrowing of form only:

A borrowing of form and meaning can be sub-divided into foreign words in their original spelling and foreign words in their assimilated form (following native patterns in the replica languages). A borrowing of meaning only involves the reproduction of a foreign word via native word formation processes. As to pseudo-loans, Jaboski, refers to them as the borrowing of a foreign word only on the formal level.

In spite of all its comprehensiveness, Jaboskis model leaves loan blends totally aside.

3.1.5. Ulrich Busse

Ulrich Busse is one of the authors of the most frequently consulted German reference books concerning Anglicisms, the Anglizismen-Wrterbuch (I have referred to this dictionary already in chapter 2: The corpus).

For reasons of completeness as to loan terminology I will now shortly illustrate Busses main points. I will, however, not take his model into consideration when drawing up my own model of terminology of linguistic borrowing as I claim his classification to be similar to Jaboskis model.

In the front matter of his dictionary45 , Busse classifies Anglicisms as linguistic borrowings

43 Jaboski, Rezeption englischer Internationalismen, p. 9 12 44 I will be dealing with the semiotic triangle in more detail when demonstrating my own model of reference. 45 Busse/Carstensen, Anglizismen-Wrterbuch, p. 18* - 19* 44 from English x (borrowing of form and meaning) in accordance with English x (borrowing of meaning) to English x (borrowing of form)

3.1.6. A new approach towards loan terminology

In correspondence with Jaboskis model, the basis for classification of my model is the so-called semiotic triangle 46 :

notion / meaning form relatum / thing word / lexeme

Fig.5: The semiotic triangle

A word comes with a form and a meaning. Basically, both, form and meaning together, refer to a special thing, the relatum (direct borrowing). However, it may well be the case that only the form of a word refers to a thing (pseudo-borrowing) or only the meaning is borrowed (semantic borrowing).

As to loan blends I have classified them as being somewhere in between borrowing of form and borrowing of meaning but, then, I have explicitly attributed them a borrowing of meaning only, since loan blends involve native elements and are, thus, no longer regarded as formally belonging to the source language, in our case English.

Another basic consideration was to group semantic borrowings along the synonymichomonymic principle stated by Dardano (see 3.1.1.).

46 Lyons, Einfhrung in die moderne Linguistik, p. 413 45 3.2. The model of reference for this paper

Fig.6: The present model of loan terminology

46 3.2.1. Linguistic borrowing from English in French, German and Italian

In the following, I will provide definitions and examples for the categories of the above diagram. The examples of linguistic borrowing in French, German and Italian are taken from my corpus list with occasional reference to the special dictionaries of foreign words.

The four main categories are:

I. direct / lexical borrowing II. lexical pseudo-borrowing III. partially substitutional borrowing (loan blends) IV. fully substitutional borrowing (semantic borrowing)

I. direct / lexical borrowing

Direct lexical borrowings are words that are taken over directly (with form and meaning) from English into the lexicons of the replica languages. A distinction can be made between:

1. genuine loans 2. partially assimilated forms

1. genuine loans

I refer to words as genuine loans if they represent an exact reproduction of the English spelling (except for capitalisation in German and varying hyphen- and compound spelling). In the next chapter, it will be these genuine loans that I will call English Internationalisms provided that they occur in all three replica languages.

English French German Italian boom marketing sandwich boom marketing sandwich boom marketing sandwich boom marketing sandwich 47

2. partially assimilated forms

Partially assimilated forms are slightly altered borrowings from English. They are assimilated:

a. along grapheme-phoneme representation and relation

b. on the morphological level c. as to semantics and stylistics

a. grapheme-phoneme representation and relation

Grapheme-phoneme representation and relation involves native patterns of the soundsymbol realisation, meaning that the French language, for example, realises the u grapheme in a word as [y], whereas a speaker of German or Italian would most probably pronounce it as [u]. The Englishman, according to the different rules of phonotactics, realises u as [ju] or [], [], etc.

Grapheme-phoneme representation can be further divided in

- graphology and orthography - phonology and phonetics

(1) graphology and orthography

On the level of graphology and orthography, assimilation along the grapheme-phoneme relation means that a replica language replaces an English grapheme by the native equivalent when English pronunciation is to be obtained:

English French German Italian boomerang tick photo tique

Bumerang foto

48

(2) phonology and phonetics

As to phonetics and phonology, assimilation in the replica languages also takes place according to native rules of sound-symbol realisation. For detailed information on how these patterns work, see the section on assimilated forms in the next chapter.

b. morphological level

Morphologically assimilated forms have undergone a morphological adaptation to the replica language. Morphological adaptation covers

- inflectional morphology - derivational morphology

(1) inflectional

Inflectional morphology primarily involves affixes (for the most part: suffixes) to indicate grammatical functions of a word (part of speech, gender and plural marking, tense

marking, etc.):

English French German Italian to format He formatted the floppy disk. formater Il a format la disquette. formatieren Er hat die Diskette formatiert. formattare Ha formattato il dischetto.

(2) lexical / derivational

Derivational morphology is used to create new words in a language. As far as linguistic borrowing is concerned, the replica languages take up (or assimilate) derivational affixes from English:

English French German Italian mini-ity minijupe -it Minirock -itt

minigonna -it

49 c. semantics and stylistics

Assimilation on the semantic and stylistic level is dealt with in full detail in the next chapter.

II. lexical pseudo-borrowing

Lexical pseudo-loans are words that are made out of English word-building material, but have a non-English meaning, with some of them that do not even exist in this form in the English language.

English French German Italian handy (useful) dance hall champion male model jogging dancing recordman footing Handy (mobile phone) -

Dressman dancing recordman footing

III. partially substitutional borrowing (loan blends)

Loan blends are compound words consisting of one English element and one element of the host language. As to their correspondence to an English equivalent, they are classified as follows:

a. genuine b. pseudo

a. genuine

Genuine loan blends, strictly speaking, are originally English compound words where one element has been translated into the replica language:

English French German Italian charter flight tramway showbusiness vol charter

Charterflug Showgeschft volo charter tramvia -

50 b. pseudo

Pseudo loan blends are compound words of one English and one native component, but the entire word has no English counterpart:

English French German Italian stress disease leading industry briefcase attach-case Managerkrankheit industria leader -

IV. fully substitutional / semantic borrowing (calques)

Semantic borrowings involve a full substitution of an English word by native elements. These substitutions can be:

1. synonymic calques 2. homonymic calques

1. synonymic calques

Synonymic semantic borrowing involves:

a. semantic loans b. loan translations c. loan renditions d. loan creations & formal neologisms

a. semantic loans

If an existing word, under English influence, adopts a new meaning, it is called a semantic loan.

51 English French German Italian goal

to fire

comfort but (formerly: destination, aim, end) -

feuern (formerly: to make fire) -

conforto (fomerly: encouragement, consolation)

b. loan translations

Loan translations are direct translations of an English word into a replica language.

English French German Italian

soap opera skyscraper pocket radio honeymoon gratte-ciel radio de poche miel-lune Seifenoper Honigmond grattacielo luna di miele

c. loan renditions

Compounds of which one part has been directly translated while the other one is conveyed freely into the host language are called loan renditions:

English French German Italian jukebox fair play knock-out -

franc-jeu Musikkiste fuori combattimento

d. loan creations & formal neologisms

Loan creations involve English words (actually, only the meaning is transferred) that are rendered completely freely in the host languages. Strictly speaking, loan creations are linguistically independent from the donor language and, thus, represent formal neologisms. These can be :

- monolexematic words - paraphrases 52

(1) monolexematic words

Monolexematic neologisms consist of only one free lexeme (that is usually combined with a bound morpheme).

English French German Italian pipeline software

leggings logiciel Beinling oleodotto -

(2) paraphrases

Plurilexematic loan creations are, generally speaking, paraphrases of a foreign meaning.

English French German Italian spot leasing

provider software

field research message publicitaire location avec option dachat -

Internetanbieter -

Erhebung von Daten im Auendienst -

insieme di componenti modificabili -

2. homonymic calques / fully assimilated forms

According to my own model of reference, homonymic calques and fully assimilated forms fall together in their definition: On the one hand, they are fully integrated according to the principles of grapheme-phoneme representation and they are adapted as to the

morphological and semantic /stylistic level, on the other hand, they still reveal the original elements of the English source word:

English French German Italian to vulcanise elf vulcaniser elfe vulkanisieren Elfe vulcanizzare elfo

53

Concluding this chapter, I believe it correct to say that all of the categories and examples mentioned above, strictly speaking, correspond to the definition of Anglicisms I gave in the introductory chapter, as they all represent a linguistic sign that has come into being through the influence of the English language. It is, however, the convention that fully assimilated forms and synonymic calques do not have Anglicism status.

54 4. ENGLISH INTERNATIONALISMS

What is an English Internationalism? For the purpose of this paper, I will largely refer to the definition of Jaboski 47 , who defines English Internationalisms as words that have been directly borrowed from English into several host languages of different language families. He states that all direct borrowings from English can acquire the status of an English Internationalism. Furthermore, he argues that among these either genuine loans (leaving aside gender classification and flexion in the host languages) or assimilated forms can be found.

In the following, I will deal with both types of English Internationalisms. I will, however, treat them separately, claiming that only genuine loans are authentic English Internationalisms.

Adapted forms, on the one hand, represent but one phenomenon of linguistic borrowing and, thus, lexical development due to current (linguistic) globalisation. On the other hand, these assimilated forms of international character are the results of older Greek and Latin influences.

4. 1. Authentic English Internationalism

First of all, I consider reference of an English word in all three general monolingual dictionaries other than English as being sufficient to indicate its internationality. Furthermore, the authentic English Internationalism requires accurate reproduction as a headword in the dictionaries, ignoring capitalisation in German and hyphen-spelling as well as spelling of compounds in all languages.

These criteria may be regarded as too superficial as they only work on the basis of the

comparison of headwords that show no more than the basic grammatical form of a word (nouns in the nominative singular, adjectives in the positive singular, adverbs in the positive, verbs in the present infinitive active), without any hints to its usage. It is for this reason that I will have a closer look at the words according to linguistic fields concerning

47 cf. Jaboski, Rezeption englischer Internationalismen, p. 17 55 structure and use of language, namely phonetics and phonology, graphology (orthography), morphology, syntax, semantics and pragmatics in one of the following sections.

4.1.1. List of authentic English Internationalisms

The list below has been created by means of sorting out according to the following obligatory criteria:

(1) reference in DDUWB, LNPR and LOZ (2) correspondence of the headwords in their spelling (ignoring capitalisation, hyphens and alternative compound spelling) (3) reference in COD (words that fulfil (1) and (2) but are not headwords in COD are put in brackets and dealt with in the subsequent section)

aftershave air bag (aquaplaning) (auto-stop) baby

babysitter babysitting backgammon background bacon badminton banjo bar barbecue baseball BASIC, basic bazooka beagle beat beatnik (bb) bebop best-seller big bang bingo bit blackout blazer blizzard blues bluff boat people bobtail

body-building boogie-woogie boom boss bowling box boy Boy Scout brainstorming brain trust brandy break bridge briefing broker brunch budget bug bulldozer bungalow bunker bus business bye-bye bypass byte cab caddie

call-girl camp camping campus cardigan cargo cartoon cash cash flow casting cent charter checklist check-up cheeseburger chewing gum chintz chip Chippendale chow-chow clearing clip clipper clown cluster coach COBOL cockney

cocktail Coke container copyright corner cornflakes cottage cover girl cowboy crack cracker crash cross-country curling cutter dancing dandy dealer Derby design designer (Devon) discount dock (doping) dragster drink drive

driver dry (dumping) ecstasy ecu enduro engineering establishment eyeliner (factoring) fair play fan fanzine fast food feedback feeling festival fifty-fifty film finish flash flashback flipper Flop folk folklore football Fortran

fox terrier freak (free jazz) frisbee funk gadget gag gang gangster garden party gay gentleman gentlemans agreement getter 56 girl glamour globe-trotter goal golf gospel grill grog groggy hamburger handicap happening (happy end)

hardware hickory high-tech hip HIV hobby hockey hooligan horsepower hot dog hovercraft husky (impeachment) in input Irish coffee ISO Jacuzzi jazz jeep jet jet set jigger jingle job jockey (jogging) (joint venture)

jukebox (kart) (karting) ketchup kidnapper kidnapping kilt kiwi knickerpocker, knickerpockers knockout know-how kumquat lady lambswool laser lasso leader leasing lift lifting light limerick linoleum Linotype live lob lobby

loft look (looping) lord lunch (made in) mailing majorette management manager marketing mascara maser match medium meeting memorial (merchandising) Miss, miss mohair motel mustang net new look nightclub non-stop nylon off

office offshore opossum out output outsider overdrive oxer pacemaker paddock pamphlet panel par patchwork pattern pedigree peeling pellet penalty penny performance pick-up ping-pong pipeline pixel plaid playback playboy

pointer poker pole position polo pool pop pop art popcorn porridge poster premier prime time promotion pub public relations pudding pullover punch punk putt puzzle quasar rack racket radar (rafting) ragtime RAM

ranch rand ranger rap rating ready-made recital redingote reggae remake reporter revival revolver riff rock ROM rugby saloon sandwich scanner scat science fiction score Scotch, scotch scout scratch self-government self-made man

set setter sex appeal sexy shaker sherry shocking shopping show show business single sit-in skateboard sketch skinhead slice slip slogan slow smash smog smoking snack bar snob soap opera software sonar soul

speaker spider spin spinnaker spleen spoiler sponsor sport spot spray sprint squash squaw standard standby star starter sterling steward stick stock stop stretch striptease sulky swap sweater swing

take-off talk show tandem tank tartan tee teenager telex tender tennis terminal test thriller ticket tie-break timing toast top Tory totem training transistor (trekking) trench coat trial trip trolley trust

tuner tunnel turf tweed twill twinset twist underground vamp van (video-) VIP volleyball Walkman wapiti warrant waterproof weekend western Whig whisky, whiskey whist wigwam Yankee yard Yorkshire terrier yuppie (zapping)

zoom 57

4.1.2. Pseudo-Anglicisms as English Internationalisms

The above list gives evidence of 452 identical English headwords in DDUWB, LNPR and LOZ. However, 20 of these words show no headword entry in COD. My first thought was that these words must be what are called pseudo-Anglicisms, words only looking English on the formal level but that do not have English meanings. I will, therefore, have a closer look on these words:

aquaplaning As the headword aquaplane can be used as a noun and a verb, the ing-form does exist. However, the English - ing, mainly used as an inflectional suffix marking the present participle of a verb, is principally used in the replica languages as a derivational suffix to create nouns. But as this phenomenon can also be found in the processes of word formation in the English language system (with the ing being used as a derivational suffix forming gerunds and nouns from verbs) and as one of the two definitions provided of to aquaplane in the COD corresponds to the definition given in DDUWB, LNPR and LOZ, aquaplaning is secured its status as an English Internationalism.

auto-stop The COD lists both, auto and stop as headwords, but there is no evidence of a compound form of these, although a sample sentence under the headword stop makes a connection between the words (the vehicle was brought to a stop). Nonetheless, the intended meaning of to hitch-hike found in DDUWB, LNPR and LOZ is not offered by the COD, which would make auto-stop belong to the category of pseudo-Anglicisms, even on the international level.

bb This headword represents a very peculiar case: As mentioned further above, my search criteria in the electronic dictionaries (occurrence of engl, angl or ingl) were to be applied to the complete texts, the resulting list of words not only stating English headwords, but also words that show evidence of the criteria in the full entry text. In the case of bb, it made its way into the Anglicism lists by means of various reasons. The DDUWB states bb as being borrowed from French, with the French word being an 58 assimilated form of the English word baby. The LOZ also mentions French as being the donor language of the borrowing, and it also states that this word might have come to France via the English baby. The LNPR, then, gives evidence of the 1793 adaptation of English baby in its lexicon. It is for these reasons stated that, for the purpose of this synchronic analysis, bb is neither an English Internationalism nor a pseudo-Anglicism, but a borrowing from French with international quality, a Francisism.

Devon The COD mentions Devon only in paraphrasing the headword Devonian (of or relating to / a native of Devon, in SW England). LNPR and LOZ define devon as spoon-baits or spinners, which are devices used in fishing. Both of them refer to the name of Count Devon. The DDUWB, on the other hand, refers Devon to a period of the Palaeozoic era as does the COD with a second definition of Devonian though. The word Devon, thus, is not an English Internationalism.

doping, dumping & factoring Dope, dump and factor are all listed as headwords in the COD. They can be used as nouns or verbs and, therefore, the justification for their being English Internationalisms is obvious (see aquaplaning). The same observation can be made with the following words: jogging, rafting, trekking and merchandising.

free jazz The DDUWB, as well as LNPR and LOZ state free jazz as a form of jazz music whose characteristics are improvisation and disharmony. Although the COD contains both, free and jazz as a headword, the notion free jazz has not (yet) found its way into the dictionary. Nonetheless, I would, in this case, claim free jazz to be an English Internationalism.

happy end The term happy end may well be the most stated example of a pseudo-Anglicism. As the correct English word is happy ending, one might argue for a case of morphological pseudo-loan.

59 impeachment The COD states the verb to impeach as headword (with the corresponding meaning in LNPR, DDUWB and LOZ) and indicates the noun impeachment as well as the adjective impeachable in bold type-face after the definition section which proves evidence of its being international.

joint venture The COD states joint and venture as headwords, but the term joint venture is not found. Here again I think that the word has just not yet found its way into the dictionary, the term being perfectly international (see: free jazz).

kart LOZ and the DDUWB refer kart to the abbreviation of go-kart, with go-kart being cited as a variation of go-cart in the COD. LNPR gives no cross-reference to go-kart. Strictly

speaking, kart would not meet the requirements for being regarded as an English Internationalism, but I dare say that the abbreviations cart or kart might be used in informal English as well.

karting In contrast to the above statement that the host languages often derive nouns ending in ing from English verbs, karting is a genuine pseudo-Anglicism. Go-kart as well as gocart are marked as nouns only, meaning that there is no to (go-)kart in English.

looping Here we come across another incidence of a morphological pseudo-Anglicism. The COD cites loop as noun and verb, thus offering the replica languages the possibility for ingderivation. The French, German and Italian dictionaries define looping as a manoeuvre in which a plane describes a vertical circle which is the CODs definition of the noun loop.

made in Although this collocation has no headword entry in the COD, one would forgive me in arguing that the notion made in is perfectly English and international.

60 videoThe prefix video- (along with mini-, midi-, cyber-, etc.) is given a special status in the DDUWB, LNPR and LOZ, and it is cited as a headword with reference to its property of being the first element in numerous compound words related to broadcasting, recording and reproducing visual material. In this sense, video- acts as an Internationalism since the COD, besides noun and verb, also classifies the headword video as adjective. Evidence for the internationality of video(-) are numerous subsequent entries in all dictionaries. Videoclip in DDUWB, vidoclub, vidodisque and vidotex in LNPR, video art, videoclip,

videofrequenza, videogame, videomusic, videotape and Videotex in LOZ and video camera, video cassette, videoconference, video diary, videodisc, etc. in COD. These examples, however, also show that video(-) is only to be regarded an Internationalism on the formal level of this investigation. Actual language usage in the replica languages, namely the compounding with native elements, and its Latin origin (videre) might even lead to the assumption that video(-) is by no means English, but a fixed element of the vocabularies of numerous languages due to a long-ago linguistic influence.

zapping The CODs stating of the verb to zap with its definition as to move rapidly between TV channels and its correspondence to the definitions in DDUWB, LNPR and LOZ might imply an international character. However, actual usage favours the term channel hopping when referring to a noun.

Correspondence of a French, German, Italian and English headword in spelling, however, does not guarantee its not being a pseudo-Anglicism. Take the word flipper, for example. Its definition in DDUWB, LNPR and LOZ show that the correct English word must be pinball (a game in which small metal balls are shot across a board and score points by striking pins with lights etc.), rather than English flipper (a broadened limb of a turtle, penguin, etc., used in swimming.).

Or let us turn to the much cited smoking (which the three dictionaries in question define as a mans suit usually worn on formal occasions) that would be dinner jacket in English. However, the word smoking holds an exceptional position in the field of linguistic borrowings, being adapted from other languages at a time when it was actually termed smoking jacket in English, with first occurrences of British dinner jacket and American 61 tuxedo only in somewhat later periods. 48

The term smoking, thus, might be regarded as a clipped form (an informally shortened version) in French, German and Italian vocabulary rather than being a pseudo-Anglicism in the classical sense, like dressman (male model) and handy (mobile phone) in German, and footing (jogging) and recordman (champion) in French and Italian.

4.1.3. General monolingual dictionaries versus special dictionaries of foreign words

Working the three lists of my corpus for correspondences, I wondered about the relatively low number of coexisting occurrences of an English word in all three dictionaries. Also counting the numerous parallel correspondences in two of the dictionaries as English Internationalisms, the 452 words of the list above would roughly amount to one third of the total number. But since my definition of internationality requires an occurrence in the dictionaries of three other languages than English, I will refrain from dwelling on this subject too long.

What I did do, however, was to consult the special language dictionaries mentioned in chapter 2, for the words that were missing to my required threesomes: Les mots anglais du franais (LMADF) for French counterparts to a German-Italian occurrence, Le Parole Straniere della lingua itlaliana (PS) for Italian correspondences to a French-German correlation and Wrterbuch berflssiger Anglizismen (WBA) for German matches to a French-Italian relation.

With the help of these special dictionaries I found another 313 parallels which would result in a total of 765 English Internationalism (see appendix D), 59% of these found in the prevailing general monolingual dictionaries, 41 % in the special dictionaries of foreign words (as can be seen in the diagram below).

48 Busse, Typen von Anglizismen, p. 139 140 DDUWB & LNPR & LOZ 59% LMADF 22% PS 8% WBA 11% (26%) (21%) (53% of the total of 41%) Total of LMADF, PS & WBA = 41% Fig.7: English Internationalisms across the 6 dictionaries 62

Another interesting aspect to mention is that 53% of the 313 missing threesomes (here I refer to the right side figure 7) were found in the French dictionary of foreign words, compared to 21% in the Italian reference and 26% in the special dictionary of German (see appendix E). These numbers not only show a certain affinity between the German and Italian vocabularies in the way they deal with the flux of omnipresent English words, they might also mirror the respective nations attitudes towards the spread of English into their lexicons.

As stated further above, to find way into a general monolingual dictionary is by no means a

valid proof for the existence of a word. There might be far too few occurrences in reference material, or the lexicographer might take it as an ephemeral word, etc. As a matter of fact, LNPR, with France even restricting the use of some English words by law, ignores more than twice as many Anglicisms as DDUWB and LOZ do. The below ranking of negative attitudes towards the use of Anglicisms might, therefore, be explained against the background of the nations efforts being made against English influence (see figure 7): (1) the Loi Toubon in France (53%), (2) organisations and societies in Austria and Germany (26%), (3) occasional campaigns in Italy (21%).

As was indicated in the introductory notes to this chapter I will now drop theoretical and formal approaches towards English Internationalisms and move on to a more practical analysis in relation to the way they function or behave in the French, German and Italian language systems. 63 4.1.4. English Internationalisms, their linguistic properties and the role they play in the replica languages

For a closer examination on how Internationalisms, abstract headwords in the preceding sections, fit the structure and use of language within the individual systems and how these correlate, I will analyse 45 (10%) randomly picked words with reference to the 6-levelmodel in Crystal 49 . As this model is based on the requirements for spoken language only, I have slightly modified it in terms of adding categories needed for written language (typed in bold-face).

language

structure

pragmatics

use

medium of transmission

grammar

meaning (semantics)

phonetics & phonology

graphology & orthography

morphology & text

syntax

lexicon discourse

Fig.8: An overall model of language structure (after Crystal 1997)

Since this study is based on dictionaries, I have access to both, the written and the spoken channel. Leaving aside the very theoretical aspect of such a study, as dictionaries on no account represent actual language usage, they provide exactly the information I need for a thorough examination on several levels of language (see also Principles of dictionarymaking). I will, thus, subdivide this section as follows:

1. Graphology and orthography 2. Phonetics and phonology 3. Morphology and syntax 4. Semantics and stylistics

49 Crystal, The Cambridge Encyclopedia, p. 83 64 The following words will be the basis for my analysis:

air bag beagle blizzard boom broker business cardigan charter container cross-country drive establishment flashback folk gadget globe-trotter happening

hooligan impeachment Irish coffee jigger jukebox ketchup light management new look overdrive performance pole position poster recital sandwich scanner science fiction shocking sweater take-off thriller toast tuner underground warrant weekend yuppie zoom

4.1.4.1. Graphology and orthography

The chapter on English Internationalisms was introduced by my stating the requirements English words in general monolingual dictionaries have to meet: accurate reproduction as a headword, BUT ignoring capitalisation in German and hyphen-spelling as well as spelling of compounds in all languages. I will, just for the purpose of this section, not only refer to the 452 English Internationalisms but also consult the complete lists (appendix B).

Ignoring capitalisation in German is a rather obvious aspect not to take into consideration when working with Germanic and Romance languages. Apart from capitalisation of proper names, it is only the German language that capitalises nouns in general. 50

Hyphen-spelling and compound spelling usually go hand in hand, representing just one oddity in orthography concerning the language systems of the languages examined in this

50 Die Groschreibung der Substantive nahm im 13. Jahrhundert ihren groen Ausgang von der Groschreibung der Eigennamen (vor allem bei Personennamen und geographischen Namen.) Die Verwendung von Grobuchstaben diente hier vor allem der Kennzeichnung von Wrtern, die inhaltlich als besonders bedeutsam erschienen, beim Vorlesen hervorgehoben oder betont werden sollten. Die Ausweitung der Groschreibung auf andere Substantivklassen fand berwiegend im 16. Jahrhundert statt. Zunchst wurde

die Groschreibung auf eigennamenhnliche Bezeichnungen bertragen, wie etwa auf Bezeichnungen von Vlkern und Sprachen, von Festen und Feiertagen, von Tieren, Pflanzen, Zeit- und Maeinheiten. Die zunehmende Ausweitung der Groschreibung auf immer weitere Bereiche fhrte dann im 17. Jahrhundert dazu, dass die Funktion der Groschreibung umgedeutet wurde: Sie wurde nun seltener als ein Mittel zur Hervorhebung gesehen, sondern diente vielmehr der grammatikalischen Markierung der Wortart Substantiv. (Duden Newsletter from Oct. 18th 2001) 65 paper. Nevertheless, general tendencies can be observed: the French and Italian language tends to composition via prepositions (chambre coucher, camera da letto), the German language shows a great tendency to so-called monster-compounds, making one word out of several elements (most famous perhaps: Fuballweltmeisterschaftsqualifikationsspiel), and the English language most commonly favours separate pre- or post-modifying to hyphen-spelling (air bag, video cassette recorder, a vase with handles, etc.)

As for the spelling of Anglicisms the confusion goes even further. However, working on the lists, a certain regularity in the dealing with compounds borrowed from English may be detected: DDUWB tends to take up the original form (be it separate, directly combined or hyphen-spelling), LNPR shows a tendency to primarily apply hyphen-spelling and LOZ usually takes up the English spelling, be it hyphen- or separate spelling (direct compounding seldom occurs). Looking at the loan blends (compound words of one English Element and one element of the native language), we get to know that they are treated as being native to the language system in German, and, thus, form monstrous constructions (Holdinggesellschaft, Medienbartering, Nonproliferation, Tuftingverfahren). As mentioned in chapter 4, French and Italian lack this uncompromising composition of foreign and native elements, either using the English notion as it is (Italian) or employing native

paraphrases (French).

4.1.4.2. Phonetics and phonology

This study is based on dictionaries and I have to rely on the lexicographers thorough examining of the way words are pronounced in a language (for the pronunciation of each of the 45 words given in the dictionaries see appendix F), but I assume that the pronunciation of English words in actual language usage differs considerably from the pronunciation given in a dictionary:

Jaboski 51 found out that dictionaries tend to maintain English pronunciation. Actual usage, however, greatly varies and depends on various factors:

51 cf. Jaboski, Rezeption englischer Internationalismen, p. 33 34 66

- the speakers attitudes towards Anglicisms (snobbism, linguistic purism, etc.) - the level of education and social status of the speaker - the speakers knowledge of English - the age of the speaker (whether he belongs to the older or younger generation) - the speakers acquaintance with the expression (intelligibility, familiarity, etc.) - the context in which the word is used

Jaboski states that difficulties in pronunciation occur when an English word is directly borrowed into a replica language without any modification. Speakers with a low command

of English would, then, certainly tend to spelling pronunciation (realising the word according to native grapheme-phoneme relations). Furthermore, he points out that bilingual speakers or speakers with English as their first foreign language will tend to pronounce it in the English way and speakers wanting to express their high education and knowledge will tend to an exaggerated pronunciation in some English native accent. He argues that, all the same, as long as the English words are not assimilated to the native patterns of the host languages in graphology, there will be variations in spelling.

For the purpose of my examination, however, I have strictly kept to the pronunciation provided in the dictionaries, trying to detect a certain pattern.

In the early stages of my investigation on pronunciation the COD did not seem to be suitable as reference for English pronunciation patterns, as it provides RP pronunciation and the majority of international English words nowadays have their origin in the US, but on a closer view the following becomes clear: It does not really matter for my study whether the word is pronounced in the British or American way, what counts is whether there is zero transmorphemisation, compromise transmorphemisation or free transmorphemisation. 52 Zero transmorphemisation takes place when the English word is pronounced in the English way, compromise transmorphemisation may also be called assimilated pronunciation (partial imitation of the English pronunciation) and free transmorphemisation is spelling pronunciation according to native grapheme-phoneme (symbol-sound) patterns.

52 cf. Filipovic, English as http://www.intellectbooks.com/europa/number5/hart.html a word donor,

67 The DDUWB and LOZ show a great tendency towards zero transmorphemisation. Among the 45 sample words I only found two cases of free transmorphemisation in Italian for recital, pronounced as /rtital/ or /rtital/ and yuppie, pronounced as /juppi/. DDUWB gives evidence of four cases of free transmorphemisation, with cardigan, globe-trotter, warrant and yuppie, pronounced as /kardigan/, /glo:btrt/, /varant/ and /jpi/. The LNPR, however, proves my hypothesis that English words in France tend to be pronounced in the French way. As examples let me mention: blizzard /bliza/, crosscountry /kskunti/, jukebox /ykbks/, management /manamS/ and science fiction /sjSsfiksjT/ .

Compromise transmorphemisation is by far the most frequently applied means of pronunciation in the examined replica languages. It is for this reason that I will now go into more detail concerning variations in vowel, diphthong and consonant realisation.

4.1.4.2.1. Vowels and diphthongs

Starting with the realisation of English vowel phonemes and diphtongs in the replica languages (that offer the most significant variations), my results are the following :

COD DDUWB LNPR LOZ : , e:, : , i i i u: u: u:, y u: a: ar a ar : : o or a , a ,

 a, u, a, u i: i: i i , , , er, o o, o: , o , o ai, a aj ai, a

68 The English [:] is most commonly realised as [] in French, German and Italian, with variations in sweater, the [] pronounced as [e:] in German and [i] in French (this can be regarded as a form of hyper-correction, strictly pronouncing ea as [i:] wherever it occurs), and in airbag, which the DDUWB transcribes as [:].

[] in LNPR and LOZ is primarily transcribed as [i], being articulated in a slightly more close manner, whereas DDUWB sticks to the English mid-closed vowel. Some variations can be seen in the pronunciation of management, pronounced with [a] in French and Italian and gadget /gadt/, being transcribed as /gadt/ in LNPR and /gadet/ in LOZ.

Principally, [u:] is maintained in all the examined host languages, with only the French language offering an [y]-variation in jukebox and an [y] in tuner.

In contrast to the (non-rhotic) British variation of English, French, German and Italian are rhotic languages, meaning, they always pronounce the r (in whatever variation). As examples let me mention cardigan and charter, being transcribed with an [:] in British English, [ar] in German and Italian and [a] in French. The same also holds true for the [:] in performance, which is pronounced as [] in French and [or] in Italian,

with only German maintaining the very British pronunciation [:].

The (British) English [a] in German is either pronounced as [] or [] and [] or [a] in Italian: scanner /skn/ (DDUWB) and /skanner/ in LOZ or flashback /flbk/ (DDUWB) and /flbk/ in LOZ. The LNPR principally maintains [a].

The phoneme [] to represent ou or u in the English Language, is only applied once in the DDUWB and LOZ (underground in German and cross-country in Italian). Vice versa, the similar but more back and mid-open [a] is articulated in cross-country in German and in underground in Italian. LNPR, however, transcribes cross-country as /kskunti/, and underground as /ndgaund/ or /Xdg(a)und/. 69 The English [], for the most part, is pronounced as [] in the host languages, e.g. shocking /k/ (COD), /k/ (DDUWB), /ki/ (LNPR) and /kkin(g)/ (LOZ).

The [], as in new look, is principally maintained: /nju:lk/ in DDUWB and /njulk/ in LOZ, but /njuluk/ in LNPR.

[i:] is most likely to be shortened in the replica languages: e.g. LNPR and LOZ transcribe weekend as /wiknd/.

The famous [] sound seemed to need some extra investigation, as I found more than ten variant pronunciations. However, there is only one regularity to be detected: [] in English nouns ending in -er (broker, globetrotter, scanner, sweater, tuner) tend to be pronounced as the more open [] in German, as [] or [] in French and [er] in Italian. Other alterations of [] are: [] in French ketchup, [] in German container, and [o] in Italian container.

 As for the English diphthongs, it was interesting to find out that [] is chiefly pronounced as [o] in German, with two occurrences of [o:] in toast and globe-trotter. LNPR usually transcribes [] as [], as in broker /bk/, overdrive /vdajv/ and poster /pst/, but it also gives evidence of [o] in toast and pole position. Concerning the phonetic transcription in LOZ, the English diphthong [] in the Italian language tends to be pronounced either as [] or [o].

The English [] becomes [ai] or[a] in German and Italian and [aj] in French (drive, Irish coffee, etc.) whereas [a] is usually maintained in all three examined host languages (e.g. underground).

4.1.4.2.2. Consonants

Here are the most obvious alterations concerning consonant articulation: 70 German words usually tend to end in a voiceless plosive rather than the voiced English version: air bag /:bk/, blizzard /blzt/. French and Italian do not pronounce the h at the beginning of a word (hooligan and happening) even if it is a loan / foreign word (or can this fact be regarded as a prove of the words being adapted to the French and Italian lexicon?). The English [w] is usually articulated as [v] in French and German (sweater, warrant). The Italian language is likely to avoid consonant clusters which are difficult to pronounce, rendering jukebox as /dubbks/ (gemination), joint venture as /divntur/, stand-by as /stmbai/ and happening as /ppenin/. On the other hand, the Italian language also tends to intensify the single occurrence of consonants: yuppie /juppi/, thriller /triller/, scanner /skanner/, pole position /polpozion/, happening /ppenin/.

 [] as in thriller is maintained only in the German language, with a French alteration to [s] and the Italian version [t]: /rl/ (DDUWB), /sil/ (LNPR) and /triller/ (LOZ).

4.1.4.3. Morphology and syntax

Headwords in dictionaries fulfil certain functions. In addition to their function of merely proving evidence of the existence of a word in languages lexicon, they give hints to spelling and sometimes recommended word division. Furthermore, they are always marked as to their grammatical form (meaning, part of speech, irregularities, etc.) and, thus, indicate how the words are treated (in sentences and utterances) when actually producing speech according to syntactic patterns.

This section, thus, comprises the examination of the 45 English Internationalisms in question regarding (1) parts of speech, (2) labelling of grammatical gender in the replica languages and (3) plural marking , along with (4) other syntactical hints (the way words are to be combined within an utterance to show relationships in meaning) provided by the dictionaries.

To start with, I made up the following table illustrating the linguistic information attached to the headwords in COD, DDUWB, LNPR and LOZ. 71 4.1.4.3.1. Parts of speech

COD I. n (noun)

DDUWB LNPR

LOZ

28

0 11

0 0 2

0 0 0 0 0 0

n AND v (verb)

n AND adj (adjective)

n AND adj AND adv (adverb) n AND adj AND adv AND v adj AND adv 1 0 0 0

1 2

0 0

0 0

0 0

II.

n m (noun masculine)

11 0 0

33 7 2 0

0 2 0 31

n m inv (invariable plural)) n m sg (only in singular) n m var (variable plural) inv / -s -e / -s 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0

inv / Engl pl 53 0 0 0 2

n n (noun neuter) n n inv n n sg n n var -e / -s 0 1 0 0 0 0 1

0 0 0 0 0

n m OR n n n m OR n n inv n m OR n n sg n m OR n n var inv / -s 0

0 0 0

0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0

-es / -s / -e 0

n f (noun feminine) n f inv n f sg n f var -es 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0

0 2 0

inv / Engl pl 0

n m AND n f n m AND n f inv n m AND n f var

0 0 0

2 0 0 0

0 0 0 1 2 0

inv / Engl pl 0

adj inv

n m AND adj

0 0 0

0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 3

n m inv AND adj inv n m AND adj inv

n m var (inv / Engl pl) AND adj inv

Table 1: Parts of speech labels for English Internationalisms

The above chart shows that in a list of 45 Internationalism, we not only find nouns directly borrowed from English (as was my hypothesis, since verbs always take on native inflectional morphemes and adjectives are also most likely to be altered by inflection), we

also find 2 adjectives, invariable (uninflected), of course: light and shocking. As for French and Italian we also learn that there are some words belonging to both types of parts of

53 one of the plural variations is the English plural 72 speech, namely adjective and noun. These are folk, new-look and underground in French and charter, folk, sandwich and underground in Italian. However, we do not find any evidence of such words belonging to two word classes in the German list. Actually, I only found one German Internationalism in the 453-words-list that fits into the group of nouns and the group of adjectives: top.

Comparing section II to section I in the table, one will notice at once that there are several English Internationalisms that are also used as a verb in the English language 54 , with some of them also existing in the host languages in their verbal form. However, for the purpose of the examination of Internationalisms, they cannot be taken into consideration since verbs in the examined replica languages have to be morphologically assimilated and are, thus, no longer exact reproductions of the English words. We see boomen, chartern and toasten in DDUWB, tostare and zumare in LOZ and boumer, chartriser, driver, sandwicher, warranter and zoomer in LNPR. As for these adapted forms I will go into more detail in the following chapter.

4.1.4.3.2. Gender

The English language differs from the majority of other European languages by not having a grammatical but a natural gender. Since grammatical gender attribution is obligatory in the examined host languages, Anglicisms as well as English Internationalisms have to take

up one of the three (German) or two (French and Italian) grammatical genders when integrated in the foreign language systems. According to Jaboski 55 , nouns are classified by reason of the following criteria:

1. natural gender 2. phonological and graphological structures 3. analogy with the nearest native equivalent (translation) 4. morphological factors such as suffix analogies

54 beagle, boom, broker, charter, drive, jigger, sandwich, toast, warrant, zoom 55 cf. Jaboski, Rezeption englischer Internationalismen, p. 91 73 The above table 1 reveals that 23 nouns out of 43 German Anglicisms (nouns) are masculine 56 , another 10 are neuter 57 and 6 are either masculine or neuter 58 . For reasons of comparability I will, only for the purpose of this analysis, treat German neuters as being masculine assuming that it is the masculine gender in French and Italian corresponding to the German neuter. The total number of 39 masculine English Internationalisms in DDUWB would, therefore, amount to 91% compared to four feminine nouns

59 (9%). LNPR states 38 words to be of masculine gender 60 (88%), 3 feminine nouns 61 (7%) and 2 substantives (5%) that can either be feminine or masculine 62 . The results in LOZ were similar: 37 masculine substantives 63 (86%), 3 feminine nouns 64 (7%) and 3 nouns (7%) that can be either used as feminine or masculine 65 . Thus, the analysis demonstrates that English Internationalisms, generally, show a great tendency to be attributed a masculine (neuter) grammatical gender in the replica languages:

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%

70% 80% 90% 100% DDUWB LNPR LOZ m n n&m f f&m

Table 2: Percentage of noun genders in English Internationalisms

56 German masculine nouns: Airbag, Beagle, Blizzard, Boom, Broker, Cardigan, Charter, Container, Drive, Folk, Globetrotter, Hooligan, Irish Coffee, Jigger, Overdrive, Scanner, Sweater, Thriller, Toast, Tuner, Underground, Warrant, Yuppie 57 German neuter nouns: Impeachment, Business, Crosscountry, Establishment, Gadget, Happening,

Management, Recital, Weekend, Zoom 58 German nouns either neuter or masculine: Flashback (Flash-back), Ketchup, New Look, Poster, Sandwich, Take-off 59 German feminine nouns : Jukebox, Performance, Poleposition, Science-Fiction (Sciencefiction) 60

French masculine words: airbag, beagle, blizzard, boom, broker, business, cardigan, charter, container, cross-country, drive, establishment, flash-back, folk, gadget, happening, hooligan, impeachment, irish coffee, jigger, jukebox, ketchup, management, new look, overdrive, poster, recital, sandwich, scanner, sweater, takeoff, thriller, toast, tuner, underground, warrant, week-end, zoom 61 French feminine nouns: performance, pole position, science-fiction 62 French nouns either masculine or feminine: globe-trotter, yuppie 63 Italian masculine nouns: airbag, beagle, blizzard, boom, broker, business, cardigan, charter, container, cross-country, drive, establishment, flashback, folk, gadget, happening, impeachment, Irish coffee, jigger, jukebox, ketchup, management, new look, overdrive, poster, recital, sandwich, scanner, sweater, take-off, thriller, toast, tuner, underground, warrant, weekend, zoom 64 Italian feminine nouns : performance, pole position, science-fiction 65 Italian nouns either feminine or masculine: globe-trotter, hooligan, yuppie 74 Concerning the predominant group of masculine nouns in French and Italian, this classification is mainly due to suffix analogies and the tendency of unmarked nouns to adopt masculine gender. Unmarked nouns are nouns that do not provide morphological clues as to which class of grammatical gender they would fit best: blizzard, cardigan, cross-country, drive, flash-back, folk, gadget, etc. Suffix analogies, on the other hand, imply a certain morphological indication: English nouns ending in ment are analogous to French substantives ending in ment and Italian nouns ending in mento. They are,

therefore, treated as masculine. Nouns ending in er are dealt with as the masculine suffix eur in French and the Italian masculine ore.

As for the nouns ending in tion and ance another analogy can be observed, with the corresponding native suffixes zione / anza in Italian and tion / ance in French to mark feminine substantives.

The German language is a bit more complicated regarding gender attribution as there are three grammatical genders, namely feminine, masculine and neuter, which have been, as to unmarked nouns, almost arbitrarily fixed: der Airbag, der Boom, das Gadget, der Folk. The grammatical gender of these nouns sometimes cannot even be explained by means of the nearest equivalent, as this would be das Luftkissen for der Airbag, die Hochkonjunktur or die Nachfrage for der Boom, der Werbeartikel for das Gadget and die Volksmusik for der Folk.

There are, on the other hand, quite a number of native suffix analogies to be observed: nouns in tion are feminine (Poleposition, Sciencefiction), nouns in ment, ness and ing are neuter (Happening, Establishment, Business, Impeachment, Management) and substantives ending in er are masculine (Broker, Scanner, Jigger). However, there is one exception: Poster is classified as being primarily treated as neuter (probably owing to das Bild).

A comparison of the words in each gender category on the level of all three host languages proves my assumption that German neuter nouns are treated as masculine in French and Italian since I did not find a German neuter Anglicism in the feminine sections of my Italian and French results. 75 4.1.4.3.3. Plural marking

Plural marking of English Internationalisms in French shows a certain regularity with 40 occurrences of the plural s grapheme (and three cases of invariable plural: jukebox, new look, take-off). It is, however, doubtful whether the [s] or [z] is actually realised in spoken language.

As for the plural of Internationalisms in the Italian language my analysis demonstrates a general tendency to invariability (38 cases of invariability and 5 occurrences of variation: either English plural or invariable plural), a finding that is justified and taken further by Maurizio Dardano66 :

A norm which has been met with a great deal of consensus in the recent past prescribes that foreignisms of high frequency should not take on a plural marker (for example, il bar i bar, il film i film, lo sport gli sport); on the other hand, those of low frequency should retain the English plural. Since this distinction appears for the most part to be based on subjective criteria, there is a prevailing tendency in todays press never to indicate the plural; [] Also in essay writing use oscillates; the plural marker appears above all in specialist texts (quotations of technical terms).

However, the only words to which LOZ attributes the possibility of retaining the English plural are globe-trotter, Irish coffee, jukebox, pole position and sandwich, words that undoubtedly are frequently used.

The German language, represented by DDUWB, for the most part preserves the English plural s (20 occurrences), furthermore, there are three nouns that are assigned the status of an uncountable noun in singular (Folk, Underground and Business) and seven nouns with invariable plural (Broker, Container, Globerotter, Scanner, Sweater, Thriller, Tuner).

With all of them ending in er, one might argue that this category of words has been assimilated to German native patterns of plural construction due to their being listed in a German monolingual dictionary, but what about Poster and Jigger? Each word is attached variant plurals (either invariable or the English plural s). Other variant plural markings are Sandwichs/Sandwiches/Sandwiche and Toasts/Toaste.

66 Dardano, English influence on Italian, p. 238 239 4.1.4.3.4. Other syntactic indications 76

Parts of speech markings and information on plural marking right at the beginning of the entry (after the headword) indicate syntactic construction patterns, as they are clear clues to how the English words are to be employed in the language systems of the host languages (nouns are differently to be dealt with than verbs or adjectives).

There is no need to point out that DDUWB, in addition to parts of speech and plural indications also states the marking of the genitive case, since the German language has different inflexion in its four cases. I will, however, refrain from dwelling on the grammatical cases as they are of little relevance to my comparison with the French and the Italian language (both of them only attributing cases to pronouns) 67 .

As I have already covered plural inflexion of nouns, I will now turn to the special category of nouns that are also used as adjectives in French and Italian:

With the French adjective-nouns only folk is inflected in both cases (un chanteur de folk, des groupes folks), new-look is both, invariable as a noun and when acting as an adjective, and underground is inflected when used as noun and invariable in adjectival use (les undergrounds, des films underground). The Italian Internationalisms charter, folk and underground are invariable, thus uninflected, as nouns and as adjectives (il volo charter, una canzone folk, delle commedie underground), whereas sandwich is invariable in adjectival use (le strutture sandwich) and can be inflected when used as a noun (due sandwiches al prosciutto).

67 I came across an interesting commentary concerning misspelling of the possessive/genitive case in German which is due to English influence: The widespread misspelling of s in the genitive singular nouns in German, especially in proper names, such as Goethes Gedichte, Shakespeares Dramen, Franks Bcher, Berlins Denkmler, likewise goes back to the English model. In England, too, it came about erroneously. This can be demonstrated by its historical origin: beside the original inflected genitive singular (Middle English the king(e)s son, German des Knigs Sohn) stood the possessive dative (Middle English the king (h)is son, German dem Knig sein Sohn). As the latter popular construction had spread out in the early New English period the grammarians of the 17th century, who endeavoured to regulate the English language but were still unfamiliar with its history, mistook his with its weakly pronounced h- for the origin of the genitive ending and recommended therefore to put an apostrophe before the genitive -s in order to show that one or

more letters had been left out. This equation of the two grammatical constructions did by no means apply to feminine nouns, as for example the queen her son, which, however, did not prevent the early English grammarians from transferring the masculine s out of its pretended his to the genitive singular of all the nouns. This linguistic misconception also led at the same time to the restricted use of the genitive s to the possessive case. (Lehnert, English loans in GDR German, p. 141 142) 77 4.1.4.4. Semantics and stylistics

The primary object of this section is to point out correspondences, similarities and divergence in the use of Anglicisms on the semantic (referring to the meanings provided by the dictionaries) and on the stylistic level (referring to style levels and the speakers attitudes 68 .)

4.1.4.4.1. English Internationalisms on the semantic level

Lexikalische Einheiten werden nie von Sprache zu Sprache als vollstndige dictionary entries entlehnt. Die Entstehung eines Wortes kann nur in konkreten Lebenssituationen geschehen, d.h. in the form of a concrete path. If a word has been borrowed in more than one situation, it may have more than one sense in the borrowing language, and consequently the dictionary entry of this word in the borrowing language will have more than one path.. 69

These paths mentioned above, on the practical lexicographical level are visualised as shown in the following entry taken from LNPR:

performance [pDYfCYmSs] n. f. 1839; mot angl., de l'a. fr. parformance (XVI e ), de parformer accomplir, excuter 1 Rsultat chiffr obtenu dans une comptition (par un cheval, un athlte). Les performances d'un champion. Performance homologue. Une mdiocre performance. Voiture classe premire l'indice de performance, selon sa cylindre. Les performances d'un cadre, d'un vendeur. Les performances d'une usine, d'un produit. Psychol. Test de performance : test non verbal d'apprciation des facults intellectuelles. (1966) Ling. Ralisation d'un acte de parole par une personne (encodage ou dcodage). Comptence et performance. 2 Rsultat optimal qu'une machine peut obtenir. Les performances d'un ordinateur, d'un avion, d'un systme. Fig. Exploit, succs. prouesse. Le travail a t excut en moins de temps qu'il n'tait prvu, c'est une belle performance! Le capitaine-adjoint ne fut pourtant pas bloui par cette performance (Dorgels).

Thus, the noun performance encloses two paths leading to two different meanings. Meaning 1 is further divided into two paths (meanings special to particular subject fields: psychology and linguistics) and meaning 2 encloses a sub-path to the metaphorical meaning of the word.

68 cf. Svensn, Practical Lexicography, p. 183 186 69 Jaboski, Rezeption englischer Internationalismen, p. 120 78 Using these lexicographical paths to examine semantic variations, I found out that 17 out of 45 headwords show exactly corresponding paths in all three dictionaries: air bag, blizzard, cardigan, container, cross-country, globe-trotter, hooligan, impeachment, Irish coffee, jukebox, ketchup, pole position, science-fiction, shocking, thriller, weekend and yuppie.

These words almost exclusively have only one meaning cited in the four examined dictionaries except for pole position which additionally takes on the metaphorical meaning of privileged status or preferential treatment in French and Italian and container whose second path points to a semantic narrowing (specification) in German, as it is referred to as a box used for the shipment of books.

A second group of words (8 cases) reveals corresponding meanings in all three replica languages in question, but borrows only one meaning from the original English word:

beagle (takes on the meaning of a small hound of a breed with a short coat, used for hunting, but neglects an informer or spy) establishment (borrows only the meaning of The Establishment, leaving aside eight other meanings, e.g. a place of business, a household, a Church system organised by law) folk (is referred to as the colloquial abbreviation of English folk music, overlooking other meanings, such as people in general and ones parents or relatives)

 happening (does not borrow the much broader meaning of an event or occurrence from English, but is cited as an improvised or spontaneous theatrical etc. performance only) management (excludes the technique of treating a disease and trickery or deceit in its borrowing process from English, only referring to the action or process of managing and the professional administration of business concerns and the people engaged in this) new look (takes on the general meaning of revised or new appearance or presentation and ignores the specialised English a style of womens clothing introduced after the Second World War, featuring long full skirts and a generous use of material in contrast to wartime austerity) 79 overdrive (does not apply to the second meaning in English: a state of high or excessive activity and only borrows an additional speed-increasing gear) recital (is referred to as the performance of a programme of music by a solo instrumentalist or singer, leaving aside a detailed account of, a narrative and the part of a legal document that states the fact)

Jaboski 70 states that semantic integration of a foreign word into the lexicon of a host language is not only restricted to a quantitative reduction (as with the eight preceding words), but it also affects the internal structure of such an entry [scil. in a dictionary] modifying its paths This leads to the phenomenon traditionally known under the headings of the narrowing, extension and shift of meaning. 71

Thus, the third group comprises 20 cases of semantic variation concerning the borrowing

from English, with the French, German and Italian languages each acting differently when taking over original English words: boom, broker, business, charter, drive, flashback, gadget, jigger, light, performance, poster, sandwich, scanner, sweater, take-off, toast, tuner, underground, warrant and zoom.

4.1.4.4.1.1. Semantic narrowing

A narrowing of meaning takes place when a word being borrowed from a foreign language takes on a specialised meaning in a replica language only covering a small part of the definition in its original meaning, e.g. in German the meaning of container is narrowed down to a boxed used for shipment of books and boom is reduced to Hausse an der Brse.

4.1.4.4.1.2. Semantic extension

Extension or broadening in meaning occurs when a foreign word or loan word additionally takes on another meaning, one the word does not have in the donor language, but that can be traced back to one of the original meanings e.g.:

70 cf. Jaboski, Rezeption englischer Internationalismen, p. 121 71 Jaboski, Rezeption englischer Internationalismen, p. 121 80

drive, in German, is broadened to a special type of jazz music characterised by ever accelerating rhythm gadget, in German, is referred to as a small gift to consumers for advertising reasons

(what is, strictly speaking, a semantic shift), whereas the French and the Italian language take on a meaning quasi antonymous to the original English one: a useless object or innovation performance, in French and Italian, is added the meaning of numeral result in a competition, e.g. number of points of a horse in a show jumping, or number of points achieved by an athlete sandwich, used as an apposition, is metaphorically used in French and Italian as a kind of structure; in German it also denotes a special piece of equipment used in a political campaign (it is in form of two advertising placards worn on chest and back) pole position, in French and Italian, takes on the metaphorical meaning of privileged status or preferential treatment take-off, in Italian, is also used for marking the beginning of an economical rise in underdeveloped countries

4.1.4.4.1.3. Semantic shift

A shift in meaning takes place when the meaning / or one of the meanings of the borrowed word has nothing in common with its original meaning in the source language, e.g.:

Apart from the original meaning of the word, boom in French also denotes a scandal or a provoking advert. Another meaning describes the annual party of a French school named H.E.C.. The Italian meaning of jigger is altered to a machine used for colouring textiles. In French, jigger is labelled a device for electric transformation. The English meaning of flashback (a scene in a film or novel set in time earlier than the main action) undergoes a semantic shift in German to a conditioned drugged state without actually taking drugs (and is broadened to a long ago episode of ones life that suddenly comes to ones mind in Italian)

81

4.1.4.4.2. English Internationalisms on the stylistic level

Stylistics is defined as a branch of linguistics that studies variation in language use (style):

Style is seen as the (conscious or unconscious) selection of a set of linguistic features from all the possibilities of a language. The effects these features convey can be understood only by intuitively sensing the choices that have been made (as we react to the linguistic impact of a religious archaism, a poetic scheme, or a joke), and it is usually enough simply to respond to the effect in this way. But there are often occasions when we have to develop a more analytical approach, as when we are asked our opinion about a particular use of language. Here, when we need to explain our responses to others, or even advise others how to respond [], our intuition needs to be supplemented by a more objective account of style. It is this approach which is known as stylistics. 72

Since my reference material on English Internationalisms is based on dictionaries and by no account applies to actual (individual) language usage, this section only covers a theoretical approach to the use of English words. I will, however deal with the question of stylistics in more detail and on a more practical level in chapter 6: Attitudes towards the use of Anglicisms.

The Dudenredaktion claims foreign words to fulfil the following stylistic functions: 73

Refinement on the connotative and associative level

Sie ermglichen inhaltliche Nuancierung durch Hervorrufung spezifischer Assoziationen. Unerwnschte Assoziationen oder nicht zutreffende Vorstellungen knnen durch Fremdwortgebrauch vermieden werden. Durch so genannte Bezeichnungsexotismen, Wrter, die auf Sachen, Personen und Begriffe der fremdsprachigen Umwelt beschrnkt bleiben, kann wirkungsvoll ein kulturspezifisches Kolorit erzeugt werden. Daneben vermgen Fremdwrter ein bestimmtes Lebensgefhl zum Ausdruck zu bringen. Wer so redet, mchte jugendlich, dynamisch, zeitgem (trendy) und weltlufig wirken, und dazu dienen heute vor allem englische Fremdwrter (Anglizismen).

Refinement on the style level

Fremdwrter erlauben eine Nuancierung der Stilebenen Sie knnen verschiedene Stilhhen erzeugen: eine gehobene, eine neutrale, aber auch eine umgangssprachlich-jargonhafte.

72 Crystal, Cambridge Encyclopedia, p. 66 73 cf. Dudenredaktion: Zum Thema. Das Fremdwort Freund oder Feind at http://www.duden.de

82 Nicht selten erscheint das Fremdwort eleganter, da pointierter, bisweilen auch klanglich besser zum Wortsinn passend. Auch subjektive Haltungen und Einstellungen kann es zum Ausdruck bringen. Fremdwrter ermglichen Variation im Ausdruck. Um strende Wiederholungen zu vermeiden, gibt es zum Fremdwort oft keine Alternative.

Refinement on the sociolinguistic level:

Fremdwrter haben versachlichende Funktion und ermglichen dadurch das taktvolle Sprechen ber heikle, unangenehme oder tabuisierte Themen. Fremdwrter ermglichen die Anspielung auf Bildungsinhalte. Sie stellen Wissensappelle dar und haben dadurch sozial integrierende bzw. ausgrenzende Funktion.

Refinement on the level of text production

Fremdwrter knnen eine Signalfunktion haben, d. h., sie knnen Aufmerksamkeit erregen. So finden sich Fremdwrter (vor allem Anglizismen) hufig in der Kommunikationsbranche, im Marketing und in der Werbung. Fremdwrter ermglichen Przision und Krze. Diese erfllen stilistisch zwar keinen Selbstzweck, knnen aber in bestimmten Redesituationen oder Textsorten (z. B. in der Fachsprache) wnschenswert sein. Manche Fremdwrter, vor allem Fachwrter, lassen sich berhaupt nicht durch ein einziges deutsches Wort ersetzen; oft mssten sie umstndlich umschrieben werden.

4.1.4.5. Authentic English Internationalisms - assimilated forms causing ambiguity

Having thoroughly analysed 45 genuine English Internationalisms by means of their pronunciation, I may conclude that, strictly speaking, the majority of the examined words would fall under the category of assimilated Anglicisms, as they are assimilated on the phonological level. On the international level, speakers of English, French, German and Italian will surely understand compromise transmorphemisation, but will a German speaker understand the French /manamS/ (management) or the Italian /rtital/ (recital), both occurrences of free transmorphemisation?

In addition, summarising my results of semantic variations in linguistic borrowing, I would argue that there are quite a number of words that are not unmistakably to be understood by speakers of English, French, German and Italian when interacting (see group three), with the Englishman speaking of jigger as an iron golf club with a narrow face for example and the Italian referring to jigger as a machine used for colouring textiles. 83 It is for such reasons that I would have to revise my former requirements (accurate reproduction in spelling as a headword, ignoring capitalisation in German and hyphenspelling as well as spelling of compounds in all languages) by adding two more requirements an authentic Internationalism has to meet, namely zero transmorphemisation or compromise transmorphemisation AND variation in meaning only in terms of narrowing or quantitative reduction of the original meanings.

Thus, having analysed 45 English words that occur in a French, German and an Italian monolingual dictionary, only 12 words meet the above requirements: air bag, cardigan, container, globe-trotter, impeachment, Irish coffee, jukebox, ketchup, shocking, thriller and weekend.

For the purpose of this paper, however, I will stick to my claim that the introductory sorting (the list of 452 words) to represent English Internationalisms, as assimilated forms show quite more considerable divergence in their characteristic features.

4.1. Assimilated Internationalisms

Assimilation of foreign words primarily involves assimilation according to the rules of grapheme-phoneme realisation and representation in the replica language and assimilation on the morphological level (inflectional and derivational).

4.2.1. Assimilation according to the rules of grapheme-phoneme realisation and representation

In my huge corpus of more than 9,000 words I found forty occurrences of foursomes with grapheme-phoneme assimilation, meaning that a host language modifies foreign words (that-are-to-be-integrated) by means of an assimilated spelling corresponding to native symbol-sound relations.

Here are some examples: 84

English boomerang German Bumerang

English cashmere French cachemire German Kaschmir

English kangaroo French kangourou German Knguru Italian canguro

English cheque German Scheck

English cheviot French cheviotte

English clubhouse German Klubhaus

English foxtrot German Foxtrott

English tick French tique

Interesting to note is that within these 40 occurrences of assimilation through graphemephoneme representation, the Italian language only once modifies the spelling of an English word (kangaroo canguro), by replacing the k by the more commonly used c and assimilating oo to o. The u might be the result of the English [] also being assimilated to native sound patterns.

On the whole, it is primarily the German language that assimilates English words by means of grapheme-phoneme relations, with 12 cases of replacing initial c by k: Kaschmir, Kalypso, Kamera, Kameramann, Knguru, Kanter, Katgut, Klubhaus, Kommando, Kondom, Kricket, Krocket. 85 In syllable ending, however, it is mainly French that integrates an English word in spelling: cachemire, kangourou, caravane, cheviotte, condome, skif, snif, starlette, tique, transfert, zip.

4.2.2. Assimilation on the morphological level

I dare say that assimilation on the morphological level (be it inflectional or derivational) is the best clue to claim a foreign word to be fully adapted by a host language.

4.2.2.1. Verbs

To start with, let us turn to the morphological assimilation of verbs. Generally speaking, this assimilation follows certain rules in the replica languages examined. Principally, English words are assimilated by adding the infinitive inflections

-en (and -ieren for English verbs ending in -ise) in German: boomen, dopen, flirten, klicken, mixen, sniffen, zoomen and kannibalisieren, hypnotisieren, makadamisieren, optimieren, randomisieren, realisieren, standardisieren, visualisieren, vulkanisieren -er in French: boycotter, doper, cannibaliser, cliquer, coloniser, distancer, formater, merceriser, mixer, quantifier, tatouer, zoomer -are in Italian: boicottare, cannibalizzare, cliccare, colonizzare, dopare, dribblare, formattare, implementare, randomizzare, tatuare

There are, however, certain irregularities to be found in the German assimilation process:

Certain English verbs not ending in -ise do take on the German -ieren: boykottieren, formatieren, implementieren

As for verb inflection, assimilated English verbs act as if they were native a point of major discussion concerning the German language. One might argue that the mention of a word in the prevailing German monolingual dictionary, the Duden, is proof enough to apply native German inflection rules, and it is. Uncertainties only arise with the spelling of 86 the past participle of words that are not stated in the DDUWB as being native or adapted, e.g. forwarden ich habe forgewardet / ich habe geforwardet, downloaden ich habe gedownloadet / ich habe downgeloadet. These words generally follow the rules of the nearest native equivalent (weiterleiten ich habe weitergeleitet, herunterladen ich habe heruntergeladen).

4.2.2.2. Nouns

As a general observation, most of the morphologically assimilated nouns cited as English in DDUWB, LNPR and LOZ are of Greek and/or Latin origin. The most commonly found derivational morphemes, thus, are:

-cracy/-cratie/-kratie/-crazia: to form nouns of state and quality (from Latin -cratia and Greek -kratia = strength, power) -ism/-isme/-ismus-/ismo: to form nouns, especially denoting systems, principles and ideologial movements (from Latin -ismus and Greek -ismos or -isma) -ist/-iste/-ist/-ista: to form personal nouns (from Latin -ista and Greek -istes) -ity/-it/-itt/-it: to form nouns denoting quality or condition (from Latin -itas)

 -tion/-tion/-ion/-zione: to form nouns denoting action, condition, etc. [also: -ion, -ation, -ition, -ution] (from Latin -tio)

As examples of morphological assimilation originating in Greek and Latin influences let me mention:

English plutocracy French plutocratie German Plutokratie Italian plutocrazia

English behaviourism French behaviorisme German Behaviorismus Italian behaviorismo

87 English adventist French adventiste German adventist Italian avventista

English electricity French lectricit German Elektrizitt Italian elettricit

English acculturation French acculturation German Akkulturation Italian acculturazione

Apart from Greek and Latin influences, there are other cases of morphological assimilation to be detected:

The English suffix -er, in French, is likely to be replaced by -eur (assembleur, handicappeur, joggeur) or -aire (dispensaire, partenaire) The Italian language tends to add a final vowel to English words (alligatore, dollaro, elfo, flanella, monitore)

Concluding the section concerning assimilated forms of English Internationalisms, I would like to point out once again that morphologically assimilated forms of borrowed words as well as foreign words adapted by native grapheme-phoneme patterns are no longer felt as being an intruder to the lexicon of the host languages.

4.3. Prospects

Before turning to Attitudes towards Anglicisms let me just set up the following hypothesis for the future borrowing from English and/or the development of the French, German and Italian lexicon to come. This thesis can only be backed by my lexicographical and highly theoretical reference material and is, therefore, based on my being a native

speaker of German: 88

As we have boomen as verb for Boom or chartern according to Charter in German, tostare as verb to toast and zumare corresponding to zoom in Italian and boumer, charteriser and zoomer in French, I dare say that in the long run the vocabularies of the examined replica languages will also take on (some of) the verbal forms (if they exist) of English nouns being in the dictionaries.

My assumption, although rather subjective, is based on the following facts:

Apart from older forms, such as filmen, grillen, handicappen, kidnappen, liften, puzzeln, sponsorn, sprayen, stoppen, testen, we have the following verbs in German vocabulary, even though they are not evidenced in DDUWB.

broken

broker to act (or behave like a broker)

brunchen brunch to have a brunch chippen clustern crashen dancen floppen jazzen chip to perform a golf shot called chip cluster to arbitrarily put together unsuitable things crash to be involved in a car crash dance (esp. in abdancen) to dance in an untamed manner flop to result in a fiasco jazz to produce jazz music (to dance to jazz music)

jetten jet to move quickly from one place to another (usually over long distances) jobben rappen job to work rap to produce rap music

scannen scanner to read printed texts or pictures and transfer them to the computer

swingen swing to dance toppen top to achieve a place or position higher than something else twisten twist to dance

And I may argue that it wont be long until we even get forms such as: brainstormen, breaken, finishen, glamourisieren, jaccuzieren, lunchen, matchen, scouten, singeln, etc. in German, or brainstormer, jacuzzer, singler in French and breakare, glamourizzare, lunchare and scoutare in Italian.

89 5. ATTITUDES TOWARDS ENGLISH INFLUENCE AND THE USE OF ANGLICISMS

In the preceding chapters I have pointed out how English words are dealt with in the French, German and Italian languages. My analysis here has been primarily based on dictionary entries of the prevailing general monolingual dictionaries of the languages in question, but, as already mentioned in chapter 2, dictionaries by no means represent actual language usage. And it is for this reason and the fact that ongoing discussions concerning the flux of English words seem to be prominent in (not only) linguistic circles that, in this chapter I will deal with peoples attitudes towards Anglicisms in the French, German and Italian speaking worlds.

Furthermore, in a separate section in this chapter I will refer to projects aimed against English influence that are currently in progress.

5.1. Questionnaires

The method appropriate to my research project would seem to be the use of questionnaires. As a technique I adopted the multiple-choice modus since this procedure is the only way to get comparable results. The questions were selected along the following criteria:

1. When do non-native speakers of English in the examined language communities most probably use English words a. orally / in writing? b. in working life / in everyday life ?

In this context I assume that Anglicisms will be equally applied in working and everyday life in the German and the Italian speaking world, with a majority of Anglicisms used in everyday life in the French speaking community.

As for the distribution of Anglicisms in text and discourse, I expect English words to be primarily used in spoken discourse in all three language communities in question. 90 2. Why do people in the French, German and Italian speaking worlds use Anglicisms?

This set of questions deals with stylistics in language usage. As answers to opt for I proposed: (1) because English words are shorter and more precise than the corresponding word in ones mother tongue, (2) because there is no equivalent in ones mother tongue, (3) because the use of English words seems to indicate a certain kind of trendiness and modernity, (4) because some English words are internationally fixed and/or used and (5) in order to avoid repetition of words in speech or writing.

I assume that the answers (1) and (4) are most likely to be given by the majority of speakers of French, German and Italian, with only a small percentage to selecting (2) and (5) in French and a prevalence of German speaking people choosing (3).

3. Are people aware of using so-called loan blends, i.e. hybrid forms with one English element and one of the native language?

Undoubtedly, I expect all speakers involved in my research to answer this question with a clear yes.

4. What are the speakers attitudes towards the use of Anglicisms with respect to their mother tongue? Where do they think the influence comes from? Do they still notice English words in actual language usage? Are there cases of a provocative use of Anglicisms to be observed?

I presume speakers of French to not opt for English words to enrich the French language and I think that there will be only a small number of people choosing the option that English words are no longer noticed in everyday language usage.

The majority of the speakers of German and Italian, however, will surely give as an answer that they no longer notice English words and that they enrich their mother tongue.

Concerning the origin of the spread of English words in other languages vocabularies, I expect all three language communities to opt for the dominance of the US in various sectors such as economy, technology, etc. 91 As to the use of English words due to snobbery or showing-off I am not sure about the answers to be selected in the various languages, but I think that primarily speakers of German might opt for this answer.

5. Where do people most frequently notice the use of English words?

Within this section I proposed the following fields of application: sports, techniques and technology, the Internet, youth language, advertising, science, business and economy and politics.

Most probably, as for myself, the ranking in all language communities will be: Internet, youth language, sports, business and economy, advertising, technology, science and politics.

5.1.1. Procedure

As the object of my research project was to find out about the attitudes of speakers of French, German and Italian towards the use of English words, my method implied addressing these peoples of the different language communities. But how address them and get a representative choice? I decided to subscribe to French, German and Italian news groups and chat rooms in the Internet in order to get some email addresses to which I sent my questionnaires translated into the respective languages (The English version of my questionnaire is shown in the following on page 93, with the French, German and Italian versions to look at in appendix G).

Without doubt, my sending e-mails to other users of the Internet slightly distorts my results, since knowledge of English can be taken for granted with people familiar with the Internet. However, this method seemed to me the only possibility to get appropriate feedback.

Unfortunately, from more than 100 e-mails I sent to each, speakers of French, German and

Italian, only about 30 people were willing to support my statistical study by answering my questionnaire. I got thirty-eight e-mails from speakers of German, twenty-nine from speakers of Italian and twenty-eight from speakers of French. 92

For reasons of comparison I had to fix the number of questionnaires to deal with. I decided to analyse thirty questionnaires, meaning, to just leave out eight questionnaires from German speakers (the ones coming in last), to ask a friend to send e-mails to Italian friends of his and to address the Socit Franaise in Klagenfurt in order to get the missing answers.

In my questionnaires I also asked people to fill in their age and gender as I really expected to make out some correlation (in age at least). It is, however, the case that no central points can be drawn from the answered questionnaires. It is for this reason that I will not consider age and gender when analysing the results of the questionnaires in the subsequent chapter.

Still, as to the question of possible correlation concerning gender, it is noteworthy that it was primarily male participants in German, namely 23 out of 30 (77%), and principally female contributors in French (21 out of 30 = 70%) and Italian (23 out of 30 = 77%).

Another aspect I will not take into consideration in the analysis of the answered questionnaires but that, certainly, is worth mentioning is the distribution of age. Looking at age as regards the participants of my project on attitudes towards the English influence on other languages, I found out that one can best make out these five age groups: From 15 to 24, from 25 to 34, from 35 to 44, from 45 to 54 and from 55 to 64. The only analogy to be detected is that speakers of French, German and Italian between 25 and 34 alike were most ready to answer my e-mail:

8 1 11 14 15 7 2 10 5 44 12 0 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 15 - 24 25 - 34 35 - 44 45 - 54 55 - 64 French German Italian Fig.9: The distribution of age concerning the answered questionnaires 93 Here is the English version of my questionnaire:

QUESTIONNAIRE

Help!!! Anglomania!!! My name is Philipp I am studying English linguistics at the a MaurerStroh and University of Klagenfurt, Austria. At the moment I am working on my diploma thesis and I would like to kindly ask you for you help in this matter. All I would need is about 3 minutes of your time ... So, what is it about? I am carrying out a survey of the use of / and attitudes towards English words in modern French / German / Italian. Well then, please take your time to answer the following questions and return the questionnaire to me. The questionnaire is anonymous and your answers shall only be used to draw up a statistical study of the current usage of language in the French / German / Italian speaking world.

Please mark with a cross where applicable -> replace o by x (you can give more than one answer)

1. I use English words o in working life o in everyday life

o in writing o orally

2. I use English words o because they are shorter and more precise example(s): o because there is no French / German / Italian equivalent

example(s): o because they are "in" example(s): o if the terms are internationally fixed / used example(s): o in order to avoid repetition of words in speech or writing example(s):

3. I also use o hybrid forms compound words of both languages (marketing tlphonique, Last-Minute-Angebot, calciatore-manager)

4. The use of English words o enriches the French / German / Italian language o is due to the dominant role of the US in several sectors o displays a certain kind of snobbism or showing-off o does not strike me any longer, I sometimes do not even notice them

5. I notice English words, terms and expressions primarily in the field of o sports example(s): o techniques & technology example(s): o the Internet example(s): o youth language example(s): o advertising example(s): o business & economy example(s): o science example(s): o politics example(s):

Age:

Gender:

Thank you !!! 94 5.1.2. Results o start with, in this section I will deal with the results of the respective languages .1.2.1. French hen setting up the questionnaire, my hypothesis as to the distribution of Anglicisms in

did not, however, assume that 37% of the speakers of French would select both areas of ***

s to my assumption that the use of Anglicisms in everyday language will dominate in the

T separately. This analysis is, then, followed by a summarising comparison of the languages involved.

W spoken discourse and written texts was that the majority of speakers of all languages would opt for the use of English words in spoken language as is justified by the below diagram. in writing 7% orally 49% both 37%

none 7% Question 1a Fig.10: Anglicisms in (French) spoken discourse and written texts I application (in writing and orally) since this figure implies not only a rise in the percentage of English words used in spoken language, but also an increase in occurrences of English words in French texts.

A French spoken word (as La Loi Toubon to some extent restricts the use of English words), the following illustration reveals that there is quite a balance in France concerning diffusion of Anglicisms: 34% selected working life as the area of predominant use of 95 English words, 33% opted for everyday life and 30% tend to use them equally often in both areas. working life 34% everyday life 33% both 30% none 3% Fig.11: Anglicisms in (French) everyday and professional use Question 1b

To back this result I found some plausible explanations of why speakers of French often

(also) use English words in their job, although the French state constantly tries to intervene:

The dominance of English as a language of scientific publication dictates the language of scientists. A study carried out in 1984 among researchers in Strasbourg [] revealed that 85 percent of the information they treated was in English and 12.5% in French. 74

The use of English in industry is a direct result of the internationalization of the economy. [] A company usually operates at four levels: applied research, manufacturing, management, and marketing. Since the application of research depends on scientific researchm it involves more or less the same linguistic practices as those of the laboratory; this expains the frequent use of English. In manufacturing, the use of English may be due to the use of techniques engineered in that language, or the use of tools and machines with accompanying notices in English 75

At the managerial level, English is used to facilitate communication between staff and members from different linguistic backgrounds, between different branches of the company located in different countries, and in the use of electronic hardware (mainly computers) []. 76

Large international companies have institutionalized English as a company language which means that its use is compulsory for any form of written and oral communication within the company []. 77

***

74 Truchot, The spread of English, p. 66 67 75 Truchot, The spread of English, p. 67 68 76 Truchot, The spread of English, p. 68 77 Truchot, The spread of English, p. 68 96 The diagram below verifies my assumption that shorter and more precise and internationally used (as attributed characteristics of English words in a foreign lexicon) will dominate in my findings on the use of Anglicisms in the French speaking world.

avoid repetition 4% no equivalent 25% "in" 15% internationally fixed/used 28% shorter & more precise 28% Question 2

Fig.12 The use of Anglicisms in French

As to no equivalent, I was of the opinion that this criterion of use will fall under one of the minor represented categories, such as in order to avoid repetition or to imply a certain kind of trendiness since there are even committees in France that are constantly in search of a French equivalent (be it an older word that gets a new meaning or a neologism), a phenomenon I will deal with in the second part of this chapter.

*** yes 67% no 33% Hybrid forms Question 3 Fig.13: The use of hybrid forms in French 97

Hybrid forms, as I assumed, are used by far the majority of all speakers of French. It is the 67%, however, that strikes me (since I expected a 100% yes). One might argue, here, that people are probably not even aware of using these forms, i.e. they no longer notice them (a hypothesis that is justified by the following illustration).

*** snobbism 8% US dominance 33% enrichment

22% no longer recognised 37% Fig.14: French attitudes towards Anglicisms Question 4

It is nteresting to note that in France, a nation full of linguistic purists, 22% claim English words to enrich the French language and 37% state that they no longer notice the use of Anglicisms (an indication of the full integration of some English words).

Only 8% of the speakers of French bother about some peoples use of English as a means of snobbery.

***

The last section of my questionnaire concerns the distribution of English words in varying sectors of both everyday and working life.

As was my assumption, it is primarily in the field of computers, namely the Internet that detect English words can be detected(27%), followed by sports (21%) and technology amounting to 19% (a branch that I would have ranked as the penultimate): 98

urprisingly, there were quite a num hing stop them

from commenting on my proposed answers when filling in the questionnaire. I am, owever, grateful for their contributions that I will herewith quote. oints, mais il est vrai que Je me rend compte que j'utilise des mots anglais, sans vraiment m'en rendre compte, c'est pour cela que je n'ai pas pu donner beaucoup d'exemple. (15) ue ma l isir de trouver le bon mot pour m dexemples qui me viennent l is car ce sont les Amricains qui ont invent le produit et donc l

*** sports 21% science 4% politics 2% business & economy 6% advertising 11% youth

language 10% Question 5 Fig.15: The distribution of English words in various sectors (French) internet 27% technology 19% S ber of people who would not let anyt h

Les mots anglais enrichissent la langue franaise, mais ils l'appauvrissent aussi. (8) 78

Les mots anglais peuvent enrichir la langue franaise par certains p hors de la vie professionnelle, je ne les utilise que peu. (11) Jemploie peu de mots anglais, je ne suis pas oppose cette langue, mais je pense q angue est assez riche pour quon trouve les mots pour sexprimer. Bien sr il faut parfois rflchir pour viter la facilit, mais cest pour moi un pla exprimer en franais. (20) Des expressions internationalement fixes ? Je nen ai pas instant, cest plus au travail que le vocabulaire me revient. (23) Ils sont souvent plus courts, mais je ne suis pas sure quils soient plus prcis, par exemple : week-end pour fin de semaine, ou encore chewing-gum pour gomme mcher (ici les Franais ont traduit le mot angla e nome quil porte). Dans ce 2 cas le mot franais est la traduction littrale du mot anglais. (25)

 En rgle gnrale utiliser des mots anglais pour un Franais est le signe que lon est la mode, branch, cest surtout vrai dans les milieux artistiques, des affaires, du commerce et surtout chez des adolescents et les jeunes adultes. (25)

78 found in the eighth questionnaire to be sent back 99 Les mots anglais enrichissent la langue franaise, oui, mais en mme titre que toutes les autres langues trangres (si nous empruntons des pratiques, des produits, des habitudes il est normal dadopter le mot dorigine.) (25) Ce je pense la principale raison : la prdominance des USA dans lconomie mondiale cest normal est ncessaire. (25) Les mots anglais pour moi sont une forme de vantardise : OUI, quelque fois, a dpend d e des gens sont obligs de matriser langlais sils veulent s mots anglais surtout dans le domaine de la politique : NON, les hommes p n )

.1.2.2. German tion of Anglicisms in speech and writing, the German results back my revious assumption that English words are most likely to be used in spoken language.

ans la bouche dartistes je trouve a stupide et prtentieux, me je le conois tout fait dans le

milieu des affaires o bon nombr urvivre. (25) Je remarque les mots anglais surtout dans le domaine de linternet, jai mme remarqu lapparition dun nouveau mot : le verbe forwarder (il faut le prononcer la franaise !) (25) Je remarque les olitiques font attention ne pas trop employer de mot anglais (Ils dfendent la culture franaise !!) et ce surtout depuis la LOI de Monsieur Toubon (ancien ministre de la culture) qui interdit pas mais subordonne lemploi des mots trangers, dans la publicit par exemple, sa traduction en franais. (25) Je nai pas vraiment mis dexemple, car je ne les retiens pas et je nen vraiment emploie pas beaucoup, sauf un peu dans mon boulot, forcement je suis informaticienne et donc les langages sont en anglais. (26

As for the distribu p orally 70% 7% both 23% Question 1a Fig.16: Anglicisms in (German) spoken discourse and written texts in writing none 0% ***

100 The results on the diffusion of Anglicisms in working and/or everyday life in the German

is, however, the case that everyday use in German is more frequently to be found than rofessional use of Anglicisms (whereas the French results demonstrate the contrary with ***

he diagram above, once again, verifies my assumption that shorter and more precise and nternationally used (being stated as typical characteristics of English words in a foreign lexicon) will dominate in my findings on the use of Anglicisms. speaking world reveal certain similarities to the French findings.

It p only a marginal difference though).

everyday life 37% working life 33% none 0% both 30% internationally fixed/used 35% avoid

repetition 3% "in" 12% precise 27% Question 2 Fig.18 The use of Anglicisms in German no equivalent 23% shorter & more Question 1b Fig.17: Anglicisms in (German) everyday and professional use T i 101 Only 12 % opt for the use of an English word in order to suggest trendiness a figure that I would have assumed to be higher in the German speaking world.

***

As to the use of compound words consisting of one German and one English element, 87% of the speakers of German state that they ar ll aware of using them as the illustration below reveals.

Among the exam and ownloadkapazitt. ***

e we ples given for hybrid forms were: Emailadresse, Webseite yes 87% Hybrid forms no 13% D snobbism 5% US dominance 35% Question 4 Fig.20: German attitudes towards Anglicisms no longer recognised 33% Question 3 Fig.19: The use of hybrid forms in German enrichment 27% 102 The above diagram shows that approximately one third of the speakers of German see the ***

he German branches in which English words are most frequently to be observed are: the

***

ike certain speakers of French, three speakers of German could not help but add extra Prinzipiell bin ich gegen eine Ver-englischung unserer deutschen Sprache, aber beruflich bin ich leider an sie gebunden, da ich als Netzwerktechniker bld angesehen werden wrde, wrde

origin of the English influence in the predominant position of the US. 33% obviously no longer notice the use of English word in the German language, 27% would say that the English language enriches the vocabulary of German and only 5% argue that the use of Anglicisms might indicate a form of snobbery.

T Internet (21%), youth language (18%) and business & economy and technology with 15%.

sports 13% science 5% politics 2% business & economy 15% advertising 11% youth language 18% internet 21%

technology 15% Question 5 Fig.21: The distribution of English words in various sectors (German)

L information:

ich "Wegweiser" zu einem Router oder "Schalter" zu einem Switch sagen. Diese Wrter, oder besser die dazugehrigen Dinge, sind nicht im deutschen Sprachraum entwickelt oder erfunden worden. Daher meiner Meinung nach die englische Sprachbetitelung. (3) Die englischen Fremdwrter bereichern die deutsche Sprache wo es angebracht ist, jedoch nicht immer. (14) Es gibt natrlich auch viele Anglizismen, die uns als solche gar nicht mehr auffallen. (28) 103 Surfing through the numerous German pages concerning the use of Anglicisms I found Da die sog. deutsche Sprache zu groen Teilen englische, lateinische und franzsische Einflsse ufnahm, ist ganz natrlich und steht im Zusammenhang mit dem natrlichen Flu zwischen .1.2.3. Italian teresting to note when referring to the Italian results of the distribution of Anglicisms in

the following rather witty letter posted in a forum against the English influence on German vocabulary:

a Vlkern und Sprachen. Viele fremde Wrter wie Spaghetti oder so werden auch nicht mehr als

fremd wahrgenommen. Der Unterschied zur heutigen Denglisch-Scheie ist, da frher (und auch heute noch) Fremdwrter in die deutsche Sprache einflieen, um Lcken zu besetzen und um neue Ttigkeiten oder Dinge zu beschreiben, und die Neuwrter nicht aus Grnden der Coolness, Hipness oder Verbraucherverarschung vorstzlich verbrochen werden. Es gibt doch keinen Grund, warum das Ortsgesprch CityCall heien mu - da will jemand etwas normales cool, geil und hip machen. Es gibt aber einen guten Grund, warum Spaghetti Spaghetti heien ... weil lange dnne Nudeln ohne Loch in der Mitte ein zu sperriger Begriff ist. Es ist also ein Unterschied, ob der neue Begriff nur aus Coolness einen deutschen allgemein verstndlichen Begriff verdrngen soll, oder ob er die Sprache um eine zustzliche Nuance (aha. Franzsisch!) bereichert ! Warum also kann der Key Account Manager nicht wie immer Hausmeister heien ? Warum kann der Backshop nicht Bckerei heien ? Warum geilen sich viele Leute am Begriff Hndy auf, kommen sich geil und international vor weils ja gar so internschionl klingt, aber keine Sau auf der englischsprachigen Halbkugel kann sich darunter was vorstellen ? Wo soll das hinfhren, wenn Sprache nicht mehr zur Kommunikation dient, tschuldigung, wo die speech nicht mehr for communication techniques used wird, sondern nur noch geil klingende, sinnentleerte Floskeln enthlt ? Meeten wir um oh-eighthundred am Citypoint zum Chillen ? Wir knnen ja auch shoppen oder einfach nur etwas walken oder der neueste Vorsto aus dem Sport: RopeSkipping hlt fit ach wie geil ... ich bin ja so toll, so geil, so hip, so in, ich mache Rope-Skipping !, da das schon vor dreitausend Jahren die Griechen machten, und seither alle Kinder, blo halt uncool, ungeil, unhip als Seilhpfen, das kmmert die nicht. Warum ist Rope-skipping hlt fit besser als Seilspringen hlt gesund?????? 79

In spoken and written language is that, quite in contrast to the French and German findings, only 7% would use English words in both written texts and spoken discourse (23% in the German and 37% in the French language). As was my assumption, the majority opts for the use of Anglicisms in spoken Italian rather than written documents. See the diagram below:

79 DENGLISH nervt (Forum) at http://www.f23.parsimony.net written by Dyson on January 15th 2001 104 in writing 27% both 7% none 10% orally 56% Question 1a

***

s to the situational context, 44% of the Italians would preferably use English words in

0% state using Anglicisms in everyday situations and only 13% indicate a use in both, ***

Fig.22: Anglicisms in (Italian) spoken discourse and written texts A working life.

everyday life 40% working life 44% none 3% both 13% Question 1b Fig.23: Anglicisms in (Italian) everyday and professional use

4 professional and everyday casual context. 105

he Italians primarily tend to use English words when there is no Italian equivalent to be und or if a notion or expression is internationally used.

here is some indication (24%) that the Italian speaking world refers to Anglicisms as to

e shorter and more precise than words in the mother tongue. nd no more than 2% would se an English word in a (written or spoken) text for a stylistic reason such as avoidance of

T fo "in" 11% no equivalent 32% precise 24% repetition 2% internationally fixed/used 31% Question 2 Fig.24: The use of Anglicisms in Italian shorter & more avoid T b

Only 11% use English words to show or suggest modernity a u word repetition. *** yes 70%

no 30% Fig.25: The use of hybrid forms in Italian Hybrid forms 106 Concerning hybrid forms of English and Italian words, we observe a 70 : 30 relationship, *** The majority of the speakers in the Italian munity claims to no longer notice

*** The answers concerning the diffusion of Anglicisms in sectors reveal a certain kind of

with 70% of the Italians stating that they do use loan blends.

language com English words (43%). 31% of the Italian answers show that the English language is seen to have enriched / enrich the Italian language. snobbism 3% US dominance 23% enrichment no longer recognised 43% Question 4 31% Fig.26: Italian attitudes towards Anglicisms balance, but, again, with the Internet on top, followed by sports and business & economy.

sports 17% science 8% politics 8% business & economy 14% advertising 12% youth language 8% internet 24% technology 9% Question 5 Fig.27: The distribution of English words in various sectors (German) 107 Here are the Italian comments on my questionnaire: Le parole inglesi fanno parte dell'uso comune che ne viene fatto da parte dei media. (6) capissero! llo regionale e non di 'devoluzione', che ha lo stesso significato. (12) correntemente,

.1.2.4. Comparison his section will now compare the results concerning the attitudes towards Anglicisms in

irst, let me turn to the use of English words in speech and writing.

In campo educativo vengono usati spesso i termini inglesi vision e mission. (9) Goal = quasi nessuno consce l'equivalente in lingua italiana rete! (12) tutti lo Ultimamente ci sono sempre pi pubblicit televisive in inglese come se (12) In Italia si parla solo da 'devolution' che sarebbe il passaggio di potere dal Governo centrale a que In Italia l'uso della lingua inglese molto diffuso ma questo non c' discapito della nostra lingua madre, ma visto bensi come un arricchimento culturale. (12) Le parole inglesi mi permettono di comunicare con persone che non conoscono l'italiano. (13) Tutte le parole usate in internet sono inglesi. (14) Risponderti non stato molto facile perch usiamo linglese abbastanza quindi, non riesco a focalizzare esattamente le parole inglesi che uso, perch ormai mi sembrano normali. (28)

T the French, German and Italian language communities.

0 5

10 15 20 25 in writing orally both none French German Italian Question 1a Fig.28: Comparison Anglicisms in French, German and Italian spoken discourse 108 Generally speaking, non-native speakers of English (of whatever nationality) m ake use of English words in spoken language than they would em other tongue. to use more English terms in written documents than do speakers of an. Speakers of the German language, on the other hand, tend to m ploy English words in oral communication, with speakers of French ranking highest indicating a balanced diffusion of Anglicisms in the spoken AND written channel. 10% of the Italians claim to never use English words when communicating, com 7% in the French language community. I would have assumed the figure of French speakers who do not make use of English words to be considerably higher, as France holds ore frequently m ploy in texts written in their m

The Italians seem French or Germ ost frequently em

pared to prominent position regarding pu f situational use of English words, it is interesting to note at, on the whole, the Italians claim to use Anglicisms either in their profession or in

*** a rism in language usage.

*** Moving on to the comparison o th everyday life, whereas speakers of French and German tend to apply English words equally in both contexts. 14

0 2 working life everyday life both none 4 6 12 8 10 German Italian French Question 1b Fig.29: Comparison Anglicisms in French, German and Italian everyday and professional use 109

The following diagram backs my hypothesis that, generally speaking, English words are used for their being shorter and more precise than the native equivalent, that they are employed due to a lack of an equivalent in French, German or Italian and that their occurrence their being internationally fixed (see also previous chapter).

com

***

0 5 10 15 20 25 shorter/more precise no equivalent "in" international avoid repetition Question 2 French German Italian Fig.30: Comparison The use of Anglicisms in French, German and Italian *** As to the use of hybrid forms, it is primarily the German language which takes on pounds of one English and one native element.

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 hybrid forms 'YES' French German Italian Question 3 Fig.31: Comparison The use of hybrid forms in French, German and Italian 110

e with this being a clear clue to full integration into ones (or a languages) vocabulary.

Speakers of German more openly admit seeing the English influence as an enrichment to their other tongue than do Italians and speakers of French.

I would have thought that US dominance is an obvious indication as to why the English influence on other nations lexicons steadily grows, but the figures say that it is primarily the German speakers who follow my assumption along with the French speakers judgement. Few Italians (less than half the speakers of German) see the origin of the ever spreading use of English words as US dominance. Here the question arises where they would, then, see its source

Also interesting to point out is the ranking of language communities that claim the use of

Anglicisms to be a mere indication of showing-off: French German Italian.

The below illustration shows that, basically, speakers of the languages examined no longer notice English words in everyday/professional usag

2 4 6 8 enrichment US dominance snobbism not recognised 0 10 16 man Italian 18 20 French Ger 12 14 Question 4 Fig.32: Comparison French, German and Italian attitudes towards Anglicisms 111

The last point of my comparison concerns the distribution of English words in the fields of sports, technology, the Internet, youth language, advertising, business & economy, science and politics.

7 2 2 7 6 3 science French 13 5 18 11 14 9 7 22 8 22 26 23 8 18 16 15 16 18 0 5 10 15 20 25 30

sports technology internet youth language advertising business & economy politics Question 5 Fig.33: Comparison The distribution of English words in various sectors Italian German

As to the diffusion of Anglicisms in subject fields, the only correspondences the above diagram reveals are seen concerning the Internet and sports. Distribution considerably differs in youth language (with German speakers opting for more than twice as many occurrences as do Italians and speakers of French), business & economy (with once again the Germans more frequently noticing English words in this sector) and politics (with, this time, Italian vocabulary noticeably differing from French or German language use).

***

Within the next section I will turn to the examples of English words in use given in the respective questionnaires. 112 5.1.3. The Top Ten of Anglicisms in the examined languages

In the questionnaires I not only asked people to select an appropriate answer, I also asked em to give examples to each answer

80 and it was interesting to find out that only two th English terms rank in the top ten of French, German and Italian results :

(to) download and e-mail.

(1) French examples 1 football (8) 81

2 mail (8) 3 week-end (8) 4 marketing (7) 5 web (6) 6 corner (5) 7 download (4) 8 e-mail (4) 9 goal (4) 10 handball (3) 11 planning (3) 12 basket ball (2) 13 browser (2) 14 bug (2) 15 chewing-gum / chewinggum (2) 16 cool (2) 17 tre fair play (2) 18 fun (2) 19 hit (2)

20 management (2) 21 parkin (2) g 22 PC (2) 23 penalty (2) 24 process (2) 25 sandwich (2) 26 skate (2) 27 surfer (2)

Interesting to note is that four Anglicisms ranking in the French top ten are not mentioned in LNPR: mail, web, download, e-mail. This fact may be due to m d 1997 electronic version of the Petit Robert, as I definitely claim these words to actually have penetrated the French lexicon although there is evidence of e-mail (with its variation mail) to have been

y ol

80 the complete lists of examples are found in appendix G 81 indicating the number of mentions 113 abolished in 1997: Die Dlgation gnrale la langue fran Reinhaltung der franzsischen Sprache, hat die E-Mail abgeschafft und die Acadmie franaise hat zugestim tatt des ungeliebten Anglizismus, m er auch weltweit verbreitet sein, heit es in Frankreich knftig ml fr messagerie lectronique. In allen offiziellen Schriftstcken ist fortan nur noch diese Form zulssig. 82

(2) German results l / cool aise, zustndig fr die mt. S ag

1 Coo (15) 2 Download / download 3 Email / email (5) (4) (9)

4 Computer / computer 5 Internet / internet 6 cash flow / cashflow 7 Server / server 8 Birdie (2) 9 Browser / browser 10 cd-rom / CD-ROM 11 chat (2) (2) (2) (2) (2) (3) (4)

(3)

12 Corner 13 Deal

14 Eagle (2) 15 EBIT (2)

16 freefly (2) 17 homepage (2) 18 in 19 kids 20 lamer 21 net (2) (2) (2)

(2) (2)

22 o.k. / ok

23 Out / out 24 RAM (2)

(2)

25 Router / router 26 shit (2)

(2)

27 Switch / switch 28 web (2)

(2)

29 website (2) 30 Workshop 31 WWW (2) (2)

15 out of 30 per an example of an Anglicisim in German. Nevertheless, coo no of English Internation s containing 452

sons (50%) stated cool as l is t included in the list alism

82 Keine E-Mail in Frankreich in Die Welt, on July 5th, 1997 at http://www.oedt.kfunigraz.ac.at/anglizismen/9Frankr.htm 114 words nor in the expanded list of 765 words (also comprising entry words in specialised foreign words dict ri

The Duden Deutsches Universalwrterbuch mentions nine of the given examples, with only Birdie 83 having no entry in this monolingual dictionary of the G n language.

(3) Italian results / email / e-mail iona es). erma 1 e mail (9) 2 hardware (6) 3 budget (5) 4 software (5) 5 spot (5) 6 download (4) 7 goal (4) 8 leader (4) 9 manager (4) 10 provider (4) 11 week end / weekend / week-end (4) 12 basket (3) 13 business (3) 14 corner (3) 15 devolution (3) 16 account (2) 17 beach volley / beachvolley (2) 18 browser (2) 19 bug (2) 20 feeling (2) 21 file (2) 22 film (2) 23 internet (2) 24 Know how / knowhow (2)

25 link (2) 26 personal trainer (2) 27 plug-in (2) 28 raster scanning (2) 29 summit (2) 30 target (2) 31 trading on line (2) 32 web (2) 33 world wide web (2)

Lo Zingarelli, my an ce, does not prove evidence of download and provider.

Itali referen

83 Birdie refers to the game of golf, meaning you succeed in finishing a holewith one stroke under par (the assumed average for professional players). 115 5.2. Projects in progress against the use of Anglicisms

To conclude this chapter, I will now go into some detail concerning the national efforts being made agains g French, German and Italian vocabulary. I will, however, refrain from dwelling on minute information or interpretation as to the different projects, but briefly outline their main purposes (and provide the corresponding web sites for further reading

At this place, let m nal interest I took in dealing with this section.

Undoubtedly, I am el of the English influence on several if not to say all languages, but wh gh I do love my German mother tongue with all its difficulties in gram r, I cannot help but feeling as if I were special and privileged when peaking melodious French and it is definitely the Italian language that implies a certain ind of Mediterranean lifestyle along with real culture, but I also appreciate the ot pt for either English influence or French, German and Italian linguistic purism let onstructions, borrowing ords, assimilating words, losing words, etc. n the application of a law passed in 1994 entitled Law on the Use of the French language, known as

So, what does the 1994 Loi Toubon say? (The original text is to be seen in the Internet in its original French version, along with an English and a German version, at http://www.culture.fr/dglf/lois/presentation_lois.html t En lish influence in the ). me ention the perso w l aware y fi t Anglicisms? ma s k expressiveness of the English language. It is for these reasons that I would just argue to n o vocabularies develop in their natural way: languages are living c w

Nonetheless, there are efforts being made against the use of Anglicisms

5.2.1. La Loi Toubo

Language policy in France includes status planning and corpus planning. Status planning involves the Loi Toubon (from the name of the minister who proposed it). Corpus planning consists of Terminology Committees (commissions terminologiques) established since 1972 in each ministry to devise and promote French words. The 1975 language law made the use of the French terms obligatory, but this obligation was suppressed by the 1994 law. 84

84 Truchot, The spread of English, p. 74 75 According to Truchot 85 , la Loi Toubon 116

makes it a right for a contribution to be read in French (at a conference taking place (in theory) excludes the domain of professional use except that work contracts and collective agreements have to be written in French bligatory on French radio and television channels makes sure that, above all, information to consumers is the only domain that the the ministerial Terminology

Committees (as this obligation met with fierce opposition and was considered to be an infringement of individual liberties, the French Constitutional Council retained the obligation only for state communications and suppressed it for common use)

termes officielles (containing English words that are recommended or obligatorily to be replaced by French equivalents or neologisms) published in 1994 by the government and the Terminology Committees is the most comprehensive list of Anglicisms in the French language (it is, however, not up-to-date and you should therefore consult the Internet homepages of the Dlgation gnrale la langue franaise, which will be dealt with in the footnotes to the subsequent paragraph).

Additionally to the current work of the various Terminology Committees (each covering different sector, such as sport, the Internet, etc.) , the French ministry of culture and the French tourism association collaborate in the Internet, on the one hand, to internationalise the French language (with 84% of the homepages held in English compared to 1.8% French homepages) and, on the other hand, to call for constructive help in creating new

in France) 86 . makes French o law really addresses declares French to be the language of education (with the exception of the teaching of foreign languages) obliges speakers of French to use terms coined by Paradox as it may seem, the Cahier de 87

chot, The spread of English, p. 74 85 cf. Tru 86 ... with a more compelling measure included in the first version of the law stating that funds can only be given to scientific research the results of which are published in French 87 Interesting to look at are http://crete.argyro.net/lexique/liste.cfm (for the French Olympic sports urces/golf/golf.html terminology), http://www.olf.gouv.qc.ca/resso (for recommended language use when world), http://www.culture.fr/culture/dglf/cogether/16-03-99- playing golf in the French speaking internet.html (for French Internet terminology) and http://www.culture.fr/culture/dglf/foot.htm (for football terminology) 117 words to avoid Anglicicms at http://www.culture.fr/culture/dglf. 88 These pages provide an nt overview of French-English equivalents. excelle d s policy whereas other European countries have proceeded differently. 89

associations and societies which resist Anglicisms.

English influence. The primary object and aims of the association may be seen at http:///www.vds-ev.de

5.2.2. Verein deutsche Sprache and Wiener Sprachbltter

As a country that designed this specific language policy, France appears to be an exception in Europe. This may suggest that it is the only country to fight the spread of English in Europe. This would be a superficial observation. The main difference lies in the fact that France has advertise it The German speaking world does not have any kind of language policy, it has, however, In Germany, it is primarily the Verein deutsche Sprache (formerly: Verein zur Wahrung der deutschen Sprache) which consequently fights .

r Sprachbltter leaflets dealing with purism on the level of language and language contact and argue for a restriction on the use of English words. ble by 200290 at: ttp://www.vds-ev.de/denglish/anglizismen In Austria, it is the Verein Muttersprache that publishes Wiene

Last year (2000), Verein Deutsche Sprache and Wiener Sprachbltter started a petition as to the use of English words, the results of which will be only availa

h http://mailbox.univie.ac.at/~fischeg4/Unterschriftenaktion.html.

Here is a sample of the petition of Wiener Sprachbltter:

88 Braselmann, Sprachpolitik in Frankreich, p. 23 mediary results, but they did not answer my e-mail 89 Truchot, The Spread of English, p. 75 90 I asked Wiener Sprachbltter for inter 118

Sehr geehrter Herr Bundeskanzler Dr. Schssel! Sehr geehrte Frau Vizekanzler Dr. Riess-Passer!

Im Europischen Jahr der Sprachen ersuchen wir Sie, sich fr die Pflege und den Schutz unserer Muttersprache einzusetzen und gegen Sprachverfall aufzutreten. Unsere Muttersprache wird derzeit von Anglizismen berflutet, die zum Groteil berflssig sind: die freshe Milch statt die frische Milch, Event statt Ereignis / Veranstaltung, Family-life statt Familienleben, Prime time statt Hauptsendezeit usw. usf. zu sagen stellt keine kulturelle Bereicherung dar. Auch angloide Wrter zu erfinden, die es im Angloamerikanischen gar nicht gibt (z.B. Handy, Twen, Smoking), luft eher auf eine Verarmung als eine Bereicherung unserer Muttersprache hinaus. Weit ber 50% der sterreicher beherrschen Englisch nicht, werden also vom ffentlichen Leben ausgeschlossen, aber auch Einwanderer aus dem Osten, die Englisch in der Schule nicht gelernt haben; das Denglische ist also

undemokratisch und auslnderfeindlich.

Die Rechtschreibung wird erschwert, denn Squatter oder downloaden sind schwerer zu schreiben als Hausbesetzer und herunterladen. Wenn zu viele deutsche durch englische oder scheinenglische Ausdrcke ersetzt werden, wird unsere Literatur, auch die des 20. Jahrhunderts, bald unlesbar werden.

Wir ersuchen Sie aus diesen Grnden, auf ffentliche Stellen und auf Rundfunk und Fernsehen, die ja einen ffentlichen Bildungsauftrag haben, einzuwirken, mehr verstndliche einheimische Ausdrcke zu verwenden.

[Es sind auch Unterschriften aus anderen Lndern als sterreich willkommen! Bitte ausdrucken, unterschreiben und, wenn mglich, ablichten, viele Unterschriften sammeln und senden an: Verein Muttersprache, Wien, Postfach 173, A 1081 Wien, sterreich]

5.2.3. Italian project Sar felice di aiutarti se mi ande, in Italia non esistono enti, societ, istituzioni ufficiali che vigilano sugli influssi delle lingue straniere. Un tempo esisteva Rispondo con piacere alle tue domande, anche perch sono una insegnante e capisco il valore del leggi di questo genere. O

As I did not find any evidence of Italian projects against the use of Anglisicms in the Internet, I consulted two persons that have sent back to me the questionnaires concerning

attitudes towards the use of Anglicisms, both of them confirming that there is nothing being done in order to prevent English words to penetrate the Italian vocabulary:

possibile. Per rispondere alle tue dom lAccademia della Crusca ed alcune volte qualcuno tende a proporre limiti alluso di queste influenze estere, ma senza successo.

grande lavoro che stai per fare. Mi informer, ma non credo che ci siano ra abbiamo un governo abbastanza aperto riguardo a questo. 119 6. CON

With this study I endeavour to demonstrate how Anglicisms (any borrowing from English at constitutes a new word) are dealt with in the language systems of French, German and alian. The sources for my analysis are the prevailing general monolingual dictionaries of (English, German, French and Italian): The Concise Oxford ictionary of the English language, Duden Deutsches Universalwrterbuch, Le Nouveau hapter 2: he Corpus), I continue with the methodology of linguistic borrowing and different models : Terminology and status of linguistic borrowing). alian: On the one hand, I deal with correspondences and variations concerning these three plica languages and, on the other hand, I go into some detail on the subject of tion as to the distinctive features of borrowed English terms in reign vocabularies (chapter 4). ning words that are directly borrowed from English and dapted by a foreign lexicon in an unaltered way: applies hyphen-spelling to English loan words and the Italian dictionary proves evidence of

CLUSION th It the languages stated D Petit Robert and Lo Zingarelli.

Starting with theoretical introductory approaches to lexicographical principles (the structure of dictionaries) and the presentation of the corpus data for this paper (c T of loan terminology: Examples as to the various ways of linguistic borrowing are given with reference to a model I created out of five customary models of terminology (chapter 3

The primary object of this paper is to compare dictionary entries in French, German and It re assimilation and adapta fo

Chapter 4, dealing with English Internationalisms, thus, is divided into two main sections: Authentic and assimilated English Internationalisms.

In the first part of my analysis of English Internationalisms I deal with authentic forms of borrowings from English, mea a

On the level of graphology and orthography of compound words borrowed from English,

direct lexical borrowings into German tend to take up the original English spelling (be it separate, directly combined or spelled with hyphen). The French language primarily 120 an (only) occasional use of directly combined compound words. For the most part, the Italian language also tends to adapt compounds in their original English form. yntax, English Interationalisms primarily apply to flectional morphology in the language systems of the replica languages. Characteristics redominantly, attributed a masculine ccasionally also neuter in German) grammatical gender. Furthermore, they are usually he stylistics section reveals that English Internationalisms (generally, all words borrowed age with ccasional semantic narrowing (e.g. container in German), repeated semantic extensions, h Internationalisms, i.e. words at have undergone various kinds of assimilation processes in order to fit the linguistic omenon of interference of direct lexical borrowing and native word formation

As to the phonetics/phonology level, it can be stated that, principally, English Internationalisms (strictly speaking all Anglicisms) are realised as a partial imitation of the English pronunciation in French, German and Italian alike.

Concerning morphology and s in of borrowed English Internationalisms (exact reproductions of an English expression in all three host languages) reveal that English nouns are, p (o marked with a plural s in French and German, but are invariable in the Italian language system.

from another language) fulfil several functions: They denote different kinds of style, they motivate associations and connotations, they endorse euphemism and they act as a signal in text production.

As far as semantics is concerned, my observation results in direct lexical borrowings from English tending to only adopt one original meaning to the replica langu o (e.g. pole position in French and Italian), and even shifts in meaning (e.g. boom in French).

The second part of chapter 4 deals with assimilated Englis th systems of the replica languages in question.

Derivational morphology, in this paper, primarily concerns assimilated forms of English Internationalisms since English loans assimilated on this level have undergone a native process of word formation by means of creating new words of different categories out of a borrowed stem by adding derivational morphemes. Without doubt, the prime example of this phen 121 processes is the derivation of verbs out of borrowed English nouns, e.g. the German boomen from boom, the French charteriser from charter and the Italian zumare from zoom.

Other examples of derivational morphology are assimilated nouns. These forms mainly riginate in the Greek and Latin language, but they are, nevertheless, treated as ractical approach to this study on the English influence on modern French, German and s are primarily to be observed? In view of ese queries, I decided to compose questionnaires to be sent to speakers of French, lish words seem to be principally employed for their being shorter and more precise,

for there being no native equivalent and for their being internationally fixed ause of their spread in French, German and Italian alike, it is principally the domain of the Internet and o Anglicisms, since the dictionaries in question claim them to infiltrate the French, German and Italian language systems via English influence.

My dealing with Anglicisms on the stylistic level brought me to think about a more p Italian. Several questions arose: Why do non-native speakers of English use English words in their mother tongue and when do they employ them? What is their attitude towards this use? Are there domains in which Anglicism th German and Italian (chapter 5: Attitudes towards English influence).

In general, the resulting answers on attitudes towards the English influence in French, German and Italian language systems reveal that

non-native speakers of English primarily employ English words in oral communication Anglicisms are used equally frequent in professional and everyday life Eng speakers of French, German and Italian no longer really notice English words in actual language usage English words, chiefly, are said to be an enrichment of the host languages lexicon with the outstanding position of the US to be the c sports which most frequently provide evidence of English words

122 Dealing with peoples attitudes, I also became aware of associations (and even laws) to take action against the English burden.

Therefore, in the second section of chapter 5, I refer to the major projects (laws, petitions, etc.) now in progress against English influence expressing my own hope for mankind not opt for false linguistic purism in the French, German and Italian speaking worlds since

linguistic borrowing is but one phenomenon in the development of a languages

to languages are living constructions.

*** We do not know what lies in store for us in the future, but let me emphasise once again that vocabulary.

123 7. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1) Dictionaries . General monolingual dictionaries

. DUDEN Deutsches Universalwrterbuch 2001 Bibliographisches Institut F.A. Brockhaus AG, Mannheim. DUDEN auf CD-ROM, PC-Bibliothek Express . Le Nouveau Petit Robert 1996 1997 Dictionnaires Le Robert, Paris. Version lectronique du Nouveau Petit Robert. Ralisation informatique par le bureau VAN DIJK . lo Zingarelli 1998 in CD-ROM Zanichelli editore S.p.A. Bologna. I.CO.GE: Informatica S.r.l. Trento . The Concise Oxford Dictionary, 9th Edition. CD-ROM version of Oxfords best selling dictionary, Oxford University Press 1997 99, Software: TEXTware A/S. ultimedia Limited . Special dictionaries of foreign words . De Mauro, Tullio / Mancini, Marco : Dizionario delle parole straniere nella lingua a, divisione di Utnet S.p.A. 2001

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1 italiana. Milano: Garzanti Linguistic 2. Pogarell, Reiner / Schrder, Markus [ed.]: Wrterbuch berflssiger Anglizismen. 2., erweiterte Auflage, Paderborn: IFB-Verlag 2000

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d Sprachbewusstsein in Frankreich heute. Tbingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag 1999 3. rlin: de Gruyter 1993 4. f Language. 2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1997 . Crystal, David: English as a global language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1997 gularitt und Variabilitt in der Rezeption englischer Internationalismen im modernen Deutsch, Franzsisch und Polnisch. Tbigen: Max er Verlag 1990

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2. Dardano, Maurizio: The influence of English on Italian, in: Bald, Wolf-Dietrich / Viereck, Wolfgang [ed.]: English in contact with other languages. Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad 1986, 231 - 252

3. Lehnert, Martin: The Anglo-American influence on the language of the contact with other languages. Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad 1986, 129 157 4 in World Englishes, Vol. 16, No.1 1997, 65 76 5 Dietrich / Viereck, Wolfgang [ed.]: English in contact with other languages. Budapest: Akad

6. Viereck, Wolfgang: The Inf contact with other languages. Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad 1986, 107 128 7 Gerhard [ed.]: Neues und Fremdes im deutschen Wortschatz. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter 2001, 59 88

126 (3) Web sites

. Sokol, Daniel K.: Lingua non grata at: 1 http://www.eltnewsletter.com/back/August2000/art242000.htm

Filipovic, Rudolf: English as a 2. word donor to other languages of Europe, at: http://www.intellectbooks.com/europa/number5/hart.html 3.

Dudenredaktion: Das Fremdwort Freund oder Feind in: Zum Thema, at http://www.duden.de

4. Dyson: DENGLISH nervt (Forum) at http://www.f23.parsimony.net Keine E-Mail in

5. Frankreich in Die Welt, on July 5th, 1997 at http://www.oedt.kfunigraz.ac.at/anglizismen/9Frankr.htm 4) Further reading . Books . Supanz, Elvira: Die Anglizismen im Rahmen der Wirtschaftsberichterstattung in der

2. Fink, Hermann: Von Kuh-Look bis Fit for Fun. Frankfurt am Main, Wien: Lang

. Web sites 1. exical database) at http://corpora.ids-mannheim.de/~cosmas/

1 italienischen Presse. Klagenfurt: 1983 1997 b

COSMAS (German l tml

2. La loi Toubon at http://www.culture.fr/dglf/lois/presentation_lois.h 127 3. French Olympic sports terminology at http://crete.argyro.net/lexique/liste.cfm

. French Golf vocabulary at http://www.golf.gouv.qc.ca/ressources/golf/golf.html 4 inology at http://www.culture.fr/culture/dglf/cogether/16-03-99-

5. French Internet term internet.html . French football terminology at http://www.culture.fr/culture/dglf/foot.htm

6 7. t http://www.culture.fr/culture/dglf

Official French-English equivalents a .

8. Verein deutsche Sprache at http:///www.vds-ev.de.

. Wiener Sprachbltter at http://mailbox.univie.ac.at/~fischeg4/ 9

128