i

A CRITICAL APPRAISAL OF PLAYING FIELD PROVISION IN BIRMINGHAM FOR BLACK

AND MINORITY ETHNIC COMMUNITIES

Alan Bain























Presented as part of the requirement for the award of the MA Degree
in Sports Development
within the Postgraduate Modular Scheme at
University of Gloucestershire

May, 2007

ii

DECLARATIONS





This Dissertation is a product of my own work and is not the result of anything done in
collaboration.









I agree that this Dissertation may be available for reference and photocopying, at the
discretion of the University.









Alan H Bain

iii

ABSTRACT

This paper critically evaluates the planning process used for developing and allocating sports
facilities and specifically open air football pitches in the United Kingdom, as well as the
bureaucratic structures that legislate against those from black and ethnic minority
communities from participating in the management and administration of the game and
therefore the decision and policy making processes. The motivation for the paper stems from
a perception that the planning process for playing pitch provision is flawed, characterised by
a lack of consultation with socially excluded groups and lacking any strategic direction. The
paper adopts a critical theoretical perspective to highlight the structural imbalances that exist
with regard to playing pitch provision. It begins by using recent empirical data to
contextualise the issue demonstrating that the gap in participation levels between different
social groups remains despite government policies designed apparently to bridge that gap
and undertakes a practical example of playing pitch planning and development. A central
element of this research paper is the use of a case study to illustrate the intertwined themes
of race and class that appear to contribute to the observed inequalities. The case study
examines the experiences of one of Britains first black led football clubs in finding a
permanent home and also highlights a bureaucratic system unable to manage the needs of
its constituency. The work of social theorists such as Marx, Gramsci and Weber are used as
the tools for the analysis. In addition, the question is asked as to whether the aspirations of
government (and the existing power structures that run football) are achievable without a
comprehensive review of sporting facility provision and the mechanisms used to recruit black
and minority ethnic groups to positions of authority.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the Trustees of Continental Star Football Club for allowing me to
participate in their mission to find a permanent home. A mission that is yet to be completed
but not for the unstinting and often unrecognised work of the Club . I would like to thank
Lincoln Moses in particular for providing me with the motivation to complete this piece of
research.

I would also like to thank my wife Sharon for her constant support whilst completing this
paper, above and beyond the call of duty, particularly as she gave birth to our first child
Fergus whilst I was writing up!
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CONTENTS

Declarations ii
Abstract iii
Acknowledgments iv

Chapter 1: Introduction 1
1.0 Background and Rationale 1
1.1 Why this subject area was selected 2
1.2 Central research questions 2
1.3 Research objectives 2
1.4 Paper Structure 2

Chapter 2: Literature Review 3
2.0 Social exclusion 3
2.1 Participation 5
2.2 Physical activity and health 7
2.3 Sport and race 8
2.4 Weber and bureaucracy 9
2.5 Playing pitch provision 10
2.6 Playing pitch strategies 13
2.7 Alternative methods 14

Chapter 3: Methodology
3.1 Introduction 16
3.2 Epistemological Position 16
3.3 The critical perspective 18
3.4 Methodology 23
3.5 Participants 24
3.6 Ethical considerations 25
3.7 Data collection methods and procedures 26
3.8 Data analysis methods 28

Chapter 4: Case Study 30
4.1 Introduction 30
4.2 Case Study Continental Star Football Club 30
4.3 Current situation 30
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4.4 Towards a level playing field a practical example of playing field provision 31
4.5 Local consultation 35
4.6 Results and discussion 36

Chapter 6: Summary and Conclusions 46
6.1 Summary 46
6.2 Conclusions 46

Bibliography 48

Appendix A Photographs 55
Appendix B Continental Star FC Sandon Road Briefing Note 58
Appendix C Trustee Three Interview Transcription 68
Appendix D - Trustee Three Letter regarding BME representation in coaching (May
2006) 75
Appendix E - Continental Star FC letter regarding representation in football
administration (May 2006) 79
Appendix F Continental Star FC response to playing pitch strategy consultation
(October 2005) 85
Appendix G - Trustee Two Letter regarding black representation in football
structures (May 2006) 88
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TABLES



2.1 - Comparison of key social indicators 4
4.1 - Minimum local target for pitch provision for constituencies 2005 33
4.2 - Minimum local target for pitch provision for constituencies 2006 34
4.3 - Assessment of current playing pitch provision 35
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FIGURES



3.1 Data analysis procedures 29


1

Chapter 1 Introduction

1.0 Background and Rationale
The purpose of this paper is to identify or attempt to identify whether the promotion and
development of sport continues to suffer from structural imbalances that legislates against
those from black and minority ethnic communities and asks whether a combination of
bureaucratic structures and long established power relationships contribute to institutional
racism. It asks the question as to whether the existing power structures are using their
traditional hegemony as a form of social control, providing black and minority ethnic groups
with opportunities to play sport in a safe and abuse free environment but not to participate in
the management, administration and policy making of it. The question is therefore whether
the successful tackling of racism on the pitch necessarily promotes racial equality within sport
off it? The motivation for the study stems from a perception that the lack of suitable open air
playing pitches is a significant barrier to participation in football and that the opportunity to
contribute to the administration and management of football, as well as the development of
policy, are limited by existing power structures. The paper critically evaluates the planning
process used for developing and allocating sports facilities and specifically open air playing
pitches in the United Kingdom. It begins by using recent empirical data to contextualise the
issue demonstrating that the gap in participation levels between different social groups
remains despite government policies designed apparently to bridge that gap and undertakes
a practical example of playing pitch planning and development. A central element of this
research paper is the use of a case study to illustrate the intertwined themes of race and
class that appear to contribute to the observed inequalities. The case study examines the
experiences of one of Britains first black led football clubs in finding a permanent home. The
case study also highlights a bureaucratic system unable to manage the needs of its
constituency. A critical theoretical perspective is adopted to accompany this action research,
although the paper initially wrestles with interpretive approaches more consistent with
ethnographic and phenomenological methodologies. The work of social theorists such as
Marx, Gramsci and Weber are used as the tools for the analysis. The paper will attempt to
highlight some of the planning policies that contribute to this inequality as well as some of the
more practical barriers to providing good quality sports facilities. In addition, the question is
asked as to whether the aspirations of government (and the existing power structures that run
football) are achievable without a comprehensive review of sporting facility provision and the
mechanisms used to recruit black and minority ethnic groups to positions of authority. The
paper concludes that the simplistic functionalist approach of government is doomed to
preserving the current inequalities and institutional barriers to participation and therefore the
existing levels of social exclusion.
2

1.1 Why this subject area was selected
This subject area was selected as the researcher had noted through playing amateur football
in Birmingham for many years that that playing pitches were increasingly being sold off and
redeveloped as residential, commercial or retail sites or were simply closed and lying derelict,
whilst football clubs in inner city Birmingham were travelling longer distances to find suitable
playing facilities.

1.2 Central research questions
Does the planning system for playing field provision contribute to institutional racism in
football in Birmingham?

Are the structures responsible for football development in Birmingham too bureaucratic to
ameliorate the unfair allocation of playing fields and effectively excludes black and minority
ethnic communities from the administration and management of the game?

Is a strategic review of playing pitch provision and allocation required to challenge these
inequalities?

The 1999 McPherson Report examining the death of the teenager Stephen Lawrence defined
institutional racism as the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and
professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin (CRE 2007a).

1.3 Research objectives
The overall objective of the research is to inform sports facility providers and policy makers of
the structural and cultural barriers that impact upon playing field provision so that they can
legislate and formulate policy with regard to sports facility planning and provision accordingly.
We are also hoping to provide sports development strategists with a deeper understanding of
why social groups are prevented from participating in the management and administration of
the game and the decision making process with regard to playing pitch allocation.

1.4 Paper Structure
The paper begins by providing some context to participation by black and minority ethnic
communities in both the UK and Birmingham. A review of playing pitch planning and
development is undertaken including current policy. The epistemological position is then
debated and reviewed. It reviews appropriate literature with respect to critical theory as well
as the themes of race and class. The case study of one of Britains first black led football
clubs is then outlined whilst a playing pitch in Birmingham under threat of development is also
assessed using the current guidance in order to illustrate the scene. Two years of
observations in the field are then discussed before the summary and conclusions.
3

Chapter 2 Literature Review

2.0 Social Exclusion
The purpose of this section is to illustrate how the barriers that might face black and ethnic
minorities affect their participation in sport and why that is a concern. It explores interrelated
themes of participation in sport, levels of physical activity, access to physical activity provision
and how the transport and health agendas are having an increasing impact on the physical
activity agenda. It illustrates why the participants in this study are not only excluded with
respect to sports facility provision but are also excluded due to declining levels of social
capital within their communities with access to services, health and employment opportunities
limited whilst subjected to high levels of violent crime. It may be useful at this point to define
the community that is the subject of the study. The case study I am looking at is of a football
club originating in the Handsworth area of Birmingham. The club draws most of its players
from what is commonly known as the inner city of Birmingham. Expressed in terms of local
authority wards, they include Aston, Nechells, Ladywood, Lozells and East Handsworth and
Soho. These areas of Birmingham have diverse ethnic populations as illustrated below as
well as suffering from key indicators of deprivation with regard to employment, health and
quality of life.

Study area Birmingham England
Total population 103785 977087 49138831
Ethnic group White % 35.1 70.4 90.9
Ethnic group Mixed % 4.9 2.9 1.3
Ethnic group Asian % 40.5 19.5 4.6
Ethnic group Black % 17.3 6.1 2.3
Economically active % 51.1 60.3 66.9
Economically inactive % 48.9 39.6 33.1
Qualifications % 56.5 62.9 71.1
Households with no car % 55.9 38.5 26.8

Table 2.1 - Comparison of key social indicators (ONS 2007)
It is clear from the above table that the community within which the case study undertakes its
activities suffers from lower levels of economic activity, lower levels of car ownership and is
less well educated. It could therefore be described as socially excluded. But what is social
exclusion and why is it important? The Social Exclusion Unit was established by the
government in 1997 and defined social exclusion as what happens when people or places
suffer from a series of problems such as unemployment, discrimination, poor skills, low
incomes, poor housing, high crime, ill health and family breakdown (SEU 1998). Collins
(2003) argues that social exclusion is an important consideration because without it levels of
4

trust and reciprocity between citizens and civic institutions, social cohesion and integration,
participation and solidarity are threatened. He also argued that it should be defined as a
relative measurement of poverty as opposed to an absolute measurement. Giddens (2001
p.308) insists that exclusion is not about gradations of inequality, but about mechanisms that
act to detach groups of people from the social mainstream.

The central question of the research however relates to ethnicity and whether that contributes
to social exclusion. Collins (2003) argues that poverty is at the core of exclusion and factors
such as ethnicity, age and gender, although contributory are not the most important
consideration. He points out that 57% of those from an ethnic minority are classed as poor
and therefore at risk of social exclusion. Hall (1999) looked at the issue of social capital
which he defines as the propensity of individuals to associate together on a regular basis, to
trust one another, and to engage in community affairs (1999 p. 417). He highlights the
erosion in social capital in the USA and contends that similar erosion is not taking place in
Britain, partly due to the transformation of class structure in the UK. However, in recognising
that the middle classes have grown in recent years and that they generally have a higher level
of social capital, Hall ignores the potential impact of declining social capital amongst the
socially excluded. He therefore does not address how effectively public policy can be
implemented. This is a key point to consider, as I am looking at not just general participation
in playing but participation in decision and policy making by socially excluded groups. Collins
and Buller (2003) also looked at the effects of social exclusion on participation in high-
performance sport. They identified a number of structural constraints that contribute to
socially disadvantaged groups being unable to participate, such as the need for considerable
financial support to sustain intensive coaching programs. Although not addressed by Collins
et al, socially disadvantaged groups are also constrained by reasons of income from paying
for expensive training courses that would allow them to coach or manage at the highest level
in football or are excluded from expensive academic courses that prevent them from
administering at the highest level. The study explored the intrapersonal or interpersonal
constraints that may have contributed to non-participation although little data appears to have
been collected to try and assess the impact of such barriers. Collins and Buller (2003) use the
work of Bourdieu on social class differences in sports participation in order to provide a
theoretical framework. Bourdieu (1984) believed that different social groups make lifestyle
choices based on their early experiences and socialisation or habitus and also through their
access to economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital. The hierarchical constraints model
would probably class these as examples of both intrapersonal and interpersonal constraints
(habitus and social capital) and structural constraints (economic capital). This highlights a
tangled web of issues relating to class and race that complicate the analysis but at the same
time provides a wealth of potential evidence. I therefore have to seek context in terms of
5

ethnicity but also in terms of social class, as an additional indicator of levels of social
exclusion.

2.1 Participation
In general terms, it is well established that the impact of an individuals social group on
general sports participation is significant with levels of participation almost three times higher
for professionals than manual groups (DCMS 2002). Sport Englands analysis of data from
the 1996 General Household Survey (Sport England 2001a) indicates that those in the AB
social class groups are much more likely to participate in sport than their counterparts in
social groups DE. This is true for both casual and regular participation (Sport England 2001b).
It has also been demonstrated that social background is a significant constraint on high-
performance sports participation with a 1997 survey of elite performers showing a
disproportionate number of individuals from social groups AB when compared to social
groups DE (English Sports Council 1998 cited in Collins et al 2003). Hylton and Totten (2001)
confirm that socio-economic status has a direct effect on participation levels in physical
activity with professional workers participating twice as much as unskilled manual workers
although the gap appears to have narrowed between 1987 and 1993. The Government is
committed to reducing this social exclusion and using sport as an instrument in achieving this
(DCMS 1999). It aims to do so by encouraging a mass participation culture. The initial target
was to increase participation levels from the current level of approximately 30% to a level of
70% by 2020 (DCMS 2002), although this target has been finessed ever since once it was
recognised that it was probably unachievable. However, in order to go some way to achieving
this objective a significant increase in the participation levels of disadvantaged groups will be
required. The 2002 General Household Survey (Fox and Rickards 2004) reports that between
1996 and 2002 participation levels in sport, defined as those having participated in sport in
the last 4 weeks, fell from 46% of adults to 43%. The trend is therefore down rather than up
and put into sharp focus the difficulty in raising participation levels.

The participation rate for ethnic minority groups is a more ambiguous one though. For ethnic
minority groups the participation rate in sport is 40% in the UK compared to 46% as a whole
(Sport England 2000). However, there are significant variations within and between ethnic
groups, particularly with regard to football. The same report indicated that participation in
football amongst the Black Others group was three times higher than for the national
population as a whole but that participation in general amongst the Black Caribbean
community was lower. Participation rates amongst Asian men were at or around the national
average and in the case of Pakistani men actually exceeded it. Bradbury (2001) observed that
about 10% of youngsters in professional club academies and centres of excellence were
reported to be black whilst just less than 2% were reported to be of Asian. The recruitment of
black players to professional clubs appears therefore to be at least representative, however
6

most professional clubs had no Asian players at all on their books. The Asians in Football
Forum (2005) actually estimated that in 2004 less than 1% of players were Asian at Premier
League academies. In terms of player recruitment there are therefore some ambiguities with
respect to black and minority ethnic representation. It would appear that those from black
groups tend to be over-represented whilst those from Asian minority groups tend to be under
represented. The statistics with regards to representation within football management and
administration is unambiguous though. In 2004 of the 92 Premier and Football clubs only
three managers were black and only three coaches were also black whereas 20% of players
were black (Conn 2004). It is a similar story with respect to administration with only three
chairmen at the 92 clubs from a black or minority ethnic community and no black or minority
ethnic representation at the Football Association, Premier League or Football League.
Hubbard (2004) also observed that of the 28 Olympic sports only one had a non-white
Chairman and that there were no black staff employed in senior positions at either UK Sport
or Sport England. Bradbury (2001) concludes that there has been success with respect to
dealing with overt racism but that professional clubs are not as good in connecting with black
and minority ethnic communities and that they do not understand the purpose of equal
opportunities policies, if indeed they have them.

The location of sporting facilities is not often considered as a significant barrier to participation
but Sport England (2005) has recognised that free facilities tend to be situated in relatively
affluent areas. It suggests that planning and development policies should be used to avoid
this (I will come onto those policies later). The suggestion that playing pitches are not being
situated in areas that are accessible to sections of the population is slowly being recognised
by central government. The governments own Social Exclusion Unit (2000) observed that
many of Britains poorest neighbourhoods have become increasingly isolated over the last
two decades and that this trend is compounded by poor transport links. In order to address
this, a group has been formed to bring together government and grassroots campaigners
seeking new and improved sports facilities (DCMS 2004a). The Sport England report (2005)
makes explicit the need for new places to play as well as protecting existing spaces for sport
and physical activity. Birmingham has a long history of providing a place to play for its
citizens, although it was the industrial heritage of the city that contributed to this rather than
any public good. In 1955 at least 94 local works played at their own grounds all of them
owned or operated by private companies for the benefit of their employees (Beauchampe et
al 2006). The Birmingham and District Works Amateur Football Association had a
membership of 254 clubs and was the largest of its kind in the world but by 2006 only 21
former works grounds survive of which only 12 are in company hands. This loss of playing
fields over a period of around 30 years is something that the public authorities in Birmingham
have been struggling to address ever since.

7

The Game Plan (DCMS 2002) document appeared to signal a new determination in
government to increase participation in sport and physical activity across the board. It
provided evidence that some recognition within government had taken place of social
differences in participation and it paid particular focus to the most economically
disadvantaged groups in society, and indeed targeting these people is important in trying to
maximise the benefits to the most disadvantaged (DCMS 2002 p. 90-91). The report identified
the development of Specialist Sports Colleges and School Sport Co-ordinators as being key
to developing sports literacy amongst young people and proposed a whole raft of policies
designed to increase general participation and participation of marginalised groups. These
included the opening of school facilities to community use, providing subsidies to
economically disadvantaged adults and training a network of information providers such as
healthcare professionals and local authority sports staff to provide advice on the merits of
physical activity (DCMS 2002 p. 109-110). However, five years on and the effects are still not
apparent, although admittedly there has been no comprehensive survey of participation rates
since 2002 other than the General Household Survey. The Government have also made it
clear that in future sports will receive central funding only if they can prove that they are
delivering on the governments health, social inclusion and anti-crime agenda (Kelso 2003).

2.2 Physical Activity and Health
Some may question why it is important to increase participation in sport but for many the
evidence is compelling with physical inactivity in England costing the nation at least 2bn a
year with a 10% increase in activity saving 500m a year (DCMS 2002). The boundaries
between the health and physical activity agendas have become increasingly blurred in recent
years. The publication of At Least Five a Week (Department of Health 2004) placed an
increase in physical activity as a key preventative measure to combat the development of
major chronic diseases such as coronary heart disease, stroke and type 2 diabetes.
Interestingly the report now claims that the annual costs of physical inactivity are 8.2bn with
the effects of obesity contributing another 2.5bn per year. The statistics with regard to health
and ethnicity are also illustrative. The Commission for Racial Equality (CRE 2007b) note that
the incidence of coronary heart disease and diabetes is higher than average in ethnic minority
groups although it is interesting to note that obesity is lower in most ethnic groups than the
population as a whole (Department of Health 2007). The general consensus of these reports
is that more should be done to encourage physical activity. The mechanism for encouraging
this appears to be one of encouraging people to be more active in their day to day lives. This
is certainly the central theme of the Department of Health report and to a certain extent
should be expected from the health agendas perspective, but it is interesting to note that
Sport England (2005) is talking about cleaner and safer roads and footways, cycle lanes and
appropriate bicycle storage. A case of the sport development sector working in harmony with
related agendas or perhaps straying into territory it is not best placed to comment on.
8

Certainly it is hard to see why cleaner roads would encourage more people to cycle, if indeed
it is an issue in the first place. However, the links to transport, health and physical activity are
becoming stronger and it is therefore worth examining the literature with regard to transport
and black and ethnic minority communities.

2.3 Sport and Race
The nature of the inequality highlighted above has been criticised for not addressing the
theme of race. Spracklen (2003) observes that race is itself a racist term having been derived
from theories of biological race and social Darwinism. However, he deems it necessary to use
the term himself in order to highlight its complexity and the contradictions inherent in racist
dialogue (2003 p. 43). This paper agrees with Spracklen in the sense that although the idea
of a black race genetically homogenous and distinct from a white race is dismissed, race is
an important sociological concept. However, care must be taken not to fall into the trap of
false universalism as espoused by Fleming (1994) and attribute crude stereotypes with regard
to sporting preferences and behaviours. Carrington & McDonald (2001) are particularly critical
of sports science that preserves the myth of race and seeks to biologically separate ethnic
groups into discrete groups. As well as perpetuating the crude stereotypes identified by
Fleming this biological determinism is consumed and distributed by an uncritical mass media
validating popular beliefs about the existence of race and racial difference. The diversity of
cultural and ethnic identities should not be obscured therefore by equating race with one
particular ethnic group. The case study I am looking at is of an organisation that primarily
provides for black British footballers, partly a reflection of its geographical constituency but
also its Black British and Black Caribbean led origins. However, the football club does have
an equal opportunities policy and the ethnic profile of the participants is mixed. The test here
however is not whether the case study itself provides an example of racism but whether the
structural deficiencies in the provision of football are institutionally racist. It is recognised that
many football clubs in Birmingham are stratified along ethnic and religious groups and the
barriers faced by those groups are complex and different but any analysis of it will have to be
left for now.

It may be useful to make a distinction between different forms of racism namely structural
racism, institutional racism and individual racism. Jarvie (2006) explains that structural racism
refers to a racism that is entrenched within society and typically reflect gaps between different
ethnic groups with respect to income, employment and education. For example, access to
sports facilities may be more difficult for some ethnic groups because of their cost or perhaps
location. Institutional racism reflects practices and procedures that discriminate against ethnic
groups perhaps with regard to where power is located within sporting organisations whilst
individual racism refers to the actions of individuals to members of ethnic groups. It is
illustrative that our case study highlights all three forms of the above mentioned racism.
9


Carrington & McDonald (2001) are critical at the lack of research into racism in sport in the
UK. Much of the literature has concentrated on work in the US. For example Jarvies (1991)
edited collection, Sport Racism & Ethnicity only dealt with British case studies in less than half
of its chapters. In some cases Carrington & McDonald believe that British studies of race
actually reinforce many of the racial stereotypes that should be challenged. They use
Cashmores (1982) Black Sportsmen as an example of this which although providing
important historical material on black history pathologised black communities and blackness
itself. Since Carrington & McDonalds criticism was published there is not a great deal of
evidence that this is changing. Kings (2004) study into institutional racism in professional
football highlighted how white men understand the power they have with respect to forcing
black footballers to integrate on their own terms and is a useful addition to the lexicon.
Spracklen (2003) assessed the success or otherwise Achieving Racial Equality: A Standard
for Sport (CRE 2000). The document was produced so that governing bodies and sports
organisations could not only address any direct racism as well as development work with
ethnic minority communities but also address the problems of under representation in sport
administration and management. Spracklen is critical of governing bodies and sports
organisations that are keen to demonstrate their social inclusion credentials by undertaking
development work with people from black and minority ethnic communities but fail to amend
their structures and practices and thereby achieve real racial equality (2003). This observation
from Spracklen strikes a particular chord when examining our case study.

2.4 Weber and Bureaucracy
Another theme of this paper is the identification of a number of bureaucratic institutions that
fail to address the needs of their respective constituencies. In order to critically appraise this,
Webers theory of formal rationality is the most appropriate tool. Webers paradigm for formal
rationality was the bureaucracy. Weber (Morrison 1995) saw the bureaucracy as the most
efficient method of implementing formal rationality and believed there were a number of key
characteristics of a bureaucratic organisation. These included inter alia a hierarchical chain of
command; a system of impersonal rules; impersonal guidelines for dealing with work
responsibilities and a functional specialisation of tasks with respect to the division of labour.
Weber saw such organisations as dehumanising and his fear was that formal rational
structures or bureaucracies would come to dominate so that people could not move without
encountering another bureaucratic structure. He termed this the iron cage of rationality or the
irrationality of rationality. Weber distinguished between substantive and formal rationality in
the same way that Mannheim distinguished between substantial and functional rationality.
Webers concept believed that substantive rationality adheres to principles of social justice,
ethics and quality (Morrison 1995 p.346) whilst formal rationality applied strict rules of
10

quantitative calculation in order to come to a view or decision. He believed that formal
rationality was a hostile threat to substantive rationality.

Cantelon and Ingham (2002) use Weber to analyse the rationalisation of sports organisations
and structures. They believe that the fate of most athletes upon entering the feeder system of
sport, autonomy yields to heteronomy and substantial rationality to the formal or functional
rationality of the system: to the bureaucratic managerialism (Cantelon and Ingham 2002 p.
77). They highlight the dominance of bureaucratic organisations in sport and the acceptance
that this is the way that sport should be organised. The roots of these dimensions can be
traced back to Webers formal rationality and bureaucratisation (Morrison 1995).

2.5 Playing Pitch Provision
A practical example of playing pitch provision using the accepted standards is used later to
illustrate its shortcomings with respect to providing for socially excluded groups. Before that a
brief review of playing pitch provision and policy in the UK is undertaken. The Playing Pitch
Strategy (Sports Council et al 1991) published by the Sports Council in 1991 in association
with the Central Council of Physical Recreation (CCPR) and the National Playing Fields
Association (NPFA) highlighted the loss of playing pitches in the United Kingdom. A number
of reasons were given for this including legislative change, pressures on local authority
finance and increasing pressure for land resource. An example of this was government policy
introduced in 1981 which was designed to encourage local authorities to sell surplus playing
fields on the presumption that many were under used (Houlihan 1997). The policy was an
example of the Conservative governments enthusiasm for privatisation and a general
suspicion of public ownership, particularly where land was concerned. The same government
introduced local financial management of schools in an attempt to reduce the central financial
control exercised by local authority education departments. The costs associated with sport
and PE were one of the items previously met by central funds but now devolved to the school.
The effect was that as devolved budgets were under constant pressure many schools
reduced costs by cutting back on transport and provision for sport (Houlihan 1997). The
combined effect of these particular policies was the disposal of school playing fields although
there is little quantifiable data on the extent to which this took place. The 1970s had seen
significant facility development led by the Sports Council (Houlihan & White 2002) but by the
early 1980s there was a shift away from facility provision and indeed there was a view that
any deficiency in facilities had been overcome (Houlihan & White 2002). This was despite the
Sports Councils view that facility development was still the most important issue with regard
to sport development (Sport Council 1981). The consensus changed from one of facility
provision to one of an emphasis on participation. The drive to commercialise many of the
leisure services that had previously been provided by the public sector through the use of
CCT in the late 1980s and early 1990s saw modest economic savings at the cost of many of
11

the valued elements of the services (Veal 2002). CCT was abolished in 1997 with the election
of a Labour government and replaced with the concept of Best Value, although its
managerialist nature still suggests a rigorous approach to the running of public services (Veal
2002). Combined with the impact of government policies on school playing fields and the
emphasis on participation rates rather than facility development the overall effect was not just
a slowing in the development of sports facilities and playing fields but the perceived loss of
playing fields.

It took until the Playing Pitch Strategy in 1991 to at least highlight the loss of playing fields to
development. The publication of Planning Policy Guidance Note (PPG) 17 Sport and
Recreation in 1991, for the first time set out sport as a legitimate land use (Sport England
1999). The guidance confirmed the role of the planning system in ensuring that adequate
land, water and air resources are allocated, created and retained for sport (Sport England
1999 p. 1) and restated the role of the former GB Sports Council in this process. The revision
to Planning Policy Guidance Note (PPG) 17, first mooted in 1999, and the increasing role of
land use development plans within the land use planning process prompted Sport England to
publish a policy statement on land use planning for sport which sought to promote a wider
understanding of the land use requirements of sport. Planning Policies for Sport, A land use
planning policy statement on behalf of sport (Sport England 1999) was published in 1999 and
provided Sport England with a means of influencing development plans and the local planning
authorities that produce them. Sport England had already become a statutory consultee in
1996 with regard to planning applications on land currently used or last used as playing fields.
This also applied to land allocated for use as a playing field in a development plan or the
replacement of a grass playing pitch with a synthetic one (English Sports Council 1997). It
would appear therefore that some legislative momentum was building with regard to the
protection of playing fields and playing field provision and planning. However, research
indicated that there were a number of shortcomings in the existing guidance. These were
published in 1998 in The Effectiveness of Planning Policy Guidance on Sport and Recreation
(DETR 1998). The research highlighted the fact that there was continuing concern over the
loss of playing fields but there was no reliable information on recent loss. It seemed that
education authorities were still disposing of school playing fields deemed to be surplus to
requirements as a result of fluctuating school populations. In addition, it stressed that local
authorities were rationalising playing fields with pitches centralised in a few locations and the
thinning out of peripheral locally accessible sites (DETR 1998). This type of policy could only
contribute to the social exclusion of those without a car, an approach that conflicts with the
social exclusion agenda (Lucas et al 2001). The deficiencies of the existing PPG17 were also
highlighted by Sport England with experience and research indicating that local authorities
were being inconsistent in their interpretations of excess provision and what was suitable as
equivalent benefit (Sport England 2000).
12


Many of the concerns of Sport England and the sporting community in general were
addressed in 2002 with the publication of Planning Policy Guidance (PPG) 17 Planning for
Open Space, Sport and Recreation. The long term aims of PPG17 are to deliver networks of
accessible high quality open spaces and sport and recreation facilities, an appropriate
balance between new provision and enhancement of existing provision and reasonable
certainty for developers in relation to the requirements and expectations of local planning
authorities in respect of open space and sport and recreation provision (ODPM 2002a p.2). It
advised that local planning authorities should undertake comprehensive assessments of the
existing and future needs of communities with respect to open space, sports and recreational
facilities (ODPM 2002b). The need to protect playing fields from development was
emphasised with permission only allowed if the proposed development does not adversely
affect the quality and quantity of provision (ODPM 2002b). In terms of planning for new
facilities it provides several guiding principles including the need to promote accessibility by
sustainable modes of transport such as walking, cycling and public transport and locating
more intensive recreational uses closer to town centres as well as requiring open space
standards to be set locally.

A Sporting Future for All pledged to prevent the sale of playing fields whilst improving school
sports facilities. However, a blanket ban was not seen as sensible as it would prevent plans to
modernise many playing fields (DCMS 2001). In addition, it was suggested that a monitoring
group be established so that monthly figures could be produced on playing field applications.
It is accepted that the Government has failed in the last pledge to report monthly figures. The
first report of the Playing Fields Monitoring Group was made in July 2003 for the period
2001/02 where it was reported that of 985 playing field applications, 52 were approved
despite objection from Sport England (DCMS 2003). The National Playing Fields Association
(NPFA) has criticised the Government with regard to the monitoring and reporting of playing
field applications. They have claimed inter alia that the Government has to tacitly support the
selling of school playing fields as it is the only way to generate funding to pay for improved
sporting facilities that would otherwise be unaffordable under current Government funding
regimes (NPFA 2003). It also claims that the Playing Fields Monitoring Group is ineffective
and that the process to protect playing fields too often ends up with indoor facilities replacing
outdoor ones without objection from either Sport England or ODPM. The Government
counteracts with a wealth of statistics on playing field development. The figures for 2002/03
with respect to playing field applications indicated that applications had risen by around 30%
to 1297 with 90% benefiting sport with a planned investment of 268m (DCMS 2004b).
However, the 10% that do not benefit sport are ignored amounting to some 130 applications
and many of the improved facilities are indoors reflecting the criticisms of the NPFA. The 10%
of applications would appear to be a significant number and there must be a question mark as
13

to whether the presumed loss of these playing fields is outweighed by the benefits provided
elsewhere. The need to accommodate increasing levels of participation as a result of
government policy has been recognised partly by the formation of a new group representing
government and grassroots campaigners seeking new and improved sports facilities (DCMS
2004a). The Game Plan document also recognised that the existence of suitable facilities was
a key factor in achieving increases in participation. Significant in that was the proposal that
lottery funding should not be the automatic response to funding new facilities but that greater
efforts to lever funding from the private or voluntary sectors should be considered (DCMS
2002 p. 101). In addition, it is also suggested that local authorities should take a less direct
strategic role in facility provision leaving others to direct delivery. The proposals are vague
and would appear to vindicate the NPFA view that the Government is not willing to fund new
facilities but that commercial funding solutions should be sought. The greater the involvement
of the private sector, the more likely that a proportion of any playing field is lost to fund
redevelopment or creation of new and improved facilities. This brief analysis of Government
policy with regard to sport indicates a desire to increase participation but no clear strategic
approach on how existing sporting facilities could be improved or how new ones could be
developed. It may even be a deliberate one to prevent any commitment by Central
Government to creating expensive new playing field facilities.

2.6 Playing Pitch Strategies
The framework now proposed by government appears to allow for the appropriate provision
and protection of playing fields. However, the issue as demonstrated by my application of the
standards and the case study is that that the identification of local needs and setting of local
standards is not undertaken by sport development professionals but rather is undertaken by
planners not as mindful of the sport development and participation agenda. For example,
although Sport England (2003) makes it clears that it considers that the most important
outcome of a playing pitch study is the development of a local standard of provision Veal
(2002) believes that there is a tendency for local planners to use nationally promoted
standards rather than develop their own local ones. Sport England has published a guide
towards the production of playing pitch strategies to sit alongside PPG17. The guide has been
produced to reflect the recent legislative changes with regard to playing pitches and also
draws on good practice employed since The Playing Pitch Strategy was published in 1991
(Sport England 2003). The guidance contained in PPG17 requires local authorities to
undertake an audit of open space and sport and recreational facilities. Sport England has
recognised that the scope of PPG17 is much wider than playing pitches and has produced to
sit alongside PPG17 a guide to producing playing pitch strategies (Sport England 2003). The
guide is aimed at local authority officers who may be responsible for producing a playing pitch
strategy for their area. The guidance replaces that contained in the 1991 document The
Playing Pitch Strategy. The NPFA refused to endorse the document as they felt the guidance
14

falls short of their suggested or traditional Six Acre Standard and ignores the requirements of
both children and sports players (NPFA 2004). The NPFA believe that the government and its
lead agency are also trying to dilute the Six Acre Standard when there is no accepted
alternative. Whilst the NPFA Six Acre Standard refers to a figure of 2.4 hectares of playing
fields for every 1,000 people (NPFA 2001), Sport England refers to developing minimum local
standards of provision for playing pitches and suggests, somewhat confusingly that in the
absence of a detailed local assessment the NPFA Six Acre Standard of 1.2 hectares for every
1,000 people of playing pitches should be provided (Sport England 2003). This would appear
to undermine the NPFA guidance. Veal (2002) however is particularly critical of the NPFA
standard as it provides no advice on spatial distribution and accessibility and assumes that all
demand should be met which rarely happens in other areas of social provision. Veal (2002)
also asks whether they can reflect local conditions accurately and that they often ignore the
qualitative aspects of provision. The guidance associated with PPG17 attempts to address
some of these issues by stating that local standards should be developed with regard to a
qualitative as well as quantitative component and an accessibility component (ODPM 2002a).
Veal does highlight a number of advantages of the standards approach including their
simplicity and efficiency as well as being easy to measure in quantitative terms.

The guidance published by Sport England with respect to developing a playing pitch strategy
reflects the guidance contained in the companion guide to PPG17 (Sport England 2003). The
guide contains a step-by-step guide to the Playing Pitch Model (PPM) which is an eight-stage
process for producing a playing pitch strategy. The guidance talks of developing minimum
local standards of provision but also contains an element of the gross demand/market-share
approach (GDMS) by considering team generation rates (TGRs) and unmet latent demand.
Importantly, it recommends that the assessment should take account of the impact of local
sports development initiatives on latent demand (Sport England 2003). Although it talks of
accessibility it only does so in the context of pitch ownership and not in the context of any
spatial consideration of where people live.

2.7 Alternative Methods
Veal (2002) suggests a number of alternative methods for the planning of sporting and leisure
facilities. The gross demand/market-share approach

(GDMS) involves estimating total (gross)
demand for an activity and considering how that demand should or might be met. There are
various degrees of complexity or sophistication that can be brought to the calculation but it
overcomes certain disadvantages of the standards approach, not least the fact that it is based
on some sort of assessment of demand and can react to trends if undertaken regularly. The
spatial approach also tries to overcome some of the disadvantages of the standards approach
by relating provision to where people live or at least where the users of a facility live. As
observed above, PPG17 attempts to address the issue of the spatial distribution of facilities
15

by including distance thresholds as well as a consideration of the cost of a facility (ODPM
2002a). A variation on the spatial approach is the hierarchies of facilities approach which
considers the idea that different sizes and types of facilities have different catchment areas. In
addition, there is the priority social analysis approach that directs provision to the greatest
social or recreational need, the matrix approach that recognises that it may be impossible to
serve all groups equally, the organic approach which incorporates elements of GDMS and
spatial analysis and finally the community development approach. The community
development approach involves public involvement and planning at neighbourhood level. The
community development approach stems from a concern to increase the level of public
involvement in the decision making process and also a desire to emphasise the communal
and human aspects of leisure as opposed to the facility and individual orientated approach
(Veal 2002). It maybe that in view of the issues raised in the case study that this is the
approach that needs to be adopted.

16

Chapter 3 Methodology

3.0 Introduction
The epistemological position of this study has been difficult to determine. The purpose of this
study is to identify whether the planning system for playing field provision is a barrier to the
participation of black and minority ethnic groups in football and whether the bureaucratic
structures that exist within our footballing infrastructure are working to maintain those
inequalities. The study has considered both the positivist and interpretive paradigms but has
rejected each of them. The reasons for rejection are highlighted below.

3.1 Epistemological Position
For a conventional study of constraints, identifying and quantifying the constraints may be as
far as we would go by adopting a nomothetic methodology emphasising the requirement for
scientific methods and techniques to be used. This positivist theoretical perspective would
justify an objectivist epistemology. Positivism was a philosophic doctrine associated with the
work of Auguste Comte when he announced that the age of speculation and intuition in
philosophy was at an end (Comte 1908). Although positivism can take many forms, the
contemporary understanding assigns an unequivocal meaning. Crotty (1998 p. 20) defines
positive science as what is posited or given in direct experience is what is observed, the
observant in question being scientific observation carried out by the way of the scientific
method. This objectivist epistemology assumes that objects have meaning outside of any
conscious attempt to give them meaning. Sparkes (1992) observes that positivist approaches
became the most predominantly used paradigm within research in physical activity. This has
led to the use of standardised instruments to objectively measure teaching and learning in
physical activity through empirical observations of life in the physical activity sphere. The
conventional approach would therefore only go as far as identifying and quantifying the
barriers to participation. However, the primary purpose of this study is to enrich our
understanding of why social groups do not participate or at least face barriers to participation.
The positivist approach is unlikely to help us in our understanding of what intrapersonal or
interpersonal barriers might be affecting participation in all aspects of football, other than
quantifying them. Quantitative analysis may be useful in order to provide some context and
indeed as part of the research a quantitative analysis has been undertaken to assess playing
pitch provision, but this is only so that a scene can be set.

The data for the research has been collected through conversations with participants and
observations in the field over a period of approximately two years and identifies a complex
web of constraints. It should also be noted that it has also been collected through active
participation in the field alongside the participants and this is something that I will return to.
Research on leisure constraints has been significant in North America during the 1980s and
17

1990s (Crawford et al 1991; Jackson et al 1995, Samdahl and Jekubovich 1997; Jackson
1997). More recently, Jackson (2000) has questioned whether leisure constraints will be
relevant in the twenty-first century and whether constraints research can continue in the same
vein. Amongst his conclusions he suggested that more qualitative methods be incorporated
into leisure constraints research. Now that the positivist approach has been rejected and the
need for a qualitative approach identified in order to understand the constraints, what type of
qualitative approach should be adopted.

There is a case perhaps for seeking a qualitative approach that explores the intrapersonal
constraints that may impact upon the participation of black and minority ethnic participants. It
could be justified therefore that a constructionist epistemological position is adopted. Crotty
(1998) believes that constructionism is replacing positivism as the dominant paradigm in
social research whilst the interpretive paradigm emerged in the nineteenth century as a
critical reaction to positivism (Sparkes 1992). Crotty defines constructionism as a view that all
knowledge and therefore all meaningful reality as such, is contingent upon human practices,
being constructed in and out of interaction between human beings and their world, and
developed and transmitted within an essentially social context (Crotty 1998 p. 42). Meaning is
therefore constructed rather than discovered. If one of the prime objectives of the study is to
assess whether the social experiences of our participants or socially constructed meanings
they have acquired - are having a bearing on their willingness or ability to participate then this
would seem to fit neatly within the constructionist framework. This theoretical perspective
would suggest a phenomenological methodology and seek to understand the barriers that
exist and why they exist, or understand and interpret them. Interpretivism underpins the
theoretical perspective of constructionism. Interpretivism is linked to the social theories of
Weber and his concept of Verstehen (understanding) (Crotty 1998). Morrison (1995) observes
that the Verstehen thesis is based on the idea that meaning precedes action; or more
specifically, meaning is a causal component of action since we cannot act unless we know
the meaning of other acts (1995 p. 278). The approach espoused by Weber calls for
understanding and interpretation but supported by empirical verification. Creswell (1998)
identifies a phenomenological study as one which describes the meaning of the lived
experiences for several individuals about a concept or the phenomenon (1998 p. 51). Crotty
(1998) talks of phenomenologists studying primordial phenomena and the immediate
original data of our consciousness, the phenomena in their unmediated and originary
manifestation to consciousness (1998 p. 79). At this juncture I might be tempted to reject the
phenomenological methodology in the same way that the positivist stance was rejected. It is
not an appropriate tool for the study as it does not seek to criticise, rather it seeks to
understand or interpret. However, for Crotty (1998) constructionism sees individuals being
introduced to meaning which already exists, sometimes in complex and subtle forms, but able
to shape our views nonetheless. Constructionism therefore emphasises the grip that society
18

has on us collectively and therefore advances that critical spirit rather than hinders it. Indeed,
although many social constructionists recognise the liberating qualities that social
constructions bring, they also recognise their ability to limit and oppress and hence they are
worthy of criticism. This is perhaps best illustrated by the need for phenomenologists to
bracket the understandings we have already acquired. The term bracketing was introduced
by Edmund Husserl (Crotty 1998) and was related to his development of his concept of
Epoche (Moustakas 1994). Epoche requires phenomenologists to set aside everyday
understandings and judgements and to learn to see what stands before them (Moustakas
1994). Phenomenological researchers enter the conversation with no presuppositions and
collect data without predetermined questions (Morse and Richards 2002). Crotty (1998)
believes that in taking such a fresh look at phenomena we call into question the current
meanings we attribute to these phenomena. From this he concludes that the origins of
phenomenological study have a streak of objectivity running through it and hence allows the
phenomenologist to take a critical look at the subject. However, he believes that much
modern phenomenology contrasts with this view in that it is seen as a study of peoples
subjective experiences: it is self-professedly subjectivist in approach (in the sense of being in
search of peoples subjective experience) and expressly uncritical (Crotty 1998 p. 83). The
popularisation of pragmatism obscured the phenomenological movements initial philosophy
of radical criticism and it became unquestioning and benign. Crotty believes that this North
American understanding (as he puts it) of phenomenology loses much of the
phenomenological tradition of objectivity and critique.

This modern interpretation of phenomenological methodology would suggest that the
research hopes to draw out meanings which individuals have acquired through their habitus
and lived experiences. It would focus on whether habitus has an impact upon decisions
individuals make in participating, identifying and understanding the socially constructed intra
or interpersonal barriers that influence an individuals participation in sport. Indeed, the data
collected does offer an insight into the sentiments and emotions expressed by identifiable
cultural groups and how these might be acquired. However, it has already been posited that
the barriers faced are structural barriers that are an integral part of the infrastructure of
football in the UK and Birmingham in particular. The central research question therefore
necessitates a critical theoretical perspective that will address the active research that has
been undertaken.

3.2 The Critical Perspective
The brief examination of interpretivism has at least revealed the concept of critical inquiry.
There are assorted components within the framework that supports the critical perspective.
Guba (1990) suggests that a more appropriate terminology might be ideologically orientated
inquiry including for example neo-Marxism, feminism or materialism. If there is a common
19

strand amongst critical theorists it is that they seek to reveal hegemonic interests. Crotty
(1998) talks of meanings that support particular power structures, harbouring oppression and
resisting moves to greater equality. Harvey (1990) argues that critical social research digs
beneath the surface of oppressive social structures to reveal underlying social relations and
how structural forms affect them. It not only shows what is happening but wants to overtly
change those oppressive social structures. Although critical researchers have been
sympathetic to the subjectivist epistemology of the interpretive approach, they are concerned
with the interpretive approachs failure to address the power relationships within which people
operate and where their realities are constructed (Sparkes 1992). Critical inquiry today
challenges conventional social structures so as to expose the forces of hegemony and
injustice (Crotty 1998). He observes that the ruling elites carry ever greater burdens of
knowledge and maintaining their power depends on how effectively they control that
knowledge rather than simply acquiring it. Crotty accepts that Marx and the neo-Marxist
Frankfurt School cast a shadow over all enquiry that describes itself as critical. Although there
exists an assumption that Marxism is obsolete and untenable (Grant et al 1994) and that the
erosion of the working-class vanguard contributes to this, there are plenty of examples of
exploitation that provide potential sources of tension. The essence of this paper is to illustrate
the structural relations that work to exclude black and minority ethnic groups from
participating in sport but to also suggest how those relations can be modified to provide a
more equitable playing field. A central theme of this paper is that of race. If there is to be a
criticism of Marx it is with regard to his treatment of race. This has been highlighted by writers
of the black radical tradition. The criticism is that Marxism or at least its Western manifestation
mistakenly assumed the primacy of class consciousness over other forms of mass ideology
such as racism (Grant et al 1994). One of the questions I ask is how black and minority ethnic
communities are represented within the institutions I am examining and how have black
sporting struggles affected their emancipation. The critical theoretical perspective therefore
appears to be the most appropriate tool for this paper.

The reasons for the above-mentioned inequality are complex. In its most simple form sport is
merely reflecting the wider processes of society and where there is prejudice, discrimination,
power differentials and social exclusion in society, these will be also manifest in sport (Hylton
& Totten p. 37 2001). Houlihan and White (2002) also recognised the historical relative
weakness of marginal groups in society to influence the policy process, as the recipients of
public services are normally poorly organised and lack political leverage. It is interesting to
note in my case study of Continental Star that despite considerable political support and being
relatively well organised, the club still struggle for an equitable share. Where does this leave
those who are not as well organised? Hylton & Totten (2001) note that the key barriers to
participation are well established with disposable income, levels of educational attainment,
occupational status, social class, culture, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, age, ability and disability
20

all well recognised by policy makers as major factors in levels of participation. However,
although these barriers are well-recognised gender, disability and ethnicity have dominated
policy making with class, age and sexuality regarded less systematically.

Now that I have settled on a critical approach I need to choose a critical perspective through
which to view our particular case study. Sociologists have been using different perspectives
for some time to view and understand general social processes and with them more specific
social processes such as sport. The four dominant sociological perspectives as summarised
by Hylton & Totten (2001) are functionalist, neo-Marxist, feminist and post-modernist.
Giulianotti (2001) widened the arsenal of the critical theorist to include Durkheim, Weber,
Marx and Neo-Marxism, cultural studies and hegemony theory, race, ethnicity and
intolerance, gender identities and sexuality, the body, space, Elias, Bourdieu, post-modernism
and globalisation. The potential tools at our disposal therefore reflect not only the vitality of
the sociological debate with regard to sport but also the complexity of it. They also highlight
the complexity of this paper as it attempts to deal with issues of class, power and culture as
well as race and ethnicity.

Functionalism was the most significant initial influence on the sociology of sport (Donnelly
2003) and its ideals tend to be the most dominant in current sports and social policy as well
as being the most popular perspective amongst the wider population of Western society
(Hylton & Totten 2001). Within the functionalist framework, sport was considered to be
beneficial and functional and individuals participated in sport out of choice. However,
functionalism tends to exaggerate harmony, social stability and consensual politics (Jarvie
2006). The neo-Marxist perspective roundly criticises the functionalist view for being too
positive as well as misleading the public into supporting a leadership that ultimately works in
its own best interests (Hylton & Totten 2001). King (2004) observes that in training
professional football coaches, the consensus amongst the predominantly white coaches was
recognition of the need to integrate foreign players into our way of doing things. This was
seen as the best way to harmoniously integrate disparate groups, a functionalist approach,
but in fact King observes that it subtly reinforces the power of the white man within the
institutions that manage and control professional coaching qualifications. Gruneau also
rejects the hollowness of functionalist social theory (Gruneau 1999 p. vii).

The neo-Marxist critique sees sport as playing an active role in maintaining power relations in
an inequitable society. Marxist theories tend only to deal with a critique of capitalism, at least
when they are at their most crude and as I have already pointed out that Marxist theories
tended ignore the effects of race. However, the social exclusion under examination could be
said to have arisen as a result of the means of production (in this sense the playing fields as
well as the administration of football) falling into the hands of an elite. Feminism arose due to
21

the failure of functionalism and neo-Marxism to address gender divisions in sport and their
role in promoting traditional masculine values over feminine ones. Post-modern is the most
recent perspective and recognises an increasingly unpredictable world where the only
constant is change (Hylton & Totten 2001). Gruneau (1999) is also critical of postmodernism
or postindustrialism as catch-all theories for what is happening today and asserts that the
postmodern condition must be experienced only by certain groups of people in certain
contexts and is only then therefore a worthy sociological question. The above mentioned
perspectives can inform sports development policy makers with functionalism supporting
moderate reforms whilst neo-Marxism and feminism would tend to support more radical
reform. Post-modernism would recognise the power of the individual and the diminishing
influence of the traditional institutions (Hylton & Totten 2001).

The different sociological perspectives also highlight the dichotomy between structure and
agency. The choices individuals make (agency) when participating in sport are influenced by
barriers that may be physical, economic, social or political. Choice is therefore constrained by
the structures outside the immediate influence of the individual and social structures can
make these choices more or less likely (Hylton & Totten 2001). Richard Gruneau explores
these processes in Class, Sports and Social Development (1999) and provides a useful
framework for my analysis. Gruneau seeks to explain how the choices individual agents make
are affected by the inequalities resulting from class differences in their social life. He argues
that play, games and sports are forms of cultural production the skilled accomplishments of
players and organisers (Gruneau 1999 p.31) - and do not form naturally in social interaction.
Although Gruneau does not accept the orthodoxies of Marxism, he adopts a Marxist analogy
when asserting that whilst sporting activities are made by humans they are not made in a way
of their own choosing. He also discusses the institutionalisation and increasing formalisation
of sport by organisational bodies that restrict the freedom of individual players. He observes
that players react to the control exerted by regulatory bodies through resistance so that rules
are modified and adapted to their own needs. However he argues that the resources that
individual or collective agents can bring to bear on the production and reproduction of rules,
procedures, legitimated interpretations, and even on the abilities needed to play effectively
within certain structured conditions, are never distributed randomly in society (Gruneau 1999
p.37). More significantly, Gruneau introduced the concept of hegemony into his discussion as
articulated by the Italian Marxist theorist Gramsci. Gramsci argued that hegemony was subtler
than the traditional straightforward domination of one social class over another (Donnelly
2003). Rather, the hegemonic process must be continually renewed, recreated, defended
and modified (Williams 1977 p.112) but also continually resisted and challenged by
independent processes not of its own. The dominant class has advantages and superior
resources but cannot prevent individual self-reflexive agents from valuing sport as beneficial
despite their knowing that the dominant class is using sport as an instrument of control or
22

indeed change the conditions under which they play (Donnelly 2003). It is also possible that
resistance can reinforce subordination rather than weakening it. Gruneau is convinced by the
idea that social classes rather than disappearing have been remodelled into new technocratic
forms of domination. In a postscript to his book written fifteen years after the original book
was published Gruneau acknowledges the limits he imposed by its emphasis on the role of
class structures in the institutional development of sport. He recognises that he largely
ignored important power struggles in the fields of gender, race or sexual preference but
argues that a singular focus can be pursued as long as consideration is given to other
relevant dimensions of power. Brohm (1978) maintained that sport reproduces materially and
symbolically the social relations of production and becomes what Gramsci called a
hegemonic armed coercive apparatus.

Hargreaves (1986) also explores hegemony from the UK perspective and recognises that it
must be renewed continually by the hegemonic class. This involves anticipating potential
resistance and nullifying it by broadening the support base. The hegemony of the dominant
class is partly maintained through sport and he identifies two processes in the 1980s as
particularly relevant: the consolidation of consumer culture and construction of national
identity around sport. In his view sport is being moved closer to the centre of the political
stage as fissures appear in the apparently apolitical face of sport, through which subordinate
groups are able to challenge bourgeois hegemony to a greater extent than previously
(Hargreaves 1986 p.221). He sees this challenge coming partly from the unemployed working
classes within inner cities as the new conservatism of the time restricted their access to sport
and leisure and also from sports autonomous nature and history of free expression being
able to challenge the gradual commercialisation of sport. This will prove an interesting theory
when I come to look at the case study which examines social groups challenging the
orthodoxy of sport provision in Birmingham and highlights the transformative and reproductive
capacity of sport to bring about change. The hegemonic processes examined and detailed
above can certainly provide a tool with which to undertake our critical perspective. However, it
has tended to ignore the theme of race which is central to our discussion.

As a postscript, it should also be noted that the possibility of a critical ethnographic approach
was also considered. As noted previously the data for the research has been collected
through conversations with participants and observations in the field over a period of
approximately two years. This is typical of an ethnographic methodology. Indeed, Crotty
(1998) observes that critical inquiry has been embraced in ethnographic studies that no
longer seek just to understand a culture but attempts to address hegemony and oppressive
forces. Sparkes (1992) observes that the data collection methodology employed in
ethnography may be one employed by a critical researcher. It is possible to be seduced by
Harvey (1990), who suggests that the strongest form of critical ethnography analyses a
23

structural relationship and then undertakes an ethnographic study in order to assist in a
structural analysis. However, although the theoretical perspective is certainly critical, and
there are methods employed consistent with an ethnographic methodology it is not a culture I
am seeking to address or indeed explain, but a system or form of political authority and the
role played by large scale institutions (Morrison 1995).

3.3 Methodology
The literature review undertaken in Chapter 2 has provided a frame through which the issues
being discussed can be viewed. It is integrative in that broad themes of race, class and
bureaucracy have been summarised. The discussion on the epistemological position at the
start of this Chapter has provided a theoretical perspective with which to undertake the
research. This theoretical lens guides the study and suggests a transformative/emancipatory
strategy with the researcher as both participant and observer. The methodology for
undertaking the research will be mixed using both qualitative and quantitative data. The
results from the quantitative method are used to develop and inform the qualitative elements
of the study. In this case a quantitative analysis of playing pitch provision in a part of
Birmingham is used to inform a qualitative analysis of why black and minority ethnic groups
(and one club in particular) are excluded from both accessing playing pitches in Birmingham
and also from the decision making process with regard to playing pitch provision and
allocation. The transformative procedure provides a framework for the methods of data
collection, the themes being discussed and ultimately will dictate the anticipated outcomes. At
the same time as being transformative, the procedure employed is sequential in that the
quantitative data has been collected and examined in order to test the original research
question before embarking on the qualitative data collection stage involving detailed
exploration of a particular case (Creswell 2003, p.16). As both a researcher and participant,
Mertens (2003) recommends that the transformative/emancipatory methodology is integrated
into all phases of the research process. One of the questions asked is whether the mixed
methods approach arose from spending quality time within the community of concern. In this
case, the researcher becomes part of the group that is seeking change and in fact in some
cases actually leads that empowerment process. By becoming a member of the community
(in this particular case by becoming a Director of the football club) the researcher is
attempting to gain credibility within that community by becoming a stakeholder in the process.
The research questions therefore are a direct result of becoming a part of the community. The
primary strategy for undertaking the qualitative element of the research involves a case study
of a football club in Birmingham. The history of the club and its context is explained in more
detail in Chapter 4, but it may be worth noting at this stage that the club was one of the first
black led football clubs in Britain.

24

3.4 Participants
In this particular piece of research the researcher is both an observer and a participant.
Throughout the research the researcher plays a sustained and important role in the life of the
case study. This is potentially both an ethical and a strategic problem in the research process
with the possibility of bias and personal interests being introduced. This is a particular
problem in qualitative research as it is essentially an interpretive paradigm. However, it has
already been established that the theoretical lens that guides the study is
transformative/emancipatory, therefore the reader is under no illusion as to the motives of the
researcher and will be invited to make their own mind up as to whether the
observer/participant has been successful in the mission to transform and empower. Gaining
entry to the setting came about through the involvement of the researcher in providing support
to socially excluded groups to participate in football, as well as an in depth knowledge of
playing field provision . This provided the researcher with credibility and helped in gaining the
confidence of the other participants. It was this rapport and credibility that led to the
researcher being invited to become a Director of the club with the remit of helping find the
club a new home as well as advising it on how to challenge the current administrative
structures. This was not the original intention. However, it should be noted that once a
participant, rather than just an observer, the researcher attempted to merely facilitate those
changes through providing strategic advice, rather than as a representative of the club. The
views of the researcher are not expressed in any way and in interpreting the data the
researcher has attempted to validate and reflect on it.

The primary participants, other than the researcher include members of Continental Star FC.
All of the participants from Continental Star FC are trustees of the club. Amongst those
participants there is one in particular who provides much of the source data. Given the
sensitive nature of some of the research it has been decided that all participants will have
their identity protected throughout this document. However, it is useful to profile each of the
participants as this will provide the reader with a more in depth appreciation of the research
setting. It is recognised that in providing a profile of each of the participants it may be
relatively easy to identify them. This was made clear to the participants and they were
reminded of them at regular intervals during the research process. The consent of these
participants was sought and their fully informed consent was provided verbally. The
participants from Continental Star FC are as follows:

Trustee One Chairman of the Club and involved in the administration and
management of the Club for over 25 years. Also a member of the local County FA
Race and Equality Advisory Group.

25

Trustee Two A Trustee of the Club and a former PE teacher with 30 years
experience of teaching within secondary schools in inner city Birmingham.

Trustee Three Team manager and also a teacher within an inner city secondary
school in Birmingham.

Trustee Four ex-professional footballer, now an advocate for the Club.

The participants listed above are involved in the administration of the club, the management
of the teams and also funding the club. They have a wealth of experience in providing
footballing opportunities for both children and adults within some of the most deprived areas
of Birmingham over the last 30 years.

There are a number of other participants in the research. However, they have become
participants only through covert observation in the field and as such have not provided
informed consent, although in some cases they have been aware that they have been
participating in a research environment. These other participants include the Football
Association and their local representatives the Birmingham County FA, Birmingham City
Council, Sport England and also professional football clubs. There are references to
observations of all of these participants in the discussion section of this document. However,
reference is only made to the bodies and organisations themselves and at no time is a
specific individual identified.

3.5 Ethical considerations
The research has been undertaken with reference to The University of Gloucesters Research
Ethics: A Handbook of Principles and Procedures (University of Gloucester 2007). The
principles of that document require that specific approval is sought for certain types of
research. The handbook has been consulted and it is considered that the research being
undertaken here does not fall into any of the categories listed in the handbook, therefore
specific approval is not required from the Research Ethics Sub Committee. The primary
participants in the research other than the researcher are members of Continental Star FC.
Trustee One identified above has acted as the gatekeeper with regard to gaining access to
Continental Star FC.

A key ethical consideration is the role of the researcher in the study. Before gaining access to
the setting it was important to gain credibility. To a certain extent this credibility was already in
place as the researcher has been involved in the administration and organisation of the game
outside of the setting. The gatekeeper had prior knowledge of this and therefore the
researcher already had credibility as well as a rapport with the primary participants. The
26

gatekeeper also realised that there was possibly a lot to gain from being involved in the
research both from a personal standpoint and also from the point of view of the football club.
It should be noted the chance to gain personally from the research was not considered to be
an issue with respect to the credibility of the data, rather it was recognised that the research
was a piece of action research that set out to achieve tangible change.

As stated above some covert observation has been undertaken and some of this covert
observation is referred to in the discussion section of this research paper. However, there has
been no deception in collecting this data as the observations have been made in a semi-
public setting and the researcher has merely observed rather led any discussions. The
participant therefore has not been deceived into imparting any sensitive data and the setting
has not been manipulated in any way in order for that data to be collected. It should be noted
that the bulk of the data collection took place in a natural setting and that those settings were
in no way manipulated or disrupted during the data collection process.

The consequences of the research are unlikely to be harmful to any of the participants.

3.6 Data collection methods and procedures
The data collection process has been a sequential one as outlined above. In the first stage a
quantitative exercise has been carried out examining and surveying playing pitch provision in
a certain area of Birmingham. This has involved a quantitative survey using the methodology
outlined in Planning Policy Guidance (PPG) 17 Planning for Open Space, Sport and
Recreation (PPG17). The quantitative analysis provides a context for the qualitative stage
which follows. The bulk of the quantitative element of the study took place in May and June
2004.

The qualitative stage of data collection uses a case study (Continental Star Football Club) as
the primary means of data collection. The strategy of using a case study has involved the
immersion of the researcher in the case study by becoming a Director of Continental Star
Football Club, with the trustees of the Club providing some of the participants. Continental
Star Football Club is the focus of the case study but it should be noted that the case study is
the process through which the club have gone through in order to find a permanent home as
well as to challenge their representation in the management and administration of the game.
The first stage therefore in the data collection procedure was to set the boundary for the study
both with respect to time and activity. With regard to time, the qualitative element of the study
took place between February 2005 and June 2007. There are two key settings in which data
is collected and there are a series of key events or activities that took place in those settings,
within which the qualitative data collection was undertaken. The two key settings are as
follows:
27


1) The formal mission by Continental Star FC to find a permanent home started in
February 2005 (although it had been pursued informally until that stage). The mission
has involved various meetings with Birmingham City Council, The FA and their local
representatives the Birmingham County FA, Sport England, professional football
clubs, local MPs and local councillors. It has also involved the organisation of a
conference to which various stakeholders were invited and attended including
schools, charities and agencies involved in football and sports development as well
as the above mentioned organisations. Therefore, the first setting is the mission for
the football club to find a permanent home. Those attending the meetings are
considered actors and therefore worthy of observation. The meetings took place on
an ad hoc basis during this time but averaged about one meeting every two months
and the researcher attended around 20 of these meetings.

2) The second setting for the collection of data centres on the establishment of the
Birmingham Community Football Forum in January 2006. The setting comprises a
series of regular meetings with various football community groups in attendance, as
well as some of the actors identified above including Birmingham City Council, The
FA and the Birmingham County FA. During 2006 the meetings took place on a
monthly basis but this was changed to a quarterly basis in 2007. The researcher
attended around 10 of these meetings.

The data is therefore being collected in the natural setting with the researcher actively
involved in the experiences of the other participants. The data collected during this time forms
much of the qualitative data and includes structured and semi-structured observations, field
notes arising from those observations, various email correspondences, meeting notes and
minutes, unstructured interviews, public and private documents, personal letters from
participants and photographs. The rationale for using mainly unstructured and semi-structured
notes and interviews is that a deeper understanding of the participants views and feelings
was likely to be gained. It was also felt that more structured methods may have introduced a
certain amount of bias in to the responses and would also have affected the rapport the
researcher had built with the other participants. The disadvantage to this is that it made the
data difficult to analyse and code as it was messy, there was more of it and it was more
ambiguous.

The electronic data collected was stored on a laptop and also backed up on a CD-Rom. The
hard copy data collected was stored in folders and files and was divided up by data type. The
data was divided into further sub-types according to whether it was primary source material
28

(i.e. field observations, emails and photographs) or whether it was secondary source material
(i.e. newspaper clippings).

3.7 Data Analysis Method
It is noted above that the data collected was messy, ambiguous and required a certain
amount of time consuming transcribing. The data analysis stage contained a number of steps
as follows:




























Figure 3.1 Data analysis procedure
The data was arranged into categories as it was collected so when it came to analysis this
step had already been undertaken. However, this step required the transcription of interviews
and the sorting of dozens of emails. The next step was to read and re-read through all of the
Data arranged
by type
Reading -
getting inside
the data
Coding - linking
and fracturing
data
Theming and
categorising
nterpreting the
data
Literature
review
Findings
29

data and try to make sense of it. This required the writing of memos so as to store ideas and
also required the reading of relevant literature to the emerging themes and categories. Figure
3.1 sets out the steps that were undertaken, also demonstrating how the literature review was
used both inductively and deductively in the process.
30

Chapter 4 Case Study

4.0 Introduction
The data summarised in this Chapter highlights a number of issues with regard to race, class,
hegemony and the iron cage of bureaucracy. In order to analyse it I have established an
epistemological position that is consistent with my original hypothesis and allows us to bring a
critical theoretical perspective to it.

4.1 Case Study Continental Star Football Club
Continental Star was formed in 1975 under the name of Villa Star and became Continental
Star Football Club (CSFC) in 1977. The Club was formed to provide the opportunity for
deprived youths in Aston (an inner city area in Birmingham) to play football. The open door
policy created then still holds true today with Continental Star FC providing sporting activities
for socially excluded children and young adults in some of the most deprived wards of
Birmingham. Many of these children and young adults would otherwise or have been involved
in anti-social behaviour and in gang related crime. The open door policy pursued by the Club
attracts many of these youths to its training sessions and for the more able Continental can
provide a pathway to both the professional and semi-professional ranks.

Continental Star played in the Birmingham Works League for many seasons, working their
way up into the Premier Division for the 1990/91 season when they finished runners-up. In the
1992/93 season they were winners of the Premier Division and also won the Aston Villa Cup,
Birmingham City Shield and the WBA Shield and were also runners-up in the Birmingham
County Junior Cup. The 1993/94 season saw them progress to the Midland Combination
Division Three. Promoted to Division Two for the 1994/95 season they won the Division in
1995/96. In the 1996/97 season CSFC were runners-up in Division One which led to them
being promoted to the Premier Division for the 1997/98 season where they continue to play
today.

4.2 Current Situation
At the start of the 2006/07 season Continental Star is an FA Charter Standard Club and runs
fifteen teams in total with the senior mens team playing in the Midland Combination Premier
Division. It is useful to highlight who the club provides for and where they come from. As
stated in the previous chapter the club draws most of its players from some of the most
deprived local authority wards in Birmingham, these include Aston, Nechells, Ladywood,
Lozells and East Handsworth and Soho. These inner city areas of Birmingham are typically
characterised as socially disadvantaged and suffer from relatively high levels of crime and
anti-social behaviour. Each of them is ranked within the top 5% for indices of multiple
deprivation when compared to the rest of England, according to government statistics which
31

measure statistics relating to employment, health and education (ONS 2007). There is only
one other football club with Charter Standard status operating in these areas (The Football
Association 2007), therefore young people from these neighbourhoods find it difficult to join
local football clubs with effective inclusion and child protection policies. In addition, the sports
development departments from local authorities have in the past been reluctant to invest in
the sporting infrastructure and football development teams often find these areas challenging.
The club therefore see their role as a unique and important one and is a role that must be
supported if the marginalised position of these communities in the sporting sense is to be
tackled.

The clubs fifteen sides range from U12 to Over 35s and recently achieved FA Charter
Standard status. The club is without a permanent home with the senior team having played at
eighteen different grounds over the period of the Clubs existence and at the moment the
fifteen teams are using ten different venues. The lack of a permanent home is a reminder of
the barriers to participation that existed over 30 years ago when the Club was founded. The
Club has highlighted the lack of structured football for young children in inner-city areas and
has attempted to tackle this shortfall by outlining a vision for the Club which will see them
achieve FA Community Club status. The Club has also formed links with the Somalian
community in Birmingham and has helped them to form football clubs at both adult and junior
level for many new arrivals to the UK.

4.3 Towards a Level Playing Field A Practical Application of Playing Field Provision
I undertook a practical application of PPG17 using the Playing Pitch Model and with regard to
the Six Acre Standard on a playing pitch to the west of Birmingham City Centre in June 2004
on a predominantly residential area at the corner of Sandon Road and City Road. It is known
as the Sandon Road Recreation Ground and comprises a largely derelict pavilion and tarmac
tennis courts as well as a significant area of land that was previously used as football pitches.
It has not been in use for over 10 years and has largely remained unmaintained throughout
that period. The ground was sold in 2004 to a major housebuilder and it is understood that
negotiations have been going on since between Birmingham City Council, Sport England and
the landowners with respect to its end use. The structure of Birmingham City Council went
through a devolution process in 2004 with many of the Councils powers devolved to eleven
Constituency Committees (BCC 2004a), although these were reduced to ten in 2006 (BCC
2007a). The playing pitches are situated in the Edgbaston Constituency District, which
contains the local electoral wards of Bartley Green, Edgbaston, Harborne and Quinton (BCC
2004b). The playing pitches are actually situated in the Edgbaston Electoral Ward. The
location of the playing pitches is complicated by the fact that they are situated on the edge of
another Metropolitan Authority (Sandwell) and any assessment of need or provision would
have to straddle this administrative boundary. Birmingham City Council undertook a Playing
32

Pitch Strategy in 2002 using Sport Englands Towards a Level Playing Field as a guide and
this was published in draft form in 2003 (BCC 2003). The document was updated following
the initial draft and a Consultation Draft was issued in 2005 containing minimum local targets
for pitch provision by constituency (BCC 2005). These are contained in Table 3.1 below.

Constituency area Current pitches available
(ha/1000 population)
Minimum local target
(ha/1000 population)
Edgbaston 0.55 ha 0.62 ha
Erdington 0.62 ha 0.81 ha
Hall Green 0.62 ha 0.63 ha
Hodge Hill 0.51 ha 0.61 ha
Ladywood 0.16 ha 0.19 ha
Northfield 0.45 ha 0.48 ha
Perry Barr 0.83 ha 0.87 ha
Selly Oak 0.76 ha 0.77 ha
Sparkbrook & Small Heath 0.30 ha 0.32 ha
Sutton Coldfield 0.88 ha 0.89 ha
Yardley 0.68 ha 0.70 ha

Table 4.1 Minimum local target for pitch provision for constituencies (from BCC 2005)

The final strategy document was eventually updated to take account of the new constituency
structure and issued in November 2006. It notes that the City Councils developing asset
management plan will take account of the findings (BCC 2006a). The asset management plan
was issued prior to the final playing pitch strategy being issued but it notes ominously that
sport and leisure facilities should be reviewed in order to identify efficiency savings and to
test budget build assumptions and ways of delivering desired outcomes and cashable savings
in the delivery of the service (BCC 2006b p.55). It seems to pay as much regard to this
aspect of sport and leisure facilities as it does to the recommendations of the playing pitch
strategy. However, it is useful to review the minimum local targets for provision in order to
compare with the original draft.
33


Constituency area Current pitches available
(ha/1000 population)
Minimum local target
(ha/1000 population)
Edgbaston 0.62 ha 0.62 ha
Erdington 0.82 ha 1.01 ha
Hall Green 0.56 ha 0.57 ha
Hodge Hill 0.38 ha 0.44 ha
Ladywood 0.15 ha 0.18 ha
Northfield 0.55 ha 0.58 ha
Perry Barr 0.84 ha 0.87 ha
Selly Oak 0.82 ha 0.83 ha
Sutton Coldfield 0.87 ha 0.88 ha
Yardley 0.99 ha 1.03 ha

Table 4.2 Minimum local target for pitch provision for constituencies (from BCC
2006a)

It is worth noting from Table 3.1. that the worst level of provision is in the deprived inner city
districts of Ladywood and Sparkbrook & Smallheath. However, after reorganisation of the
Constituencies in 2006, the Sparkbrook & Smallheath Constituency was subsumed into the
Yardley Constituency. It would appear from Table 3.2 that the playing pitch provision for
Sparkbrook & Small Heath has been added to the provision for Yardley without taking into
account the fact that it is a relative figure per 1000 of population. This would be a serious
shortcoming of the document if this were the case. Regardless of this possible anomaly, it is
apparent from the above table that there appears to be significant shortcomings in standards
of provision in the City based on the assessment undertaken on behalf of BCC. This is
recognised in the Supplementary Planning Document which points out that the Birmingham
UDP refers to providing a 1.2 hectares per 1,000 population (BCC 2001) and that much latent
demand may not be met by the above standards. However it is recognised that this is only
achieved in 6 of 39 wards within the City (BCC 2003). The Draft Strategy then rather
confusingly recommends that the NPFA Six Acre Standard of 1.21 ha per 1,000 population for
the provision of formal playing pitches is used (BCC 2003 p. 8). Regardless of what the
standard is, it is clear that there are significant shortfalls in playing field provision. The playing
pitches under investigation here are situated in the Edgbaston District. In order to establish
whether there is a surplus or shortfall of pitches in the immediate area I identified and
quantified all playing pitches 2km and less from the Sandon Road playing pitches. This was
undertaken by studying an Ordnance Survey Plan and identifying all playing pitches within the
study area. The results are tabulated below in Table 3.3.

34

Playing Pitch Current use Number of pitches Area (ha)

Londonderry Lane Playing Field Football 2 full size
2 mini
3.2 ha
Smethwick Cricket Club Cricket 1 full size 2.0 ha
Victoria Park Playing Fields Football 2 full size 3.8 ha
2 junior
2 mini
Cricket 1 full size
Thimblemill Recreation Centre Football 4 full size 5.6 ha
Hadley Stadium Football 1 full size 2.8 ha
1 full size STP
Sandon Road Recreation Ground* Football 1 full size 5.4 ha
Summerfield Park Football 1 full size 1.4 ha
Mitchell & Butler Sports Grounds (City
Road)*
Football
Cricket
2 full size
1 full size
2.8 ha
Mitchell & Butler Sports Ground
(Portland Road)
Football
Cricket
1 full size
1 full size
1.6 ha
Ravenhurst Playing Fields* Football 1 full size 3.2 ha

Total 31.8 ha

*currently unused

Table 4.3 Assessment of current playing pitch provision (partly from REFF 2004)

The above assessment does not include any of the school playing field facilities in the area in
accordance with Birmingham City Council policy (BCC 2001) and Sport England policy (Sport
England 2003). The population of the study area was difficult to quantify due to the study area
straddling a number of ward boundaries but it essentially comprised all or part of the following
wards; Abbey, Smethwick, Soho & Victoria (Sandwell) and Harborne, Edgbaston and Quinton
(Birmingham). The total population of the above wards is 94929 people (ONS 2004). The
population of the study area has been adjusted to only take account of 25% of the population
of each of the Birmingham wards with the result that the study area population is
approximately 46000. When this figure is compared to the playing field provision the playing
fields per 1000 of the population equates to approximately 0.69 ha per 1000 population. This
figure would appear to be reasonably robust given that the BCC calculated figure for the
Edgbaston area was 0.62 ha per 1000 population. The figures indicate that there is a gross
under provision of playing fields in the vicinity of Sandon Road Recreation Ground when
35

compared to any nationally accepted standard. If a spatial analysis was undertaken the
figures to the north of the study area would probably improve slightly but the figures for the
Harborne, Edgbaston and Quinton wards would be poor given that only 10% of the total
provision (and this is currently unused) is within these wards. The case study highlights how a
full assessment using the Sport England guidance would not only identify latent demand but
should identify specific needs. However, the case study will also illustrate that Sport England
or Birmingham City Council have undertaken such an assessment with the result that well
established football clubs providing for socially disadvantaged sections of the community are
not being considered.

4.4 Local Consultation
A number of agencies were consulted in 2004 with respect to the playing pitches in order to
try and establish whether they are part of any strategic plan and what their respective
positions may be regarding the sale and potential development of the playing pitches. The
West Midlands regional office of Sport England was approached and they were initially clear
that they would oppose any development of the pitches that would see the sporting and
recreational use disappear. The planning department of Birmingham City Council has also
been consulted and although no planning application has been submitted the playing pitches
are currently designated as recreational use. The Draft UDP makes it clear that Planning
permission will not be granted for development simply because a playing field has been
allowed to fall out of use and become derelict (BCC 2001 p. 60). The Birmingham Active
Sports Partnership has also been consulted and although they have no policy on sports
ground provision they have referred the matter to their Constituency Officer. It is a concern
however that the principal body responsible for sports development in the local area does not
have a strategic approach to sports ground provision and appears content to leave the
question of provision to the planning and leisure departments of the City Council. The danger
of this omission of course is that any Playing Pitch Strategy undertaken in the future may not
take account of latent or future demand generated by the work of the Active Sports
Partnership. The National Playing Fields Association suggested that an association be
created for that particular playing field but without any claim to the land in terms of ownership
the NPFA have limited power to protect it.

The status of the playing field is still uncertain in 2007 with no planning application having
been made and negotiations ongoing between developer, City Council and Sport England. It
is understood that the developer also owns some nearby playing pitches (Mitchells & Butler
Sports Grounds) and is negotiating to retain some for sporting use and develop the others for
housing. However, the current status of the playing fields provides a neat focus for my case
study of a football club without a permanent home in the 30+ years of its existence.

36


4.5 Results and Discussion
The case study focuses on the clubs search for a permanent home. It has become more
acute in the last two years as each year it becomes more and more difficult to house the
existing teams and indeed for season 2007/08 six of the junior teams are in danger of folding
due to the lack of a playing pitch for next season. Since 2005 the search has gathered pace,
as well as plenty of followers, but despite the careful cultivation of politicians, the local press
and appropriate partners the club is no nearer finding a permanent home. I have been
involved with the club in the last 2 years and in that time I have observed racism in football
that is at times explicit but more commonly institutionalised, a bureaucratic infrastructure with
regard to sports development in general and playing pitch provision specifically, that stifles
the development of the game in those areas of greatest need and finally the subtly acquired
behaviours that are required to play the game of finding a permanent home.

It might be illustrative to provide some context with regard to the football and social
infrastructure that have accompanied this case study. The primary structures we are dealing
with are Birmingham City Council, the Football Association and Sport England as well as
established football leagues in the Birmingham area. The Council members of Birmingham
City Council represent a local authority area that by 2020 is on course to have a majority
black and minority ethnic population (Birmingham Post 2007). However, from September
2005 to May 2007, despite the fact that 25% of Council members were categorised as black
or ethnic minority, the ten member Council Cabinet, and therefore the primary decision
making body, did not have one member from a black or minority ethnic community. Indeed, it
was made up of nine men and one woman, all white. In addition to that, all six chairmen of the
Council scrutiny committees were white during that time. This changed in May 2007 by the
election to the Council Cabinet of a trainee Asian barrister.

Every member of the 92 member FA Council in 2004 was white (CRE 2004). The FA has
committed to achieving more diverse representation on the FA Council and they have
established a Race Equality Advisory Group (CRE 2007). However, during the course of this
study that was not the case. In addition to that, the Birmingham County FA, which administers
on behalf of the FA in the West Midlands had no black or ethnic minority representation
amongst its football development team. There is also a perception at local level in
Birmingham that the professional clubs are now ignoring black and minority ethnic
youngsters. It is well recognised that ethnic minorities are poorly represented in positions of
authority at professional football clubs with respect to coaching, managing and administration
(CRE 2004). This is certainly true of at least one of the professional clubs in the West
Midlands where there are no senior coaches at both professional or academy level from an
ethnic minority group. The organisations therefore that are most responsible for both football
37

and social development in Birmingham have no black minority ethnic representation in
positions of authority. This represents a Gramscian hegemony within the social, political and
cultural institutions that impact upon the activities of Continental Star. This contributes to the
institutional racism identified in our introduction but it is one that is beginning to be
challenged.

The central thrust of this study is that there are structural barriers to the consumption of
football in Birmingham by black and minority ethnic groups. It is posited that those barriers
contribute to both structural and institutional racism rather than explicit or direct racism by
individuals. However, there are still examples of explicit racism being expressed and also
tolerated by those in relatively powerful positions within authority. Continental Star helped a
junior Somali side (Small Heath Stars) to find a pitch and enter a league with Charter
Standard accreditation. During the first year of playing in that league Small Heath Stars
suffered explicit racism at the hands of spectators on several occasions with occasional calls
for them to get back to where they came from. On one occasion after one particularly
incident, a complaint was made to the league. Small Heath Stars were initially fined for
contacting the league out of hours and then suspended for refusing to pay the fine. The
opposing club were not fined at all. It was interesting to note that when a member of
Continental Star, who happened to be Black British, attended the games that there were no
racist incidents and that his perception was that a team of Black British juniors would not have
received the same level of explicit abuse. The inference is that Small Heath Stars were not
only black but the fact that they were Somali and newly arrived in the country and therefore
had even less entitlement than their Black British neighbours to a safe and non-threatening
environment to play football. In a similar incident, having promoted the establishment of a
Somali adult side in an amateur league in Birmingham (Birmingham Stars) I was telephoned
by a member of the league committee because he was put off by the answering machine of
the secretary of Birmingham Stars because it sounded like he was in a mosque. It was soon
after this that Birmingham Stars left that amateur league to join a predominantly Asian league.
These are examples of direct individual racism that illustrate that there is still a long way to go
in terms of educating participants and punishing those guilty of racist behaviour. However, it
also highlights an institutional racism on the part of administrators that fails to deal with the
instances of individual racism appropriately.

However, it is in Continental Stars mission to find a permanent home that I find instances of
structural barriers that contribute to both structural and institutionalised racism, when it comes
to developing sport in the UK in general and Birmingham in particular. The clubs inability to
achieve its mission is down to a bureaucratic system that is not designed to cater for well
developed black and minority ethnic clubs from poor areas wishing to find either a permanent
or semi-permanent home that will allow them to better establish themselves and provide
38

sustainable and well funded interventions and activities for socially disadvantaged
youngsters, youths and adults. I have already highlighted a former sports site that is under
threat of development in Birmingham. It is useful to set the scene by quoting from a letter
written by one of the trustees of the club who is also a former teacher in a Ladywood school in
Birmingham:

The absence of significant representation of Black coaches and managers at all
levels of English football is symptomatic of the drastic erosion of not just football but
all organised sport in the inner cities where the black communities had been centred
since the 1950's. In West Birmingham alone, a grass roots sporting structure that
supported young people from the African Caribbean community to become Olympic
Medallists, NBA basketballers, World Cup and England footballers and cricketers
and World and national champions in a range of sports, has been completely
dismantled over the last 20 years. Since the 1980's no less than 12 of the 13
secondary schools in the Ladywood / Edgbaston and Handsworth areas have been
closed, the only surviving school did so because its Headteacher, the first Black Head
in the country, took the school out of local authority control despite immense political
pressure. This destruction of an entire education network is immediately responsible
for the loss of 60 school football, cricket, basketball, athletics teams along with an
entire District sports association - The West Birmingham Schools Association - which
organised representative teams that competed with great distinction at regional and
national levels in wide range of sports. With particular regard to football the closure of
these schools also removed countless pitches and training facilities from the inner city
community leading to a significant number of clubs and teams being forced to
disband or relocate to facilities in the outer suburbs. Along with the pitches,
gymnasiums, training and changing facilities, structured evening and weekend sports
opportunities have virtually disappeared from the inner city With the removal of these
facilities and structured activity so the access to active participation and leadership
opportunities decreases, removing the first step on the path to individuals getting
involved in coaching, management, officiating and administrating sport in the inner
cities where the majority of the Black community live. There is no doubt that the
regeneration of inner cities across the country has most adversely impacted on the
black community, the majority of whom grew up, lived, were educated and played
their sport in districts close to city centres which have been turned into "regenerated"
communities where wine bars, expensive flats and car parks have replaced youth
clubs, football and cricket pitches, schools, tennis courts and gymnasiums.
Opportunities for the vast majority of the black community to get actively involved in
the structure and administration of football has virtually disappeared in the inner
cities, with the exception of individuals and small groups who through exceptional
39

commitment to their community have persevered in the face of soaring land values,
high level obstruction and deeply embedded institutional racism and have managed
to continue to offer opportunities for members of the inner city communities to be
actively engaged in football. These same people are often the only voice challenging
multi million pound development companies who are supported by local authorities
over the loss of community sports facilities and find themselves personal and
professional targets. The roots of Black sport in England which lay in the inner city
have produced generations of champions in the 70's, 80's and 90's have been
systematically destroyed where profit making regeneration has been the tool of social
and sporting disintegration in the Black community. Supporting the work of the often
heroic individuals and organisations who seek to redress the balance is the key to
resolving this serious situation which is the root cause of the increasing lack of
representation of the Black community in all levels of sport.
(Trustee Two 2006)

The material neatly and rather comprehensively encapsulates the structural barriers posed by
a planning and land use system that rewards economic regeneration and profit over the
development of sport amongst black and minority ethnic communities. A neo-Marxist analysis
is an appropriate tool for analysing much of the data contained in the above interview. The
school closures in areas of existing deprivation have resulted in the loss of playing pitches to
development. The ownership and means of production for football (the playing pitches) have
therefore been placed in the hands of a powerful elite (land developers) with the consequence
that the socially excluded suffer from an even greater level of social exclusion. These are
structural issues that only government can address but the policy documents with respect to
playing field provision I examined and the practical example I undertook suggest that this
structural racism will perpetuate.

An interview with another of the trustees also highlighted the issue of playing field provision:

We have football pitches near our school which have been lying derelict for years
whilst we struggle to get access to good quality football pitches.
(Trustee Three 2005)

In order to combat some of these inequalities, Continental Star along with several other
football organisations established a forum entitled the Community Football Forum (CFF). The
Forum is comprised primarily of inner city football organisations in the Birmingham area. The
purpose of the forum was manifold but part of it was to help new clubs establish themselves
and signpost them to leagues and competitions, as well as the FA so that they could attain
Charter Standard. It also sought to address the fact that there was a perception within the
40

black and minority ethnic community that all of the positions of authority within sport were held
by people of a white background or at least were not representative of their communities. It
therefore begins to challenge that hegemony simply through its existence. Its establishment
was initially challenged by the establishment of the Race and Equality Advisory Group by the
FA but fortunately the founders realised that in order to challenge the orthodoxies of football
consumption and development amongst black and minority ethnic communities a bottom up
approach was required. The need to challenge this orthodoxy is best illustrated by this extract
from an email written by the Chairman of the CFF:

Fourteen months ago I went down to Leicester to meet the FA, spoke about the
youngsters from a disadvantaged background thats when I heard about the funding
bid. I told the FA that the post will be filled by a university graduate who wont be able
to engage the kids or help get any facilities for them to use in time to come.
(Trustee One 2006a)

It is not difficult to read between the lines with respect to the feelings of the writer. It highlights
the perception, or rather the truism that positions of authority are still held by not just a
university graduate but in all likelihood a white middle class male university graduate (which is
indeed the case). This is an example of the hegemonic process, which on the one hand is
purporting to engage with the socially excluded by undertaking funding bids on its behalf but
on the other hand reinforces its control by putting a white middle class male in control of the
distribution of that funding. It also highlights a failing of the functionalist approach favoured by
government and governing bodies. The functionalist approach imagines that simply by putting
in place development schemes that a harmonious relationship will then exist between those
consuming those development schemes and the organisers. The sentiments of the
conversation extract somewhat contradict that belief.

The CFF also highlighted some institutional thinking which perpetuates these structural and
institutional barriers. The Birmingham County FA were challenged at one of the initial forums
with respect to their diversity and equity credentials. One of the senior development officers
responded that the door of the County FA development office has always been open.
However, the context of the discussion should also be highlighted. In the first instance the
attitude suggest that there is a lack of understanding with respect to racial equality. Although
the County FA could argue that they are making attempts to design and organise appropriate
development schemes, the sentiment indicates that they do not understand that to achieve
racial equality they will have to do more than just open the door. There is evidence that the
County FA are seeking to recruit black and minority ethnic community members to positions
of authority within the organisation so that they can engage with hard to reach communities.
41

This again points to an institutional racism at the heart of football development within the
West Midlands.

The CFF also highlighted the bureaucracy that contributes to the sometimes rigid thinking of
the County FA. It was suggested that one method for surmounting the perceived lack of
engagement of the football development structures at a grassroots or inner city level was to
create a new level of development officer that would sit between the volunteers who run
football there at the moment and the existing strategic development structures. The new
development officers would have to demonstrate some link to their communities as opposed
to having the standard qualifications of the white middle class careerist who would generally
fill the positions. It was suggested that the CFF and Birmingham could develop a pilot study
alongside the County FA to submit to the Football Foundation for potential funding and
demonstrate how radical and forward thinking the Birmingham County FA was. However, the
idea was dismissed without much debate as there was an obvious resistance from the County
FA to such a proposal, the subtle inference being that it was a threat to their own existence
although the official response was that it would take up a lot of time to develop into a funding
bid and may not have much chance of success. However, the members of the CFF thought it
was a workable idea that might capture the imagination of the FA, it would formally recognise
much of the work many of them were doing, in some instances full time and unpaid, it would
provide a pathway to further employment for them and it would create a credible link between
the inner city communities and the existing football development structures. There are several
social processes at work here. In the first instance there is a bureaucracy within the County
FA that with its formal rationality is unable to see beyond the financial and resource
implications that such a funding bid would entail as opposed to a substantive rationality that
would entail a more ethical approach with an improvement in social justice as its objective. In
addition, it was evident that the recruiting of black and minority ethnic communities was seen
as a direct challenge to the ruling hegemonic class of development officers.

First may I apologize for sending you this email, but I recall when I first met you last
year, the comment was made to me that Pennant's problem at the time was more
society problem rather than the FA...Well 12 months has past and I got a group of 16-
19 years old from the inner city part of Birmingham to participate in football for the first
time rather than Anti-Social Behaviour. The Local County FA administration (Charter
Standard) not arbitration or any other form of consultation, decided to fold up the FA
CHARTER STANDARD under 19 league. I wrote this email because I (should really
say We) feel let down by the FA system and also the attachment possible said it all,
the league has cease to run as a league because 58 games was lost during the
season!!! two weeks later and I have been contacted by one angry parent about his
son's who has been arrested for what is deem as ASBO, Another who says the
42

manager claim he was not aware the league was folded,4 or 5 dont know what will
happen to their boys as they are not as good as others. The (Charter standard)
County FA sent email in the morning for results then in the afternoon sent another
email saying league has folded with immediate effect. I fear for these young persons
who come from a disadvantage background with little else going for them except the
football training twice a week and a game weekend. Even the coach who we
nominated for a charter standard award come from the very same background in fact
if the truth was know he's was a lot worse than most, yet through all of this adversary
he has taken 8 of them on to a final at Newcastle United ground next weekend. You
also mention the funding bid last time we met at BCFC, on Monday 1st May I was
contacted by the person who has now got the post, he wanted assistance in his new
role. Again I said in Leicester that someone with academically background will get
these post but he cant reach the youths from the inner city behold its happen again.
(Trustee One 2006b)

This documentation highlights some of the frustration much of the black and minority ethnic
community feel with respect to football development in Birmingham. They feel powerless, they
feel there is a lack of consultation and to quote from one of them all they receive in return in
their own words is platitude and lip service as Trustee Four said in a meeting held shortly
after (Trustee Four 2006). This is illustrated by a letter from a senior member of the FA
football development department in response to the closure of the U19 Charter Standard
league:

I was sorry to hear from *** your concerns regarding the Birmingham Charter
Standard League but I hope now that these have been alleviated by the
correspondence you have received about the league starting again in the new
season. I also hear that you have recently met with the Birmingham Football
Development Scheme regarding facility development and I wish you all the best in
this venture. Please can I take this opportunity of thanking you and your colleagues
for all the hard work you do as a FA Charter Standard Club.
(FA 2006)

Of course, within days of the email from the FA in London the County FA decided that the
league was not worth operating for the following season. In terms of Continental Stars
mission to find a permanent home, the club cultivated relationships with local and
Westminster politicians, the City Council, the County FA and appropriate partners including
the local professional clubs and youth offending teams. The possibility of the Sandon Road
site highlighted in my background to this study was explored and discussions with Sport
England and the developers were entered into. However, my understanding is that the
43

development of the site and nearby playing fields is mired in local and strategic planning
issues. This was not before Sport England attended a meeting and detailed what was going
to happen to all of the playing fields without apparently undertaking any consultation with
respect to need and local views.

After some meetings with the City Council an alternative site was identified in a suitable
location in June 2006. The location of the site is an important issue as many of the
participants in the footballing activities are also involved in gangs which currently in
Birmingham are organised along postcode lines. The site therefore had to be on neutral
territory otherwise some participants would feel too intimidated to attend. In addition, the
location of the site is important as many of the youths who are participating lack parental
support and are reliant on public transport to reach whichever playing field on which the
activity is taking place. The following is a quote from the Chairman of Continental Star who
regularly attends Birmingham City Football Clubs Academy on the outskirts of Birmingham:

It angers me to leave the academy in winter after dark to see that the only academy
kids waiting at the bus stop for an infrequent bus are the black kids, whilst the white
kids all get a lift home with their parents.
(Trustee One 2006c)

The conversation highlights the structural gap that exists between those that are socially
excluded and those that are not. An important consideration therefore when choosing the
location of a playing field is that it must be situated close to good public transport links.
Bullard & Johnson (1997) highlight the segregation of African Americans from their more
affluent fellow citizens and the government policies that contribute to this. This results in
residential segregation and social disruption. The urban sprawl which characterises many
American cities, the subsequent reliance on the car to move around and the highway
infrastructure required to support this physically isolates many African Americans from
employment opportunities and impacts significantly on their quality of life. A similar
phenomenon is observed here with regard to the accessibility of sporting facilities in the UK.

The City Council put in process some consultations with planners and the parks department
that lasted over six months with regard to the above mentioned alternative site. The club even
got to the stage of potentially funding a feasibility study (a major issue as to secure Football
Foundation funding the club would require a 25 year lease and secure expensive and lengthy
planning permission. A further instance of structural racism perhaps as for most clubs this
would be unachievable). Having suggested the site in the first place the City Council
eventually decided that the site was not suitable for redevelopment as football playing fields
as it was not secure, despite having once been the site for over 25 football pitches and in use
44

as cricket playing fields at the moment. This was a frustrating time for the club as illustrated
by the following conversation:

You may be under the impression that I was too displeasing in my conversation with
you Thursday last week, we it was not my intention to criticise/upset you, but I'm
getting very disillusioned with being a champion for BME and the substantial amount
of platitude I have been given, especially those I have been working closely with over
a length of time. WE/I need support, we have taken our foot off the gas and a lot of
occurrences of late makes me feel so stressed, I feel that I cant continue the fight.
The lad who was shot and died last week was meant to be on a coaching course
starting tomorrow, the lad who video with his phone his teacher committing a sexual
act was a lad I use to pick up and take to Birmingham City Football Club for 12
months. I can go on but all I am doing is releasing tension, at the end of the day
nothing will change.
(Trustee One 2006d)

The frustration of the above conversation was as much to do with the fact that it took a
bureaucratic ridden City Council over six months to decide that a playing field that has
accommodated many football pitches in the past is now not secure enough to redevelop even
part of it. Again there is evidence of Webers iron cage of bureaucracy as the City Council
sport development department was met with ever increasing bureaucracy within the Council
as it sought answers to some relatively simple questions. It also illustrates how close to the
sharp end of engagement the club is with regard to at risk youths.

There are other issues that could be raised. For example, Birmingham City Football Club and
West Bromwich Albion Football Club have in the past few years taken over playing fields that
once belonged to Birmingham University and Aston University respectively for the sites of
their new academies. The playing fields were once not only available to students but also to
teams external to the universities. This has a double effect in that teams are displaced from
what were generally better quality playing fields and secondly profit making businesses (the
professional clubs) are receiving an effective public subsidy from the taxpayer as they have
avoided lengthy and expensive searches for suitable sites on the commercial market. From a
neo-Marxist perspective this again highlights the transferring of the means of ownership and
production to the ruling elite whilst disadvantaging the socially excluded or at least
contributing to their social exclusion.

A memorandum from Birmingham City Football Clubs academy director to their scouts also I
believe highlighted some institutionalised racism. This is an extract from it:

45

Just a quick reminder following on from our recent meeting in respect of the
requirements we are still looking for in each age group. As you are now aware we are
now looking more closely at boys athletic ability/speed and shape. There is no doubt
we are looking for a quicker more athletic player that has a nice physical shape to
them and can play and be effective in 11 v 11 football.
(Professional Football Club 2005)

The remainder of the memorandum lists the requirements of each age group and is
dominated by the need for players who are big physically, aggressive, athletic and want to
learn, they should have a physical presence, be combative, dominant in both size and shape,
competitive, rapid and attention should be paid to athletic ability. The document is perhaps
worthy of a study on its own, but it is barely credible that in 2005 a memorandum to scouts
from a Premiership football clubs academy did not specify that a players footballing ability
was important and the word skill did not appear once. Perhaps more invidious are the coded
and hidden meanings. Does the text signify that by seeking physically strong, aggressive,
athletic and competitive youngsters that they are actually looking for black youngsters? Is this
an example of stacking as discussed by Cashmore (2000)? Does the comment that they
should want to learn signify that it might be physically aggressive black youngsters that they
want, but black youngsters who are willing to learn, unlike the black youngsters they have had
in the past or have now? A worthy topic for another time perhaps.

46

Chapter 5 - Summary and Conclusions

5.0 Summary
This paper has explored a complex web of themes including planning policy for sports field
provision, social exclusion, institutional, structural and individual racism that contributes to
social exclusion and rigid thinking within bureaucratic organisations that also contributes to
social exclusion.

A simple desktop exercise has highlighted a flawed playing pitch strategy undertaken by
Birmingham City Council that appears to reinforce existing inequalities with respect to playing
pitch provision by aiming to improve provision in middle class areas whilst ignoring a gross
under provision in neighbourhoods that suffer from high levels of social exclusion already.
The exercise also highlighted a lack of consultation within the local community with regards to
playing pitch demand as well as a relatively powerless strategic body in the face of
developers keen to maximise their profits.

The case study outlined in the paper highlighted the above mentioned institutional racism that
still pervades those institutions most responsible for football development in Birmingham. It
exposed hegemonic structures amongst the social, political and cultural groups responsible
for social as well as football development in Birmingham and revealed bureaucratic structures
that hinder the development of football within Birmingham as well as reinforcing a structural
racism that has been many years in the making.

5.1 Conclusions
It can be concluded that the social and cultural institutions responsible for football
development in Birmingham still have some way to go to liberate themselves from both
institutional and structural racism as well as bureaucratic structures that impede the
successful development of football within Birmingham amongst socially excluded groups. A
greater level of community engagement with respect to football development and also playing
field provision is required in order to combat the structural racism highlighted.

In terms of the institutional racism that is revealed, a commitment to achieve the objectives
contained in the CRE documents Achieving Racial Equality: A Standard for Sport and Racial
Equality in Football; Achievement, Aims and Ambitions by those organisations responsible for
football development in Birmingham would be a good starting point. It is recognised that there
are many racial equality initiatives being undertaken, however, the problems of under
representation amongst the games administration and management will not be tackled
unless those institutions are prepared to commit to policies that tackle that under
representation directly.
47


The hegemonic structure of football development is also being challenged in Birmingham.
Black and minority ethnic groups are organising themselves so that they can access funding
streams of their own and distribute those funds accordingly. The formation of the Race
Equality and Advisory Group by the Football Association was an attempt by them to maintain
that hegemony, however, it is the establishment of groups such as the Birmingham Football
Forum that will challenge that hegemony before it has a chance to reinvent itself to counter
the growing voices amongst the black and minority ethnic communities.

In addition, the rigid thinking and bureaucracy of the organisations that ostensibly exist to
support football development actually reinforce levels of social exclusion through their inability
to make decisions and find innovative solutions to the issues identified in the case study.
They must institute policies that encourage greater communication between departments as
well as a more entrepreneurial culture that aims to find solutions to problems rather than
perpetually discovering problems.
48

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http://www.thefa.com/GrassrootsNew/Player/Postings/2000/03/FindAClub.htm [Date
accessed 20/05/07]

55

Trustee One. (2006a) Email. 10
th
May.

Trustee One. (2006b) Email. 4
th
May

Trustee One. (2006c) Personal Interview. 21
st
November.

Trustee One. (2006c) Email. 21
st
November

Trustee Two. (2006) Letter 10th May.

Trustee Three (2005) Personal Interview 10
th
November

Trustee Four (2005) Meeting Notes

University of Gloucester (2007) Research Ethics: A Handbook of Principles and Procedures
[Online] http://www.glos.ac.uk/currentstudents/research/ethics/index.cfm [Date accessed
20/05/07]

Veal, A. J. (2002) Leisure and Tourism Policy and Planning Wallingford: CABI

Williams, R. (1977) Marxism and Literature Oxford: Oxford University Press.
56

Appendix A - Photographs
57




Figure A1 Sandon Road Sports Ground July 2005 (Closed 1995)



Figure A2 Sandon Road Sports Ground Entrance July 2005 (Closed 1995)
58



Figure A3 City Road Sports Ground July 2005 (Closed 2003)



Figure A4 City Road Sports Ground Entrance July 2005 (Closed 2003)

59

Appendix B - Continental Star FC Sandon Road Playing Fields
Briefing Note (March 2006)
60

Continental Star FC Sandon Road Playing Fields Briefing Note
Background
This briefing note has been prepared by Continental Star FC with regard to
the Sandon Road playing fields in Edgbaston, Birmingham. Continental Star
has met with Persimmon Homes the owners of the site, as well as GVA
Grimley who are the planning consultants for Persimmon Homes with respect
to the playing fields. Continental Star has expressed an interest in taking over
the site in order to develop a combined education and sporting facility. GVA
Grimley, on behalf of Persimmon Homes, has requested that this briefing note
is produced in order to address a number of issues as follows:

what is the nature of relationship between Continental Star, Arc of Opportunity
and AWM

what is the structure of Continental Star including the number of teams, at what
level, in what leagues and where do they play

how does Continental Star deliver its objectives (and what are those), how is it
funded and what is its track record

what level of interest might Continental Star want at Sandon Road (ranging from
a lease to simply hiring pitches at commercial rates)

This briefing note addresses the above issues with the first section describing
the nature of the relationship between Continental Star, Arc of Opportunity
and AWM. The second section summarises the range of football activities
provides as well as the extra-curricular activities it also provides. In addition,
some demographic context is provided through analysis of key census data
along with the local, regional and national policy issues that impact upon the
activities that Continental Star participate in. The third section outlines the
overall objectives of Continental Star, how they might be delivered and what is
its track record up to now in delivering those objectives. The briefing note
concludes that Continental Star wish to take over the running of the site on a
leasehold basis the details of which would have to be resolved at a later date.

61

Existing Relationships
Continental Star has an existing informal relationship with both the Arc of
Opportunity as well as Advantage West Midlands. It is understood that the Arc
of Opportunity has already responded to GVA Grimley with respect to its
relationship with Continental Star so it is not intended to expand on that within
this note. To summarise, however, whilst the Arc of Opportunity has no desire
to be involved in the direct management and delivery of activities on the
Sandon Road site, they are seeking to develop an employment skills centre at
Stour Street which through Continental Stars link with City College could
provide complementary activities to those at Sandon Road as well as being a
potential source of income.

Advantage West Midlands has been involved with Continental Star within the remit of
minority business development and enterprise. As with the Arc of Opportunity, AWM
is not seeking a direct role with respect to Sandon Road but will continue to support
developments and activities that uphold the wider employment and enterprise
agenda.
In summary, the Arc of Opportunity are informal partners of Continental Star FC and
would not be seeking an active role with regard to the Sandon Road site. Continental
Star has developed a number of other partners who may become involved with the
activities proposed for the site as well as helping in deliver the objectives of the club.

Context and Policy Background
At the start of the 2005/06 season Continental Star is an FA Charter Standard
Club and run nine teams in total with the senior mens team playing in the
Midland Combination Premier Division. The roll call of all Continental Star
teams for 2005/06 is as follows:

1
st
team Midland Combination, Oldbury Leisure Centre, Oldbury
(Sandwell MBC)

Reserve Team Midland Combination Division 2, Holly Lane, Erdington,
Birmingham (Birmingham City Council)

62

Under 19s FA Charter Standard League, Moor Lane, Birmingham and
University of Warwick, Coventry (Birmingham City Council and Coventry
City Council)

Over 35s Central Warwickshire Premier Division Over 35s League,
Magnet Centre, Erdington, Birmingham (Birmingham City Council)

Girls football weekly training, Newtown Community Centre, Birmingham
(Birmingham City Council)

Under 14s Central Warwickshire League, Perry Park, Birmingham
(Birmingham City Council)

Under 13s Birmingham Boys League, Aston Park, Birmingham
(Birmingham City Council)

Under 12s Handsworth Little League, Summerfield Park, Birmingham
(Birmingham City Council)

Under 10s Sandwell Mini League, Sandwell Valley Country Park
(Sandwell MBC)

Under 9s Sandwell Mini League, Sandwell Valley Country Park
(Sandwell MBC)

It is also useful to highlight who the club provides for and where they come
from. The club draws the majority of its players from areas such as Aston,
Lozells, Handsworth, Small Heath, Erdington, Nechells, Ladywood,
Edgbaston and Lea Bank. These inner city areas of Birmingham are typically
characterised as social disadvantaged and suffer from relatively high levels of
crime and anti-social behaviour. Each of them is ranked within the top 5% for
indices of multiple deprivation when compared to the rest of England,
according to government statistics which measure statistics relating to
employment, health and education. There are few football clubs with Charter
Standard status in these areas, therefore young people from these
neighbourhoods find it difficult to join local football clubs with effective
inclusion and child protection policies.
63

This is reflected by Sport England and the governments own statistics with
regard to sport participation, which indicate that those in higher socio-
economic groups are much more likely to participate in sport than their
counterparts in lower socio-economic groups. In addition, it is recognised that
ethnic minority groups are under represented when it comes to both
participation and with respect to the administration and management of
sporting organisations. The sports development departments from local
authorities have in the past been reluctant to invest in the sporting
infrastructure within these areas and football development teams often find
these areas challenging. The Birmingham City Council Playing Pitch Strategy
indicated that playing pitch provision in Ladywood is 0.16ha per 1000
population which is the lowest provision in the City and well short of the
National Playing Fields Association recommended figure of 1.2ha per 1000
population. In addition, PPG17 (Planning for Open Space, Sport and
Recreation) recognises that open space, recreation are important to peoples
quality of life and that in order to deliver effective planning policies for open
space, sport and recreation, it is essential that local authorities assess the
existing and future needs of their communities.

The above mentioned figures highlight the gaps and shortfalls in sports
provision within the areas that Continental Star operate. It would be hard to
identify an equivalent club in the Birmingham area that offers the range of
sporting opportunities it offers having experienced the same sort of barriers it
has faced. This success is a testimony to the positive identity that the club
possesses amongst the community

The work undertaken by Continental Star is supported by both local, regional
and national policies as illustrated herein after. The Game Plan document
published by DCMS in December 2002 and the follow up document The
Framework for Sport in England, published by Sport England in 2004, both
outline how the government and Sport England seek to increase participation
levels in sport and physical activity by 2020. The creation of a cross-
departmental Sport and Physical Activity Board (SPAB) recognises the
64

differing sectors within government that sport can impact upon. For example,
the Department of Health is promoting the use of physical activity, sport,
exercise and active travel to achieve health gain with education and transport
representatives also part of the SPAB.

The Birmingham County Sports Partnership is one of 45 County Sports
Partnerships within England and is one of six within Sport Englands West
Midlands region, although it is understood that its 5 year development plan is
winding down at present. Sport Englands West Midlands Regional Plan for
Sport 2004-2008 seeks to increase participation in sport and physical activity
by up to 50000 people per year. In addition, the Regional Plan seeks to
achieve above average increases in widening access to ethnic minority
groups. Birmingham City Council Sports Development sees the development
of sports club provision as integral to the Active Sports Programme.

It is clear from the above that the role played by Continental Star is a unique
and important one and is a role that must be supported if the marginalised
position of these communities is to be tackled.

Objectives
Continental Star recognise that the progressive policies with regard to Club
Development pursued by the FA in recent years are likely to lead to children
regarding football as a positive and developmental experience. However,
there are factors that make some neighbourhoods harder to reach than
others. Research undertaken by the University of Gloucestershire has shown
that a large proportion of Charter Standard Clubs are located in suburban,
rather than urban, inner city areas. While Charter Standard clubs operate
effective inclusion policies, geographic locations often create access problems
that are difficult to alleviate (This is supported by Continental Stars own
research and experiences, some of which is outlined below). As a result,
sustaining effective football development, which embraces best practice in
coaching, child protection and club development is problematic unless existing
65

providers of good practice in these areas are supported, encouraged and
developed.

Outreach work in deprived communities requires a dedicated resource,
effective co-ordination, specialist skills and supportive partnerships.
Continental Star FC has been delivering many of the objectives of the wider
social inclusion agenda unsupported for 30 years. It can provide the access to
the communities that traditional outreach work has sometimes found hard to
achieve. At the same time, Continental Star requires a permanent home in
order to deliver the programmes and strategy envisaged in this note and to
fulfil the aim of becoming one of the first inner city FA Community Clubs. The
key objectives of the Club are as follows:

To promote excellence through sport.

Promote a healthy life style.

Seek to promote alternatives to boredom and anti-social behaviour by
providing opportunities for young people in sport and other activities.

To endeavour to raise the self-esteem and self-worth of disadvantaged
young people.

To promote community cohesion through the medium of sport and other
activities.

How these above objectives have been delivered and how they will be
delivered in future is described in the following section.

Delivery of Objectives
Apart from providing structured football for inner city youngsters for over 30
years the Club has recently been involved in the following activities:

Development days the Club has organised and run various development
days for inner city youngsters at 4 professional football club academies during
66

2005 and 2006, in the process engaging 350 kids who would not normally
have had access to structured football. The development days have taken
place at Birmingham City FC, West Bromwich Albion FC, Walsall FC and
Arsenal FC. Nineteen children have been invited back for trials at a later date
of which 11 were offered contracts.

Youth offending and football development the Club has recently submitted
an application to Birmingham City Council to establish a development centre
at Perry Hall Park in conjunction with the Youth Offending Service. The
proposal is to develop a single venue small-sided football centre. The
objective of the scheme is to divert vulnerable young people in the inner cities
away from crime and anti-social behaviour, and is directed at young people
who are not involved in structured football. Continental Star FC will deliver the
project and it is proposed to use Perry Hall Park as the venue. The project will
be open to both young men and women.
Homework Clubs a regular Homework Club has been taking place at
Newtown Community Centre in conjunction with Pertemps Employment
Alliance since 2004 providing for up to 50 children during each session.

Community Football Forum Continental Star has been instrumental in
forming a Community Football Forum in conjunction with Birmingham City
Council. The Forum has been established to inform and work with the Local
Football Partnership with respect to community football organisations. The
Forum has brought together around 20 organisations providing activities for
up to 1000 children and adults per week. The objectives of the Forum are still
emerging but are likely to include establishing football development centres
around inner-city Birmingham as well as applying for funding for coaching and
football development officers.

Coaching the Club has organised coaching courses through Coachright
during 2004 and 2005 with 30 coaches gaining formal coaching qualifications.
This has resulted in some coaches gaining their UEFA B badges.

67

Partnerships Continental has developed a series of partnerships with
various bodies who would be interested in using the facility and who would be
potential revenue generators. The partnership with City College has already
been mentioned as well as those with Pertemps Employment Alliance,
Pertemps WIN and Coachright. The club has developed close links with all of
the professional football clubs in the Birmingham area and is soon to deliver
projects for the Youth Offending Service. In addition, Continental has recently
formed a partnership with the St Kitts and Nevis FA with Continental providing
them with advice and help in identifying British footballers who may have a St
Kitts and Nevis heritage. Some of the other partners include the following:

Scarman Trust
Sporting Chance
Farm Street Church
First Class Youth Network mentoring service
Newtown Community Centre
West Side Gym
Wragge & Co
Connexions
The Basketball Alliance (TBA)
Heart
Groundwork
Aston Pride
Safre Consultancy
CJC Motors
CETA
SGB

It is envisaged that all of the above mentioned activities could be undertaken
at Sandon Road. Through its development days, Continental Star has a model
in place that would allow for up to 200 children every week to engage in
activities on the site. This would involve a nominal charge of around 2 per
head. In addition, it would be the intention to expand on the coaching courses
and to provide additional refereeing courses. These would be organised in
conjunction with both Birmingham City Council and the local County FA.
Continental has also been building relationships with several local schools
68

and would be seeking to further develop these into formal partnerships for the
delivery of sporting and educational programmes.

Sandon Road Proposal
In order to generate the necessary revenue from the Sandon Road site to
maintain it satisfactorily and to provide all of the above mentioned activities it
is envisaged that the following facilities would be required:

one senior floodlit adult pitch
one additional senior pitch
two additional junior pitches
changing and meeting facilities as per recently opened Laurel Road facility
in Handsworth
floodlit MUGA

Continental Star would be seeking to manage the facility on a leasehold basis
with a 10 year lease and 2 year review breaks a possible starting point. It is
proposed that the management of the facility is undertaken by a trust which
will include trustees from not only Continental Star but from the partners
mentioned above and also the local community. It may also be useful to note
that the management and administration of the club has been revised in
recent years with the establishment of a management committee and the club
is also now a company limited by guarantee. In addition, it as also gained
Charitable Status so that potential new funding streams can be explored.

The proposal above maps out a strategy for a football development
partnership which will focus on the delivery of best practice to deprived
neighbourhoods and communities in Birmingham using Continental Star FC
and football as the vehicle. In order to achieve that it requires a permanent
and sustainable site.
69

Appendix C Interview Transcription Trustee Three
(November 2005)
70

Interview with Trustee Three 10/11/2005.

Can you explain your involvement in school football?

I take a year 9 boys football team. I am also involved in district football at
Under 15 level.

Can you tell me how you got involved in district football first of all?

I got involved in district football through an old friend of mine who previously
did some coaching in Nottingham. When he moved into the Birmingham area,
as he is an old friend of mine, he started doing some coaching for the
Erdington and Saltley Under 13 and he recruited me as he needed some help.
I have been involved in the Erdington and Saltley district for the last 3 or 4
years coaching a variety of football teams.

Was there a selection process in terms of you getting involved in district
football coaching? (1.39)

The main requirement is that you have to be involved in some way with some
schools football coaching and the fact that I did have some coaching
experience and I did have the old FA Coaching Preliminary badge helped. As
yet I have not had the opportunity to take the new FA coaching award due to
time restrictions and the fact it only happens at the moment during the school
holidays.

Could you clarify what formal coaching qualifications you do have? (2.25)

I have the old FA Preliminary Level 3 Coaching Badge.

Could you clarify what age groups you coach at district level?

71

At the moment we are coaching Under 15 but I have coached Under 11 to
Under 16 over the last few years.

Do the kids at the moment play football outside of district level?

A number of the kids play, apart from schools, all have local football teams
and some play for local professional clubs such as Birmingham, Walsall and
Wolverhampton as well as at County level.

Can you clarify how long you have been involved at district level?

For the last 4 years.

Has district football coaching changed in the time you have been involved?
(3.45)

I think its changed in that my colleague and I have learnt and got better as we
have gone along. Its helped the fact there are more coaching manuals coming
out and the ability to go on more courses although I havent gone on any yet
as well as better videos. Spending more time with the kids and the opportunity
to go up to County level to do a bit of coaching there has helped.

How much time do you spend with the kids at district level per week for
example? (4.20)

At the moment we just them purely on a game by game basis. We dont have
the opportunity, as they all have their own teams to play for, to take them for
many practices we may get the opportunity to take them for a couple of
practice sessions during the year. Failing that the only time we get to practice
is when we organise friendlies when we have the kids for about and hour
beforehand. We run through some drills and some coaching but actual
coaching time is very limited due to the fact that the kids play a lot of football.

72

What is the selection process at district level?

Thats based on either us as coaches going out to see the kids play for their
schools or we are dependent on the members of staff at various schools
within the district putting their kids forward who they think are capable. We talk
a lot to the teachers at the schools and they tell us who is good who is bad,
who has a good attitude, who has a bad attitude. This is reflected in the kids
they bring forward. We give the kids at least two or three games, preferably in
friendlies, and some students are good enough and some or not. Those who
are not go back to their schools whilst those who are come and play for the
district.

Do you think that there are sufficient qualified football coaches at secondary
school level? (6.25)

No. Just to get teachers to take football teams is very rare. People just dont
want to give up their spare time Some of the kids are not grateful enough,
students dont turn up to training sessions, when they get on the pitch they
abuse opposition teams, abuse the referee. They dont show any
consideration or respect to people who give up their time and it makes it
difficult for people who want to join and do that. I do it because I enjoy it.

What sort of support do you get outside of the school system first of all in
terms of coaching support? (7.22)

Erdington is quite good. The person responsible for running it is very
committed football and Erdington and Saltley football. But various schools are
not very supportive. Going on coaching sessions costs money and districts do
not have a lot of money. We do get some sort of money from the FA but really
its just not enough. For instance, we struggle to go to away fixtures. We are
dependent on parents to drive us because we cant afford to hire a coach so
we are not going to have the ability to pay for coaching sessions either for us
or students.
73


What sort of support do you get in terms of facilities what is available?

In terms of pitches? Or balls?

In terms of coaching.

We seek the assistance of the person responsible for running Erdington and
Saltley District football and he is very helpful in giving us most of the things
that we require.

What would you do to improve the situation at both school and district level?
(9.15)

First off to improve the standard at school level you need to get more
people involved. You need get people who are passionate and care
about the sport itself but unfortunately that will only come with finance.
Teachers are not prepared to spend two or three hours after school of
their own time unless they are possibly being paid for it. Its very rare
you are going to find teachers like myself who are prepared to do that
two or three times a week. Others wont do it unless they are paid. Once
you get to district level you need finances. You need to be able to pull
students out and give them actual proper coaching sessions because
sooner or later those are the kids who are going to do well at County
level or football league or non-league level. On top of that we need better
facilities. We have football pitches near our school which have been
lying derelict for years whilst we struggle to get access to good quality
football pitches.

So in terms of school football how much time do you spend with kids at Year 9
level per week?

74

I have one training session per week and ideally one game per week as
well.

And how long does that training session normally last?

Anything between and hour to an hour or half after school depending on
the day I can hold a session and also dependent on the climate and also
if there are other possible fixtures going on.

And when do they play the game at school football level? (10.58)

It can be any day between Monday and Friday.

So there is no time within the school curriculum to spend time with those kids?

No. None whatsoever because the school curriculum is pretty much well
sorted out and you cant really pull students out of classes just to play
football. The only time you might be able to possibly do that is when
they get to a final and then the school is less reluctant to stop that. They
are more likely to say yes you can have time to spend with the kids
because of the kudos it affords the school.
75

Appendix D Trustee Two letter regarding BME
representation in coaching (May 2006)
76

Grassroots Football Coaching: A case of the Chicken and the egg.

It has often been said that sport and in particular football reflects society and that
issues such as racism for instance are societys problems that often manifest
themselves within football.

Those in charge of the game have in recent times done a lot to improve the image of
the game at least in this country. Racist chants are no longer the norm for the fan on
the terrace or should I say sat in the seats. Campaigns such as Kick it out have
convinced us all that there is no room for racism within our beautiful game. But what
has it really achieved? Yeah, sure I hear you say that it has stopped the racist
remarks being targeted at black players in particular, and fans who do make these
comments are being identified and ejected from stadiums and rightly so! But to what
extent has it had an impact beyond pitch level? Are those sat in footballs Ivory
Towers (the boardrooms) concerned enough to address this issue there? Whilst the
Kick it Out campaign is to be applauded for what it has achieved thus far; it has on
the other hand failed to adequately address the qualitative argument that still rages
on. Let us not get carried away with the back slapping just yet, because the
percentage of black players in the game has increased. The campaign needs to
begin to alter the attitudes and perspectives of those occupying the Ivory Towers to
truly be considered a success. Ron Noades the former Crystal Palace Chairman and
more recently Ron Atkinson football pundit illustrate this point.

Whilst the professional game still has obstacles to overcome, those of us involved at
grassroots level have what often appears to be insurmountable obstacles before us.
Kick it out in particular has lulled us at this level into believing that it can have a
positive impact here too! Bizarrely enough, in some instances the situation at this
level is in fact better. For example there are more BME (please excuse my use of
this popular misnomer) coaches / managers involved in football. The restrictions
placed on us at this level are tiny in comparison. Often here many people get into
coaching because their child is involved in the game and perhaps they have played a
bit when they were younger. However for those who take coaching seriously and
want to develop further, therein lays the problem.

Over the years I have witnessed many young people who have gone onto college or
have been lured onto government initiatives to do coaching badges, only to find that
77

it has not provided the coaching opportunities that they were led to believe it would.
For the lucky few that do find coaching jobs, many of them have to travel outside of
their communities in order to ply their newly acquired skills. Those who are fortunate
enough to work within their communities are often expected to do so in very
challenging circumstances (i.e. they are often vying for the only available open
space) and often with very little resources. It is not surprising that these potential
coaches are put off by this and often drift out of coaching as a consequence.
Birmingham City Councils Playfield Strategy highlights this problem, suggesting that
there is a dearth of open space available within the inner city areas. Therefore those
wishing to play organised football for instance have to travel outside of their
community in order to do so. This raises issues of funding, which often means that
these people are precluded from the activity concerned. This is not a unique set of
circumstances I hear you say and you would be right, socio-economic factors can
affect us all irrespective of race, creed or gender; however black people are often
disproportionately represented here. In addition to this, many of these young people
will not travel to another area of the city to play football even if they can afford to do
so because of the Post Code phenomenon.

Like their professional counter parts there is a wealth of potential BME coaches /
mangers dropping out of the game, mainly in part due to a lack of sign posting with
regards to coaching qualifications. But therein lays the problem. Once these
potential coaches have been directed towards the relevant courses and obtain their
qualifications it is almost nigh on impossible for them to ply their trade at an
established club especially within the pyramid system allegedly due to a lack of
experience.

However, the solution is a double edge sword that lies within their communities. As
mentioned before many young people within the inner cities are crying out for
somewhere to play football and for someone with the know how to coach them
correctly from an early age. The FAs Charter Standard club initiative has begun to
facilitate this to some degree but to date in Birmingham there are only three such
clubs emanating from the inner city (some of them have come about as a result of
government funding aimed at tackling gun crime. What will happen to these clubs
once the funding dries up?) Yet, these clubs are crucial if we are to produce good
quality black coaches of the future. For many coaches it is here that they will be able
to hone their skills to the mutual benefit of all involved. With better quality coaching
78

one would expect to see more young people from the inner cities going on to play
football at a higher level and as the coaching improves so too will the reputation of
the clubs, which in turn will attract better players and coaches. Given time, hopefully
these coaches will be in a position to be offered a football job based solely upon their
merit and not on their post code.

Many of the policies are in place for there to be fair representation of black coaches
in the game but yet the glass ceiling still exists for black coaches both at the
professional and grassroots level. It is paramount if we are to break this cycle that as
many clubs at grassroots level from the inner city areas are encouraged to obtain
there Charter Standard status at the very least. For without these clubs the
opportunities for the existence of quality black coaches diminishes further. The
recent hunt for an England manger suggest that we still have a long way to go as the
xenophobic arguments that were played out in the media suggesting the need for an
English man to manage the English national side does not bode well for the future of
black coaches in the game.
79

Appendix E Continental Star FC letter regarding
representation in football administration (May 2006)
80

Continental Star FC response to meeting with on May 5
th
2006

The reasons for the under representation of BME individuals within football
administration and coaching have been explored in some detail elsewhere
and we do not intend to repeat too much of that here. However, we agree with
many of the sentiments expressed elsewhere in that the fundamental problem
is one of a lack of grass roots football infrastructure within certain areas of
Birmingham, primarily inner city Birmingham. This lack of infrastructure limits
the opportunities for both children and adults to participate in structured
football, a situation already highlighted by Continental Star through the
development days organised in partnership with various professional clubs in
the Midlands. This lack of infrastructure leads to a vicious circle where the
number of experienced BME coaches and administrators is limited and where
they do exist, the opportunities for BME individuals to gain experience in
coaching and administration is restricted. The pathways to elite level are
therefore restricted again. It may be useful to set out a few facts with respect
to Continental Star to provide some context to the problems faced.

The club draws the majority of its players from areas such as Aston, Lozells,
Handsworth, Small Heath, Erdington, Nechells, Ladywood, Edgbaston and
Lea Bank. These inner city areas of Birmingham are typically characterised as
social disadvantaged and suffer from relatively high levels of crime and anti-
social behaviour. Each of them is ranked within the top 5% for indices of
multiple deprivation when compared to the rest of England, according to
government statistics which measure statistics relating to employment, health
and education. There are few football clubs with Charter Standard status in
these areas, therefore young people from these neighbourhoods find it difficult
to join local football clubs with effective inclusion and child protection policies.

This is reflected by Sport England and the governments own statistics with
regard to sport participation, which indicate that those in higher socio-
economic groups are much more likely to participate in sport than their
counterparts in lower socio-economic groups. In addition, it is recognised that
81

ethnic minority groups are under represented when it comes to both
participation and with respect to the administration and management of
sporting organisations. The sports development departments from local
authorities have in the past been reluctant to invest in the sporting
infrastructure within these areas and football development teams often find
these areas challenging. The Birmingham City Council Playing Pitch Strategy
indicated that playing pitch provision in Ladywood is 0.16ha per 1000
population which is the lowest provision in the City and well short of the
National Playing Fields Association recommended figure of 1.2ha per 1000
population.

The above mentioned figures highlight the gaps and shortfalls in sports
provision within the area that Continental Star operates. It would be hard to
identify an equivalent club in the Birmingham area that offers the range of
sporting opportunities it offers having experienced the same sort of barriers it
has faced. This success is a testimony to the positive identity that the club
possesses amongst the community.

Sport Englands West Midlands Regional Plan for Sport 2004-2008 seeks to
increase participation in sport and physical activity by up to 50000 people per
year. In addition, the Regional Plan seeks to achieve above average
increases in widening access to ethnic minority groups. It is difficult to see
how that can be achieved without improving the footballing infrastructure
within these areas. Research undertaken by the University of Gloucestershire
has shown that a large proportion of Charter Standard Clubs are located in
suburban, rather than urban, inner city areas.

The issue now is how to address the above issues and improve the footballing
infrastructure within the local community. By doing so we believe that the
numbers of BME individuals with the right skills and the opportunities for those
individuals should increase. Continental Star has a number of suggestions
with regards to the mechanics of this in Birmingham at least. One of those
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solutions is a medium term one which will require the involvement of a number
of strategic partners whilst the other is a more short-term immediate solution.

In the medium term, the focus should be on club development within inner city
Birmingham. Those clubs that do exist should be supported and encouraged
to expand their activities. They should become a beacon for their local
communities and provide a positive identity to that community.

In order to achieve this, those clubs identified above should be provided with
sustainable funding and a focus for their activities, namely a permanent place
to play. This is something that Continental Star has been attempting to
achieve and it is vital that those efforts are eventually rewarded. However, this
is not just about Continental Star finding a place to play. The overall vision for
the club has always envisaged a network of development centres loosely
based on the Ring Road around Birmingham, where the areas of most
deprivation are.

These development centres would be similar to the one that CSFC is pursuing
and would provide permanent places to play for inner city clubs and
organisations. They should be attractive places to play and should adhere to
all the necessary inclusion and child protection protocols. This vision for inner
city Birmingham will require significant funding and as stated above a number
of strategic partners. With respect to funding, the Football Foundation would
be an obvious place to start. There is plenty of money in football (witness the
new television deal) and pressure should be brought to bear to widen the
distribution of this funding further. In addition to that, it will require local
authorities to put sporting facilities higher on the agenda with respect to
planning policies and to work more closely with the sports development
community.

The mechanics of achieving the above could involve the County FA forming a
working group to directly address club development within inner City
Birmingham. It may be that the Race Equality Advisory Group in the midst of
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being established by the County FA is the most appropriate forum for
achieving this. However, our fear is that its remit will be too narrow and will not
allow the wider issues of club development and footballing infrastructure to be
addressed. We believe the national governing body needs to clarify the role
and remit of these groups. In addition, we would suggest that the working
group involves the planning department of the local authority so that flawed
documents such as the recent Playing Pitch Strategy can be improved.

In the short term, as part of the working group suggested above, a series of
inner city football development officers with the specific remit of developing
existing clubs and also forming new ones where appropriate should be
appointed. Their role should also be one of coach and volunteer development.
They may not necessarily be full time but funding should be found for it. It is
vital that these officers are representative of their local communities and have
a proven record of engaging with their local communities. Immediately, simply
by appointing such officers, the pool of experienced BME coaches and
administrators will be increased and their own skills enhanced. This is an
immediate micro solution to the lack of representation. It may be argued that
the County FA, the LFP and the City Council are already pursuing this agenda
but experience is showing otherwise. We dont believe that this is deliberate
on their part, simply that their strategic role does not allow them to engage
with existing groups and certainly does not allow them to pursue the creation
of new clubs and organisations.

We believe that by pursuing the above, then clubs from the inner city can rise
up the footballing ladder providing a virtuous circle whereby they are
administered and coached by their local community and also provide
pathways for the local community towards the elite levels. However, this is a
challenge not just for local football development officers and governing bodies
as it also involves the entire local community, including businesses and
schools for example, supporting these beacons of local pride.

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In addition, the more immediate pressing problems of lack of funding for
coaching courses should also be addressed with enabling organisations
provided with funding of their own so that they are better able to organise
coaching courses through the County FA or local authority. However, without
a clear pathway to the elite levels it is difficult to see where these coaches will
go.
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Appendix F Continental Star FC response to playing pitch
strategy consultation (May 2006)
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Continental Star FC October 2005

Playing Pitch Strategy Public Consultation

We are writing to represent the views of Continental Star FC. We are a largely black led
football club of 30 years standing and currently run 11 football teams from Under-8 level up to
Veteran level. We draw our players primarily from inner city areas of Birmingham such as
Ladywood, Aston, Nechells and Handsworth. However our 11 teams play at 9 different
venues most of which are remote from our playing base. These include venues in Oldbury,
Erdington, Warwick and Sandwell Valley.

We would like to draw your attention to the Birmingham City Council Playing Pitch Strategy
(Consultation Draft). The Strategy highlights why we have to travel so far to access sports
facilities for our teams. It indicates gross under provision of playing fields within inner city
Birmingham. For example, Ladywood with 0.16ha of pitch available per 1000 population and
Sparkbrook & Small Heath with 0.32ha of provision have the lowest provision of any
constituency in the City. These are areas with high levels of social and economic deprivation
and the objective of the strategy is to improve provision to a mere 0.19ha and 0.32ha
respectively. This is absurdly short of the National Playing Fields Association recommended
standard of 1.2ha and if followed through can only contribute to existing levels of social
exclusion. I personally know of a number of football clubs who draw their members from these
areas but have to play outside of the area. This limits the positive impacts these football clubs
have on the community. Contrast the levels of provision highlighted above with existing levels
of provision in Sutton Coldfield and Edgbaston which are up to 4 times higher.

The objectives outlined above are partly based on the poorly researched levels of latent
demand. There has been no real attempt to consult with the grass roots users of playing
pitches in the City. Why have our club and clubs similar to us not been involved in the drafting
process? Regardless of the flawed research that has contributed to the strategy it seems to
be morally indefensible to propose a playing pitch provision in Ladywood or Sparkbrook &
Small Heath that is 25% that of Sutton Coldfield.

At the moment the strategy can only be classed as an audit of current pitch provision. It
cannot even claim to be an audit of latent demand as it has failed to uncover where there is
demand and why. It is certainly not a strategy. There is no Vision within the document to
reinstate the significant areas of playing fields within the City whose gates are locked. Where
is the engagement with the Private Sector or National Governing Bodies? There needs to be
more imagination to access potential funding opportunities.

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The strategy is not fit for the purpose for which it was intended, which should be to
dramatically improve the quality and quantity of playing pitch provision in Birmingham.

We are also concerned that there appears to be playing pitches in certain areas that are
currently out of use and under threat of development but the strategy does not appear to
address these issues. Overall, we think that the strategy is deeply defective and requires
significant updating before it can truly represent the needs of Birmingham and its people. As
our elected representatives we would urge you to reconsider the emerging strategy.

Yours sincerely

Continental Star FC
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Appendix G Trustee Two letter regarding black
representation in football structures (October 2005)

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Issues relating to the lack of Black representation in football structures.

The absence of significant representation of Black coaches and mangers at all
levels of English football is symptomatic of the drastic erosion of not just
football but all organised sport in the inner cities where the black communities
had been centred since the 1950's.

In West Birmingham alone, a grass roots sporting structure that supported
young people from the African Caribbean community to become Olympic
Medalists, NBA basketballers, World Cup and England footballers and
cricketers and World and national champions in a range of sports, has been
completely dismantled over the last 20 years.

Since the 1980's no less than 12 of the 13 secondary schools in the
Ladywood / Edgbaston and Handsworth areas have been closed, the only
surviving school did so because its Headteacher, the first Black Head in the
country, took the school out of local authority control despite immense political
pressure.

This destruction of an entire education network is immediately responsible for
the loss of 60 school football, cricket, basketball, athletics teams along with an
entire District sports association - The West Birmingham Schools Association
- which organised representative teams that competed with great distinction at
regional and national levels in wide range of sports.

With particular regard to football the closure of these schools also removed
countless pitches and training facilities from the inner city community leading
to a significant number of clubs and teams being forced to disband or relocate
to facilities in the outer suburbs.

Along with the pitches, gymnasiums, training and changing facilities,
structured evening and weekend sports opportunities have virtually
disappeared from the inner city

With the removal of these facilities and structured activity so the access to
active participation and leadership opportunities decreases, removing the first
step on the path to individuals getting involved in coaching, management,
officiating and administrating sport in the inner cities where the majority of the
Black community live.

There is no doubt that the regeneration of inner cities across the country has
most adversely impacted on the black community, the majority of whom grew
up, lived, were educated and played their sport in districts close to city centres
which have been turned into "regenerated" communities where wine bars,
expensive flats and car parks have replaced youth clubs, football and cricket
pitches, schools, tennis courts and gymnasiums.

Opportunities for the vast majority of the black community to get actively
involved in the structure and administration of football has virtually
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disappeared in the inner cities, with the exception of individuals and small
groups who through exceptional commitment to their community have
persevered in the face of soaring land values, high level obstruction and
deeply embedded institutional racism and have managed to continue to offer
opportunities for members of the inner city communities to be actively
engaged in football.

These same people are often the only voice challenging multi million pound
development companies who are supported by local authorities over the loss
of community sports facilities and find themselves personal and professional
targets.

The roots of Black sport in England which lay in the inner city have produced
generations of champions in the 70's, 80's and 90's have been systematically
destroyed where profit making regeneration has been the tool of social and
sporting disintegration in the Black community

Supporting the work of the often heroic individuals and organisations who
seek to redress the balance is the key to resolving this serious situation which
is the root cause of the increasing lack of representation of the Black
community in all levels of sport.


May 06