Dynamics of Group Sports with Special Reference to Football Author(s): Norbert Elias and Eric Dunning Source: The

British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 17, No. 4 (Dec., 1966), pp. 388-402 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/589186 Accessed: 01/10/2009 21:27
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NorbertEliase Eric Dunningt

of Dynamics groupsportswith specialreference to footballA

of It happensquite oftenin the development a science,or of one of its branches,that a type of theorywhich has dominatedthe directionof researchfor some time, reachesa point where its limitationsbecome canproblems One beginsto see that a numberof significant apparent. not be clearly formulatedand cannot be solved with its help. The who workin this field then begin to look roundfor a wider scientists for or framework, perhaps anothertypeof theoryaltogether, theoretical which will allow them to come to grips with problemsbeyond the type of theory. reachof the fashionable appears sociology in Whatis called'smallgrouptheory' contemporary to be in that stage. It is fairlyevidentthat a good many problemsof smallgroupsare beyondthe reachof smallgrouptheoryin its present as form,to say nothingof its limitations a modelsettingtheoryfor the of exploration largersocialunits.It did not, at any rate,proveof great help to us when we tried to investigateproblemsof small groupsenwith the study of such as football. Confronted gaged in sport-games sportgroupsin vivo, smallgrouptheoryfailedus.l of with a widerinvestigation the set We therefore out in connection of long-termdevelopment football to exploresome of the theoretical aspectsof the dynamicsof groupsengagedin games of this type. It could in to appeared us that sport-games general,footballin particular, of for serve as a usefulpoint of departure the construction modelsof fromthoseoffered different whichare somewhat smallgroupdynamics Someaspects smallgrouptheories. of withinthe framework present-day
NorbertElias DR.PHIL. ResearchFellow,SociologyDepartment, *Professor of Professor Sociology,Universityof Ghanaand Formerly Universityof Leicester. of IJniversity Munster VisitingProfessor, of tEric Dunning s.sc.(Econ.) M.A. Lectllrerin Sociology,{Jniversity Leicester seminarat the FAnearlierversionof this paperwas presentedat an international of RJniversity Cologneon I6 April I966. The title of the seminarwas 'Kleinauf und Gruppen-Forschung ihre Anwendung den Sport'(SmallGroupResearch of and its Applicationto Sport').A Germantranslation the paperhas appeared psychologie, und f xr Zeitsc11rift Soziologie SozEal in SonderheftIO of the Kolner August I966 388

Dynamics group of sports special with reference tofootball of such a model are presentedin this paper.Althoughit is built primarilywith reference football,the concepts to derivedfromour analysis may perhapsbe of wideruse. They almostcertainlyapply not only to football,but also to othergroupgames. In studyingfootballand othersport-games, encounters one fromthe startcertainsemanticdifficulties. Peopleoftenspeakof a game of football as if it were somethingoutsideof, and apart from, the group of players.It is not entirelyincorrect say that the samegame a game to suchas football can be playedby manydifferent groups.At the same time, the patternof each individualgame is itselfa grouppattern.In orderto play a game, peoplegroupthemselves specificways.As the in game runsits course,they continually regroupthemselves a manner in similarto the ways in which groupsof dancersregroupthemselves in the courseof a dance.The initialconfiguration fromwhichthe players startchangesinto otherconfigurations players a continuous of in movement.It is to this continuous movement the configuration players of of to whichwe referwhen we use the term'game-pattern'. termcan The be misleading it makesone forgetwhat one actuallyobserves if when watchinga game: one observessmall groupsof living human beings changing theirrelations constant in interdependence eachother. with The dynamics thisgrouping regrouping players the course of and of in of a gamearefixedin certainrespects elasticand variable others. and in They are fixed,becausewithoutagreement amongthe playerson their adherence a unifiedset of rules,the gamewouldnot be a game but to a 'free-for-all'. They areelasticandvariable, otherwise gamewould one be exactly like another.In that case, too, its specificcharacteras a game would be lost. Thus, in orderthat grouprelationscan have the character a game,a veryspecific of balancemustbe established between fixity and elasticityof rules.On this balancedependthe dynamicsof the game. If the relationsbetweenthose who play the game are too rigidlyor too looselyboundby rules,the game will suffer. Take the initial configuration playersin Association of Football.It is regulated certainrules.Thus, the wordingof one of the I897 rules by about the 'kick-off'configuration, which with some qualifications is stillvalid,is this:
The game shall be commenced a place-kick by fromthe centre thefield of of playin the directionof the opponents'goal-line;theopponents not shall approachwithin ten yardsof the ball until it is kickedoS, nor shall any playeron eitherside passthe centreof the groundin the directionof his opponents' goal until the ball is kickedoS.2

It is easy to see how much room for manceuvring kind of rule this leavesto the two sides-how elasticit is. Withinthe framework the of kick-offrules, playerscan groupthemselves a 'W-formation' 3 in (25) or in the form of a 'horizontal (4-2 4). If they want to, the H' defendingside may even massthemselves solidlyin frontof their own 389

Elias ;/V*orbert andEric Dunning

goal, thoughin practicethis is rarelydone. How the playersactually by at positionthemselves the kick-offisdetermined formalrulesas well games,and oftenby of experience previous by as by convention, their of planscoupledwith theirexpectations the intended theirownstrategic this How far this peculiarcharacteristic, strategyof their opponents. of to the regulation humanrelaapplies and blendof firmness elasticity tionsin otherspheresis a questionwhich may deservemoreattention thanit has receivedso far. formedby From the startingpositionevolvesa fluid configuration more are, both teams.Withinit, all individuals andremainthroughout, response in they or lessinterdependent; move and regroupthemselves to each other. This may help to explainwhy we referto this type of game as a specificform of group dynamics.For this movingand reto in players response eachotheris thegame. of grouping interdependent clear that by usingthe term 'groupdyIt may not be immediately of configurations in namics' thiscontext,we do not referto the changing in each of the two groupsof playersas if they could be considered of as separation, if each had dynamics its own. That is not the case. In of a gameof football,the configuration playerson the one side and that They and of playerson the otherside, are interdependent inseparable. as If formin fact one singleconfiguration. one speaksof a sport-game to one formof groupdynamics, refers the overallchangein the a specific of configuration the playersof both sides together.Few aspectsof the of of groupdynamics footballshowas clearlyas thisthe relevance sportgamesas modelsfor the dynamicsof groupsin many otherfields. not characteristic, only of football,but of practically A fundamental which a is all sport-games, that they constitute type of groupdynamics For betweenat leasttwo sub-groups. tensions by is produced controlled small group theoryis not of sociological this reasonalone, traditional which conof very great help in the exploration the sort of problems from different specificconcepts require frontedus here.Theseproblems studyof smallgroups,and perhaps thoseusedso far in the sociological about a little more complexthan those commonlyused in discussions usage,one mightbe conto According presentconceptual sport-games. groups. is tentwithsayingthata gameof football playedby twodifferent whichinducepeopleto think conventions This is one of thoselinguistic apartfromthe humanbeings and to speakas if the gameweresomething concerned.By stressingthat the game is nothing but the changing one themselves, brings arounda movingballof the players configuration of into focusat the sametime that it is not the changingconfiguration teams but each of the two teamsseen separately, of the playersof both with one another.Manypeoplewho watcha togetherin theirstruggle game of footballmay know that this is what they try to follow not merelyone team or the other, but the fluid patternformedby both. of This is the patternof the game the dynamics a groupin tension. 39o

Dynamics group of sports sY7ecial with reference tofootball As such, this model of groupdynamicshas theoreticalimplications beyondthe study of small groups.It may be of help for the study of such varied problemsas, for example,that of maritaltensions,or of union-management tensions.There, as in the case of sport groups, tensionsare not extraneous,but intrinsicto the configuration itself; theretoo, they are to someextentcontrolled. How and to what degree theyare,andhowtheycameto be controlled, a problem be studied. is to Inter-state relations anotherexampleof a configuration are with builtin tensions.But in that case, effectiveand permanenttensioncontrol hasnot yet beenachievedand, at the present levelof socialdevelopment and of sociological understanding groups-in-tension, of perhapscannot be achieved.Among the factorswhich prevent the achievementof better controlis certainlythe widespread inabilityto perceiveand to investigate statesin tensionor a multi-polar two statesystemas a single configuration. One usuallyapproachessuch a system as the involved participant one side and is therefore quite able to visualizeand of not to determinethe paramountdynamics of the configuration which different sidesformwith eachotherand whichdetermines movesof the each side. The study of sport-games footballcan thus serve as a like relativelysimple introductionto a configurational approachto the study of tensionsand conflicts to an approachin which attentionis focused,not on the dynamicsof one side or the other, but of both togetheras a singleconfiguration tension. in Today, sociologicalthinkingwith regardto problemsof this kind often seems to revolve around two alternatives: problemsof group tensionstandon one side,problems groupco-operation harmony of and on the other. Group tensionsappearto be one phenomenon; group co-operation and harmonyanother.Becauseone has differentwords, it appearsalmostas if the phenomenathemselves were differentand independent each other.An analysisof sport-games of illuminates the inadequacy thisapproach. groupdynamics a gamepresuppose of The of tensionand co-operation a varietyof levelsat the sametime.Neither on wouldbe whatit is withoutthe other. Traditionalsmall group theoryis apt to lead attentionaway from problemsof this type. Its representatives often select for study small groupproblems which tensionsplay no part at all, or if they select in for studyproblems tension,they confinethemselves specifictypes of to of individualtensionsuch as individualcompetition. readingtheir In arguments,one often has the feeling that their discussions the on subjectof grouptensionsand conflictsare discussions about questions of political philosophyand political ideals rather than about conclusionsderived from strictly scientificenquiries.In this case as in others,contemporary sociologyappearsat timesto be threatened a by polarization betweenthosewho areblindto the roleof tensions social in groups or at least who greatlyunderplaythis role and those who
39I

Elias andEric Dunning Jforbert

to and the overplay roleof tensions conflicts the neglectof other,equally of group dynamics.Homans, for example, has derelevant aspects velopeda smallgrouptheoryin whichconflictand tensionplay at most a marginalpart. It is probablynot unfairto suggestthat this harmonschemeof values,a istic tendencyis connectedwith a pre-established for setsthecourse theoretical which Weltanschauung kindof socio-political alike. It almost appearsas if argumentsand empiricalobservations of allergyto the discussion tensions an Homanshasdeveloped emotional Thus,he wrote: and conflicts.
with the exchange to . . . if we confineourselves behaviour. . . (concerned we activities), aresureto call downuponourheadsthe wrath of rewarding who make a professionof being tough-minded. of the social scientflsts 'Never play down conflict,' they svould say. 'Not only is conflicta fact of social life, but conflicthas positivevirtuesand bringsout some of the best in men.' It turns out that these very scientistsare no more willing than is the restof mankindto encourageconflictwithin any body of men they themselvesare responsiblefor. Conflictis good for other people's not subordinates, their osvn.But we must refrain.It is all too easy to ask men to practisewhat they preach.A trap that none can escapeis no fun setting.3

It chargedargument. shows This, as one can see, is an emotionally the how greatly Homans himselfmisunderstands characterof sociological analysis.Withoutdoubt, some writerswho focus attentionon problemsof conflict,do so becausethey wish to encourageconflictstudyof suchproblems. to extraneous the sociological thatis, forreasons of But to suggest,as Homansseemsto do, that the encouragement conthe try flict is the only reasonwhy sociologists to determine natureof tensionsand conflictsin the social life of man impliesa fundamental Homans Although analysis. of misunderstanding the taskof sociological writes,'no one can deny . . . that conflictis a fact of social life', he findsit difficultto deal with this fact simplyas such, as one obviously fact of life amongothers. help. can In this respect,the studyof sport-games be of considerable A specifictype of tensionplays a significantpart in such games. In whetherone likesthemor tensions studyingthem,one cannotoverlook like not. It seemeduseful to determinethe characterof sport-games typeandwe thought of with footballas configurations tensions a specific term to would be an appropriate that 'groups-in-controlled-tension' expressit. by one development is confronted At the presentstageof theoretical context,has diffierent which,in a somewhat a dilemmain thesematters referred We by beenmostclearlyformulated Dahrendorf. have already phenoas to to the tendency treatconflictandco-operation independent one theories, foreachof them. and menaand to formdiXerent separate 392

Dynamics groupsportswithspecialreference football of to

Dahrendorf encountered similarproblemwith regardto integration a and coercion,and posedin this connectiona significant question: Is there,or can therebe, [he asked] general a pointof viewthatsynthesizes unsolved the dialectics integration coercion? faras I can of an(l So see thereis no suchgeneral model;as to its possibility, haveto reserve I judgment. seemsat leastconceivable uniScation theoryis not It that of feasible a pointwhichllaspuzzled at thinkers sincethe beginning ever of 'estern philosophy.4 The same might be said with regardto tensionsand co-operation. Some sociological tlleoriesare woven aroundproblems conflictand of tensionwithoutmuchregardfor thoseof co-operation integration; and otherspay regardaboveall to problems co-operation integration, of and treating conflictand tensionmoreor lessas marginal phenomena. From closerrange,it is easy to see the reason.Bothprocedures basedon are a reification values:becauseone attachesdifferent of valuesto conflict and co-operation, is apt to treat these phenomenaas if they had one a separate independent and existence. A studyof sport-games thus a usefulpoint of departure an apis for proachto theseproblems whichmay allow the passions calm down. to It is easierin thisfield to moveoutsidethe battleof extraneous evaluations and to keep in close touch with testable, factual evidence in framingtheoretical propositions. is less difficult,therefore, move It to towards unifiedtheoretical a framework withinwhichboth tensionand co-operationcan find their place as interdependent phenomena.In football,co-operation presupposes tension,and tensionco-operation. However,one can clearly perceivetheir complementary character onlyif one studies how the gamehasdeveloped its present to formwhere tensionsand co-operation relatedto each otherthroughfirmtypes are of control.The studyof the long-term development footballenabled of us in fact to see in a limitedfield, one aspectof the interplaybetween tensionand tension-control withoutwhichthe relevance sport-games of as a theoretical modelcannotbe fully understood. showedhow tenIt sionsshich wereat one timeuncontrolled probably and uncontrollable were graduallybroughtundercontrol. In its presentform,one of the centralcharacteristics Association of Footballand manyothersport-games certainlythe mannerin which is the often fairlyhigh group tensionsengendered the game are kept in under control.But this is a fairly recent attainment.In formerdays, tensions betweenplayers,whichwereand are at all timescharacteristic of games,were oftenfar less well controlled. This transformation, the development a highlyregulated, of relatively non-violent formof group tension,from an earlierstage where the corresponding tensionswere much more apt to dischargethemselvesin one or anotherform of violence,is at the coreof the long-term dynamics the gameof football. of It is representativene mightalmostsay symbolic of certainaspects 393

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societies.For within many of of the long-termdevelopment European over violencehas diminished of thesesocietiesthe generallevel of overt of in the development as the ages.There,too, one encounters, one does levels of selfand higher football,both a higherlevel of organization restraintand of securitycomparedwith the past. How and why this of long-termdevelopmenttowardsmore 'civilized'standards human us here.5Butwe in occurred societyat largeneed not concern relations bookon wereable to findout, andwe shallindicatein ourforthcoming in why a gamelikefootballdeveloped, someof the reasons that subject6 with similartrendsin societyat large,froma moreto a less connection form to formand correspondingly a different violent and uncontrolled of This understanding the longof game-pattern-of groupdynamics. dynamics that of termdynamics footballgreatlyassists of the short-term of the game as playedtoday. It may be usefulto illustratethe general directionof the formerby meansof two examples. As playedin earlierages,not onlyin Englandbut alsoin manyother football,like mostball games,was a verywild gameindeed. countries, Richard Carew,writing in x602, has describedone of the ancestral versions a blend of handball and football which was then called 'hurling' as follows: yea take The hurlers theirwayoverhilles,dales,hedges, and thorow see so whatsoever, as youshallsometimes and plashes rivers mires, briars, for and in together thewaterscrambling scratching the thirtylie tugging spirit,for to ball. . . The ball in thisplaymaybe compared an infernal and struggling like straightways a madman, it catcheth fareth whosoever thosewhogo aboutto holdhim.. . [Thegame]is accompanied Eghting you is whenthehurling ended whereof, . by manydangers. . fortheproof pates, battlewithbloody homeas froma pitched shallseethemreturning their as and bonesbroken out ofjoint,andsuchbruises serveto shorten for troubled the or days,yet all is goodplayandneverattorney coroner 7 matter. later,betweenX854 and I 862,whenthe playingof football, Centuries at least in someof the leadingpublicschools,had becomemuchmore highly regulated,the level of permittedviolencewas still very much were thereof higherthan it is today and the dynamics grouptensions of Thus,amongthe regulations the gameproduced foreratherdifferent. threerules: at Rugbyin I845 werethe following on nails maywearprojecting or ironplates thesolesorheels I No player of hisshoesor boots. with 2 No hacking the heelor abovethe kneeis fair. may up standing to another holdonearmonly,butmayhack 3 A player to him or knockthe ball out of his handsif he attempt kickit or go the beyond lineof touch.8 split becausethe As late as I863, the incipientFootballAssociation the altogetherfrom game,while 'hacking' to proposed eliminate majority 394

Dynamics group of sports special with reference tofootball a minority thefoundermembers of held to the viewthatthe abolition of hackingwouldmakethe game 'unmanly' and opposed Thiswas not it. the only,butcertainlyone of the majorpointswhich led to the developmentoftwotypesoffootball England. i-n Association Football, 'soccer', or on the one hand, and Rugby Football,or 'rugger',on the other. It is interesting note that even in the rugbygame, althoughthe general to level of violenceremainedsomewhathigherthan in Association Football,hacking also'outlawed' verylong afterthe breakoccurred. was not The problemwe encountered here a problemnot entirelywithout theoreticalsignificance was that of the reasonswhy one of the two typesof football,namely'soccer',gainedvery muchwiderrecognition and successthan the other,not only in Englandbut almostthe world over. Was it becausethe level of violencein soccerwas lower than in rugby? orderto answerquestions In suchas this one needsa very clear idea of at leastone of the centralproblems resulted that fromthe lowering of violenceforthe wholepatternof the game,forits groupdynamics. The dangerof this decreaseof permittedviolencewas quite obviously that the game in its changedform would become uninteresting and dull. The survivalof the game evidentlydependedon a peculiarkind of balance between,on the one hand, a high controlof the level of violence,becausewithoutit the gamewas no longeracceptable most to players and most spectatorsin accordancewith the now prevailing standards 'civilized' of behaviour, on the otherhand, the preservaand tion of a sufficiently levelof non-violent high fightingwithoutwhichthe interestof playersand public alike would have flagged. The whole development mostsport-games, certainly of football,centred of and that to a very large extent on the solutionof this problem:how was it possibleto maintainwithin the set game-pattern high level of group a tensionandthe groupdynamics resulting fromit, whileat the sametime keepingrecurrent physicalinjuryto the playersat the lowestpossible level. The questionwas and still is, in other words,how to 'steerthe ship',as it were,betweenthe Scyllaof disorderliness the Charybdis and of boredom. Peoplewho have actedas coachesor managers the game in may appreciate that this is a problemof greatpracticalsignificance. A good numberof peoplein that positionare usedto thinking termsof in configurations a matterof courseif they plan ahead;for that is the as most realisticway of envisaging game and most appropriate the a for workingout of strategies. Thus, in preparinghis team for a game, a managermay say that the opponentsare likely to use a '4-2 4 system', thattheirowntaskis to preventthe opponents fromdominating the mid-fleldplay;in orderto achievethis,he may assignto two of his playersthe taskof 'blottingout' the opponents' 'link'men, so that the rest can concentrate the taskof attack.However,althoughtrained on by his immediate experience envisagethe game as a fluctuating to configuration players,it is neitherhis aim nor his taskto standbackand of 395

Elias andErzcDunning ;Norbert

of and to reflecton the characteristics regularities tlleseconfigurations who decidedin The Committeeof the FootballAssociation as such. awarethat under the changein the offsiderulewereprobably I925 on the old rulesthe 'tone'of the game had becometoo low, as peopleon other occasionsnoticed that the game had begun to stray from the But and middlecoursebetweendisorderliness dtlllness. up to now the are for dealingwith such problems not very articuconceptsavailable for late. In orderto see their wider signiflcance their significance a game theoryin general it is for a sociological smallgrouptheoryor for new to necessary workout comparatively conceptsas a framework meaningof someof thosewhichalready and observation to changethe exist. It Let us start with the conceptof configuration. has alreadybeen of configuration the playerson the said that a game is the changing is field. This means that the configuration not only an aspectof the seemsto believeif one usesrelated sometimes players.It is not as one such as 'socialpattern','socialgroup',or 'society',someexpressions are fromindividualpeople.Configurations formedby thing abstracted standsoul'.If one watchesthe players as individuals, it were'bodyand one interdependence, can ing and moving on the field in constant If changingconfiguration. actuallysee them forminga continuously usuallycannotsee the configurations groupsor societiesare large,one in formwith one another.Nevertheless, these members theirindividual other-a city, a church, with cases,too, peopleformconfigurations each a politicalparty, a state-which are no less real than the one formed by playerson a footballfield, even thoughone cannottake them in at a glance. in of To envisagegroupings peopleas configurations this sense,with of tensioncontroland their dynamics,their problemsof tensionand manyothers,even thoughone cannotsee themhereand now, requires This is one of the tasksof cona specifictrainingof the imagination. sociology,of which the presentpaper is an example.At figurational still present,a good deal of uncertainty existswith regardto the nature theories Sociological as to of thatphenomenon whichone refers 'society'. that 'groups'or 'societies', often appearto start from the assumption and 'social phenomena'in general, are somethingabstractedfrom individualpeople, or at least that they are not quite as 'real' as inwhateverthat may mean.The game of football- as a smalldividuals, scalemodel-can help to correctthisview. It showsthat conEgurations who are of individuals neithermore nor less real than the individuals such as sociologyis basedon observations formthem. Configurational theorieswhich treatsocietiesas if they this. In contrastto sociological conweremerenames,a 'flatumvocis',and 'idealtype', a sociologist's of sociological struction,and which are in that sense representative Individualsalways a nominalism,it represents sociologicalrealism.9 396

Dynamics group of sports special with reference tofootball come in configurations configurations alwaysformedby indiand are viduals. If one watchesa game of footballone can understand that it is the fluctuatingconfiguration the playersitself on which, at a given of moment,the decisions movesof individual and playersdepend.In that respect concepts suchas 'interaction' its relatives apt to mislead. and are They appearto suggestthat individualswithout configurations form configurations eachotheraposteriori. They makeit diEcultto come with to gripswith the typeof tensions encounters the studyof football. one in These tensionsare differentin character from those which may arise when two formerlyindependentindividuals,'ego' and 'alter', begin to interact.As has alreadybeen said, it is the configuration players of itselfwhichembodiesa tensionof a specifictype a controlled tension. One can neitherunderstand explainits character nor fromthe 'interaction'of individualplayers. In societies suchas ours,it is one of the characteristics a gamethat of the tensioninherentin the configuration playersis neithertoo high of nor too low: the gamemustlastfor a while,but mustfinallybe resolved in the victoryof one sideor the other.Therecan be 'drawn' games,but if they occur too often, one would suspectthat somethingin the construction the game was faulty. of Thus,in present-day industrial societies, gameis a groupconfiguraa tion of a veryspecifictype.At its heartis the controlled tensionbetween two sub-groups holdingeach otherin balance.This is a phenomenon one can observein many other fields. It appearsto deservea-special name. We have called it a 'tension-balance'. as the mobilityof Just a human limb is dependenton the containedtension between two antagonistic musclegroupsin balance,so the gameprocess dependson a tensionbetweentwo at the sametimeantagonistic interdependent and setsof playerskeepingeach otherin a fluctuating equilibrium.l The mechanics configurations a tension-balance theircentre of with at are far fromsimple.Two examplesmay be enoughto illustratethem: the flexibletension-balance a game process in cannotbe producedand maintained just the rightlevel if one sideis very muchstronger at than the other.If that is the case, the stronger will probably side scoremore frequently, gametension the 'tone'of the game- will be relatively the low, and the game itself will be slow and lifeless.But it would be a mistaketo thinkthat in studyingthe groupdynamics a game one is of mainlyconcerned with questions arising fromthe qualities individual of teamsor of individualplayers.What we have primarily studiedis the development thestructure the game-pattern such.Thispattern and of as has at a given time a specificform maintainedby controlsat various levels. It is controlledby football organizations, state and local by authorities, the spectators, the teams mutually,by the players by by individually. One need not enumerate them all or analysetheirinter397

Elias J%orbert andEric Dunning

the one discourse, is apt to consider play in this context.In theoretical and configuration, aboveall the tension a preserving particular controls in balanceof a configuration, termsof rulesor normsonly. But, as in formalrulesareonly one of the 'instruothercases,rulesand especially for ments' of control responsible the relative stability of groups-intheyare,grouprulesor groupnorms, And, controlled-tension. whatever are here as elsewhere, no absolutes. do Rulesor normsas devicesfor the controlof tensions not floatoutand above social processesas is sometimessuggestedin present side whichruleshelp to maintainmay, on The discussions. groupdynamics or whetherrulespersist change.The development theirpart,determine how changesof rulescan showsvery strikingly of footballregulations of on the overalldevelopment that whichthey rule. The dynadepend have what one mightcall a 'logic'of their mics of such configurations the tensionlevel may flag, not simplybecauseof own. Thus,in football or playinggroups of their of characteristics individual the distinguishing of but becauseof set characteristics the configuraindividualmembers, whichone Thisis a phenomenon tionwhichtheyformwithone another. of surveysthe development a game. again and againif one encounters In I925, for example,the 'offside'rule in soccerwas changed.Until receivea ball then, the rule was this: a playercould only legitimately of his side, if at least three passedforwardto him by anothermember membersof the opposingteam stood betweenhim and their goal. If less than three were so positioned,he was ruled 'offside',and a 'free In kick'was awardedto the opponents. I925, the numberwas reduced exploited,had led to a to two. The elasticityof the olderrule, skilfully frequent.What had stage where stalemateshad becomeincreasingly happenedwas that the balance had moved too far in favourof the defence.Gamestendedto dragon withoutdecisionor scoreswerelow. The reasonwas not any particularquality of individualplayers:the of configuration playersas stabilizedby a varietyof controls,among which the formalrulesheld a key position,had itselfproveddeficient. was Hence,the attempt made,by meansof a changeof rules,to establish the whichcouldrestore balance of a morefluidconfiguration the players betweenattackand defence. whichin football,and This is one exampleof a numberof polarities are probablyalso in all other sport-games, built into the established operatein closeconSuchpolarities of conEguration the gameprocess. polarities nectionwith eachother.In fact, a complexof interdependent the builtinto the gamepatternprovides mainmotiveforceforthe group of dynamics a footballgame.In one way or anotherthey all contribute of the towardsmaintaining 'tone',the tension-balance the game. Here is a list of someof them:
I X

teams the between twoopposing polarity theoverall and attack defence between thepolarity

398

Dynamics group of sports special with reference tofootball 3 the polarity between co-operation tension the twoteams and of 4 the polarity between co-operation competition and withineachteam. Polarity,4, can express itselfin a varietyof ways.Orleof themis that betweenindividualteam membersand the team as a whole, shownin the followingexamples: (a) In the I860'S and 70's individualdribblingwas the centrepiece of soccer. The fluctuating tension-balance betweenteaminterests indiand vidual interests was gearedin favourof the latter. This corresponded to the socialcharacteristics the game duringthat period.It was then of a gameprimarilyplayed bypublicschoolold-boysand by othermiddleandupper-class peoplefortheirown enjoyment. the last two decades In of the nineteenthcentury, this technique gave way to a different manner of playing. Team co-operationbecame accentuatedat the expenseof opportunities the individual shinecompetitively for to within the team. Thus, the balance between individualand team interests changed.Individualdribblingrecededand passingthe ball fromone memberof a team to anothercame to the fore.It is possibleto analyse the reasonsfor this changewith considerable stringency. increase An in the numberof teams, the establishment floral competitions, of increasedcompetitive rivalryamongteams,and the beginning playing of for a payingpublicwere amongthem. (b) Even afterthe balancebetweenthe team members' consideration for the team'sinterests thatfortheirindividual and interests moved had strongly favourof the former,the polaritycontinuedto play its part. in Every game pattern leaves to some players considerablescope for decisions.In fact, without the capacityto take decisionsquicklyan individualcannotbe a good player.But again and again,in takinghis decisions,the individualplayermust decidebetweenthe need for cooperatingwith othermembers the team'ssake and that for contrifor buting to his personalreputation and advancement. The presentconceptualization casessuchas thisis dominated absolute in by alternatives such as 'egoism'and 'altruism'. instruments realisticsociological As of analysisthey have little to recommend them. As one can see, thinking in termsof balancesand polarities makesit easierto cometo gripswith what one actuallyobserves. Other polaritiesare of a slightly differenttype. These are a few examples: 5 the polarity betweenthe external controls players a varietyof of on levels(by managers, captains, team-mates, referees, linesmen, spectators,etc.),andtheflexible control whichtheindividual player exercises uponhimself 6 the polarity between affectionate identification hostile and rivalry with the opponents 399

J%orbert andEricDanning Elias by of betweenthe enjoyment aggression the individual 7 the polarity by playersarld the curb imposedupon such enjoyment the game pattern elasticity fixityof rules. and between 8 thepolarity model,and someexamples These are someaspectsof the theoretical whichemergefromthe studyof gameconfiguraof the typeof concepts tions. They may help to bring into focus a few of the distinguishing fromthe types of characteristics this type of group.Such groupsdiffier for evidence smallgroupstudies as usuallyemployed empirical of groups but theyaregroups-in-controlled-tensions,alsobecause not onlybecause Theoriesderivedfrom and they are morehighlystructured organized. ad studiesof relativelylooselystructured, hocgroupsspeciallyformed marred a confusion by groupsarefrequently of forthe purpose studying of betweenproperties groupswhich are mainly due to those of their of inherentin the configuration individualmembersand properties groups and peopleitself.In the caseof morehighlystructured organized as it is easierto determinethe dynamicsinherentin the configuration on it such and to distinguish from variationsdue to differences the individuallevel. It is easier,for instance,in the case of footballto disas inherentin the gameconfiguration suchfrom tinguishthe dynamics of variationsdue to the characteristics differentnations,of different players. teams,or of different groupshave little autonomyin relationto the societywhere Adhoc they are formedand this lack of autonomycan impairthe validityof the resultsderivedfrom studiesof such groups.Thus, small groups formed in the United States with the aim of studyingproblemsof only information aboutaspects mayin factprovide generally, leadership howfarsimilar in of leadership the UnitedStates.It is an openquestion say undertaken, in Russiaor in Ghana, would produce experiments similarresults. in Gamessuch as footballare played everywhere the same manner the are dynamics everywhere same.One and the basicconfigurational can studythem as such and one can studyat the sametime the variaof nationalities, different tionswhicharisefromthe playingof different individuals. teams)of different as groups,sportgroupshave definitelimitations evidence Likeadhoc of or forthe studyof smallgroupproblems of problems groupdynamics due in general.Amongthem are the limitations to the fact that games Their purpose,if they have a purpose, are largelyends in themselves. In is to give peoplepleasure. that respect,they differgreatlyfromthose of groupingsof men which are usuallyregardedas the centrepieces in centralposition sociology sociallifeandwhichholda correspondingly goods, with the purposeof producing such as factories fromgroupings and statesor otherenterprises, with bureaucracies thatof administering of fromother,equallyusefulconfigurations menwhicharenot normally 4oo

to erence f ootba11 of up Dynamics gro sportswithspecialref

or regardedas endsin themselves supposedto give peoplepleasure.It often try to define agreeswith this schemeof values that sociologists unitsin general,in the firstplace,by meansof and organizations social theirgoals. with But if it is a limitationof the studyof sport-games compared businessof life-that that of social units concernedwith the serious and enjoyment, exceptperhapsthat of providing they have no purpose It it are oftenpursuedas endsin themselves, is alsoan advantage. may in fallacystill fairlywidespread to serveas a corrective the teleological as manner,this can be described thinking.In a simplified sociological a confusionbetween the individuallevel and the group level. With regardto games of footballthis distinctionis fairly clear. Individual playersand teamshave aims,scoringgoalsis one of them. The enjoymay the of ment of playing,the excitement spectators, hope of rewards actionsresultsin a conof be others.But the concatenation purposeful figurationaldynamics-in a game-which is purposeless.One can it determine as such and to some extent that has been done here. But this could not have been done if one had attributedthe aims of inwhich the playersform dividualplayersto the changingconfiguration with eachother. of How far this is true of other configurations men need not be dischurches, cussedhere. But one can say that even state organizations, of factories,and other configurations the more seriouskind, whatever the aims of the people who form them, are at the same time ends in of with dynamics theirown.What,afterall, arethe purposes themselves a to It of nations? is not entirelyfrivolous say that even they resemble gameplayedby peoplewith eachotherforits own sake.To neglectthis means aspectby focusingattentionin the firstplace on theirpurposes, the overlooking fact that, as in football,it is the changingconfiguration the of peopleitselfon which at any given time the decisions, purposes, so depend.This is particularly in the case and the movesof individuals They are oftenexplainedonly in termsof the of tensionsand conflicts. wouldperhaps and intentions aimsof one sideor the other.Sociologists of to be betterable to contribute an understanding thosetensionsand if whichhave so far proveduncontrollable they wouldinvesticonflicts of dynamics groups. of gate themas aspects the purposeless

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Elias ;NorDert andEricDunning

Notes I. We are referring here to small group theory in the sense in which this term is currentlyused in sociology.We are not referringto other theories of small group5 such as e.g. those contherapy, cernedwith problemsof gzroup although in those cases, too, the conapproachmay be of help. figurational of 2. G. Green, TheHistory theFootball London, I953. Association, Its 3. G. Homans, Social Behaviour: London,I 96 I, p. I 30. Forms, Elementary Conand Class Class 4. R. Dahrendorf, London, I959, Society, in fifict Indastrial 9. In orderto avoidmisunderstanding one has to add that the term'sociological realism'as usedheredoesnot meanwhat it means if it is applied to Durkheim's couldnot escapefrom theory.Durkheim a positionwhere social phenomenaappeared as something abstracted and apart from individuals.These abstracreified:he nevergot tions he sometimes beyond a stage where 'society'and 'individuals' appear as separate entities whichhe triedto bringtogetheragainin hypothesis. the end by an almostmystical This criticism is perfectly compatible with the recognitionof the intellectual p. I64. 5. It has been dealt with extensively calibre of his work and the scientific der in N. Elias, UberdenProzess givilisa- advancesdue to him. difIO. There is one characteristic Basle, I939, 2 vols. tzon, of 6. N. Elias and E. G. Dunning, Ehe ference between the tension-balance Study, antagonisticmusclesand that of antaA Makingof Football: Sociological gonisticplayersin a game. In the caseof London,Cass, I967. of A 7. RichardCarew, Survey Cornwall, muscles,one side relaxeswhen the other the is tensed.In the caseof players, speci73-5I 60o, pp is of at as 8. Ralesof Football played Rugby fic character thetension-balance due to the fact that both sides are 'tensed'. Rugby, I845 (pamphlet). School,

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