Professor Tayyeb Tizini

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Professor Tayyeb Tizini

Professor Tayyeb Tizini (b. 1934), a Syrian Thinker, a pro Nationalist
Marxist thought, makes use of the Historical Dialectic Methodology in his
philosophical project of a new reading of the Arabic thought since before
Islam till today.
His Youth and Studies

Born in Homs, Syria 1934. He finished his elementary studies in Homs and
left to Turkey to finish his secondary studies, then to Britain and Germany. He
finished his studies in philosophy and earned his PhD on 1967 from Germany,
first, and later on, 1973, earned the PhD in Philosophical Sciences. He taught at
Damascus University since then and became a full professor in philosophy till
today.
His Political Activities

Professor Tizini has participated in political activities in Syria before his
travel abroad to study, he describes this period in his talk to 'Al-Rayah'
Newspaper as follows,
In reality, some roots bind me to politics, theoretically as well as

practically. I have participated in some of the left parties that have
appeared in Syria for a while, after that I used to come back to theoretical
thought especially in its political form. Hence, the political experiences
that I lived within specific political parties have given me a deep
experience that I tried, and still trying, to theorize within the framework of
the Arabic political thought. This inclination has deepened when I noticed
that during my study of the Arabic history I had to return to the Arabic
political thought. Hence, I wrote some of my writings that have been
mixed with a deep interest in politics and political thought. (Dialogue –
Al-Rayah)
His Intellectual Course

Professor Tizini earned his PhD from Germany, on 1967, the topic was titled
"An Introduction to Medieval Arabic Philosophy", which has been printed in
German on 1972. His topic has turned out to be the core concept of a
philosophical project when he published his first book 'A project of a new vision
for the Arabic thought in the medieval era', on 1971, which has been printed
afterwards five prints.
Professor Tizini, later on, has turned his core concept into a multi-volume
project that aimed to be composed of twelve parts. In this period he finished
about six parts of the project, such as 'Arabic Thought in its beginnings and its
early horizons" (1982), "From Yehudah to God" (1985), and "A preliminary
introduction to early Mohammedan Islam" (1994).
Professor Tizini finished six parts of his project before turning to
concentrate on the problem of "Arabic Renaissance" (in Arabic termed 'Nahda',
means literally to revive or rise up). This second phase of Tizini's thought, which
started approximately on mid Nineties, has concentrated on the obstacles of
Arabic renaissance (Nahda). Whether, those obstacles belong to Arabic thought,
or those resulting from the pressure of the West. In this period he wrote, among
many other works, "From Western Orientalism to Moroccan Occidentalism"
(1997), "The Qur'anic Text and the Problematic of its Structure and Reading"
(1997), and "From the Trinity of Corruption to the Issue of the Civil Society"
(2001).
With reference to the intellectual turn of Professor Tizini, it can be said that,
despite his continued commitment to Marxism, two basic aspects have marked
such a turn. First, giving up the classical Marxist analysis of social change, which
is based on 'Class struggle', and replacing it by an evolutionary process that
encounters the whole spectrum of the sections of the society. Second, exclusion of
Islamic religious thought, which is a natural position in Marxism, is replaced by
acknowledging the importance of understanding religious belief and Islamic
faith, as an inner experience of the layperson, as an element in the mechanisms
of societal evolution.
His Philosophy
Philosophical thought of Professor Tizini is based on an essential concept
that my be viewed as the central concept of the whole of his philosophical
project. Tizini tries in several forms to prove that the 'Arabic Thought', and this
includes the pre-Islamic era, is part of the evolution of history of human thought
in the general sense. This position produces two consequences. First, despite that
Arabic thought have flourished within the 'Islamic' civilization as well as
'Islamic' thought, nevertheless, as a part of evolution of human thought, it can be
analyzed using the materialist dialectic methodology. Second, the concept of
'Euro-centrism' which makes Arabic thought marginal to European thought
making it a passive carrier of the miraculous Greek thought, is pointless, and
even unscientific.
The centrality of this concept appears clearly from his classification of the
Arabic thought as belonging to the 'medieval era', based on dividing history of
human thought into ancient, medieval, and modern. It also appears in his
analysis of the 'Arabic thought', starting from its 'early' phase before Islam, on
the basis of the social, economic, and political circumstances before and after
Islam.
On this basis, professor Tizini sees that his position liberates contemporary
Arabic thought from the domination of the Western one. For, in this case it
becomes possible to resume the Arabic thought as a part of the evolution of
human thought. In addition, this position represents a means to overcome the
domination of the traditional 'Islamic' thought on the basis of the possibility of
re-reading the history of the Arabic thought as a part of the history of human
thought. In such a way, the process of the historical re-reading of the Arabic
thought would constitute an additional motive toward resuming such a thought
in the present time.
Philosophers of the Arabs - 2

His Philosophical Project

The philosophical project of Professor Tayyeb Tizini is basically directed
toward re-reading the 'Arabic' thought throughout its history within its political,
economic and social context on the basis of the materialist dialectic methodology.
The beginnings of this project go back to the topic of his Doctorate Dissertation
titled "An Introduction to Medieval Arabic Philosophy". This topic, afterwards,
has been crystallized, as mentioned above, into a multi-volume philosophical
project in his well-known work "A project of a new vision of the medieval Arabic
thought". The description 'new vision' is justified by the fact that his work was
in reality the first trial to read the Arabic thought through its historicity and its
material relations, and in addition, as a part of human intellectual history.
Professor Tizini has accomplished six parts of his project before turning to
concentrate on the problematic of the Arabic 'Nahda' (Arabic renaissance). The
second period in Tizini's thought, which started approximately on 1997, has been
marked by confronting three basic issues that he considered as the main
obstacles toward achieving Arabic modernity.
First, the unhistorical structuralist thought, which imposes non-historical
judgments on the Arabic 'mind' and 'reason'. This position, in his view, leads to
giving up the Arabic 'Nahda' (i.e. renaissance) thought. For, if the Arabic mind
were inherently deficient then it would be incapable to produce the necessary
creative and realistic thought needed to achieve an Arabic renaissance.
Second, the problematic of reading and understanding religious thought, in
general, and the 'Qur'an' (i.e. the sacred Islamic text) in particular. He sees that
it is possible to read 'Qur'an' a dialectic-historical reading, and hence, to
articulate on such a reading to formulate the necessary concepts of 'Nahda' (i.e.
renaissance). In this way, according to his vision, it becomes possible to solve the
problematic of the relation between the 'Nahda' thought, based on Reason, and
'Turath' (i.e. Islamic heritage.
The third issue which he confronts in his second phase of thought, is the
problems real life that pertains to philosophical thought. The corruption of the
Arabic reality, on the political, social and intellectual levels, from one side, and
the Civilizational challenges imposed upon the Arabic world by contemporary
Western civilization, form another side.
In general, we may say that philosophical thought of professor Tizini aims,
in the final analysis, at transforming his previously mentioned central theme,
into theoretical concepts and practical applications. On the theoretical level, his
thought can be divided into his concept of the philosophical method, which is the
historical, materialist dialectic, his ontological concepts about nature and
existence, and his historical analyses of the Arabic thought and its relation to
Islamic religion. On the practical level, his thought can be divided into two basic
lines. First, his philosophical thought about the means of dealing with the
'Qur'anic' (the Islamic sacred book) text and the conditions of reading and
understanding it in view of the materialistic-dialectic method. Second, the
conditions of 'Nahda' (Arabic renaissance), and the relation between Arabic
societies and the international Western Imperialism.

His methodology
In his work "On the Road to Methodological Clarity", Tizini expounds his
view of the correct methodology of dealing with the Arabic thought. In this work
two basic characteristics of his methodology is declared. First, acknowledgement
of pluralism, whether on the methodological or the theoretical level; no one
possesses absolute reality. Second, asserting the objective necessity of depending
on the historical-dialectic methodology. With respect to his concept of pluralism,
he states,
We will see in the context of these writings the necessity of reservation

with respect to the opinions and intellectual projects that has been
introduced to deal with contemporary Arabic intellectual problems,
despite that such a reservation is subject, itself, to the requirements of the
democratic scientific dialogue. Moreover, we would say before bringing
up such a reservation that we have to admit the necessity of defending
freedom of the democratic scientific dialogue in saying and in practice.
For, first, this 'fact' cannot emerge from an absolute theory or
methodology. Second, because the Arabic intellectual status specifically,
is still, and will be for a long time, in a state in which it bears, to a certain
limit the methodology of 'trial and error' without falling into a false
cognitive empirical disposition. (on the road of the methodological clarity,
P. 6)
With respect to the importance and necessity of the materialistic dialectic

methodology, within a general framework of intellectual plurality, he expresses,
This would lead us to say that the materialistic dialectic methodology

pervades this book, and that it itself is subject to the critical dialogue. In
addition, the above mentioned methodology even if it has been stripped of
most of its given particular facts, it will be still keeping its essential
decisive pillar, which is being the method of materialistic dialectic of
surpassing and overcoming the existing circumstances. (on the road to
methodological clarity P.7),
he says, as well,
The historical materialistic dialectical methodology, with its structuralist

and functionalist elements, possesses, in our view, the most fruitful
possibilities toward uncovering the reality in its dialectical,
epistemological and ideological unity. However, such an aim, in order to
be realized, is governed by the scientific activity with its related
sociological, political, and cultural dimensions. (on the road to
methodological clarity, P. 254-255)
In addition, Professor Tizini stresses on the essential importance of the

historical methodology in the Arabic thought, especially after the appearance of
the unhistorical theories, such as structuralism and functionalism. In the
introduction of "a project for a new vision for the Arabic thought', he writes,

Formulating and developing scientific theories, assumptions and

categories cannot be consistent with the requirements of scientific
precision by articulating on the logical construction of these theories,
assumptions and categories alone. Such a process of formulation and
evolution, in response to the scientific requirements, ought to be
accompanied with the deep foundations of such concepts in its historicity.
In other words, Logic should be seen and dealt with in its history, and
history in its logic, in an organic intimate relation. The logical dialectical
moment in a specific conception can be understood in a more general and
accurate way, when we search in its deep unification with its history.
The great importance of such a problem appears, specifically, in relation
to the new subjects in natural, technological, and social sciences. It is not
unusual to find theories and opinions that deal with concepts such as
'Structure', 'Form', 'System', or 'advancement' on the basis of
contemporary evolution of such concepts only. In this way an essential
side of such concepts, the historical side, is ignored. History and logic
complement each other in a dialectic unity, and this means that no one
excludes or exhausts the other. Without referring to the ontological
priority of history, both of them is essential for formulating and
developing scientific philosophical concepts. However, this essential
equality does not mean, naturally, ignoring realities of the case we deal
with and its complicated relations with its basic and secondary sides. (a
project for a new vision of the medieval Arabic thought, P. 6)
Within this general historical methodological framework, along with an

objective view of the relation between Arabic thought and its Greek counterpart,
we should read, in Tizini's view the Arab/Islamic thought as a part of human
thought that has its own specific traits. Hence, it is not correct to conceptualize it
as a mere extension of the Greek thought, as many thinkers do. In his words,
Tizini expresses this view as follows,
When we try to study the materialistic philosophy of the Arab and

Islamic philosophers in the medieval era in its relation to Greek
philosophical thought, we don't purport to, illegitimately, link it to the
methodology of the Greek thought. For this will constitute some form of a
hybrid process alien from the scientific way of dealing with history and
philosophy. On the contrary, we purport to study the history of such
thought through a new view that asserts unity of human history and the
continual self evolution of such history. Consequently, we assert that
contemporary scientific methodology is capable of representing such
history [the Arabic history] and assimilating it in a way much more reach
and accurate than what previous methodologies have done. (a project of a
new vision of the Arabic thought in the medieval era, P. 7)
With respect to the methodological relation between philosophy and

religion, Tizini states that he doesn't exclude religion but he follows the view of
what he calls the 'Systematic differentiation' between the two, and he asserts the
importance of respecting each of them in its own domain. He expresses this view
in the following text,

At the end two issues arise, the first is the necessity of acknowledging the
systematic and methodological differentiation between philosophy and
religion, and that each of them has its own way, which should be
respected by the other. The second issue expresses itself in a specific
formulation that is based on that each one should not interfere in the
mechanisms and the rout of the other, as well as the results of its
contemplating or research activities. (Contemporary Arabic philosophical
horizons, P. 212)
His Conceptions of Nature and Existence

Keeping in mind that Professor Tizini purports to put the Arabic thought
within the general framework of the evolution of human thought, and that this
thought is, in reality, Islamic and expresses the appearance of the Islamic
civilization, in view of all this the relation between the 'Islamic' side and the
'Material' side of this thought becomes the central problematic. Due to this
situation, Tizini places much theoretical effort to construct a dialectical
conception of existence in which he can keep the 'phenomenal' existence of each
side, and gives him, at the same time, the theoretical legitimacy of analyzing such
thought using the materialistic dialectic methodology. Consequently, Tizini
inaugurates his philosophical project by expounding his dialectical conception of
the two sides of the 'Islamic' thought. In his analysis the 'Islamic/religious' side
appears in the form of the abstract 'Idealist' thought, as follows,
The history of the theoretical thought possesses a specific feature. This

feature is inherent in a complex process of formulation of two
philosophical positions, each one of them becomes deeply and clearly in
contradiction with the other. These positions are the materialist and the
idealist. They haven't been constructed, eventually, as two distinct forms
of philosophical thinking. Rather, they have followed a specific historical
rout, and they still exercising their existence and continuing their
historical evolution. This has happed, and still happening in our age, but
not in the meaning that they put for themselves far ends in a metaphysical
a priori teleological way. This teleological view is inconsistent with the
historical and realistic facts; rather it is grounded on a religious view that
starts from God's creation of history and the world in general.
From the other side, we should acknowledge that this process of evolution
of thought, which is characterized by the formulation of these two
philosophical positions, didn't go in an impartial way, or without struggle.
For, materialism and idealism has not been in evolution far from each
other, or beside each other, but through each other, and especially against
each other.
This view is asserted strongly because it has an essential importance for
the issues introduced in this book. In this view, we should take into
consideration that through this methodology of human theoretical history,
we will understand such history as a history of two poles emerged and
continued through their evolution on the basis of the theoretical and
practical activities of the social human being. (a project for a new vision
of the medieval Arabic thought, P. 9-11)

On the basis of the dialectical relation between the materialist and idealist
sides of existence, and in order to found such a relation in the Arab/Islamic
thought, Tizini introduces the idea of the 'Myth" as the starting point in which
the two sides of the relation were unified before its evolution into a dialectic
relation. The function of the concept of the 'Myth" as a basis for such a relation
is to justify the appearance of religion, in general, and Islamic religion, in
particular in the context of a humanistic history. He expresses this as follows,
It is important to uncover two basic elements in the elementary historical

relation. The first asserts the elementary relation between materialism and
idealism, this relation takes the form of the 'Myth'. As we will see in this
short study about the early steps of emergence of the materialist and
idealist thought, accepting this assumption, in its general outlines, will be
more rational and scientific than its refusal. (a project for a new vision of
the medieval Arabic thought, P. 13-14)
After founding the dialectic relation between the two forms of thought, the
materialist and the idealist, Professor Tizini starts to build on this relation his
vision of the Arabic thought. He formulates a general framework through which
the materialist dialectical reading of the Arabic thought will be accomplished,
from on side, and the justification of the appearance of an autonomous Arabic
thought, as a part of human thought, from the other. He says,
When we say this, we don't purport to point to the new views of modern
or contemporary philosophy, but our aim here is to uncover the various
types of novelty in the philosophical thought of the Arab/Islamic
philosophers between the eighth century to the twelfth, approximately,
especially, what relates to the materialist inclination in their philosophy.
Through accomplishing this trial, we will gain assurance that continuity in
evolution of human theoretical thought, as a whole, does not exhaust the
specific discontinuity of some parts of such an evolution… These two
moments (i.e. continuity and discontinuity) in the theoretical evolution
form together a deep and relative dialectical unity, without it we can't
comprehend, deeply and scientifically, the history of philosophy in its
general outline as well as its details… Some of the research works in the
theoretical, experimental, social, political and economic fields, although
still a few, present a sufficient material as a proof on the existence of
specific qualitative turnings (and discontinuities) for different peoples,
among them undoubtedly, the Arab/Islamic people in the medieval era. (a
project for a new vision of the medieval Arabic thought, P. 11-12)
Rejection of Euro-Centrism
Professor Tizini articulates his position from 'Euro-centrism' on his general
view which puts the Arabic thought as a unique moment within the general
course of evolution of human thought, he expresses this position as follows,
Now if we wish to comprehend the basic outline for an intellectual and

cultural history of humanity, then, studying the Arab/Islamic
achievements in the medieval era would constitute an essential element.

This historical reality is, clearly, in contradiction with some of the

unscientific positions about the history of human thought.
In the fore of such views, the theory of 'Euro-centrism' occupies a specific
status. The representatives of such a theory are many, but they all meet at
a central point: they understand the intellectual human history (and the
cultural one in general) as a history of the 'European' thought, starting by
the ancient Greek era, passing by the ages of renaissance and
enlightenment, and ending by the modern and contemporary eras. This
vision of the historical rout of human intellect can be defined as: 1-Racist
and, 2-Unscientific and in contradiction with the historical realities
established in this field. (a project for a new vision of the medieval Arabic
thought, P. 405)
His position from the Ancient Arab/Islamic thought

By now, with this general framework, Professor Tizini has founded a
theoretical basis upon which he can deal with the Arab/Islamic thought. Now,
the Arab/Islamic thought became a part of history of human thought, and,
consequently, amenable to historical analysis. In addition, its 'Idealist' (i.e. the
religious) side can be put in a dialectic framework with its 'Materialist' side.
Based on these theoretical foundations, as well as his detailed analysis, Tizini
introduces his detailed position from the 'medieval' Arab/Islamic thought. This
position is presented clearly in the following extracts. In the beginning, he notices
that a scientific (i.e. historical and dialectical) treatment of the Arab/Islamic
thought have never been introduced before, as follows,
In reality, the failure of many Oreientalists and Arab researchers in

introducing and developing a unified scientific view of the Arab/Islamic
thought in the medieval era has a deep meaning. This failure resides in the
fact that they didn't study this theoretical era within its socio-economic
and political relations. They based their analysis on the objectivity and
autonomy of 'thought' toward the 'material social reality'; hence, they were
unable, through this methodology, to understand the continuity of thought
in each phase of its historical development. Thought includes in itself not
only a relative autonomy in relation to social material reality, but also an
ontological 'existential' relation to such a reality. In this way, it includes at
the same time, a continuity and discontinuity. Hence, in order to study the
thought of the era, which we deal with, it becomes clear the crucial
importance of uncovering the socio-economic and historical framework
through which such an era has evolved.
We say that such frameworks has prepared, in an indirect and mediating
way, the possibility of emergence and evolution of a unique Arab/Islamic
thought, but we don't assert the necessity of this. However, the turning out
of such a possibility into a necessity was a result of the internal logic and
structure of human thought since the classical civilizations before the
Arab/Islamic era until this last one. (a project for a new vision of the
medieval Arabic thought, P. 126)
On the basis of this analysis Tizini criticizes both of the major positions in
modern and contemporary Arabic thought, for being unhistorical. The religious

'Salafi' (i.e. the traditional) position, is criticized, for resorting to the 'Original
medieval' Islamic conceptions, hence, ignoring history as such. The followers of
the Western thought, with its diverse philosophical and practical positions, is
criticized, for trying to impose different forms of closed logical systems on the
Arabic realities, and hence, ignoring, too, history. (a project for a new vision of
the medieval Arabic thought, P. 134)
After presenting his double, or even triple, edged criticism (Orientalists,

Salafi Islamists, and Western modernists), Tizini starts to introduce his own view
of the necessary conditions to admit a correct way of reading the Arabic
intellectual heritage. The first condition is, naturally, asserting the economic
factor in reading such a heritage, however, without making it the sole factor.
Without falling into the state of a 'mechanically economist', which gives

the economic factor the role of the sole and single factor in the process of
social evolution, we see that it is important to assert the importance of
such a factor. For, we see that it is a fatal mistake to search for 'growing'
of thought itself in isolation from the possibilities and potentials that have
been created by the socio-economic, political and technical dimensions of
the society. What we want to assert here is that this methodology is the
only one that is capable of dealing with the issue of the Arab/Islamic
heritage in a way that preserves for it its rights and its positive and shining
accomplishments. (a project for a new vision of the medieval Arabic
thought, P. 136)
The second condition for such a correct reading is to consider the

appearance of Islam in the 'Arabic ancient/medieval society' as a social
'movement' liable to all the scientific conditions that apply to any social
movement. This necessitates, intuitively, studying the social circumstances before
the appearance of Islam and extracting the economic, social and political motives
that derived toward the appearance of such a 'movement'; he expresses this as
follows,
When we describe this phase, which we study, as dealing with 'before

Islam' and 'after Islam' we don't mean only Islam as a religion, but also,
and essentially, as a social movement that brought with it deep results. We
will not be able to assimilate the second phase in isolation of the first one.
This necessitates knowledge of the Arabic/pre-Islamic social
circumstances, general knowledge, but a clear one. (a project for a new
vision of the medieval Arabic thought, P. 138-139)
Tizini afterwards analyses the social circumstances that lead to this

'movement'. Here he depends on the well-known classics of the Marxist thought.
In the following he articulates on the Masters/slaves dialectic and concludes the
effects of such a dialectical relation on the economic transformations of such a
society,
Here we find our selves in front of a very important result that touches
the issue of the deep factors that prepared for the appearance of the
Islamic 'movement' with its important social side. On the basis of such a

strong tie, with its objective conditions, between slaves and free men and
the partially free, the far motives of this movement have been formulated
and crystallized. (a project for a new vision of the medieval Arabic
thought, P. 150)
He also depends on the economic analysis of this society and draws on the
effects of the appearance of 'usury' capitalism in this society and the
accumulation of the number of slaves. As a consequence, the appearance of
Islam became an outlet from such dramatic societal changes, he writes,
The Islamic 'movement' have been formulated and flourished in a time

where the commercial-usury capital has reached high status, in which
exploiting slaves and poor, has consequently, escalated. This has affected
members of the same tribe, either from the reaches of the tribe itself or
from other tribes. Therefore, the golden age in which the relativity of
blood in which 'the one is for all and the all are for the one' has gone
irreversibly… From this all, we can conclude this basic result: as an
intuitive and necessary exit for the exploited slaves and poor peoples of
Al-Hijaz' [The area in which Islam appeared], and as an expression of the
legitimate social ambition, historically, to create a unified people in the
social, economic, and cultural fields, and as away from the destructive
wars between the different tribes, the early traits of the Islamic movement
have been originated and formulated in the seventh century. (a project for
a new vision of the medieval Arabic thought, P. 153)
In the end, according to Tizini's social, and economic analyses, the Arabian
tribes became prepared to receive the Mohammedan message. This shows
clearly, the 'phenomenal' dialectic between the material (economic and social)
factors and the idealist (religious) factors in the thought of Professor Tizini, in
his words,
According to Islamic and non-Islamic narrations, the situation in Mecca

and other Arabic 'cities' before the beginnings of the Islamic movement
was prepared to receive a new 'liberator' from the social poverty and
despair, tribal wars and the atheistic idols. For most of the Arabic tribes,
in which Christianity has entered in some way, one expected such a
'messenger. Within this overall situation, the layperson has given such an
expectation a mythical transcendental form with different colors.
On the other side, from the historical point of view, hope and ambition for
the coming of a 'liberator' of the struggling tribes, was quite possible to
formulate. Such an ambition is by itself an evident proof on the tensions in
the socio-economic and political status of the Arabic 'cities' in the
beginnings of the seventh century. This tension lead to the existence of the
necessary factors to formulate and crystallize the Islamic movement that
played a major role in the essential transformations in the social,
economic and value structure of the pre-Islamic society. (a project for a
new vision of the medieval Arabic thought, P. 154)

Islam and Social Analysis

Tizini - with his dialectical analysis between the ideal (Islam) and the
material (socio-economic relations of the Islamic society), and within the
framework of his early analyses of the historical relation between the two sides -
stresses on the legitimacy of both sides and their effect on the evolution of the
events. The material side (the socio-economic circumstances) leads to the
appearance of the idealist side (Islam), and the later (Islam) supports and pushes
the material side (socio-economic situations) toward radical changes and
evolution. However, within this general dialectical framework, Tizini stresses
also on avoiding resorting to the superstitious or super-natural explanations of
the social transformations. Events of the social and political transformation can
be explained totally throughout the dialectical materialist factors alone.
Following are some of his analyses of such a relation,
The Islamic movement has introduced an exit from this situation through
the idea of 'withdrawal from the material world', and liberated through it
the slaves and the poor, but at the same time, it is not legitimate to explain
this major change through miraculous factors. The Islamic movement has
expressed, in this period, the realities of the accumulated misery of the
poor and slaves of the Arabic society in its own way. This way of
expression, which depends primarily on withdrawal from the material
world (the natural and the social) doesn't mean at all excluding the direct
and positive results that have been reflected upon the lives of the poor. On
the contrary, it means only negating the direct relation between it and the
social, economic and political facts that have been the reason of the
appearance of the Islamic movement… No drought it is important to
adhere to the 'historicity' of the social, thoughtful, and religious structures,
i.e., asserting that these structures have been existing through a long
preceding history, in some way. However, it is important, too, to stress on
that the 'religious conceptions' include conditionally a trial to get rid of the
historical and real, in a way that forms a gap between what the person
beliefs in and what he does. What may appear positive, in this framework,
is essentially what the person gains from following such conceptions.
However, the conceptions themselves represent a prepared way to
withdraw from the historical defined moment in which he lives. (a project
for a new vision of the medieval Arabic thought, P. 155-156)
Within this view Professor Tizini applies the dialectical methodology

between the materialist and the idealist to analyze the nature of the 'idealist'
Islamic thought, presenting its positive sides which led to the realization of such
a radical change in the 'Ignorant' (an Islamic term describes the state before
Islam), pre-Islamic society. Essentially he cites the profane and progressive
aspects of Islam, as he sees it, and compares such aspects with the nature of
Christianity and Judaism, as follows,
With the appearance of Islam and crystallization of its horizons, we find

beginnings of an intellectual life that has been under formulation. The true
'novelty' that Islam itself has portrayed is its historical progression. This
progression has been presented in a clear and direct contradiction with

both Christianity and Judaism. We here see that this is embedded in its
being 'profane' in nature. This appears clearly when we compare it with
Orthodox Christianity.
If the relation between Man and God, within the framework of Trinity, for
the prevailing forms of Christianity at that time, is based on a specific
'ontological' relation between God and Man, and between Man and God,
then it takes the following form: Father, Son and the Holy Spirit. On the
basis of this relation we see that there is no unbridgeable gap between
Man and God. Man (the Messiah) is in some way part of God, or
something similar to it, depending on time and the self.
On the other hand, the situation, in some specific points, differs in Islam.
In Islam, there is an unbridgeable gap between God and Man. For, God
has created Man, not from himself (i.e. not from God himself), nor from
some specific eternal material, but from absolute negative nihility. Qur'an
(the Islamic sacred book) stresses on this concept: "Jesus for God is the
same as Adam, he created him from dust and said be then he became" (Al
Omran, verse no. 32).
As a result of this gap, Philosophers and Sophists in the Arab/Islamic state
became obliged to struggle for humanizing the relation between Man and
God in order to present Human as an active member, not only in the
material world, but also in the hereafter, God's world. For this very
reason, philosophies of 'unity of being' and 'the theory of emanation' has
occupied a prominent position in the intellectual life of such a state.
Within this view, the problem of 'reaching up' to God from Man,
according to the different Christian sects, is solved within Christianity
itself. But, in Arab/Islamic Sophism, this problem of reaching to God has
undertaken a pivotal position, as well as in philosophy to some extent.
This contradiction, in the theoretical position, between Islam and
Christianity has led to a contradiction on the practical level. In
Christianity the negative relation between the negative God and the
tortured Man, or the negativity of both God and Man, is apparent. It is an
alienation toward the real material world. Hence, it is noticed that the
emphasis on the 'individual' in Christianity is formal only. For, in reality
this emphasis is not for the role of 'thinking', but for a subjective
contemplating position that participates in the process of alienation of this
'thought' toward its true objective reality. It is a subjective negativity that
expresses itself in its role in 'salvation' of the individual person from 'this'
cursed World filled with misery. This was, and still, an essential side of
the Christian conception about the relation between Man and God.
However, we see that the situation is different in Islam. For, the
individual, here, sees himself confronting numerous and deep duties
toward himself, and his 'salvation' is dependent on himself to a great
extent. The original 'Sin' that could be 'forgiven', or its effects could be
reduced, within Christianity through a personal sacrifice, but negative, this
very 'Sin' confronts the Muslim person with definite profane duties that
should be overcome. Hence, not the negative 'torture' is the way for
'salvation', as it is the case in Christianity, but the profane 'struggle'
covered by religious form is the content of 'salvation' in Islam.
Salvation, in Islam, takes a different content, for, Islam stresses on the
definite personalized average human being. In addition, among the things

that needs more scrutiny the fact that 'Islam", which appeared in the
seventh century within critical social, economic, and cultural
circumstances, have realized a new important phase of the phases of
surpassing the previously deep superstitious frameworks. In it a Clerical
system that is separate from the prevailing social structure has not been
formed. The 'Sheikh', or 'Emam', or 'Faqih' was not a religious position as
such (recently this position has appeared), but he has been working in the
same time in a specific profession, such as being a carpenter, merchant, or
peasant, etc.
No doubt, this distribution of classes of the social structure of the society
of Muslim 'believers' has played a crucial role in the evolution of 'thought'
at that time, and lately within the Arab/Islamic state. This social
distribution of classes represented the 'social' background of the
'thoughtful' and religious distribution within Muslims.
In addition to this revolutionary motive, that accompanied the existence of
such a state, we may mention the rejection of Islam to the notion of the
'mediator', as an added element in deepening its profane horizons. In the
event of the death of the 'prophet' Muhammad, on 8th of June 632, the first
ruler after Muhammad (Khalifa) stood up saying for the Muslim
community "Whoever worships Muhammad, Muhammad has died, and
whoever worships God, God is alive and doesn't die". Muhammad, in
Islam, did not possess the descriptions that were endowed to Jesus. Jesus
is the 'eraser of grief of the world', he dies under torture as an immolation
for the others. The Christian salvation is realized in the act of immolation
that is introduced by Jesus.
Within this context it is a fatal mistake to equate the Islamic concept of
"Shafa'a" (literally means to ask for forgiveness) by Muhammad with the
Christian concept of 'Salvation'. For, the "Shafa'a" (asking for forgiveness)
does not express the notion of the 'mediator' who presents his sacrifice and
bears on his shoulder the sins of the whole humanity, for in Islam every
'person' gets what he gains". In Islam the human being stands before God
without a mediator, in other words, without a Cleric organization. This
includes in itself a result, which is that the Muslim is in no need to be
'Unified' with God to realize his final aims and higher values. Such aims
can be realized in his true human world.
Hence, the Islamic God is capable of reaching to any person, but the
opposite is not true, i.e., the human being is not capable to reach to God or
unify with him. Naturally he can 'reach' to God in an allegoric way, i.e., in
the meaning that he obeys God's orders that are written is his book, hence,
he is close to him and beloved by him.
However, it is important to note that such a relation between the Muslim
as a human being and God can't lead in any way to an 'ontological'
closeness between God and Man. The concepts of 'transcendence' and
'separateness' are privileges that are limited only to God, in the same time
where the human world stays within the circle of act and react through the
requirements of the 'caring Deity'. However, despite that, such a relation,
seen from God to Man, represented indirect early traits of a cosmological
conception that is based on an 'Idealistic Unity of Being'. Or may be more
accurate to see in such a relation (from God to Man) factors of emergence
and evolution of an Arab/Islamic theory of unity of being.

The preliminary Islamic conception about 'unity of being' is unilateral.

For, it negates, as we have seen, any commutative active relation between
God and Man, because this last one (Man) is considered, within this view,
a negative product of God. Moreover, it represents the negative 'Aether'
about which Aristotle has spoken. He, in turn, doesn't possess except his
particular unique present existence. In the mean time where 'Aether' in
Aristotle's theory occupies historically a much more essential position
than the Islamic human (because it is eternal in time, whereas the Islamic
human is created from mere nihility), Aristotle limits the domain of the
activation of God to the level of the 'first unmoved mover'. In this, the
Aristotelian God is eternal, infinite, but doesn't interfere with world
particulars. This means that Aristotle has skipped the attribute of the
'Caring Deity' from god. On the contrary, the concept of 'benevolent
Caring Deity' is an essential part of the Islamic concept of God.
In fact, the concept of the absolute God who circumvents the whole world
and takes care of it has appeared as an expression of the rejection of the
Christian 'humanized' God as well as the Judaic God who have a limited
relation to world. Such an idea was an expression of the practical and
active tendencies of the early Muslims in Mecca, which lead to a unifying
tendency in the social, economic and cultural domains. (a project for a
new vision of the medieval Arabic thought, P. 204-208)
In addition to this general dialectical analysis of the appearance of Islam, he

introduces, in a more explicit form, his dialectical view between the 'idealist' and
the 'materialist' in Qur'an (the sacred book of Islam). He sees that we may look
to Qur'an both as a spiritual 'idealist' text and as an object, one that bears a
'materialist' social, ethical, and legal heritage. However, he sees that the 'idealist'
side of Qur'an should be totally assimilated by its materialist side through the
'deterministic' material natural laws, as follows,
When some Islamic historians see Qur'an not only as a religious text but
also as a legal, ethical, economic and social one, we should say that this is
true if we take into account the double sided nature, the spiritual and the
practical, of Islam. No doubt, the 'spiritual' side has affected such domains
positively. However, such effect can be assimilated through understanding
the socio-civilizational situation at this historic period. Any concept or
notion bears different social theoretical meanings with different historical
cases. This means that the problematic should be defined through the
'historical legitimacy' as well as the 'cognitive truth' at the same time. We
dealt with this concept in another place in this book. Here, we should
stress only on that both the idealist and the materialist thought, religion
and science, are legitimate historical phenomena, even if it were not all
real from a scientific cognitive strict view. (a project for a new vision of
the medieval Arabic thought, P. 211)

Secularism
Within this general view of the relation between the 'idealist' and the
'materialist' or between Islam and social relations, Tizini introduces his
conception of 'Secularism' as follows,
Arab secularism advocates have looked to the issue from the position of
differentiating between two sides in the dominating religion, and in every
religion that have an effect on the society. Those sides are belief and
civilization; or the 'believing' function and the 'civilizing' function of such
a religion in the society. If it turns out that the civilizing function of a
specific religion can act mutually between members of the society who
embrace different religions, then the 'believing' function of such a religion
represents a relation only between the believer of this religion and his
God. In this way the civilizing function of the prevailing religion in the
Arabic society can play its role without being associated with the
'believing' role of such a religion. This is what exactly meant by the
slogan expressed before (Religion is for God and the Nation is for all).
For, religion here becomes a civil face of the civic society and the national
state. Hence, dealing with it, here, becomes liable to advancement and
evolution laws of human life. For, the issue here is related to a set of legal,
economic, social, etc procedures, which is subject to such laws. Whereas,
the 'believing' position, or the 'position from God' in this slogan is
considered personal as much as it is respected and protected. (On the road
of Methodological Clarity – Secularism in the Arabic thought, P. 52-53)
His Philosophical Turn

For professor Tizini, this dialectical materialist analysis of the Islamic
heritage (Al-Turath in Arabic) has been completely new so that it represented a
'revolution' over the classical interpretation of such heritage. However, around
mid nineties of the twentieth century, affected by the major international
evolutions, especially the disappearance of the Soviet Union, and the local
evolutions, marked by the retreat of the nationalist revolutionary project, a
radical change has taken place in the intellectual project of professor Tizini. He
describes such changes in a dialogue published in 'Alhayah' newspaper as
follows,
Responding to your question, I will reply by some preliminary notes. I

start by a note that bears a relation to the first book that I published in the
project you are talking about. The title was 'from Al-Turath to the
revolution', published on 1976. What I see today of the Arabic world and
its related events forces me persistently to start to reconsider the book and
its title specifically. I wondered: is the title still viable after the
disappearance of many ideas and the decline of the Soviet Union, as well
as the prevailing 'advancement nationalism' in the Arabic Arena? After
observing what happened and its consequent evolutions, I have put my
hand on an issue that I think now that it represented to me an entrance to
discover what I have to accomplish in response to these evolutions. The

word 'revolution' that exists in the title of the project no longer has a
meaning, irrespectively of the justifications that may be given to it. The
language of the era can no longer bear such a word. Hence, I have
contemplated my project and decided to start from the real world to the
book and from the book to reality…and I understood that the project of
the 'revolution' itself has reached a dead point. From this understanding
and throughout my thorough reading of both the Arabic and European
contemporary thought, I realized what in my opinion should be the
suitable alternative to the concept of 'revolution' and its project, it was the
concept of 'renaissance' (Nahda, in Arabic) and its project…
Whence I have reached to this concept, it occupied a wide space in my
intellectual and political live, and I realized that the most important
element of the project of 'revolution' and 'renaissance' (and I mean here
the real revolution) is understanding the identity of the social carrier of
any 'revolution' or 'renaissance' movement. Therefore, I had a thorough
thought in the issue until I reached to the understanding that the social
carrier of any movement in the Arabic societies is the society itself…the
whole society. Instead, we, in the past, were used to consider the class as
the social carrier and speak about classes struggle and the class
problematic, this is no longer viable. The carrier of the new project, the
renaissance, can't be except a class or a political alliance that incorporates
the whole sections of the society. World became to a great deal different
since dismantling of the Soviet Union and the emergence of a new world
system in which the United States leads it alone. I have realized from the
position of the socio-political science that the real social carrier of a
renaissance project can only be represented by the Arabic Nation from its
outset to its outset. In a more ideological definition, I found that the social
carrier of any future project should be represented by a spectrum from
extreme nationalist democratic right to extreme national left. I have
followed this socio-cultural and political issue and I discovered that our
speech about a 'revolutionary project' is not only misleading but
dangerous too. Hence, I moved to the new position, and I decided to
review my old theoretical project…and reformulate it in a new title,
reconstructing what I had to reconstruct…then I left it aside, to formulate
instead another totally different project, its title is 'from Heritage (Al-
Turath) to Renaissance'. (dialogue - Alhayah newspaper)
Along with this transformation from 'revolution' to 'renaissance' and from

class as a social carrier to the whole society as a carrier of the project a parallel
transformation from his relation to religion, in general, and from the Qur'anic
text in particular has occurred. Instead of depending totally on the materialist
explanation, it became important to get into the essence of the religious 'faith', as
a result of the fact that a major section of the social carrier of the project is
represented by a collective of the believers of the Islamic religion. He expounds
this as follows,
I speak here about my specific experience. I discovered that the religious

issues have been ignored in a horrible way from the cultural elites,

Marxist, Nationalist or Liberalist. I discovered that the danger lies in the

reality that the religious text can be read in different ways that he himself
asks for. It is a flexible text. From here came this rude position of
Marxism and Positivism and Nationalism from the religious thought. We
didn't realize in the past that the social carrier of any movement that a
great deal of its members live within the religious thought obliges us to
deal with its religious convictions. This should have led us to a new
rational and logical reading of the religious thought, the real thought from
which the society nourishes. With the appearance of a new identity of the
transform project (the renaissance), new justifications has aroused that its
intellectual tools should be mastered. Accordingly, I see that it is
impossible to formulate a real evolutionary renaissance thought, today,
without re-reading the religious thought and entering the soul of the 'faith'
medium. This is what drives me to stress again that the only socio-cultural
carrier of the project that can support the evolutionary thought is
represented by the whole spectrum of the society from the extreme right to
extreme left.
It is as if you restores the issue to the level of the existence of the middle
class which has disappeared for decades, despite that it is the builder of
nations and civilizations…We have to cope intellectually with the process
of reproducing the social categories that possess two essential traits
necessary for society construction: economic richness and intellectual
enlightenment. This comes within a wide process that aims at rebalancing
the Arabic societies in the middle of a Globalization age that is about to
assimilate everything. (dialogue-Alhayah newspaper)
The Critical position from Reality

As a result of his intellectual turn, Tizini has transformed his attention from
his 12 parts 'revolution' project to facing up problems of real live. In this phase,
he concentrated on three basic issues. First, confronting Globalization thought
that threatens to dismantle the Arabic unity, and consequently aborting
possibilities of an Arabic renaissance. Second, confronting a specific class of
contemporary Arabic thought that takes a negative 'structuralist unhistorical'
stance toward 'Arabic reason', and hence, threatens too to abort renaissance
through negating its self-particularity. Third, confronting the realistic Arabic
social problems, which threaten, from another perspective, the renaissance
project. Tizini Expounds his tri-problematic view that threatens the renaissance
project as follows,
In this context, it is important to stress that the conspiracy of the Arabic

Imperialism – and its preceding feudal system – with its accompanying
coercion, violence and hegemony, is basically governed by the dialectic
relation between the interior and the exterior. Such an imperialism has
been able to enforce its system as a result of the historical inequality in the
economic, social, political and cultural structures, i.e., as a result of the
accidentally synchronized timing between the beginnings of the Arabic
bourgeois capitalism, from one side, and the ends of the imperial
capitalism, from the other.

Therefore, such a relation has been forged to fit Europe's point of view
and in favor of its benefits. If we take into account the limited hybrid
reformist structure of the Arabic renaissance thought, which aroused in a
difficult situation governed by the aforementioned conspiracy, something
very important will appear, which is that the process of forging the east-
west relation have pervaded through many of renaissance Arabic thinkers.
What is of prime importance, in this issue, is not its effect on the Arabs,
but its resulting wide and great confusion in the structure of the Arabic
renaissance thought toward itself. All of this has created for the Arabic
thought pseudo-problems that occupied such thought instead of its real
and new problems. In fact, we can express this situation as a problematic
that did not find the required research tools that can define and deal with
it, which is a situation understood by itself. As a consequence, different
positions from this problematic have taken the form of ideological illusory
reflexes not real scientific positions. (On the road of Methodological
Clarity, P. 20-21)
In addition, within the framework of confronting the renaissance project,

Tizini criticizes Western modernism and the imperialist capitalist societies, on
the basis of its intrusion in the third world societies, in general, and the Arabic
societies, in particular, as follows,
However, looking to the problem from the other side, the side of the
historical advancement, invites us to take into account something that
bears a specific importance, the vast advancement of the capitalist
imperialist societies, which is basically an industrial, technical and
scientific one. But on the social level, such societies is suffering from a
deep and all encompassing crisis, in such a way that it started to affect the
first side and create real problems. It can be noticed that classes struggle
of the working people, there, is confronted by great difficulties, of which
two arise. The first is the widespread coercing system quantitatively and
qualitatively. The scientific technical advancement provides increasing
abilities for the authority to confront the unpredicted actions that might be
taken by the working people during its struggle. The electric devices
became capable of furnishing the intelligent systems with all the
information about every person or family. The other difficulty lies in that
contemporary capitalist societies became deeply and widely complicated,
which makes it difficult to discover how far is the economic and social
detriment of the working people there. In other words, the process of
uncovering the mechanisms of exploitation and discrimination in the
imperialist capitalist societies has become complex and indirect. (On the
road of Methodological Clarity – Arabic thought from the position of
criticism, the imperialist intrusion and the symptoms of the European
thought, P. 175-176)

His Position From Aljabri's Reading of Arabic Thought

In contemporary Arabic thought Muhammad Abed Aljabri occupies a
widespread, albeit, controversial position. He is viewed as the one who opened
new horizons for Arabic philosophy, by some critics, and as the one who tries to
abort the contemporary movement of Arabic renaissance, by others. Tizini lines
up with this second position, and reserves a whole volume for confronting such
thought, in particular, and the unhistorical structuralist thought, in general, that
is "From Western Orientalism to Moroccan Occidentalism – a Study of the
Ajabri's Reading of Arabic Thought and its Historical Horizons). For, he
considers this reading, due to its wide proliferation, one of the essential obstacles
of formulating a new renaissance Arabic thought.
Tizini rejects essentially the theoretical basis of Aljabri's reading of Arabic

thought, as being performed through structuralist unhistorical conceptions of
'the Arabic Mentality' on the basis of unrealistic, idealistic formulations. He also,
in this work, tries to refute its different analyses of such thought.
First of all he criticizes Aljabri's statement, himself, that his own writings
has opened new horizons for Arabic thought equal to the horizons opened by the
new classification of the modern biological science. He also criticizes Aljabri's
trial to make an essential differentiation between western 'Moroccan' writers,
who follow the exact guidelines of scientific thought and the eastern Arabic
writers who write only for living and don't care for the quality of their work
(From Western Orientalism to Moroccan Occidentalism, Pp. 21-24).
Afterwards Tizini moves to criticizing Aljabri's formal unhistorical

methodology. He concludes that Aljabri claims that he uses an epistemological
methodology while in reality he uses an Ideological method presented in an
epistemological guise. He bases his conclusion on the fact of the absence, in
Ajabri's work, of either the sociological dialectic analyses or the definition of the
social carrier of the 'studied' historical Arabic thought. For, in order to
formulate an all-encompassing formal structure of the Arabic reason throughout
its history one has to ignore the different social formulations that have developed
throughout this history, which makes the study trivial or void of meaning.
Hence, in his view, the absence of the definition of the social carrier is a
deliberate move in favor of a hidden ideological position. (From Western
Orientalism to Moroccan Occidentalism, P. 25-38). Tizini epitomizes this as
follows,
Hence, we see in Aljabri's conception, which we study here, an

unacceptable methodological error and an ideological manipulation, and
may be also a sadist abuse of Arabic thought. We notice here that theses
three elements are defined epistemologically by the fact that this
conception is based upon abusing the three essential contexts of the
incident under study, the social, the dialectical and the historical. For, he
rejects the concept of the relation between the theoretical thought and its
human social reality, in addition, he is not aware of the action mechanisms
that relate between a specific thought emanated from a specific reality,
from one side, and another reality (or thought) precedent or antecedent to

it, on the other. (From Western Orientalism to Moroccan Occidentalism,

P. 46)
After presenting his methodological criticism, Tizini criticizes Aljabri's

conception of the Arabic reason and mentality. He concentrates his criticism on
that Aljabri has slipped into a racist concept of reason, as well as a racist
differentiation between the eastern and western (Moroccan) Arabic mentality.
Hence, in his view, Aljabri bases his conceptions on a Euro-centric oriental
position that differentiates between an Irrational Arabic–Oriental mentality and
a Rational European-Western one. Tizini presents in his work (Pages 85 – 210) a
detailed analysis that leads to this judgment and formalizes his view as follows,
Aljabri's discourse in his late writings is a hegemonic Euro-centric

discourse in its hidden and explicit form. It reflects, strongly, the strength
of the East-West duality within the 'European mind', according to the
writer himself, as well as within the mind of the 'Westernized Arab', i.e.,
the one who has been formulated within the intellectual control of the
Western thought on contemporary Arabic thought. (From Western
Orientalism to Moroccan Occidentalism, P. 210)
The second problematic that Professor Tizini has dealt with during his
second phase is how to read religious thought, in general, and 'Qur'an' (the
Islamic sacred text), in particular. In this context, he criticizes the traditional
readings as refusing to admit that history affects out understanding of our
religion and opens new horizons for advancement. In addition, he tries to found
his 'advancement' view of the Islamic religion on 'Qur'an' and the historical
sayings of the prophet Muhammad. (Islam and the epoch – challenges and
horizons, P. 101 – 109).
Tizini in an effort to support his 'advancement' view of Islam presents his

essential claim, which is that 'Qur'an' as an Arabic text is open to different
readings according to the needs of the different eras of Muslim communities.
Moreover, he tries to prove that the 'Qur'anic' text possesses a specific structure
that allows such a pluralistic reading. He specifies the elements of such a
structure in: 1) its generality in expressions; 2) its problematic nature; 3) its
hermeneutical structure; 4) its inviting style to its in-depth meanings; 5) it has
been revealed over time within the social contexts of early Islam; 6) it has been
revealed in response to real sociological needs of early Muslims. (Islam and the
epoch – challenges and horizons, P. 114 – 116).
On these two basic rules, the possibility of a pluralistic reading and the
pluralistic nature of the 'Qur'anic' text, Tizini concludes, through detailed
analysis of Islamic traditional texts, that every reading of 'Qur'an' is essentially
an Ideological social reading and that every reading possesses its own legitimacy.
(Islam and the epoch – challenges and horizons, P. 128 – 134). He epitomizes
this position as follows,
We should concentrate on this super important text [of the prophet's

sayings]. In it, we recognize two levels of Qur'an's 'mobility.' The first
level is of a "theological – metaphysical' nature, defined by the 'dwelling

[of Qur'an] from heavens as one whole text. The second, of "historical
nature", is defined by the becoming of Qur'an as an historical,
historicized, incident, not after receiving of Qur'an by the prophet but
within the context of this receiving itself. . (Islam and the epoch –
challenges and horizons, P. 134).
The third problematic, which Professor Tizini dealt with in his second phase
is the necessary conditions for a new Arabic renaissance. Form his point of view,
one condition for such an achievement is the appearance of a new Arabic
philosophical thought.
In "Horizons of a Contemporary Arabic Philosophy", which is a debate with

another contemporary Arabic philosopher, Professor Abu Ya'rub Almarzouki,
2001, about the possibilities of a new Arabic philosophy. he stresses on several
issues.
In the beginning, he asserts the importance of avoiding falling in two lines of

thought, which diminishes such a possibility; first, following the Western
'Cosmological' thought, which abolishes the particularity of the Arabic culture,
and hence, the characteristics of its authentic thought. Second, avoiding falling
into isolating Arabic thought from its more general human thought as a result of
an exaggerated self-oriented tendencies. (Horizons of a Contemporary Arabic
Philosophy, p. 193-196).
Then, he points out several conditions in order to realize a consistent relation

between human and Arabic thought: 1) freedom of thought; 2) self respect,
especially for thinkers and philosophers; 3) accepting democracy in principle
and in practice; 4) no one holds the final truth; 5) a reconciliation between
philosophy and ideology; 6) philosophy and religion are two different domains
that respect each other; 7) placing efforts for enlightenment of Arabic societies.
(Horizons of a Contemporary Arabic Philosophy, p. 197-204)
In addition, Tizini, in his efforts to deal with this third problematic, issued
what we can view as a message for the Arabic societies, a medium size booklet
titled "A Declaration in Arabic Renaissance and Enlightenment", 2001. In this
'declaration' he tried to make a complete formulation of this essential
problematic. In this work he divides conditions of Arabic renaissance into four
basic levels. First, the theoretical basis upon which such evolution should be
constructed. Second, Definition of the obstacles of renaissance that should be
targeted to overcome. Three, theoretical concepts of a renaissance movement.
Fourth, social conditions for such an evolution.
Tizini commences by questioning the legitimacy of an endeavor toward

Arabic renaissance and advances his justifications for it. This is meant, of course,
to confront the lines of thought which try, whether consciously or unconsciously,
to abort any Arabic project of renaissance. In this commencement he stresses on
that despite the despairing current situation of the Arabic reality, yet, history is
not linear and possibilities are open for such an aim. He also tries to put the
'required' Arabic renaissance project within a wider scope of the nationalist

third world endeavor to achieve renaissance. (A Declaration in Arabic

Renaissance and Enlightenment, p. 9-48 )
In the second chapter of this work, Tizini introduces his view of the obstacles
toward renaissance. 1) Fundamentalism and political Islam. 2) Globalization and
being part of the West. 3) Structural functionalism, which limits advancement to
specific functions of the society. 4) Postmodernism and breaking with self-
culture. 5) End of history and demise of ideology. (A Declaration in Arabic
Renaissance and Enlightenment, p. 53-84 )
Afterwards he puts the central concepts of the project as follows:
The social carrier of the project is the collective of classes and elements of
the society. The internal structure of the self is based on preserving self-
identity, depth in history, historical memory, and consciousness of the
mechanisms of the ups and downs of the Arabic historical course.
Coexistence and co-evolution between renaissance and enlightenment.
Asserting the central role and duty of the Arabic intellectuals and
acknowledging their weaknesses and failure. The need for a growth in the
intellectual theoretical woks, especially the rational and serious ones. (A
Declaration in Arabic Renaissance and Enlightenment, p. 85-129 )
Following establishing the basic concepts, he constructs what he calls 'the

procedural structure of the Arabic project', in which he addresses the political,
social, cultural, economic, military, technological, scientific, and cognitive
realistic questions. In this 'procedural structure', he stresses first, on the
importance of his offered arrangement, for some elements should precede the
others. Second, he stresses on solving other specific problems such as , status of
women, children, minorities, environment, countryside and scientific
knowledge. (A Declaration in Arabic Renaissance and Enlightenment, p. 130-
147 )
His Works
• 'A project of a new vision for the Arabic thought in the medieval
era', Damascus house, Damascus, 1971, five prints
• About the problems of culture and revolution in the third world –

the Arabic world as an example, Damascus house, Damascus, 1971,
three prints.
• From heritage to revolution – a proposed theory in Arabic

heritage, Ibn khaldoun house, Beirut, 1976, three prints.
• Roger Garoudi after silence, Ibn khaldoun house, Beirut, 1973.
• Between philosophy and heritage, the author himself, 1980.
• The history of ancient and medieval philosophy, with ghassan

finance, Damascus University, 1981.

• Political and social thought: research in modern and

contemporary Arabic thought, Damascus University, 1981.
• A project for a new vision of the Arabic thought from its

beginnings to contemporary era in 12 parts, Damascus house,
Damascus, 1982
• Arabic Thought in its beginnings and its early horizons, a project

for a new vision of the Arabic thought, part2, Damascus house,
Damascus, 1982.
• "From Yehudah to God", a project for a new vision of the Arabic

thought, part3, Damascus house, Damascus, 1985.
• Studies in the ancient philosophical thought, Damascus University,

1988.
• In Rushd and his philosophy with the text of the dialogue between
Muhammad Abduh and Farah Anton, authored by Farah Anton,
introduction by Tayyeb Tizini, Dar Alfarabi, Beirut, 1988.
• On the recent intellectual controversy: about some of the issues of

the Arabic heritage, a method and application, Dar Alfike Aljadid,
Beirut, 1989.
• On the Road to Methodological Clarity – writings in philosophy

and Arabic thought, Dar Alfarabi, Beirut, 1989.
• Chapters in political Arabic thought, Dar Alfarabi, Beirut, 1989,

two prints.
• A preliminary introduction to early Mohammedan Islam –

origination and foundation, a project for a new vision of Arabic
thougt, part 4, Damascus house, Damascus, 1994.
• From Western Orientalism to Moroccan Occidentalism – a study

in Ajaberi's reading of Arabic thought and its historical horizons, Dar
Alzakera, Homs, 1996.
• The Qur'anic Text and the Problematic of its Structure and

Reading, a project for a new vision of Arabic thougt, part 5, Dar
Alyanabee, Damascus, 1997.
• From the Trinity of Corruption to the Issue of the Civil Society,

Dar Gafra, Damascus, 2002.
• From theology to medieval Arabic philosophy, Ministry of Culture

prints, Syria, 2005.

• A Declaration in Arabic Renaissance and Enlightenment, Dar

Alfarabi, 2005.
In German
• Die Matemie auffassung in der islamischen Philosophie des
Mittelalters , 1972 Berlin.
With Others
• Islam and major problems of the era, with another researcher,
Damascus, 1998.
• Islam and the epoch: challenges and horizons, with Muhammad Said
Albouty, Abdlewahed Elwany (ed.), Dar Alfikr, Damascus, 1998.
• Arabic realities and challenges of the third millennium, with others,

introduction by Nassif Nassar, the Arabic foundation for studies and
publishing, Beirut, 2001.
• Horizons of a Contemporary Arabic Philosophy, with Dr. Abu

Ya'arub Almarzouki, Dar Alfikr, Beirut, 2001.
Books about him

• Marxism and the Arab-Islamic Heritage: a discussion of the works of
Hussein Moruwa and Tayyeb Tizin, Tawfiq Sallum (ed.), Dar
Alhadatha, 1982.
• The phenomenon of the Qur'anic text history and contemporary: a

reply on the 'the Qur'anic text and the problematic of structure and
reading' by Tayyeb Tizin, Samer Alislambolly, Dar Alawael,
Damascus, 2002.
• Tayyeb Tizini – from Aturath to Alnahdah, Nabil Saleh, civilization

center form Islamic thought development, 2008.
Participation in International Conferences

• Published hundreds of papers and studies about the issues of Arabic
and International thought.
• Participated in tens of Arabic and international conferences.
• Member in the committee of liberty defense in the Arabic world –

Cairo
• A founding member of the Syrian organization of human rights and

member board since 2004.

• With collaboration of the Swedish Institute in Alexandria, the

Egyptian Philosophical Society has organized on 19-20 Dec. 2006 in
Alexandria – Egypt a meeting of a group of Arab and foreign thinkers
and philosophers to discuss his works within its program of
generations dialogue.
Sources:
• Union of Syrian and Arab Writers (in Arabic)
• Dialogue - Alrayah Newspaper ( in Arabic)
• Dialogue – Alhayah Newspaper (in Arabic)
By: Samir Abuzaid

Professor Tayyeb Tizini - Philosophers of The Arabs

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Philosophers of the Arabs www.arabphilosophers.

His Youth and Studies

His Political Activities

In reality, some roots bind me to politics, theoretically as well as

His Intellectual Course

Philosophers of the Arabs - 2

His Philosophical Project

Philosophers of the Arabs - 3

We will see in the context of these writings the necessity of reservation

With respect to the importance and necessity of the materialistic dialectic

This would lead us to say that the materialistic dialectic methodology

The historical materialistic dialectical methodology, with its structuralist

In addition, Professor Tizini stresses on the essential importance of the

Philosophers of the Arabs - 4

Formulating and developing scientific theories, assumptions and

Within this general historical methodological framework, along with an

When we try to study the materialistic philosophy of the Arab and

With respect to the methodological relation between philosophy and

Philosophers of the Arabs - 5

His Conceptions of Nature and Existence

The history of the theoretical thought possesses a specific feature. This

Philosophers of the Arabs - 6

It is important to uncover two basic elements in the elementary historical

Now if we wish to comprehend the basic outline for an intellectual and

Philosophers of the Arabs - 7

This historical reality is, clearly, in contradiction with some of the

His position from the Ancient Arab/Islamic thought

In reality, the failure of many Oreientalists and Arab researchers in

Philosophers of the Arabs - 8

After presenting his double, or even triple, edged criticism (Orientalists,

Without falling into the state of a 'mechanically economist', which gives

The second condition for such a correct reading is to consider the

When we describe this phase, which we study, as dealing with 'before

Tizini afterwards analyses the social circumstances that lead to this

Philosophers of the Arabs - 9

The Islamic 'movement' have been formulated and flourished in a time

According to Islamic and non-Islamic narrations, the situation in Mecca

Philosophers of the Arabs - 10

Islam and Social Analysis

Within this view Professor Tizini applies the dialectical methodology

With the appearance of Islam and crystallization of its horizons, we find

Philosophers of the Arabs - 11

Philosophers of the Arabs - 12

Philosophers of the Arabs - 13

The preliminary Islamic conception about 'unity of being' is unilateral.

In addition to this general dialectical analysis of the appearance of Islam, he

Philosophers of the Arabs - 14

His Philosophical Turn

Responding to your question, I will reply by some preliminary notes. I

Philosophers of the Arabs - 15

Along with this transformation from 'revolution' to 'renaissance' and from

I speak here about my specific experience. I discovered that the religious

Philosophers of the Arabs - 16

Marxist, Nationalist or Liberalist. I discovered that the danger lies in the

The Critical position from Reality

In this context, it is important to stress that the conspiracy of the Arabic

Philosophers of the Arabs - 17

In addition, within the framework of confronting the renaissance project,

Philosophers of the Arabs - 18

His Position From Aljabri's Reading of Arabic Thought

Tizini rejects essentially the theoretical basis of Aljabri's reading of Arabic

Afterwards Tizini moves to criticizing Aljabri's formal unhistorical