Empowering Self, Making Choices, Creating Spaces: Black Female Identity via Rap Music Performance Author(s): Cheryl

L. Keyes Source: The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 113, No. 449 (Summer, 2000), pp. 255-269 Published by: American Folklore Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/542102 Accessed: 24/09/2009 11:07
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CHERYL

L. KEYES

Empowering Self, Making Choices, Creating Spaces

Black Female Identity via Rap Music Performance

have oftenassociated Criticsand scholars However, rapmusicwith urbanmaleculture. in the history femaleshavebeeninvolved of this musicsinceits earlyyears. This article to and role in shapingrap music.In examining exploresBlackwomen'scontribution this an model that employscultural study engages interdisciplinary female rappers, and it employs studies, theoryof popularculture, feminist theory,and massmediation an ethnographic in its the community," concept, "interpretive analysis.

OBSERVERS OF RAPMUSIC BEGAN TO NOTICE

the proliferation of successful female rap acts

during the 1990s. Though rap has often been presentedas a male-dominatedform by the media, women have been a partof the rapscene since its earlycommercialyears.In general, "femaleswere always into rap, had their little crews and were known for rocking parties,schoolyards,whatever it was; and females rockedjust as hard as males [but]the male wasjust firstto be put on wax [record]"(Pearlman1988:26). Rap music journalistHavelock Nelson notes, "While women have alwaysbeen involved artistically with rap throughout the '80s, artistslike [MC] Lyte, [Queen] Latifah,Roxanne Shante, and [Monie] Love have had to struggleto reach a level of successclose to that of male rappers" (1993:77). Challengingmale rappers' predominance,female rapartists have not only proven that they have lyricalskills;in their struggleto survive and thrive within this tradition,they have createdspacesfrom which to deliverpowerful messages from Black female and Black feministperspectives. Data utilized in this study derive from interviews (1993-96) with "culturalreaders" (Bobo 1995)-African American female performers,audience members, and music critics-referred to in this essay as an "interpretivecommunity." In BlackWomenas Cultural film critic-scholar Readers, JacquelineBobo exploresthe concept of "interpretive community" as a movement comprisingBlack female culturalproducers,critics and scholars,and culturalconsumers(1995:22). She writes,
at the University at Los Angeles Cheryl L. Keyes is AssistantProfessor of Ethnomusicology of California

Folklore 113(449):255-269. Copyright ? 2000, American Folklore Society. Journalof American

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I have aninterpretive thewomen make termed which isstrategically Asa group, community, upwhat inrelation to cultural works that either arecreated women orfeature them insignificant byblack placed thewomen of black women that utilize valuable in representations ways. theydeem Working together and ways. [1995:22] politically productive usefiul Because much of the criticismof Black female independent film makers'works stems from male or white perspectives,Bobo finds it necessaryto distinguishthe interpretive community-Black women involved in making or consuming these films-in order to accuratelydetermine the actualintent and effect of these films. Bobo's thesis of the to this examination of women in rap because interpretivecommunity is appropriate and video performances.More imporform recorded is a transmitted music by rap women of rappersare based on the constructions of an tantly, the classifications interpretive community, as observed via recorded performance and personal interviews. When rapperMC Lyte was asked,for example, if she felt that there is a distinct female rap category, she separatedwomen rappersinto three groups, referredto as "crews,"reigning in three periods-the early 1980s, the mid-1980s through the early 1990s, and the late 1990s: "Sha-Rock, Sequence, to me, that'sthe firstcrew. Then you got a second crew which is Salt-N-Pepa, Roxanne Shant6, The Real Roxanne, me, Latifah,Monie [Love], and Yo-Yo. .... Then afterthat you got Da Brat, Foxy Brown, Lil' Kim, HeatherB" (1996).' Queried about specific categories,both rap music performersand female audience membersfrequentlyused the buzz wordsfly and attitude (asin "girlfriend got attitude"), of the more discern parameters categories.My initial categoryof clearly leading me to "Black Diva" in early interviews for the grand posture of these women was later revisedto "Queen Mother" afterone female observerconvincingly said divadenotes a as opposed to that of a regal and self-assured posture of arroganceand pretentiousness woman, qualitiesthat she identifiedwith the Queen Latifahtypes (see Penrice 1995). In the female rap tradition,four distinctcategoriesof women rappersemerge in rap music performance:"Queen Mother," "Fly Girl," "Sistawith Attitude," and "Lesbian." Black female rapperscan, however, shift between these categoriesor belong to more than one simultaneously.More importantly,each category mirrorscertainimages, voices, and lifestylesof AfricanAmericanwomen in contemporaryurbansociety. Let us now examine the four categoriesor images of Black women introducedto rap by specific female rappersor emcees (MCs) and consideredby the interpretivecomof and specificto AfricanAmericanfemale identity munity in generalas representative in contemporaryurbanculture. Queen Mother The "Queen Mother" category comprisesfemale rapperswho view themselves as African-centeredicons, an image often suggestedby their dress. In their lyrics, they refer to themselves as "AsiaticBlack women," "Nubian queens," "intelligentBlack women," or "sistas droppin'science to the people," suggestiveof their self-constructed intellectual and prowess. The "queen mother" is, however, associatedwith identity Africantraditionalcourt culture. For instance,in the 16th-centuryBenin Kingdom of

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southeasternNigeria, she was the mother of a reigning king. Because of her maternal connection to the king, she garneredcertain rights and privileges, including control over districts and a voice in the national affairsof the state. During his reign, a commemorative head made of brasswas sculptedin her honor adornedwith a beaded choker, headdress,and crown, along with a facial expression capturingher reposed manner.2 It is certainlypossiblethat femalerapartists may know of the historicalsignificanceof Africanqueens; women in this category adorn their bodies with royal or Kente cloth strips, African headdresses,goddess braid styles, and ankh-stylizedjewelry. Their rhymes embrace Black female empowerment and spirituality,making clear their self-identificationas African, woman, warrior, priestess,and queen. Queen mothers demand respect not only for their people but for Black women, who are "to be accorded respect by ... men," observes Angela Y. Davis (1998:122). Among those women distinguishedby the interpretive community as Queen Mother types are Queen Kenya, Queen Latifah,SisterSouljah,Nefertiti, Queen Mother Rage, Isis, and Yo-Yo. Queen Kenya, a member of hip-hop's Zulu Nation, was the firstfemale MC to use Queenas a stagename.3But the woman of rapwho became the firstsolo femaleMC to commercially record under the name "Queen" is Dana "Queen Latifah"Owens. Queen Latifah'sinitial singles "Princessof the Posse" and "Wrath of My Madness" (1988), followed by her debut album All Hail the Queen(1989), establishedher regal identity. They include such lyrics as, "You try to be down, you can't take my crown from me," and, "I'm on the scene, I'm the Queen of Royal Badness."Latifah,whose Arabic name means "feminine, delicate, and kind," explains the origin of her stage
name:

who's methat name I waseight. when Well[inrap], I didn't Muslim, want to Mycousin, gave [Latifah] beMCLatifah. Itdidn't sound I didn't want to come outlikeoldmodels. Soqueen into right. just popped oneday, I was and Latifah." Itfeltgood I feltlikea queen. like,"Me, And myhead it,and Queen saying I ama queen. Andevery Black woman isa queen. youknow, [1993] Latifah's maternaldemeanor,posture, and full figure contributeto the perception of her as a queen mother. Although Queen Latifahacknowledges that others perceived her as motherly even at age 21, she tries to distanceherself from the label: "I wish I wasn't seen as a mother, though. I don't really care for that. Just because I take a mature stance on certain things, it gives me a motherly feel ... maybe because I am full-figured. I am mature, but I'm twenty-one" (quoted in Green 1991:33). The ambiguityof Latifah's Joan Radner and motherly image follows what feministscholars Susan Lanseridentify as a form of coding in women's folk culture called distraction: a device used to "drown out or draw attention away from the subversivepower of a feminist message" (1993:15). Queen Latifah finds that her stature and grounded perspective cause fans to view her as a maternalfigure or as a person to revere or, at times, fear. However, Latifahattemptsto mute her motherly image offstage, as evidenced in the above interview, indicating to fans that she remains, nonetheless, a

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modest, down-to-earth, and ordinaryperson in spite of her onstage "Queen of Royal Badness"persona. a particular Despite the ambiguity,Queen Latifahrepresents type of mother figure to her audience. In Black Feminist sociologist PatriciaHill Collins recognizesthat, Thought, in the African American community, some women are viewed as "othermothers." Collins explains, infostering women's African-American Black thebasis forms for involvement community development the of This is Black woman" around them see in traditional community-based power. type "strong they African-American communities. work onbehalf of theBlack othermothers Community by community and which embrace ethics of of transformative and accountability caring personal conceptions expressing as power othermothers become identified the ... community mutuality through figures furthering well-being. [1990:132] community's Queen Latifah'sothermotherposture is no doubt reflected most vividly through her lyrics, which, at times, addresspolitical-economic issuesfacing Black women and the Black community as a whole. In Latifah's song "The Evil that Men Do" (1989) from All Hail the Queen, "she isolates several of the difficultiescommonly experienced by young black women [on welfare]"(Forman1994:44) and shows how the powers that be are apatheticto Black women who are trying to beat the odds: I wanna here are cover. and some from Here isa message brothers, things mysisters life forabetter A woman strives onwelfare. because she's butwhothehellcares living decent with a can't come Thegovernment housing plan up land innoman's soshe's whotells it'sa sucker ... youyou're equal thegood lifetax-free Someone's livin' free crack can't belivin' some 'cause girl poor ofthemessage and that's justpart inForman mendo.[quoted theevilthat I should send I thought 1994:44] youabout Another example of Queen Latifah'srole as queen mother of rap resonatesin her platinum single "LadiesFirst"(1989), rankedin the annalsof rap music history as the first political commentary rap song by a female artist. The lyrics of "Ladies First" respondprimarilyto maleswho believe that femalescannot createrhymes: can't flow we [women] think that Some they gotto go, Stereotypes intoreverse and around I gonna mess flipthescene first. ofladies a little touch With The video version is far more political, containing live footage of South Africa's apartheidriots overlaidwith photographicstills of Black heroines-Winnie Mandela, Rosa Parks,Angela Davis, HarrietTubman, and Madame C. J. Walker.4Pan-Africanism is tacitly evoked with these images-South Africa's political struggle against segregation and a salute to Winnie Mandela, the mother of this struggle, who is

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presentedamong U.S. Black women-reminders of Black liberation.Additionally,the bond between Black women in the United Statesand the United Kingdom is alluded of Monie Love of England,whom Queen Latifahrefersto to through the appearance as "my Europeanpartner."These images locate Latifahas a queen mother and equal partneramong those Black queens who struggledfor the freedom of Black people. Perceived by the interpretivecommunity as a queen mother of rap, Queen Latifah opened the doors for other Afrocentricfemale MCs, such as SisterSouljah. Souljah, a former associateof the Black nationalistrapgroup Public Enemy, launched her firstLP in 1992. The LP, 360 Degrees of Power,featuresthe rap single "The Final Solution: Back in in which Effect," Slavery's "Souljahimaginesa police state where blacksfight the reinstitutionof slavery"(Leland1992:48). With her candid and somewhat quasifrom her followers. Souljah's preachy style of delivery, she earned the title "raptivist" fame grew after her speech at the Reverend Jesse Jackson's Rainbow Coalition LeadershipSummit in 1992, where she chided AfricanAmericanswho murder one another for no apparentreasonby figurativelysuggesting,"Why not take a week and kill white people[?]" (Leland 1992:48). As a consequence, Souljah was ridiculed as a propagatorof hate by presidentialcandidateBill Clinton. In the wake of the controwhile her "raptivist" versy, her recordsalesplummeted dramatically messagesskyrocketed with television appearanceson talk shows like The Phil Donahue Show and speeches on the universitylecture circuit. While SisterSouljahadvocatesracial,social, and economic parity in her rap messages,she also looks within the community to relationshipissuesbetween Black men and women in her lyrics and her semiautobiobook No Disrespect graphical (1994:xiv). Although Nefertiti, Isis, and Queen Mother Rage are categorizedas queen mothers via their names, lyrics, or attire,female rapperYo-Yo is also regardedby the interpretive community as a queen mother."Her lyricsillustrate her political ideology of Black feminism and female respectability,as advancedby her organization,the Intelligent Black Women Coalition (I.B.W.C.), which she discusseson her debut LP Make Way for the Motherlode (1991). But Yo-Yo's image-long auburn braids and very short shorts (worn by Jamaicandance hall women performers)-and tight-fittingpum-pum her gyratinghip dancingalso position her in the next category,"Fly Girl."

Fly Girl
Fly describes someone in chic clothing and fashionable hairstyles,jewelry, and cosmetics,a style that grew out of the blaxploitationfilms of the late 1960s through the mid-1970s. These films include Shaft (1971), Supeofly (1972), The Mack (1973), and Foxy Brown(1974), a film that inspired one MC to adopt the movie's title as her moniker. The fly persona in these films influenced a wave of Black contemporary youth who, in turn, resurrected flynessand its continuum in hip-hop culture. During the early 1980s, women rappers, including Sha Rock of Funky Four Plus One, the trio and soloist LadyB, dressedin what was then consideredby their audiences Sequence,
as fly.

They wore short skirts,sequined fabric,high-heeled shoes, and prominent makeup. By 1985, the hip-hop community furtherembracedthe fly image via the commercial

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recording of "A Fly Girl," by the male rap group Boogie Boys, and an answer rap during the same year, "A Fly Guy," by female rapper Pebblee-Poo. The Boogie Boys describe a fly girl as a woman "who wants you to see her name, her game and her ability"; to do so, "she sports a lot of gold, wears tight jeans, leather mini skirts, a made-up face, has voluptuous curves, but speaks her mind" (1987). By the mid-1980s, many female MCs began contesting the "fly girl" image because they wanted their audiences to focus more on their rapping skills than on their dress styles. Despite this changing trend, the female rap trio Salt-N-Pepa-Salt, Pepa, and Spinderella-nevertheless canonized the ultimate fly girl posture of rap by donning short, tight-fitting outfits, leather clothing, ripped jeans or punk clothing, glittering gold jewelry (i.e., earrings and necklaces), long sculpted nails, prominent makeup, and hairstyles ranging from braids and wraps to waves, in ever-changing hair coloring. Rap's fly girl image is, however, far more than a whim, for it highlights aspects of Black women's bodies considered undesirable by American mainstream standards of beauty (Roberts 1998). Through performance, Salt-N-Pepa are "flippin da script" (deconstructing dominant ideology) by wearing clothes that accent their full breasts and rounded buttocks and thighs, considered beauty markers of Black women by Black culture (Roberts 1998). Moreover, they portray via performance the fly girl as a party-goer, an independent woman, but, additionally, an erotic subject rather than an objectified one. Female rappers' reclamation ofthefly resonates with the late Audre Lorde's theory of the erotic as power (Davis 1998:172). In Lorde's influential essay, "Uses of the Erotic," she reveals the transformative power of the erotic in Black women's culture: "Our erotic knowledge empowers us, becomes a lens through which we scrutinize all aspects of our existence, forcing us to evaluate those aspects honestly in terms of their meaning within our lives" (1984:57). Cultural critic and scholar bell hooks further articulates that Black women's erotic consciousness is textualized around issues of body esteem: "Erotic pleasure requires of us engagement with the realm of the senses ... the capacity to be in touch with sensual reality; to accept and love our bodies; [to work] toward self-recovery issues around body esteem; [and] to be empowered by a healing eroticism" (1993:116, 121-122, 124). Black fly girls express a growing awareness of their erotic selves by sculpting their own personas and, as folklorist Elaine Lawless (1998) puts it, "writing their own bodies." For example, Salt-N-Pepa describe themselves as "women [who have] worked hard to keep our bodies in shape; we're proud to show them off": moreover, and more in "we're not ashamed of our sexuality; for we're Salt-N-Pepa-sexier control" (quoted in Rogers 1994:31). Another aspect of the fly girl persona is independence. Salt notes that "the image we project reflects the real independent woman of the '90s" (quoted in Chyll 1994:20). But for many women of rap, achieving a sense of independence from an entrepreneurial perspective has not been easy. For instance, it is common knowledge in the rap community that during Salt-N-Pepa's early years, their lyrics and hit songs ("I'1 Take Your Man," "Push It," "Tramp," and "Shake Your Thang") were mainly written by their manager/producer Hurby "Luvbug" Azor, until the Black's Magic (1990) LP, on which Salt (Cheryl James) ventured into writing and producing the

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single "Expression,"which went platinum. Black'sMagicalso contains Salt-N-Pepa's "Let'sTalk about Sex" (writtenby Azor), which Salt later rewrote for a public service an nouncement song and video "Let'sTalk about AIDS" in 1992. On Salt-N-Pepa's fourth LP, VeryNecessary (1993), the group wrote and produced most of the selections. The songs "Shoop" and "WhattaMan" from that album stand out as celebratorysongs that deserve note.6 In the video versions of both songs, the three women scrutinizedesirable men, rangingfrom businesstypes to "ruffnecks" (a fly guy associatedwith urban street culture). The "Shoop" video turns the tableson the male rappers;in it "ladiessee a bunch of bare-chested, tight-bunned brothersacting like sex objects, servicingit up to us in our videos," saidSalt (quoted in Rogers 1994:31, emphasis added). In "Whatta Man," on the other hand, Salt-N-Pepa praise their significant others in the areas of friendship, romance, and parenting as the female rhythm and blues group En Vogue joins them in singing the chorus, "Whattaman, whatta man, whatta man, whatta mighty good man." Other women whom the interpretivecommunity categorizesasfly are Left-Eyeand Yo-Yo. Left Eye is the rapperof the hip-hop/rhythm and blues hybrid group TLC (T-Boz, Left Eye, and Chili). When TLC firstappearedon the music scene with the debut LP Oooooooohhh ... On the TLC Tip (1992), their baggy style of dress ran counter to the revealing apparelof hip-hop's typical fly girl and invited their fullfigured audience to do the same. TLC's T-Boz said, "We like to wear a lot of baggy stuff because for one, it's comfortable, and two, many of our fans don't have the so-called perfect figure; we don't want them to feel like they can't wear what we're wearing"(quoted in Homer 1993:16). Throughout the 1990s, TLC remainedsteadfast with the message to women of all sizes regardingmental and physical wellness and body esteem, as underscored in both music and video performancesof the single "Unpretty"(1999). Like Salt-N-Pepa, TLC has made delivering "safe sex" messagesa priority. While both groups do so through lyrics, TLC underscoresthe messages visually through wearing certain accoutrements.Left Eye of the trio wears a condom in place of an eyeglasslens, while other members of the group attach colored condom packagesto their clothes. TLC's warning about unprotectedsex, emphasizedby the condoms they from their second wear, is conveyed powerfully in their award-winning"Waterfalls" LP, CrazySexyCool (1994). The messageis amplifiedin the video: A man decides to follow his partner'swish not to use a condom. Following this encounter, he notices a lesion on his face, which suggeststhat he has contracted the virus that causesAIDS. TLC's espousal of being fly and sexually independent undoubtedly comes hand in hand with sexual responsibility via their lyricsand image. Like TLC, Yo-Yo also deliversa seriousmessage,which earnsher a place among the queen mothers. But her gyratinghips, stylishauburnbraids,short, tight-fittingoutfits, and pronounced facial makeup also categorize her as fly. Yo-Yo writes about independent, empowered Black women, championing African American sisterhood in "The I.B.W.C. National Anthem" and "Sisterland" from Make Wayfor theMotherlode (1991). She takeson sexualityin "You Can't Play with My Yo-Yo" and "Put a Lid on It," which, as their titles suggest, explore being sexuallyin control and being sexually irresponsible.

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In 1996, Yo-Yo moved beyond the shadow of her mentor Ice Cube with her fourth for which she served as executive producer. Following this success, LP, TotalControl, Yo-Yo began a column entitled "Yo, Yo-Yo" in the hip-hop magazine Vibe, in which she addresses questions about male-female relationships and interpersonal growth in the name of I.B.W.C. Since the late 1990s, female MC, songwriter, and producer Missy "Misdemeanor" Elliott hasjoined the fly girl ranks.Mesmerizedby her debut LP SupaDupa Fly (1997) and her single "The Rain," female fans also admire her finger-wave hairstyle,known to some as "Missy [finger] waves," and her ability to carry off the latest hip-hop fashions on her full-figured frame. Elliott has occasionally appeared in television for the youth fashionstore Gap. She no doubt succeedsas a full-figured advertisements fly woman, breaking new ground in an area too often seen as off-limitsto all but the most slender and "correctly" proportioned. In stakingher claim to rap music's fly girl further Elliott reclaims sexuality and eros as healing power for all Black category, women, regardless of size. However, with her single "She's a Bitch" from her sophomore LP Da Real World(1999), Missy "Misdemeanor"Elliott appendsanother image to her fly girl posture. Her usage of bitchmakes a self-statementabout being a mover and shaker,on- and offstage,in rap'smale-dominatedarena,and thus she shares much in common with the next category,"Sistawith Attitude."

SistawithAttitude
According to Black EnglishscholarGeneva Smitherman," 'tude, a diminutiveform of attitude, can be defined as an aggressive,arrogant,defiant, I-know-I'm-BAD pose or air about oneself; or an oppositionalor negative outlook or disposition"(1994:228). Prototypes of this category are grouped according to " 'tude": Roxanne Shante, MC Lyte Bytches with Problems (BWP), and Da Brat are known for their frankness; exudes a hardcore/no-nonsense approach;Boss is recognized for her gangstabitch stance, all in the name of her predominantly posture;and Mia X advancesa militaristic male posse No Limit Soldiers. In general, "Sistawith Attitude" comprises female MCs who value attitude as a means of empowerment and present themselves accordingly.Many of these "sistas" (sisters)have reclaimed the word bitch,viewing it as positive ratherthan negative and using the term to entertainor provide catharticrelease.Other sistasin the interpretive community are troubled by that view. These women, such as Lauryn Hill, have "refusedto be labeled a 'bitch' because such appellationsmerely mar the images of young African American females" (1994; see also Harmony, quoted in Donahue 1991). The reclaimerscounter this argument with the opinion that "it's not what you're called but what you answer to" (MC Lyte 1993). Some women of rap take a middle road, concurring that bitchcan be problematic depending on who uses the term, how it is employed, and to whom one refers.As Queen Latifahexplains, are withit. I useit withmyhomegirls like,"Bitch around you theterm.... I play mind I don't really
crazy?"Bitch is a fierce girl. [Or,] "That bitch is so crazy, girl." You know, that's not harmful. [But,]

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"This bitch downheretalking meant in a harmful justcame stupid way.So it'sthe ... ," nowthat's theword that to medecides whether I should turn it offorlisten toit. [1993] behind meaning Female MCs revise the standarddefinition of bitch,from an "aggressive woman who challenges male authority" (Penrice 1995) to an aggressiveor assertivefemale who rule. Lyndah of the duo BWP explained, "We use 'Bytches' [to subvertspatriarchal a mean] strong, positive, aggressivewoman who goes afterwhat she wants. We take that on today... and use it in a positive sense" (quoted in Donahue 1991).8 By the mid- to late 1990s, the "Sistawith Attitude" categorywas augmented with rappersLil' Kim and Foxy Brown, who conflate fly and hardcoreattitudesin erotic lyrics and video performances,bordering both "Fly Girl" and "Sistawith Attitude" categories.In doing so, they are designatedby some as the "mackdivas,""Thelma and Louise of rap" (Gonzales 1997:62), or "bad girls of hip-hop" (Morgan 1997). Foxy Brown, whose name is derived from Pam Grier's1974 screen character,emulatesthe powerful, desirable,yet dangerouswoman: "I think it's every girl's dream to be fly" (Gonzales 1997:63). Although Lil' Kim's debut album Hard Core (1996) and Foxy Brown's Ill Na Na (1997) have garnered platinum status, some members of the interpretivecommunity criticize them for being "highly materialistic, violent, lewd" an exacerbated their affiliation with male gangsta 1997:77), (Morgan impression by Lil' crews: Kim is associated with and rap-style Junior M.A.F.I.A., Foxy Brown is connected with The Firm. The bad girl image also parallelsthe "badman"character(such as John Hardy, Dolemite, and Stackolee) peculiar to the African American oral narrative.African American oral narrativescommonly exploit the "badman"or "bad nigguh" types in the toast, a long poetic narrativeform that predates rap.9In these narratives,Black badmen boast about their sexual exploits with women, wild drinking binges, and narrow brusheswith the law, symbolic of "white power" (Roberts 1989:196). The feminist renderingof "the badman"includes those sistaswho brag about partyingand with their men; seducing, repressing, and sexuallyemassmoking "blunts"(marijuana) " male or "dissin' their would-be female culating (verballydownplaying) characters;"1 or male competitors-all through figurativespeech.1 Some female observersI queried felt that sistaswith attitude merely exist on the peripheryof rap and are seen asjust "shootin' off at the mouth." These artistsare not highly respected for their creative skills;rather,they are viewed as misusing sex and feminism and devaluing Black men. In an Essence magazine article, hip-hop feminist Joan Morgan statesthat the new "badgirlsof hip-hop" may not have careerlongevity because "feminismis not simply about being able to do what the boys do-get high, talk endlesslyabout their wee-wees and what have you. At the end of the day, it's the power women attain by making choices that increase their range of possibilities" (1997:132). Morgan furtherarguesthat Black women's power-on- and offstage--is sustainedby "those sisterswho selectivelyrationtheir erotic power" (1997:133). Despite the controversies,sistaswith attitudehave acquiredrespectfrom their peers for their masteryof figurativelanguage and rhyme. They simply refuise to be second best.

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Lesbian
While representatives of the "Queen Mother," "Fly Girl,"and "Sistawith Attitude" came into prominence duringthe mid- to late 1980s, the "Lesbian" categories category the closet from emerged during the late 1990s. Not only does the female audience but the artistwho has given recognition to this division is term this category"Lesbian," first to and addressthe lesbian lifestyle from a Black woman's the about rap among perspective.Though other Black rap artistsrumoredto be gay/lesbian have chosen to remain closeted in a scene describedas "notoriouslyhomophobic" (Dyson, quoted in Jamison 1998:AR34), Queen Pen's "Girlfriend,"from her debut LP My Melody a "breakthrough for queer culture"(Walters1998:60).12 "Girlfriend" (1997), represents or on Black lesbianlove interestwith a parodyof the refrain on indirectlyplays signifies section of Me'Shell Ndegeocello's "If That'sYour Boyfriend (He Wasn't LastNight)." Ndegeocello, who is openly lesbian, appearson "Girlfriend," performingvocals and Pen as In herself the suitor in a lesbian bass guitar. "Girlfriend,"Queen positions for queer culture," other issues relationship.While this song may be a "breakthrough still complicate Black female artists'willingness to openly address gay and lesbian culturein their performances. Black lesbian culture and identity have been concerned with issues of race and role-play, note Lisa M. Walker (1993) and Ekua Omosupe (1991). Drawing on the critical works of Audre Lorde (1982, 1984), Omosupe notes that lesbian identity, white lesbiancultureor white women to the exclusion similarto feminism, represents of women of color. In this regard,Black lesbiansare at times forced to live and struggle cultureon the one side and white lesbianculture, racism, againstwhite male patriarchal and general homophobia on the other (Omosupe 1991:105). Corroboratingissues of race privilegeraisedby the Black lesbiancommunity, Queen Pen contends that certain like Ellen DeGeneres and k. d. licensesare affordedto white openly lesbianperformers lang, who do not have to pay as high a price for their candidnessas lesbiansof color: "But you know, Ellen [DeGeneres]can talk about any ol' thing and it's all right. With I'm getting all kindsof questions"(quoted in everybody, it's all right. With 'Girlfriend,' She continues, "This song is buggin' everyone out right now. Duvernay 1998:88).13 [If]you got Ellen, you got k. d., why shouldn'turbanlesbiansgo to a girl club and hear their own thing?"(quoted in Jamison 1998:AR34). Queen Pen further stresses in performance her play on image, which suggests "role-play,"another crucialissue to Black lesbian culture. Walker asserts,"Role-play among black lesbiansinvolves a resistanceto the homophobic stereotype... lesbianas a pejorativeterm within (andoutside) the black community used to signal 'bulldagger,' the lesbian as a woman who wants to be a man" (1993:886). On her album cover, Queen Pen exudes a "femme" image through wearing lipstick, a chic hairstyle,and stylish dress. However, in performance, as observed in Blackstreet's"No Diggity" (1996), one notices how Queen Pen "drownsout" her femme album cover image by with "B-Boy" gestures(cool pose and bopped gait)commonly associated appropriating male hip-hop culture. Regardless of issues concerning race privilege and role-play, Queen Pen concludes that in "two or three yearsfrom now, people will say I was the

Female viaRapMusic Keyes, Black Identity

265

first female to bring the lesbian life to light [in an open way] on wax. It's reality. What's

inJamison the problem?" 1998:AR34). (quoted

Conclusion
Women are achieving in rapmusicby continuing to chiselawayat majorstrides aboutfemales as artists in a male-dominated tradition andby (re)defining stereotypes
women's culture and identity from a Black feminist perspective. Although rap contin-

ues to be predominantlymale, femaleMCs move beyond the shadows of male rappers in diverseways. Some have become exclusivelyknown for their lyrical"skillz,"while

othershaveuseda uniqueblendof musical of singer-rapper stylesor a combination

acts, as is apparent with Grammy awardees Left Eye of TLC and Lauryn Hill.

Women of rapstill face, nevertheless,overt sexism regardingtheir creativecapabilities. FemalerapperPrincesarecalls,"Only when I led them [maleproducers]to believe that a man had written or produced my stuff did they show interest" (quoted in
Cooper 1989:80). Mass-mediation scholar Lisa Lewis notes that, in the popular music

servesto arena,"the ideologicaldivisionbetween compositionand performance

devalue women's role in music making and cast doubt on female creativity in general" (1990:57). However, female MCs of the 1990s have defied the sexist repression by writing their own songs, producing records, and even starting their own record companies, as with Salt-N-Pepa's Very Necessary(1993), Lauryn Hill's 1999 Grammy Award-winning LP The Miseducationof LaurynHill (1998), and Queen Latifah's record

Flavor Unit. Additionally, company, QueenLatifah's Grammy Award-winning single

"U.N.I.T.Y." (1993) challenges those males who use bitch/ho appellations in their lyrics. While the majority of scholarly studies on female rappers locate Black women's voices in rap, they present only a partial rendering of female representation.'4 These works tend to focus on females' attitudes and responses to sexual objectification, ignoring the many roles and issues of women and female rappers. Rap music scholar Tricia Rose says female MCs should be evaluated not only with regard to male rappers and misogynist lyrics "but also in response to a variety of related issues, including dominant notions of femininity, feminism, and black female sexuality. At the very least, black women rappers are in dialogue with one another, black men, black women, and dominant American culture as they struggle to define themselves" (1994:147-148). In rap music performance, a "black female-self emerges as a variation [on] several unique themes" (Etter-Lewis 1991:43). More importantly, female rappers, most of whom are Black, convey their views on a variety of issues concerning identity, sociohistory, and esoteric beliefs shared by young African American women. Female rappers have attained a sense of distinction through revising and reclaiming Black women's history and perceived destiny. They use their performances as platforms to refute, deconstruct, and reconstruct alternative visions of their identity. With this platform, rap music becomes a vehicle by which Black female rappers seek empowerment, make choices, and create spaces for themselves and other sistas.

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Folklore113 (2000) Journalof American

Notes
and of this articlewere presented on the panel"WomenPerformers as Traditionalists Earlier drafts Women in WorldMusic:A Symposium, at Resounding Innovators," sponsored by the WorldMusic New of New YorkGraduate in Ethnomusicology, andHunterCollege/CityUniversity Institute Program Women,Race and York, 10-12 November1995; and as a paper,"'Ain't Nuthin'but a She-Thing': with the in Rap," at the 42nd AnnualMeetingsof the Societyfor Ethnomusicology Representation Music(USAChapter), 22-26 October1997. forthe Studyof Popular Association International Pittsburgh, the lateGerald L. Davis,andthe anonymous Lou-AnnCrouther, I wishto thank Phyllis May-Machunda, on earlierdrafts, as well as Corinne Folklore for theirsuggestions reviewers of the Journal of American to article's refinement. comments contributed whose invaluable the Lightweaver, who makeup a roster of female MCs:Antoinette is a listof otherartists 1Thefollowing (NextPlateau), Eve (Ruff Ryders),Finesseand Synquis(MCA), Bahamadia (EMI),ConsciousDaughters (Priority), MC HeatherB (MCA),Ladyof Rage (DeathRow), Ladybug Boo (Relativity), (Pendulum), Gangsta Mercedes Smooth(Crush (No Limit),Nikki D (DefJam),Nonchalant Music),MC Trouble(Motown), and350 (Rap-a-Lot). 3-5-7 (Capital), Sole (DreamWorks), Rah Digga(Flipmode), (MCA),Oaktown's in Beninby KingObaEsigies headwasestablished the queenmother's during 2Accordingly, sculpting a the 16th century.Sieberand Walker(1987:93)note that, duringEsigies's reign, he commissioned herrolein it in his palace to commemorate headmadeof bronzeof his mother,Idia,andplaced sculpted In in the cultof royalancestors. for the firsttime,queenmothers the Benin-Idah war,thereby including, additionto Sieberand Walker's work, referto Ben-Amos1995 and Ben-Amosand Rubin 1983 for of Benin. of queenmotherheads anda briefdiscussion photographs the mid-1970s in theBronxduring thatwasfounded 3TheZuluNationis an organization by DJAfrika of a philosophy thatincorporates thatthe Zulu Nationis a youth organization He contends Bambaataa. emcees as and in which inner-city nonviolence break-dancers, (raprhyming youthscompeteartistically ZuluNation withknivesandguns.Bambaataa's rather thanphysically artists discjockeys,andgraffiti pers), the above arts,and an "attitude" for hip-hop,a youth artsmovementcomprising laid the foundation via performance of whichis articulated andgesture--all in the formof a distinct rendered dress, language, artists music (seeKeyes1996). by rap of thisvideo,see Roberts1994. 4Fora moredetailed analysis thisgroup,shealsoadopted with the Blacknationalist once performed 5Isis groupX-Clan.Afterleaving a new stagename,Lin Que. a Man." 1968hit "What fromLinda Man"is adapted 6"Whatta Lyndell's in my forthcomto the sectionon female refer of thiscategory, a morein-depthdiscussion 7For rappers Consciousness as a Music Phenomenon Street and titled (n.d.). of Beats, book, Rap Rhymes tentatively ing Science: referto menin theirrapsongs in whichsistas of speechplayis the manner 8Another withattitude aspect or "myniggas." as "motherfuckas" or insultingly affectionately aboutthe toast,see RogerAbrahams 9Forfirtherinformation (1970)andDarylDance(1978). as or suitors referto theirmale competitors with attitude can occurwhen sistas emasculation 10This in thisstyleof rap, is aesthetically the elementof signifying Because or "niggas." "motherfuckas" appealing on context. andpositive theseterms depending meanings mayhaveboth negative the include with attitude of sistas characteristics distinct the that selected of rapsongs portray "Examples with Born Izza "Mai Sista Fuck" and a "I Don't Give Bitch," (1993); Bytches Gangstaz Boss, following: Da Brat,"DaShitYa Can'tFuc TheBytches and"Shit "TwoMinuteBrother" (1991); Problems, Popper," Ill Na Na to the Firm," and "Letter "Ill Na Na" It Up," Funkdafied Wit"and"Fire (1994);FoxyBrown, MC Core Hard Little a and Momma Doe," Lil' "Paper (1996); Lyte, Kim, Thang" "Spend "Big (1997); F ... king,"Ain'tNo Other "Big (1993);RoxanneShant6, Thin,"Lyteas a Rock(1988),and "Steady Is Back TheBitch Mama," (1992). to indicate thatshe"pens" Pin,"QueenPen usesthismoniker 12While "QueenPen"is a playon "King malerappers. in with lack MCs female believe some that skill a her own comparison lyrics, (or writes) andproduced on QueenPen'sLP were cowritten andotherselections by Teddy "Girlfriend" Although andblueshybrid), of newjack swingstyle(a rap/rhythm Queen Pen'srealname(Lynise Riley, inventor credit to takecowriting forproducers it is not unusual on allsongs.In the musicindustry, Walters) appears

Keyes, Black FemaleIdentityvia Rap Music

267

on their mentees' debut works. The discussion of Riley's input on "Girlfriend"is discussed by Laura Jamison (1998). 13When asked about "Girlfriend"in her interview in Rap Pages with Duvernay (1998), Queen Pen assertsthat there are other nonlesbiansongs on her debut album My Melody,including "Get Away," which discussesdomestic violence. 14Formore on this topic, see Berry 1994, Forman 1994, Goodall 1994, Guevara 1987, and Rose 1994.

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