CONTENTS SR.

NO PARTICULARS CHAPTER I-INTRODUCTION CHAPTER II- REVIEW OF LITERATURE CHAPTER III-UNDERSTANDING THE CONCEPT DEFINATION CHAPTER IV- SUMMARY OF STUDY INTERNAL MIGRATION IN INDIA CAUSES OF MIGRATION EFFECTS OF MIGRATION IMPACT OF MIGRATION TRENDS IN MIGRATION MOVEMENTS AND CHANGES IN THE FOREIGN POPULATION GROWTH BY MIGRATION STREAMS INCENTIVES FOR MIGRATION REASON FOR MIGRATION SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION CHAPTER V- BIBLIOGRAPHY
29-30 7-8 10-28 PAGE NO. 1-4 5-6

CHAPTER-I INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

Migration has become a universal phenomenon in modern times. Due to the expansion of transport and communication, it has become a part of worldwide process of urbanization and industrialization. In most countries, it has been observed that industrialization and economic development has been accompanied by large-scale movements of people from villages to towns, from towns to other towns and from one country to another country.

From the demographic point of view, migration is one of the three basic components of population growth of any area, the other being fertility and mortality. But whereas both fertility and mortality operate within the biological framework, migration does not. It influences size, composition and distribution of population. More importantly, migration influences the social, political and economic life of the people.

Indian constitution provides basic freedom to move to any part of the country, right to reside and earn livelihood of their choice. Thus, migrants are not required to register either at the place of origin or at the place of destination. A number of economic, social, cultural and political factors play an important role in the decision to move. The effects of these factors vary over time and place.

During the days when there is a lot of economic and industrial development in various parts of the country and when movement of the population has intensified, emphasis should be given to further understanding and study of the trends and patterns of migration. Several studies (Bose, 1977; Nair and Narain, 1985; Premi, 1990; and Singh, 1998; Zachariah, 1963, 1964) found that volume of interstate migration in India was low but asserted the fact that about one third of Indias population is enumerated outside their place of birth indicating the importance of migration as a major demographic process in India.

Moreover, when regional fertility and mortality differentials decline, migration becomes the foremost component influencing the redistribution of population (Beck, 1985).

CHAPTER-II REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Trends and Gaps in the Academic Literature on EU Labour Migration Policies

This paper provides an overview of the state of the art in the academic literature on EU labour migration policies. It forms part of the research agenda of Work Package 18 of the NEUJOBS project, which aims at reviewing legislation and practices regarding the labour market inclusion and protection of rights of different categories of foreign workers in European labour markets. Accordingly, particular attention is paid to the works of scholars who evaluate the status of rights of third-country national workers in relation to labour market access, employment security, social integration, etc., in European legislation on labour immigration. More specifically, the review has selected those scholarly works that focus specifically on analysing the manner in which policy-makers have addressed the granting of rights to non-EU migrant workers, and the manner in which policy agendas through the relevant political and institutional dynamics have found their translation in the legislation adopted. This paper consists of two core parts. In the first section, it reviews the works of scholars who have touched on these research questions with respect to the internal dimensions of EU labour migration policies. The second section does the same for the external dimensions of these policies. Both sections start off by analysing the main trends in the literature that reviews these questions for the internal and external dimensions of European migration policies as a whole, and then move on to how these trends can (or cannot) be found translated in scholarly writings on labour migration policies more specifically. In the final section, the paper concludes by summarising the main trends and gaps in the literature reviewed, and indicates avenues for further research.

CHAPTER-III DEFINATION

DEFINITION OF MIGRATION

Migration is defined as a move from one migration defining area to another, usually crossing administrative boundaries made during a given migration interval and involving a change of residence (UN 1993). The change in residence can take place either permanent or semipermanent or temporary basis (Premi, 1990). Internal migration involves a change of residence within national borders (Dang 2005). Until 1951, district was the migration defining area (MDA), implying that a person was considered a migrant in India only if he or she has changed residence from the district of birth to another district or a state. Since 1961, data on migration have been collected by considering each revenue village or urban settlement as a separate unit. A person is considered as a migrant if birthplace is different from place of enumeration.

In 1971 census, an additional question on place of last residence was introduced to collect migration data. Since then, census provides data on migrants based on place of birth (POB) and place of last residence (POLR). If the place of birth or place of last residence is different from the place of enumeration, a person is defined as a migrant. On the other hand, if the place of birth and place of enumeration is the same, the person is a non-migrant (Bhagat, 2005).

Since 1961 census, the duration of residence has been ascertained to provide data on timing of movement. The duration data are published as less than one year, 1-4 years, and 5-9 years, 10-19 years and 20 and above years. Migrants of all durations are defined as lifetime migrants because the time of their move is not known. They are those who came to the place of enumeration at any point during their lives and have been living there ever since, whether this happened just a week before the census or a few decades ago (Premi, 1990). Intercensal migrants are the migrants who have migrated within the duration of 0-9 years.

Migration can be measured either as events or transitions. The former are normally associated with population registers, which record individual moves while the latter generally derived from censuses compare place of residence at two points in time. A recent survey shows that census is the largest source of information on internal migration at the cross-country level. A study shows

that 138 countries collected information on internal migration in their censuses compared to 35 through registers and 22 from surveys (Bell, 2003).

In India, information on migration has been collected in a number of large scale and localized sample surveys. Yet the population census has remained the most important source of migration data. The paper uses the place of last residence data from the census of 1971 to 2001 and attempts to bring out the trends and patterns of internal migration in India.

CHAPTER-IV SUMMARY OF STUDY

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INTERNAL MIGRATION IN INDIA Table 1 gives the absolute figure (in million) of lifetime migrants and intercensal migrants based on the place of last residence criterion. In 1971 census, 160 million comprising of 50 million males and 110 million females, were termed migrants on the basis of place of last residence. This constitutes 30.6 per cent of the total population of the country.

Table 1: Internal migrants by sex, India 1971-2001 Year Lifetime Migrants (in million) Persons 1971 1981 1991 2001 159.6 201.6 225.9 309.4 Males 49.6 59.2 61.1 90.7 Females 110.0 142.4 164.8 218.7 Percentage of Migrants Persons 30.6 30.3 27.4 30.6 Males 19.0 17.6 14.6 17.5 Females 43.1 43.9 41.2 44.6

In term of total volume of migration, the figure has increased to 201 million in 1981, 226 million in 1991 and 309 million in 2001. The percentages of migrants to total population however declined to 30.3 per cent in 1981 and further to 27.4 per cent in 1991. It has however increased to 30.6 per cent in 2001. Sex wise differences are very prominent in Indian migration data. It has been observed that majority of migrants are females. Table 2 shows the growth of migrants among lifetime migrants and intercensal migrants. It is evident that there is a steep increase in the growth of migrants in 2001 with males achieving about 50 per cent increase over that of 1991 figure. Table 2: Growth of Internal Migrants by sex, India 1971-2001. Year Lifetime Migrants (%) Persons Males Females Intercensal Migrants(%) Persons Males Females

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1971-81 1981-91 1991-01 1971-01

26.30 12.04 36.96 93.82

19.43 3.21 48.33 82.83

29.40 15.72 32.75 98.78

19.77 -0.01 20.52 43.13

13.74 -12.34 21.85 21.48

22.02 7.42 19.87 57.12

The table also shows the differences between lifetime migrants and intercensal migrants. It may be seen that a negative growth among male intercensal migrants has occurred during 1981-91 in contrast to the growth of lifetime migrants. The growth in the lifetime male migrants compared to negative growth in decadal male migrants shows that duration data are not correctly reported. However, it remains undisputed that there was a deceleration of male migration during 1981-91.

Table 3 shows that the growth of female migrants is greater than those of male migrants. There is 169 per cent increase in female migration in urban category during the period 1971 to 2001, as against 156 per cent increase in male migration during the same period.

Table 3: Growth of Internal Migrants by rural urban status, India 1971-2001.

Year

Total(%) Persons Males Females

Rural(%) Persons Males Females

Urban Persons Males Females

1971-81 1981-91 1991-01

26.30 12.04 36.96

19.43 3.21 48.33

29.40 15.72 32.75

18.0 10.9 29.5

4.5 -0.2 33.6

22.6 14.1 28.4

40.2 13.8 49.6

32.1 6.5 57.2

48.4 20.7 43.3

1971-01

93.82

82.83

98.78

69.1

69.4

68.9

162.21

56.4

169.1

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CAUSES OF MIGRATION: International migration of labour has taken place historically from poor or less developed countries to more developed countries. Thus the main reason for migration has been economic and in certain cases political at times even religious. We list below some of the important reason:

1. Employment Opportunities: In the last few centuries, mainly in the 19th and 20th,large scale migration taken place from Western Europe to North America- USA and Canada,Autralia and within Europe from less well to do countries to better off countries. The main reason was the availability of employment opportunities in more developed economies.

2. Better Living Standard: Migration to advanced countries provided employment hence more income. With higher income the living standard of not only migrant labourers, even of their family members left behind in their native countries has improved with the help of remittance.

3. Education: In the new countries, those who migrated with their family could provide qualitative education to their children. This could be possible due to higher income and better education facilities in the host countries.

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4. Demand for Labour: Rapidly developing countries, during 19th and early 20th century experienced scarcity of labour, specially unskilled and semi-skilled labour.This situation provided scope to the labour class in the poor countries to migrate.

5. Colonial powers: A good number of labour class migrated from the colonies to the countries of their colonial masters. Hence we find Indians in UK, Algerians in France and people from different colonial countries in the Western Colonial power nations.

6. Military Involvement: Korean and Vietnamese people are found in USA, primarily due to the involvement of USA in the war in these countries.

7. Early Industrialization: Western countries which have undergone early industrialization have attracted labour from the periphery.Industrialisation has led to prosperity which in turn provided opportunities for employment. Prosperity in Gulf countries due to petroleum products provided employment to a good number of workers from Asian countries. In western countries because of above reasons, we find Irish in Britian, Poles in Germany and Italian in France.

EFFECTS OF MIGRATION: Migration of labour has its positive as well as negative effects both on native and host countries .We will examine these effects as under:

1. Wage Rate: Labourers usually migrate from low wage countries to higher wage nations. Unless prevented or guarded by law; wages will change in both countries.

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2. Welfare Effect: Migration not only equalizes real wage rate but also increases total output leading to higher welfare.

3. Supply of labour: Developed countries like Canada, Australia, some European countries and USA have experienced scarcity of skilled as well as unskilled labour. Many Asian doctors and engineers, nurses and teachers are employed in developed countries. Unskilled labour migrated from developing countries, provided labour to areas where the native people would not wish to take up the jobs. This is more evident in the so called dirty jobs. In USA such jobs are taken by labourers from Mexico, South America, Africa and Asia.

4. Employment: Migration takes place primarily in search of employment, to earn more income and to enjoy better quality of life .While enjoying these benefits in the host countries the migrants at the same time help their native countries reduce both open as well as disguised unemployment. In the early stages of large scale migration from Europe to North America, it helped in mitigating population problem of European countries.

5. Remittance: Emigrants remit a part of their income back to their families in their native country. Many of the European countries, Mexico and Asian countries have benefited from the remittance of their emigrants. At present China and India receive a substantial amount of remittance/It helps the home countries reduce their balance of payment problem or increase investment at home, import capital goods thus promote development of their economies.

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NEGATIVE EFFECTS:

1. Brain Drain: Emigrants comprise people educated and trained at different levels. Majority of the emigrants are of low education and unskilled. Emigrants also include highly educated professionals such as Doctors, engineers, professors and other technically and professionally trained people. These students take the advantage of subsidized education financed by tax payers money and leave the country when they became productive agents or labourers.

2. Problem of Social Integration: Immigrants in a country belong to different countries, race, religion and culture. They form their own groups based on the above factors. In initial stages these groups live in ghettoes .Social assimilaiation with the people in the host country becomes difficult. In USA , Canada and Australia or in countries dominated by white colored people,social integration becomes difficult due to color complex. At times ethnic and religious differences create a problem for the host country as it happens in UK and India.

3. Illegal Immigrants: It is a serious problem for many countries.USA has a large number of illegal immigrants from Mexico. Similar problems are faced by Canada, Australia and some of the European countries. Illegal migration to a neighboring country is a common occurrence due to political, economic, social and religious factors. India is facing such problem with illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.

4. Cheap Labour: Developed countries, specially organized labour through their trade union oppose the liberal migration policy. They argue that the migrants labourers who are willing to work at lower wages (cheap labour) bring down the wage rate of the host country workers. However this argument does not merit serious consideration as the developed countries are competitive market economies, thus wage rate in such economies is determined by market forces. Exploitation can

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be prevented through minimum wage law, which also safeguards the interest of migrant labourers.

5. Fiscal Imbalance: Immigrants positively contribute to the growth of the host country. When immigrants constitute in large numbers, the host requires spending huge amount of capital to provide the required economic and social infrastructure. As they settle down permanently, the government requires spending for providing social security benefits. Expenditure on all these counts may create fiscal imbalance in the form of increased budgetary deficit.

IMPACT OF ECONOMIC CRISIS ON MIGRATION TRENDS: Migration can be measured either as events or transitions. The former are normally associated with population registers, which record individual moves while the latter generally derived from censuses compare place of residence at two points in time. A recent survey shows that census is the largest source of information on internal migration at the cross-country level. A study shows that 138 countries collected information on internal migration in their censuses compared to 35 through registers and 22 from surveys (Bell, 2003).

In India, information on migration has been collected in a number of large scale and localized sample surveys. Yet the population census has remained the most important source of migration data. The paper uses the place of last residence data from the census of 1971 to 2001 and attempts to bring out the trends and patterns of internal migration in India.

17

Trends in migration movements and changes in the foreign population

Although the 1980s were characterised by an increase in immigration flows in most OECD countries, a substantial decline in the number of entrieswas perceptible by 1992-93. This downturn continued until 1997-98, after which immigration started torise again, particularly in Europe and Japan.Over the entire period 1980-99, there was also adiversification of migration movements and anincrease in the range of nationalities involved, although the traditional flows and regional movements persisted. The volume of the foreign population shows a trend similar to that for flows. There is atrend increase in numbers, together with a widerrange of countries of origin and greater heterogeneity in demographic terms.

a) Upward but contrasting migration trends During the 1980s and above all at the beginningof the 1990s, inflows increased in almost all OECDcountries (see Chart I.1). This trend peaked in 1992-93 for the main immigration countries such asCanada, Germany, Japan and the United States,while in others, notably Australia and the United Kingdom, the peak had come earlier. Since then, as the result of restrictions, the flows of legal entrieshave fallen sharply. In 1999 they represented around three-quarters of the volume of entries reported for all European Union countries in 1992 and for North America in 1993. The left-hand side of Chart I.1 presents the post-1980 time-series for foreign migrant inflows. The host countries are divided into four groups in decreasing order of the volume of their 1999 inflows.

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The right-hand side of this chart shows the volume of 1999 inflows in absolute terms, and as a proportion of the total population and the stock of foreigners in each country. The trend reversal mentioned in previous editions of Trends in International Migration continued in more marked fashion in 1999. In the European Union and Japan total inflows rose by over 6% between 1998 and 1999, whereas in North America the rise was more modest, around 0.3%. There are a number of exceptions, however, such as the United States or a few countries in Europe where immigration flows remained steady, or fell back slightly. Other countries report a very marked increase, well above the average trend. OECD countries can be placed in three groups on the basis of their recent migration trends. First is a group of countries where inflows held steady or showed a modest fall between 1998 and 1999, notably the Netherlands, Finland and Sweden, all countries where immigration is relatively stable. France showed a marked decline in inflows, of around 24%, though this is accounted for by a technical adjustment following the documentation process in 1997-98. In the United States permanent immigration fell for the third consecutive year, though at a much more modest rate. The decline can be partly attributed to the increase in the backlog of persons waiting to change their status from temporary nonimmigrant (or illegal) to permanent (1998: 809 000; 1999: 951 000). The decline in permanent inflows is accompanied, however, by a marked increase in the number of temporary visas issued, in particular to skilled workers (see below).

The second group is made up of countries where immigration flows are moving upwards, in contrast to the trend over the preceding period. Australia, Canada, Germany and Japan come into this category. For the Asian countries, the change marks a return to the trends which had prevailed prior to the financial crisis of 1997. In Korea the increase has gone hand in hand with the resumption of growth and improving conditions in the labour market, while in Japan the trend seems largely attributable to entries of foreign students. In the cases of Canada and Germany, the trend reversal follows a steady fall in immigration since the beginning of the 1990s. Switzerlands situation is a similar one.

b) The continuing predominance of family-linked migration... Previous editions of Trends in International Migration have pointed out that since the beginning of the 1990s the changes in the volumes of immigration have been accompanied by changes in
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their breakdown by categoriesIn particular, family-linked immigration (accompanying families and family reunion) has increased in Australia, France, Sweden and the United States, while employment-related immigration has risen in Canada and the United Kingdom.

Recently, however, the salient features have been the rise in worker migration, temporary workers in particular, and to a lesser extent the upturn in asylum requests. Although it varied considerably across countries, the family component predominated in many OECD countries in 1999, especially in Canada, France and the United States (see Chart I.2). The proportion taken by this category is continuing to rise in some countries where the other official channels of immigration still remain limited. In France, family-linked immigration represented 75% of inflows in 1999, the highest level ever and an increase of nearly 23% over 1995. In the Nordic countries this component of migration is also increasingly significant, partly due to the fall in refugee inflows.

During the same year, amongst the selected countries, work-related migration accounted for the highest percentage of total entries in the Slovak Republic, Switzerland, Australia and Portugal. This component is likely to have assumed greater importance in 2000, according to the initial data to hand. In addition, it should be said that family members who obtain permanent resident status are often granted the right to work. c) Despite The Greater Inflow Of Asylum Seekers In many OECD countries refugees and asylum seekers do not arrive in quite the same way. Refugees generally arrive within in the framework of government programmes negotiated either with specialised international organisations or with countries that are sheltering the refugees. Asylum seekers, on the other hand, most often apply for refugee status (which they do not necessarily obtain) either on arrival at the border or once they are inside the country. In addition, OECD countries authorise certain persons, for humanitarian reasons, to remain either temporarily or on a more permanent basis.

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d) and the growth in employment-related immigration One of the salient features of recent years has been the rise in migration for employment purposes, both permanent and more particularly temporary. Between 1999 and 2000 this trend continued and was in some cases accentuated. But it may be reversed in 2001 if the prospects of an economic Slow down in the United States materialise and ifsuch a slowdown spreads rapidly, as some fear, to the other OECD Member countries. The observed increase in worker migration is the outcome of a combination of factors relating, on the one hand, to the strong period of expansion at the end of the 1990s and, on the other hand, to the development of the information technology sector where some countries have experienced shortages of skilled and highly skilled labour.

According to some estimates, there is a shortfall of some 850 000 IT technicians in the United States. and nearly 2 million in Europe. Against this background, countries are competing more keenly to attract the human resources that they lack and to keep those likely to emigrate. Many countries have thus adjusted their rules in order to assist the admission of skilled foreign workers. Although these measures particularly concern new technology specialists, they also apply to other categories of skilled workers, more specifically doctors, nurses and nursing assistants.

That is particularly the case in the United States where the quota for H1B visas, issued only to professionals and skilled workers, was increased by over 70% in 2000, to cover the next three fiscal years, with the annual quota for these visas rising from 115 000 to 195 000. In Germany a special green card programme was instituted to assist the temporary recruitment of 20 000 computer and IT specialists.

The German authorities had initially announced the intention of recruiting Indian nationals, but at the end of the first year it turned out that most applications were from nationals of central and eastern European countries. At that point, only 8 700 of the 20,000 visas potentially available had been issued.

DISTRIBUTION OF MIGRANTS BY MIGRATION STREAMS

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As per the place of last residence (or birth) and place of enumeration, internal migrants can be classified into three migration streams, which are roughly indicative of distance of migration:

Intradistrict Migrants: person with last residence outside the place of enumeration but within the same district. Inter-District Migrants: person with last residence outside the district of enumeration but within the same state. Interstate Migrants: person with last residence in India but beyond the state of enumeration.

Further, based on the rural and urban nature of the place of last residence and the place of enumeration, internal migrants can further be classified into four migration streams: rural-torural, rural-to-urban, urban-to-rural, and urban-to-urban.

There is a substantial decline in the proportion of intradistrict migrants and a corresponding increase in interdistrict and interstate migrants. The creation of three new states in 2000 may have inflated the proportion of interstate migrants in 2001. Rural to rural migration formed the most dominant stream at the national level, but its importance declined over time for both males and females in all the three distance categories. The decline was greater in case of males. There is a large share of female intradistrict rural-to-rural migration, which is generally explained in terms of marriage migration. Rural-to-rural intradistrict migration of males seems to be due to their migration from areas of low agricultural productivity to sparsely populated areas with new developmental activities (Gosal and Krishnan, 1975; Quoted in Premi, 1990).

While there has been a substantial increase in the proportion of rural-to-urban migrants over time in all three distance categories, there has also been an increase in the proportion of urban-tourban migrants. Intradistrict, interdistrict and interstate migration streams contributed almost equally in the net rural-to-urban male migration over the period under consideration. The proportion of net rural-to-urban lifetime migration of females however decreased with increasing distance. The share of urban-to-urban migration of both males and females was comparatively low in the intradistrict stream, but it increased substantially in the interdistrict and interstate streams. As
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institutions of higher learning, particularly professional and technical institutions, are not available in each district, an urge for higher education motivates urban dwellers as well as some of the rural folk to migrate over long distances. This is also partly due to the creation of jobs in the modern sector in major metropolises and big cities (Premi, 1990) .

As migration distance increases, the sex ratio also improves sharply in favour of females in all four streams of migration. In 2001, the sex ratio is favorable to male only in interstate rural-tourban migration stream. In all other streams, females outnumbered males.

GROWTH BY MIGRATION STREAMS

Table 4 also shows a negative growth for male migration into the rural areas during 1981-91. Migration has decreased in this decade as shown by negative growth among male and female intercensal migrants. However, it is to be mentioned here that the growth of duration not stated has registered a significant increase from less than 1 percent in 1971-81 to more than 100 percent in 1981-91 in all streams of migration. This however does not belittle the fact that the growth of male and female migrants registered an increase in interstate rural to urban and urban to urban streams of migration during the period 1981-91.

Table 4: Growth of Migrants by Migration streams, India 1971-81

Lifetime Migrants Migration streams All Internal Migrants Rural to Rural Rural to Urban Urban to Rural 10.64 19.34 9.40 -1.29 11.33 0.73 13.71 27.03 14.42 Persons Males Females

Intercensal Migrants Persons Males Females

-0.03 6.58 -5.63

-18.74 -1.03 -15.71

7.61 14.79 1.96

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Urban to Urban Intradistrict Rural to Rural Rural to Urban Urban to Rural Urban to Urban Interstate Rural to Rural Rural to Urban Urban to Rural Urban to Urban

8.32

1.22

14.54

-7.29

-14.20

-0.78

9.34 17.37 9.01 3.95

-0.98 9.78 2.32 -3.02

11.78 23.02 12.42 9.33

-0.73 4.95 -4.14 -17.04

-19.67 -2.93 -13.23 -24.50

6.29 12.25 2.36 -10.54

9.13 16.66 11.49 15.50

-4.61 9.74 -3.86 8.86

15.68 26.90 25.61 22.31

-3.40 20.15 -9.65 6.06

-15.85 23.84 -16.43 0.87

5.48 15.84 -2.51 11.28

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INCENTIVES FOR MIGRATION:

1. PUSH FACTORS :

Poor Medical Care Not enough jobs Few opportunities Primitive Conditions Political fear Fear of torture and mistreatment Religious discrimination Loss of wealth Natural disasters Bullying Lower chances of finding courtship

2. PULL FACTORS:

Chances of getting a job Better living standards Enjoyment Education Better Medical Care Security Family Links Lower crime Better chances of finding courtship

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REASONS FOR MIGRATION

Indian censuses started collecting information on reasons for migration since 1981 census based on place of last residence. The data on reasons for migration by migration streams and types of migration are presented in Table 9 for intercensal migrants. In 2001, the reasons for migration have been classified into seven broad groups work/employment, business, education, marriage, moved at birth, moved with family and others. The data on reasons for migration are useful to understand the motivational factors behind movement of people. It is observed from Table 9 that employment among males and marriage among females are the main reasons for migration. Associational reasons movement on account of accompanying parents or any other member of the family is elicited second most important reason among both male and female intercensal migrants. Around 44 percent of the total intercensal migrants have moved due to marriages. However, it is predominantly led by females as 65 percent of females have migrated owing to their marriages compared to 2 percent among males. Among male migrants, employment has continued to be the main reason for migration with nearly 40 percent of them accounted by it.

The intrastate migration as shown in Table 10 shows the importance of marriage as a reason of migration. When interstate migration is taken into account, as shown in Table 11, employment emerges as the main reason for migration. Nearly 32 percent of all interstate migrants during the intercensal period migrated for the reason of work or employment. This is closely followed by moved with household reason accounting for around 30 percent of the intercensal interstate migrants.

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However, sharp differences exist in the reasons for migration between males and females. Moreover, there is a clear difference between different streams of migration. While nearly 79 percent of females in intrastate rural to rural migrants during the intercensal period reported marriage as the reason for migration, it is only 37 percent among females in the case of urban to urban interstate migrants.

Observing the streams of migration and employment as the reason of migration, it is seen that large proportion of urban to rural migrants has reported employment as the reason for migration. In fact, more than 50 percent of urban to rural male migrants have reported employment as the reason for the move. Moved with household as a reason also emerges as an important cause for both male and female migration in all streams of migration during the intercensal period.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

Short distance migration, largely that of women, has been the predominant migration pattern in India. The traditional village exogamy could be the reason for this type of large migration among females. Rural to rural migration has been another important migration flow for both males and females. However, the proportion of rural to rural migrations has declined steadily, while the proportions of other streams have increased over the period. In the same manner, the proportion of short distance migrants has decreased while the proportions of medium and long distance migrants have increased.

Long distance movements are more urban oriented than short distance movements. There has been a significant increase in migration to urban areas both among males and females during 1991-2001. The urban to urban movements are also significantly increasing. Going by this trend, long distance rural to urban and urban to urban streams are likely to emerge as the dominant migration streams in future.

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The reasons of migration data reveals that apart from employment among males and marriage among females, moved with household emerged as another important factor for migration among males as well as females. It is also evident that urban to rural streams show an increased migration on account of employment or work as a reason of migration. As such, twothird of urban to rural interstate male migrants have moved owing to employment or work.

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CHAPTER-V BIBLIOGRAPHY

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www.google.com www.wikipedia.com www.migration.com

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