$UPHQLDFD

&RPSDUDWLYH 1RWHV
by Frederik Kortlandt

with an appendix on the historical phonology of Classical Armenian

by Robert S. P. Beekes

CARAVAN BOOKS ANN ARBOR

7R WKH PHPRU\ RI +ROJHU 3HGHUVHQ

Contents
Introduction ....... vii Notes on Armenian historical phonology I ... 1 A note on the Armenian palatalization ... 10 Albanian and Armenian .... 13 Notes on Armenian historical phonology II: The second consonant shift .... 20 On the relative chronology of Armenian sound changes ....... 26 On the Armenian personal endings ....... 34 Notes on Armenian historical phonology III: K- .... 39 Proto-Armenian case endings ... 45 Demonstrative pronouns in [Balto-Slavic,] Armenian [and Tocharian] .,.... 52 PIE. *+- in Armenian ..... .. 54 Notes on Armenian historical phonology IV ........... 57 Arm. DUWDZVU tear .. .. .... 60 The syncretism of nominative and accusative singular in Armenian .... 63 Armenian and Albanian ............ 68 Notes on Armenian historical phonology V ...... 75 Sigmatic or root aorist? ........... 79 The Thraco-Armenian consonant shift ..... 83 The making of a puzzle ...... 88 Arm. FDQDZW known ......................... 96 Proto-Armenian numerals ........ 98 Intervocalic *-Z- in Armenian ..... 102 Palatalization of dentals in Armenian ....... 104 The sigmatic forms of the Armenian verb ....... 107 The Proto-Armenian verbal system .. 110 Arm. FDU laughter .... 117 Arm. Q U sister-in-law ..... 120 The development of *\- in Armenian ..... 122 Arm. JRP am ....... 125 Armenian glottalization revisited ...... 126 The Armenian causative ..... 129 Arm. DULZQ blood ..... 131

vi
Appendix: Historical phonology of Classical Armenian by R.S.P. BEEKES References

&RQWHQWV
. 133

. .. .. ..... 212 226

Indices .. .. .. .. .

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vii

Introduction
The main purpose of my work on Armenian is to bridge the gap in time and space between this language and its closest relatives. The emphasis is therefore on problems of relative chronology and the reconstruction of intermediate stages of development. While methodological issues are addressed on various occasions in the following pages, the general approach is strongly data-oriented. I have always been of the opinion that the challenge of counter-evidence is the driving force behind the growth of knowledge. A theoretical framework can often be helpful as a heuristic device, but the negative potential of aprioristic considerations must not be underestimated because theory can easily embody the reflection of rationalized prejudice. It is therefore important to reconsider time and again the primary data on which a reconstruction is based. The foundation for the work presented here was laid in the classic studies by Meillet (1936) and Pedersen (1905a, 1906). Following their example, I have limited the number of references to the minimum required by the context of the discussion. Since I started writing on Armenian, several introductions (e.g. Godel 1975, Schmitt 1981) and detailed investigations (e.g. Klingenschmitt 1982, Clackson 1994) have been published, which enables me to refer the interested reader to their bibliographies. Especially Clackson s list of references (almost 600 titles) is most helpful. The following studies are reprinted here in the order in which they were written. I have tried to eliminate inconsistencies by adding comments on those points where I have changed my opinion in the course of time. The resulting picture is one of a central Indo-European language with close ties to the Balkans. Most of the studies deal with phonological problems, especially segmental reordering of distinctive features. A development which is particularly characteristic of Armenian is the monophonemicization of features belonging to successive segments (p. 1ff.). The alleged development of *GZ > UN must be rejected (p. 88ff.). Other instances of segmental reordering of features are the palatalization of velars by a following front vowel (p. 10ff.) and the palatalization of dentals by a following *\ (p. 104ff.). A different type of reordering is involved in the rise of aspiration in voiced stops, the devoicing of voiced stops, and the voicing of voiceless stops in the Armenian dialects (p. 20ff.). It follows from the analysis that we must reconstruct glottalized stops for Proto-Armenian (p. 126ff.). An attempt at integrating the findings of earlier scholars into a coherent whole yields a relative chronology of Armenian sound changes from Proto-IndoEuropean times up to the classical language (p. 26ff.). This enables us to date

viii

&RQWHQWV

the rise of K from *V, *S, *+ and *\ in relation to other developments (p. 39ff.). I claim that *+  and *+  were preserved as K before original *H but not before *R (p. 54ff.). The threefold color of initial laryngeals is preserved in their vocalic reflexes (p. 75ff.). Medial laryngeals were vocalized to D after syllabic resonants (p. 96ff.) and before consonant clusters, but not before single consonants (p. 120ff.). There is evidence for oralization of laryngeals after *X and depalatalization of palatovelars before *U (p. 27ff.). Intervocalic *Z yields Z in absolute final position and J elsewhere (p. 102ff.). Initial *\ was lost in the classical language but is dialectally reflected as voiced aspiration (p. 122ff.). The establishment of a relative chronology enables us to derive ProtoArmenian from an Indo-European dialect which can be situated between BaltoSlavic in the north and Greek in the south. The monophonemicization of obstruents with a following *Z is similar to but not identical with the corresponding development in Albanian (p. 13ff.) and the same holds for the development of initial laryngeals (p. 68ff.). Perhaps the closest relative of ProtoArmenian was Thracian, which appears to have shared its earliest developments (p. 83ff.). It can therefore be suggested that the speakers of Proto-Armenian traveled east along the southern shore of the Black Sea. The relative chronology of sound changes also enables us to reconstruct the pre-apocope case endings (p. 45ff.). A question of particular interest is the merger of the nominative and accusative singular forms (p. 63ff.). The Xstems provide evidence for some highly archaic formations, as in the case of the words for tear (p. 60ff.) and laughter (p. 117ff.). The Armenian threefold demonstrative and anaphoric pronouns can be derived from a system with three uninflected deictic particles which can be reconstructed for Balto-Slavic (p. 52f.). The Proto-Armenian system of numerals was characterized by the existence of three different ablaut grades in the root, where the full grade was only preserved in the lower cardinals and largely replaced by the vocalism of the ordinals in the higher numerals (p. 98ff.). Like the pre-apocope case endings, the personal endings of the verb can be reconstructed against the background of the proposed relative chronology: the primary athematic and thematic endings in the present tense and the aorist subjunctive, the secondary active endings in the active aorist indicative, and the original middle endings in the middle aorist and imperfect (p. 34ff.). Sigmatic aorists were particularly frequent in Proto-Armenian (p. 79ff.). I argue that the expected marker of the sigmatic aorist in Armenian is F if the language developed along similar lines as the other branches of the Indo-European family (p. 107ff.). More generally, I claim that the reconstruction of the morphological system should be largely independent of the establishment of etymologies and sound laws (p. 110ff.). The Armenian causative represents a nasal present derived from a sigmatic aorist stem (p. 129f.). The verb JRP am , like XWHP eat , must be derived from a prefixed formation (p. 125). The following studies cover most of the topics where I felt dissatisfied

,QWURGXFWLRQ

ix

with earlier comparative treatments of the Armenian language. I am indebted to Professors Rob Beekes, Sasha Lubotsky, Kees Ruijgh and Jos Weitenberg for comments at various stages of my work. I thank Leonid Kulikov and Ilona Manevskaia for editing the present volume. It goes without saying that they cannot be held responsible for the views put forward below.

Notes on Armenian historical phonology I*

It has long been recognized that an exhaustive diachronic description of a language must include a statement of the historical order in which various developments took place. Such a statement is of particular importance when the attested daughter language differs considerably from the reconstructed mother language, as is the case with Armenian. Indeed, quite a few valuable indications about the relative chronology of sound laws can be found in the classical studies on Armenian historical phonology by Meillet and Pedersen. Not all of these statements are compatible, however. The first attempt, to my knowledge, to formulate a consistent series of successive developments was presented in Zabrocki 1951. In a recent study DDXNMDQ VWDWHV WZHOYH UXOHV RI UHODWLYH chronology (1967: 318f.), not all of which can be maintained. In the following Notes I intend to make a contribution to the solution of the chronological problem.1 1. *NK > [ If the connection of [DFDQHP, FD[, V[DOLP with Skt. LI EBUJ LI TLIBMBUJ, Lith. NiQGX, DNj is correct, there are two possibilities. Either the development *NK > [ preceded the rise of N from *N as a result of the Armenian consonant shift (cf. Zabrocki 1951: 146), or *NK was a cluster which remained distinct from N after the latter development (cf. Pedersen 1906: 334 [= Kl.S., 112]). The choice between these two possibilities will be made below. 2. *WK > W If the connection of RUW with Skt. Q UIVLB , Gr. %'-+ is correct, the final
* Reprinted from 6WXGLD &DXFDVLFD 3 (1976): 91-100. 1. The transcription of Armenian used here differs from the one in Meillets (VTXLVVH in one respect: I write F and instead of the corresponding dotted letters. This is not only preferable for typographical reasons and for the sake of consistency, but especially because dotted letters are used to denote glottalization in Georgian, velarization in Arabic, retroflexion in Sanskrit, and various articulatory peculiarities in other languages.

[92]

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

consonant has escaped the regular voicing after a resonant, e.g. in DUG Skt. U  Gr. w'-E+ (cf. Meillet 1936: 36). Consequently, *WK must have remained distinct from *W up to a period posterior to the time when the voicing rule operated in the latter word, which is in turn posterior to the Armenian consonant shift (cf. Pedersen 1905a: 202 [= Kl.S., 64]). If *WK goes back to a sequence of *W and laryngeal, as was first suggested by de Saussure in 1891 in connection with Skt. Q UI (1892a: cxviii [= 1922: 603]), it follows that the laryngeal was preserved up to that time in the position under consideration. Both of the possibilities mentioned in the preceding paragraph are compatible with this result. 3. *SK > S If the connection of SD\O with Skt. QIBMH , Latv. VSXOJRW, of TQJ N SDUDW with Skt. TQIVSUJ, Lith. VSuUWL, and of SXO with Lith. SOWL, S~ROX, OHG. IDOODQ is correct, we have to assume that *SK was a cluster which remained unaffected by the radical transformation of *S into K (initially) or Z (medially) as a result of the consonant shift, fricativization, and loss of consonantal articulation. There is no reason to separate the developments *WK > W and *SK > S chronologically. 4. *V > K The development *V > K belongs to the earliest stages in the history of Armenian. It is anterior to the development * > V which in turn preceded the Armenian consonant shift and the sonorization of occlusives and affricates after UHVRQDQWV FI 'DXNMDQ   ,W ZDV DOVR DQWHULRU WR WKH ORVV RI Q before V in XV, DPLV, Skt. TB  Lat. N OTJT and to the loss of *S before V in VXW, HUHV, Gr. 5J #+, %'z%7, where the sibilant has been preserved (cf. Meillet 1936: 39). The only development which can be demonstrated to have preceded the loss of buccal articulation in *V is the assimilation of the initial sound in VNHVXU, Skt. W VSB , Lith. u uVSBT (cf. Meillet 1922: 88). This word will be discussed below. [93] 5. *Z > J The development *Z > J offers more chronological problems than any other change. First, it is hard to date this development either before or after the FRQVRQDQW VKLIW 'DXNMDQ KROGV WKH ODWWHU YLHZ EHFDXVH RI WKH YRLFHOHVV occlusive in NF L, which goes back to a cluster *GZ through an intermediate stage *WZ (1967: 319). Winter also assumes that after the shift *G > *W, *Z became *J and was assimilated to the preceding consonant in this word (1962:

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,

262). The argument is not cogent because it is equally possible to assume an intermediate stage *GJ with subsequent unvoicing as a result of the shift. Meillet regards the U in HUNX, HUNDU as the remnant of an initial *G and concludes that l' altration du groupe GZ est donc antrieure la mutation consonantique armnienne (1936: 51). If this is correct, the aspiration of N from *VZ in NXQ NR\U can be attributed to the consonant shift after the unvoicing of *J from *Z in the position after *K from *V It cannot be correct, however, because in that case one would expect *N instead of J from *Z in other positions. If the development *Z > J preceded the consonant shift, it remains unclear why the latter did not affect the outcome of the former. It follows that the reflexes of *GZ and *VZ must be explained differently. Second, the development *Z > J must be dated in relation to the loss of final syllabes. Meillet states that intervocalic *Z was not affected by the change and adduces the words WLZ and NRY in support of his view (1936: 50). These examples presuppose that the change was anterior to the loss of final syllabes. Indeed, the development *Z > J in NRJL, Skt. HWZB , requires this chronology if Meillet' s statement about intervocalic *Z is correct. In WD\JU, Skt. EFW , Meillet attributes the development *Z ! J to the following U but this requires the inverse chronology. In ORJDQDP, Gr. #E7, one cannot attribute the development to the following Q without discussing the chronology of the suffix. Meillet admits that le dtail des conditions ne se laisse pas dterminer, but this is certainly because he posited the wrong development for intervocalic *Z Pedersen pointed out that intervocalic *Z is reflected as J unless it became word-final as a result of the loss of final syllables (1905a: 196 [= Kl.S., 58]).2 This is by far the most straightforward explanation of the contrast between NRY, DUHZ and NRJL, DUHJDNQ Grammont correctly infers that ce changement de Z en J est postrieur la chute des voyelles de syllabe final (1918: 225).3 Third, we have to date the development *Z > J in relation to the palatalization before front vowels and to the metathesis of clusters containing a resonant as their second member. Meillet remarks that Arm. JH dans les mots originaux ne peut reprsenter que *ZH, puisque l' ancien *JKH aboutit H- (1936: 50). It follows that the palatalization was anterior to the rise of J from
2 =DEURFNL LQFRUUHFWO\ FRQFOXGHV WKDW 3HGHUVHQ VIRUPXRZDO SURFHV SU]HFKRG]HQLD Z w J Z WHQ VSRVyE L XVLOQLHQLX XOHJD ND GH Z ] Z\M WNLHP LQWHUZRN>D@OLF]QHJR NWyUH Sy QLHM GRVWDR VL GR Z\JRVX   )LUVWO\ 3HGHUVHQ H[SOicitly denies the usilnienie of *Z after obstruents (1905a: 197 [= Kl.S., 59]). Secondly, he does not give D FKURQRORJLFDO VWDWHPHQW 7KH ZRUG Sy QLHM LV RI FRXUVH RXW RI SODFH KHUH 3. Winter states in connection with the word LQQ, Gr. yz , that *-Z9 > J9 must be more recent than the change of *DQ in final position to Q (1966: 203). In fact, there is no reason to assume that the word ended in **DQ at any stage of its development in Armenian.

[94]

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

*Z.4 Winter states that the change of antevocalic *Z to J had already taken place at the time of the metathesis because the latter phenomenon is absent in the plural of the word FXQU, Gr. / (1962: 262). This relative chronology presupposes that the palatalization preceded the metathesis. Indeed, Pedersen comes to the conclusion that the palatalization ist lter als die entwickelung eines J aus idg. Y, eines N aus idg. VY oder WY, eines N aus idg. GY eines UN aus idg. JU; denn ein solches sekundres J, N, N, UN ist niemals palatalisirt worden (1906: 394 [= Kl.S., 172]). D aukjan holds the opposite view and states that the palatalization is posterior to the metathesis because it affected the cluster in B BNV , with  from *JKO\ (1967: 171). This word can hardly be separated from Gr. w3 +, OPr. DJOR (cf. Solta 1960: 281), in spite of Adjarian' s objections. If this is correct, the palatalizing effect of a following \ must have remained operative during a longer period than that of a following front vowel. Fourth, the development *Z > J must be dated in relation to the rise of intervocalic Z from labial occlusives. Meillet' s contention that Z is the regular reflex of intervocalic *Z is based on his assumption that both the first and the second element of the expression JHU L YHUR\ correspond etymologically to Skt. VQSJ, Gr. %z', with elimination of the initial vowel. This equation requires that the development of intervocalic *S *EK into Z was anterior to the development *Z > J, and that the latter preceded the loss of final syllabes. As we have seen above, however, the material is better accounted for if we assume [95] that the development *Z > J affected both initial and intervocalic *Z and was posterior to the loss of final syllables. In that case it must have preceded the rise of Z from intervocalic *S *EK and the etymology of JHU must be abandoned. Indeed, Solta mentions only L YHU, L YHUR\, L YHUD\ in connection with Skt. VQSJ and Gr. %z' (1960: 274). At this point there arises a chronological difficulty. The rise of \ from intervocalic *W in KD\U Gr. % -=', must have been posterior to the loss of intervocalic *\ in HUHN, Skt. USZB , but it must have preceded the loss of final syllables because of the genitive KDZU Gr. % -'+. It is here that the need to separate the development *Z > J into two distinct chronological layers arises. It is probable that the rise of buccal features in this sound and the transformation of the resonant into a resonantal feature date from the earliest stages of the Armenian language, whereas the transformation of the sound into an occlusive and the loss of the labialization feature are relatively recent. This state of affairs is perfectly compatible with the hypothesis that Georgian YLQR was borrowed from Armenian. Thus, the above statements on relative chronology must be adjusted in the sense that the first phase of the development *Z > J was anterior and the second phase posterior to the changes in relation to which an ordering could be formulated.
4. The inverse chronology, which is suggested by DDXNMDQ   FDQQRW EH accepted.

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,

It follows from the above rules that the lenition of intervocalic and preconsonantal occlusives was anterior to the metathesis. This is confirmed by the word DUDZU, Gr. x'#-'#, not **DUDUG FI 'DXNMDQ   0RUHRYHU WKH word JD\O, Skt. W LB , shows that the rise of DO from syllabic *O must be dated between these two developments (cf. Winter 1962: 261). There is no reason to connect this word with Georgian PJHOL, which does not explain the vocalism. 6. *VZ > N The development *VZ > N is well established, e.g. NR\U NXQ NLUWQ Skt. TWT , TWQOB TWEB  Lith. VHVX}, VmSQDV, Latv. VYLHGUL Scholars disagree about the intermediate stages, however. Pedersen remarks that the development *Z > J did not take place in the position after an obstruent and regards the velar element in N as the continuation of the laryngeal feature evolving from the first component of the cluster *VZ, which passed durch die entwickelungsreihe KY NY N (1905a: 197 [= Kl.S., 59]). Grammont considers the velar element the continuation of the resonant, assuming that the language a interverti *KZ en *ZK assez tt pour que le *Z devenu initial de syllabe pt encore passer *J ce *J plac devant l' aspiration sourde K est devenu sourd lui-mme (1918: 251). Meillet accepts the development *Z > J after an obstruent and ascribes the unvoicing and aspiration to the latter: ainsi *VZ, devenu *KZ, donne, avec assourdissement du Z par K, arm. N (1936: 50). Zabrocki states that the cluster *VZ przeszD QDMSU]yG Z KJY 1DVW SQLH Z SRVWD KJ > KN > NK > N (1951: 156). I think that we can avoid both Meillet' s assumption that the change *Z > J took place after an obstruent and Pedersen' s hypothesis that the velar element continues the first component of the cluster *VZ and still need not have recourse to the metathesis proposed by Grammont if only the development is considered in terms of features. The need for a metathesis disappears if we assume that the cluster *VZ became monophonemic before the rise of the velar articulation. If this is correct, there was an intermediary stage between the developments *V > K and *Z > J, characterized by an opposition comparable to English ZKLFK, ZKLOH vs. ZLWFK, ZLOH. The subsequent evolution of this voiceless aspirated labialized sound was wholly analogous to the development *Z > J.5

[96]

5. Winters laryngealist explanation of the initial occlusive in NVDQ (1965: 106) is very attractive because the sound cannot be explained otherwise. It raises a problem in connection with JR\, Skt. YiVDWL however. There is no need to assume a laryngeal in JRJ, Gr. J3#  (cf. Beekes 1969: 90).

6
7. * Z >

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

The development * Z > is established in XQ, XQ,  Skt W WTJUJ WB , Lith. X}, YDxNWL, Lat. HTXXV (cf. Pedersen 1905a: 197f. [= Kl.S., 59]). Meillet regards VN as the normal reflex of * Z on the basis of VNXQG and VNHVXU (1936: 50f.). The former word is better compared with Russ. HQyN and the latter does not contain an original cluster * Z, as Gr. xKUR and OHG. VZHKXU show. The corresponding cluster * IX lost its labial element in MD\Q, Russ. ]YRQ. Three problems remain: the change in the place of articulation resulting in V the absence of the same change in its voiced counterpart, and the origin of the initial cluster in VNHVXU. Pedersens hypothesis of a prothetic V in the latter word cannot be accepted. The comparison with Skt. W VSB and Lith. XUDV makes it [97] [97] probable that in Armenian, too, the initial fricative was assimilated to the reflex of medial * .6 This assimilation must have preceded the development *V > K, but was probably posterior to the assibilation of the intervocalic palatal consonant. Since the initial cluster in VNHVXU differs from the reflex of * Z, I wonder if the assimilation can be dated in a period when the latter had already become monophonemic, i.e. at a time when *Z had already become a feature of the preceding occlusive in the words which show . In that case we have to assume *F Q, *HF RV next to * XF VS at the stage immediately preceding the development *V > K. After the latter change, which entailed the rise of *K from original *VZ (cf. the preceding section) and which makes the diacritic of * superfluous, *F was assibilated to *V and *M lost its labialization. At this time voiced fricatives did not yet exist. When the consonant shift turned the aspirated occlusives into fricatives, *K and *Z became *[ and * , respectively, and the reflex of *Z in *VZHVXUD became the archiphoneme of these two sounds. This relationship was maintained until after the shortening of the fricatives to occlusives and the loss of labialization. The latter development yielded from *V because of the retracted position of the tongue which the labialized fricative requires.7 If this suggestion is correct, the opposition between VNHVXU and V[DOLP leads us to decide on the choice left open in section 1 above in favour of the second alternative, viz. that the cluster *NK was preserved up to a period after the rise of N.

6. Solta incorrectly states that the assimilation characterizes Armenian and Indo-Iranian in contrast to the European languages (1960: 57f.). In fact, Avestan shows the reflex of initial *V, whereas Lithuanian took part in the change. It cannot be determined to what extent Slavic shared the development. 7. There is no evidence for Grammont' s view that *FZ est devenu -, par l1intermdiaire de *F\; la sonante *Z s' est assimile la prpalatale *F en ce qui concerne le point d' articulation, et par suite est devenue la sonante prpalatale \ (1918: 252).

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,

8. *WZ > N

The development *WZ > N is attested in NH], Skt. UW N. Here again, scholars disagree about the intermediate stages. The sequence *WZ > *WZ > *NZ > N is supported by Pedersen (1905a: 197f. [= Kl.S., 59]) and Grammont (1918: 251f.), whereas Zabrocki assumes a sequence *WZ >*WJZ > *WJ > *WN > *WN > N (1951: 157). The latter view is based on Meillets statement that the development *Z > J affects post-consonantal *Z as well and that certaines consonnes prcdentes perdent leur point d' articulation propre, mais toutes conservent leur caractre de sourde ou de sonore, d' aspire ou de non aspire qui est attribu la gutturale (1936: 50). Here again we can assume that *WZ became monophonemic at an early stage, and that the resulting *W coincided with *N before the loss of the labialization. It is probable that *W had already been eliminated at the time of the consonant shift. The expected development after *V is found in RVNU, Gr. )-z#.

[98]

9. *GZ > N The development *GZ > N is attested in NF L Skt. N E N EW . It is astonishing to see how Meillet' s supposition that initial *GZ yielded UN which is based on HUNX, Skt. EW and HUNQLP, Gr. z#+, is repeated over and over again more than half a century after Pedersen' s fully convincing demonstration that this identification cannot be upheld (1906: 398f. [= Kl.S., 176f.]). The initial part of HUNX must have been taken from HUHN because it is lacking in other words derived from the same root. The word HUNQLP is best compared with OHG. IXUKWHQ It is probable that the words HUN, HUNQ, HUNDU also belong to this root (cf. Pedersen 1906: 479 [= Kl.S., 257] on the suffix -DU).8 If the development of *GZ proceeded along the same lines as the changes discussed in the preceding sections, we can assume that the cluster became monophonemic at an early stage and that the resulting *G merged with *J before the loss of labialization, and probably before the fricativization which started the consonant shift.

10. *LZ > X Godel writes (1970: 146): In view of such regular paradigms as JLU letter, writing, G. JUR\; PDUPLQ body, G. PDUPQR\ etc., one would expect the
8. The chronological difficulty inherent in Meillets assumption that U continues the voicedness of the initial *G was indicated above. Being aware of the problem, Grammont suggests that U continues the following *Z and that the resulting cluster *NU a subi l' interversion habituelle en UN (1918: 252).

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

genitive forms of WLZ number, figure , DQLZ wheel to be *WZR\, *DQZR\ Instead, we find WXR\, DQXR\ Not that Z clusters were avoided; such clusters actually occur in the inflection of polysyllabic nouns ending in -L (< *L\R-): RUGL [99] son , G. RUGZR\ W]HQL olive-tree [sic], G. W]HQZR\ etc. Since the latter genitive forms have admittedly developed from *LZR\ (*RUGLR\ > *RUGLZR\ > RUGZR\), the contrast with DQXR\  *DQLZR\ is amazing. It is evident that the endings ZR\ and XR\ cannot both go back to *-LZR\ because in that case the phonemic split would remain unexplained. Indeed, it is only the latter ending for which the reconstruction can be made plausible. In the inherited formative *L\R the *\ was non-phonemic. As a result of the palatalization in P , Skt. NEIZB , the opposition between *L and *\ after an obstruent ceased to exist, so that after this change the *L in *RUGLR\ was phonemically neither a vowel nor a consonant (cf. Kortlandt 1972: 143f.). This situation remained unchanged when the assimilation to the following vowel yielded the form RUGZR\ The reconstruction **RUGLZR\ is incorrect because the *L and the Z never coexisted at the same time. On the other hand, the weakening of the prefinal syllable in *DQLZR\ resulted in the loss of the palatal element and subsequently in the merger of the vocalic feature of the *L with the resonantal feature of the *Z into a single phonemic unit, yielding the form DQXR\ This merger introduced the opposition between X and Z after a consonant. The developments *RUGLR\ > RUGZR\ and *DQLZR\ > DQXR\ are, in a sense, variants of the same phenomenon and need not be separated chronologically. GLOSSARY ARMENIAN B BNV darkness, DPLV month, DQLZ wheel, DUDZU plough, DUG shape, DUHJDNQ sun, DUHZ sun, JD\O wolf, JHU L YHUR\ above all, JLU writing, JRJ I say, JR\ being, HUHV face, HUHN three, HUN labour, HUNDU long, HUNQ pains, HUNQLP I fear, HUNX two, donkey, W]HQL fig-tree, WLZ number, LQQ nine, ORJDQDP I wash, [DFDQHP I bite, FXQU knee, NRJL butter, NRY cow, KD\U KDZU father (nom. gen.), MD\Q voice, PDUPLQ body, NF L soft, N middle, XQ dog, XQ breath, RVNU bone, RUGL son, RUW calf, XV shoulder, V[DOLP I fail, VNHVXU mother-in-law, VNXQG little dog, VXW false, VSL N dispersion, YHU above, WD\JU brother-in-law, WLZ day, FD[ branch, SD\O lustre, SDUDW scattered, SXO fall, NH] thou (acc.), NLUWQ sweat, NR\U sister, NXQ sleep, NVDQ twenty. SANSKRIT B chews, HBWZB two, Q UIVLB N EV N EW TB shoulder, B WB horse, XSDUL above, UV season, LI EBUJ bovine, USBZB three, UW N thou (acc.), EFW brother-in-law, EW young animal, Q UIV broad, QIBMHV reddish, NBEIZB middle, soft (masc. fem.), YDVDWL dwells, W LB wolf, LI branch,

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,

WB VSB father-in-law, WBTJUJ blows, W dog, VNKDODWL stumbles, VSKXUDWL quivers, TWBQOB sleep, TWBT sister, TWFEB sweat. GREEK x'#-'# plough, w'-E+ arrangement, w3S+ mist, / knee, z#+ fear, x/'' mother-in-law, yz nine, J3#  I pray, #E7 I wash, )-z# bone, % -=' % -'+ father (nom. gen.), %'-+ calf, %'z%7 I appear, %z' over, 5J #+ lie. LATIN HTXXV horse, PHQVLV month. OLD HIGH GERMAN IDOODQ to fall, IXUKWHQ to fear, VZHKXU father-in-law. LITHUANIAN NDQGX I bite, SXOWL to fall, SXROX I fall, VDSQDV dream, VHVXR sister, VSLUWL to kick, DND branch, XUDV father-in-law, XR dog, YDQNWL to wheeze. LATVIAN VSXOJRW to glitter, VYLHGUL sweat. OLD PRUSSIAN DJOR rain. RUSSIAN ]YRQ ringing, HQRN puppy. GEORGIAN PJHOL wolf, YLQR wine. [For an elaborate relative chronology of sound changes see Kortlandt 1980b [this vol., 26ff.]. For *GZ > N, not UN, see Kortlandt 1989 [this vol., 88ff.]. For the development of intervocalic *Z see Kortlandt 1993 [this vol., 102f.]. For the palatalization of velars see Kortlandt 1975a [this vol., 10ff.].] [100]

A note on the Armenian palatalization*

1. At the beginning of our century Pedersen wrote: Die gesetze fur die armenische palatalisation der velare sind brigens sehr dunkel (1906: 392 [= Kl.S., 170]). The problem has not received a final solution up to the present time. Though most scholars (e.g., Meillet, Grammont, Pisani, Solta) try to connect the presence or absence of palatalization with the laryngeal articulation of the velar occlusive, I think that Pedersen is right when he states that all velars were susceptible to palatalization to the same extent. On the other hand, the suggestion that Die palatalisation vor H wre also nur in der betonten silbe eingetreten (Pedersen 1906: 396 [= Kl.S., 174]) is not convincing. Since NLQ wife shows H-vocalism, it cannot be identical with Gr. /=. The connection s rule of NLQ and JHMN glands with Russ. HQi and HOH]i contradicts Pedersen' because the final accentuation of the Slavic words is due to Dybo' s law (cf. Kortlandt 1975b: 14 and passim). I think that in the large majority of cases the absence of palatalization results from the restoration of the velar consonant. Thus, the apparent irregularity is similar to the problem of IE *V after L X U N in Lithuanian FI HVSHFLDOO\ .DUDOL QDV  II (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) 2. The palatalization is regular in the following cases: HUP warm , HU, H QXP, HUPQ, Gr. KJ' +, Kz'#+, Alb. ]MDUP, Skt. ISB ). The original velar was not restored because H-vocalism is the only apophonic degree of this root which is attested in Armenian. LO sinew , L, Lith. JVOD, Russ. tOD. This root also lacks a model for restoration of the velar consonant. LQ stick , QHP, Q HP, Skt. KiQWL, Gr. KJ?7, Lith. JHQ, JHQL, next to JDQHP strike . RUN four , Gr. (Dor.) -z-#'J+, next to ND DVXQ forty with N- from *NWZ-. H wry , Gr. )z#+, OHG. VFsODK. LX branch, finger , Gr. z#+ (Pedersen 1906: 393 [= Kl.S., 171]). LP bridle , POHP, Russ. PX. L snake , Skt. IJ , Gr. |3+.

* Reprinted from =HLWVFKULIW IU YHUJOHLFKHQGH 6SUDFKIRUVFKXQJ (.=) 89/1 (1975): 43-45.

10

$ QRWH RQ WKH $UPHQLDQ SDODWDOL]DWLRQ

(9)

11

DN eyes , which is identical with Lith. DNu, except for the additional [44] plural marker -N. (10) R not , Gr. #(), though the anlaut presents a problem (cf. Hbschmann 1897: 481). (11) DHP grow , Lith. iXJX, Lat. DXJH , with the same aulaut problem. (12) JRHP cry , etc., if -- does not represent *-NM- in these words. (1) (2) 3. The velar occlusive has been restored in the following cases: JHMN glands , Russ. HOH]i, with dissimilation of the initial consonant FI 'DXNMDQ   ZLWK UHI DV LQ &]HFK KOt]D. NHUHP scratch , Gr. J?'7, OHG. VFsUDQ. The initial velar was taken from the synonym NRUHP, where it is phonetically regular. The same development must be assumed for NHUWHP, Lith. NHUW, unless the vocalism of this word is secondary, cf. Skt. L OUUJ. NHU food , NHUD\ ate , Skt. JLUiWL, Lith. JHUL. As Meillet points out, the noun belongs to the type Gr. #+, Q'#+, mais avec le vocalisme du verbe [...], les alternances vocaliques de l' indo-europen tant limines de l' armnien (1936: 73). The initial velar was preserved in the noun and extended to the verb. NLQ wife , Gr. /=, Russ. HQi, where the initial velar was taken from the plural NDQD\N or from the oblique cases of the singular, cf. OIr. EHQ, gen.sg. PQi. DUJHO hindrance , DUJHOXP keep off , Gr. w'z7, Lat. DUFH . If the Greek verb is derived from a noun x'#+ protection (Solta 1960: 289), the velar consonant in DUJHO must have been taken from the cognate noun in Armenian. Pedersen compares DUJHOXP with Lat. F QVXO next to F QVH (1906: 355 [= Kl.S., 133]). HOLN left , etc., where a thematic front vowel is found in Gr. |%J, Skt. DULFDW. The velar was restored on the basis of the other verb forms. [45]

(3)

(4) (5)

(6)

4. The velar consonant cannot have been restored in KLQJ five , KQJHWDVDQ fifteen , Gr. %z-J, Skt. SixFD. I think that the preceding nasal prevented the palatalization. If QNHU companion is an old word, it corroborates the rule. It is possible, however, that this word took its front vowel from NHU after the introduction of H-vocalism in the latter, cf. above. 5. The velar consonant in NHDP cannot be due to restoration either, cf. Skt. M YDWL, Russ. LY~. Elsewhere I have put forward the thesis that both the Balto-Slavic and the Italo-Celtic evidence point to an IE root *J +L- (Kortlandt 1975b: 80f.). Since the loss of the IE laryngeals in Armenian was posterior to the last phase of the consonant shift (cf. my remarks in Kortlandt 1976), and the

12

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

latter was posterior to the palatalization, it is reasonable to suppose that the velar occlusive in NHDP was not affected by the following front vowel because of the intervening laryngeal. This rule is supported by the preservation of the initial velar in [LQG joy . The same rule can be observed in Sanskrit, where it does not hold for K WBUJ because of the laryngeal metathesis in this language. There is no reason to assume a tenuis aspirata in HUW chip , which may be connected with Gr. )J 9  (cf. Pedersen 1905a: 205 [= Kl.S., 67]). [The reason why the original velars could easily be restored was the rise of new velars before front vowels from *WZ, *GZ, and later from the metathesis and from *VZ, *Z (see Kortlandt 1980b [this vol., 28f.]). I now think that the final velar of KLQJ five was taken from the ordinal (see Kortlandt 1994b [this vol., 90]). For NHDP live I now reconstruct *J ZL+  with metathesis from *J + LX (cf. Kortlandt 1992a: 237, fn.4).]

Albanian and Armenian*

0. It has long been recognized that there must have existed a particular relationship between the pre-Albanian and the pre-Armenian dialects of IndoEuropean (cf. Pedersen 1900b). A specification of this relationship requires the clarification of certain theoretical, factual, and chronological aspects. In the following I intend to make a contribution to this problem. 1. From a theoretical point of view, one can distinguish between three different types of linguistic development, which may, by way of convention, be labelled genetic , contactual , and structural , and connected with Schleicher' s 6WDPPEDXPWKHRULH Schmidt' s :HOOHQWKHRULH and Martinet' s eFRQRPLH GHV FKDQJHPHQWV SKRQpWLTXHV respectively. The first type of development presupposes a chronologically identical series of identical innovations. A perfect example is the origin of the Romance languages, for which no dialectal features can be established for the period from Indo-European up to Vulgar Latin. The second type of development is exemplified in a chronologically not identical series of identical innovations, or in a series of historically connected but not identical innovations. Thus, both Czech EUi]GD and Upper Sorabian EUy]GD show metathesis and lengthening in the Common Slavic CorC-group, but not with the same chronology. The lengthening preceded the rise of new timbre distinctions in Czech, whereas it was posterior in Sorabian. The lengthening affected the initial diphthong in Slovak ODNHW
, but not in Czech ORNHW or in Slovak URELW
, while all of these words underwent the metathesis. The third type of development links up a set of identical but historically unconnected [244] innovations, such as the rise of [x] in Spanish GLMH and Old Bulgarian U [ . All of the possibilities mentioned in the preceding paragraph represent some kind of generalization beyond the immediately observed facts. It should be clear that a single observed phenomenon cannot be classified without taking into account the framework in which it plays its part. Consequently, there remains quite a bit of freedom for the investigator to interpret the facts one way or another. On the one hand, one may even deny the reality of a period of common Indo-Iranian development and explain the facts in terms of IE dialectal innovations (Makaev 1971). On the other hand, one can attribute such diverse phenomena as the labialization of the labiovelar in Rumanian SDWUX and the
*

Reprinted from =HLWVFKULIW IU YHUJOHLFKHQGH 6SUDFKIRUVFKXQJ 94 (1980): 243-251.

13

14

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

comparable development in Welsh SLPS to one and the same wave (Solta 1965). A final solution to these problems requires at least some agreement about the criteria on the basis of which the choice between various possibilities is made, and this is only partly a question of terminology. In the formulation presented above a 6WDPPEDXP is characterized as a series of common innovations with a common chronology. This does not imply that the language is in all respects homogeneous during the period of common development. The metathesis of liquids does not mark the end of the Common Slavic period, even if it affected different areas to a varying degree. The essential point is that there is a series of common innovations with a common chronology which are posterior to the metathesis. Thus, the presence of dialectal differences does not break up the linguistic unity. In this conception, there can hardly be any doubt about the reality of an Indo-Iranian or Balto-Slavic period. The distinction between structural and other developments is only meaningful if the historical connectedness referred to in the above definitions is understood in the narrow sense of the word. Though the assimilation of the initial fricative in Skt. W VSB and Lith. XUDV is the same, it can hardly go back to a common development. If the apparent identitity originates from independent innovations in Indic and Baltic, these are historically unconnected in the sense advocated here, and the development is structural rather than genetic or contactual . Some of those phenomena which at first sight seem to be explicable in terms of a wave theory, turn out to involve real 6WDPPEDXP developments on [245] closer inspection. The well-known retraction of IE *V after L X U N left fewer traces in Baltic than in Indo-Iranian. Yet isolated instances like Lith. PuUWX show that the development fully affected the Baltic area and that the absence of retraction in the majority of the cases where it should be expected is due to posterior analogical levellings. A close examination of the chronological relations is imperative in such a case. The chronology of sound changes must be understood as the temporal order of their phonemicization. Words like Lith. NXOW Uj do not imply that de Saussure' s law was posterior to their being borrowed into the language. It is by no means correct to infer from Bulg. SOiGQH (= Russ. SyOGHQ
) that the metathesis of liquids was posterior to the loss of the MHUV in this language. The establishment of a chronology must be based on less marginal words. Subphonemic changes cannot, as a rule, be reconstructed. 2. One of the most characteristic facts about Albanian and Armenian from the Indo-European point of view is that both languages have led a number of authors to suppose that they have retained the distinction between the three series of velars which are generally reconstructed for the proto-language. As far as I can see, the idea that three phonemically distinct series of velars existed

$OEDQLDQ DQG $UPHQLDQ

15

simultaneously in Proto-Indo-European is a fallacy. There are two decisive arguments against such a reconstruction which anybody who sticks to Bezzenbergers three series should be ready to answer. On the one hand, the pure velars and the other series are largely in complementary distribution, as Steensland has recently shown in his important monograph on the subject (1973). One hardly finds a single environment where all series were opposed to each other. Even if one may not always agree with Steensland' s comparisons, the large majority of which were taken from Pokorny, one cannot but subscribe to his conclusion that the proto-language had two series of velar phonemes only. On the other hand, the cases of so-called Gutturalwechsel are far too numerous to be disposed of as incidental irregularities. In a recent article (1974), HNPDQ OLVWV  LQVWDQFHV RI YHODU LQWHUFKDQJH LQ %DOWLF DQG 6ODYLF QRW FRXQWLQJ the onomatopoeic cases. Though it does not seem possible to relate all instances to a single origin, I think that most examples can be accounted for if we assume that the palatovelars lost their palatal character before a resonant in Balto-Slavic. Thus, we find Lith. u uVSBT, Skt. W VSB , next to Slavic VYHNU\, Skt. WB S . The regular development of the palatovelar is attested in Lith. DNPX} stone , Latv. DNPHQV, whereas the palatal feature was restored in Lith. DPX} edge (of a knife) , Latv. DVPHQV, on the basis of DWUV sharp . The coexistence of Russ. JXV
and Lith. VuV would seem to indicate an earlier alternation in the root of this old consonant stem. Cf. also Russ. sOW\M, HUG
next to ]yORWR, ]RUyG, and Prussian EDOJQDQ Sattel next to EDOVLQLV Kissen . The development of a svarabhakti vowel before the syllabic resonant is a relatively late Balto-Slavic innovation because it is posterior to Hirt' s law (cf. Kortlandt 1975b: 52). In preSlavic the palatal feature was lost before *ZR but not before *ZH, cf. Polish NZLDW, JZLD]GD next to ZL W\, ]ZLHU] The palatal feature was restored in ZLDW, G]ZRQ on the basis of ZLW, G ZL N The connection of Latv. NX D with Lith. X} HWF LV LQFRUUHFW FI % JD   The thesis that the three IE velar series remained distinct in Albanian was first put forward by Holger Pedersen (1900a: 305ff.). According to this author, the labiovelars were palatalized by a following front vowel, whereas the pure velars remained intact. Pedersen' s most convincing examples of this palatalization are the following: (1) SHVs fnf , Skt. SixFD, Gr. %z-J. (2) VL wie < *N HL etc. (3) V\ Auge , Lith. DNuV, Arm. pl. DN. (4) ]MDUP Hitze , Skt. HIBSN , Arm. HUP, Gr. KJ' +. (5) V nicht , Arm. R. (6) VMHOO bringe , Gr. y--z7, Lat. FRO .

[246]

16

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

To these can be added ]RUUs Darm < *H SO (Jokl 1937: 141). The main examples of pure velars which were not palatalized by a following front vowel are the following:

(1) JMsQM finde , Gr. 3  97, Lat. SUHKHQG  (2) GHUJMHP bin krank , Lith. VHUJ, OHG. VRUJD (3) HUJML] kleine Laus , Lith. pUN . (4) KHOT ziehe , Gr. {7. (5) NRKs Zeit , Slavic DV  (6) THOO bringe , Gr. z# . (7) THWK schere , Lith. NHUW Gr. J?'7. This material is not convincing. As Hermann pointed out in his discussion of the problem (1907: 47f.), the velars may have been restored analogically in these words. This is certainly the case with THOO which cannot be separated from VMHOO [247] (cf. Jokl 1963: 126). The word HUJML], the closest cognate of which is Arm. RU LO, offers various problems in several IE languages. Though the overall view is particularly reminiscent of Armenian, there is a considerable difference in the details. Elsewhere I have pointed out that in Armenian, where we find the same palatalization before a front vowel, the original velar was restored wherever there was a model for its restoration (1975a). It is remarkable that Alb. THWK agrees with Arm. NHUWHP (next to NHUHP and NRUHP), just as Alb. ]MDUP agrees with Arm. HUP, HU There is no agreement between Alb. SHVs and Arm. KLQJ, and between Alb. HUJML] and Arm. RU LO In the abovementioned publication I suggested that the preceding nasal prevented the palatalization in Arm. KLQJ five , where the velar cannot have been restored because there was no model for such an analogical development. Similarly, one could ascribe the absence of palatalization in Alb. GHUJMHP, HUJML], KHOT to the preceding resonant. The restoration of the velar in THOO and THWK must have taken place on the analogy of other apophonic degrees of the root. The word JMsQM does not really fit into the above list because there is no evidence against a palatovelar in this root outside Albanian. It has been suggested that palatovelars lost their palatal feature before a resonant (cf. Hamp 1960). This may have been a common development of Albanian and BaltoSlavic. In the present case the velar may have been taken from those forms which had zero grade in the root, cf. Gr. |3 #. Finally, I have to discuss the word NRKs In his etymological dictionary, Gustav Meyer wrote: Ist vielleicht mit asl. DV Zeit, Stunde verwandt

$OEDQLDQ DQG $UPHQLDQ

17

(1891: 194), and in his /DXWOHKUH he characterized this comparison as Zweifelhaft (1892: 86). Pedersen had less doubts on this point ( lt sich kaum bezweifeln ), but adds: Allerdings ist dies das einzige Beispiel fr inlautendes K aus idg. V; sonst herrscht (1900a: 279). There is counterevidence against intervocalic *V > K in R-stems like YHVK Ohr and in the abl. pl. ending VK Jokl regarded the comparison as eine evidente Wortgleichung and rejected the connection of the Slavic word with Gr. -'z7 because the latter shows a labiovelar (1937: 159n.). In fact, the reconstructed pre-Albanian form *N V is not attested in Balto-Slavic, and the comparison must possibly be abandoned. Jokl' s connection of the Albanian word with Gr. ?7 etc. may indeed be correct and leads us to another analogy with the Armenian development. Elsewhere I have suggested that the absence of palatalization in Arm. NHDP I live must be attributed to the presense of an intervening laryngeal (1975a). The same factor may have been responsible for the absence of palatalization in Alb. TLV, TRM wecke , Gr. Dz7, Lat. FLH . 3. The non-identity of the palatalization in Albanian and Armenian seems to be corroborated by the internal chronological evidence of the latter language. As I have pointed out elsewhere (1976), the oldest stage of prehistoric Armenian is characterized by the rise of new labialized consonants. I think that in this language the palatalization must be dated between the loss of the labialized affricates resulting from IE * Z, * KZ, which was posterior to the rise of K from IE *V, and the loss of the labialized dentals resulting from IE *WZ, *GZ It was probably posterior to the former development because the palatalized labiovelars did not merge with the labialized palatovelars. It was certainly anterior to the latter development because the velar was not palatalized in NH], Skt. UW N Since there is agreement between the internal and the comparative evidence, we must reject the possibility of genetic identity between the Albanian and the Armenian palatalization. On the other hand, the facts are too much alike in the two languages not to suggest some kind of historical connectedness. Two other developments which date from the earliest stages of the Armenian language are the rise of K from IE *V and the assimilation in VNHVXU, Gr. x/' . Neither of them was shared by Albanian. Pedersen attributes the Albanian rise of K from IE *V to historical times (1900a: 340), which does not seem to be in accordance with his analysis of the word VKRK sehe (1900a: 283). The retraction of IE * can hardly be that recent. Anyhow, the development of K from IE *V in Albanian is limited to the position before an unstressed back vowel and has been proved for word-initial *V only. Since it was posterior to the split of IE *V into a voiced and a voiceless reflex, once again we find agreement between the internal and the comparative evidence to the non-identity of the development in Albanian and Armenian. The alleged assimilation in Alb. YMHKsUUs Schwiegermutter has

[248]

18

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

nothing to do with the one in Arm. VNHVXU The influence would be progressive in the former language, while it is regressive in the latter. Moreover, the Albanian assimilation is improbable because of two reasons. First, the development of intervocalic *V into K is supported by the questionable etymology of NRKs only, whereas it is contradicted by R-stems like YHVK and the abl. pl. ending VK. Second, there is a regressive dissimilation in WKL Schwein , Lat. V V, and in WKDQM trockne , Lith. VD VDV In the case of YMHKsUUs it seems correct to stick to Meyer' s phonetic explanation (1891: 475), which was also accepted by Pedersen (1900a: 339). There are two developments which may indeed have been common to Albanian and Armenian, and which are anterior to the ones discussed so far according to the Armenian internal evidence (cf. Kortlandt 1976: 96 [this vol., 5]). Pedersen established for Albanian that IE *VZ yields G before a stressed vowel and adduced the following examples (1900a: 286ff.): (1) GLHOO Sonne ; Skt. VYjU (2) GHUJMHP bin krank , Lith. VHUJ (3) GLUVs Schwei , Gr. 'I+, Arm. NLUWQ This remarkable development, the result of which differs considerably from the normal reflex JM from IE *V before a stressed vowel, e.g. in JMXPs Schlaf, Gr. %#+, suggests that *VZ became monophonemic at a relatively early stage. The difference between the loss of buccal features in the reflex of *VZ before an originally unstressed vowel, e.g. in YMHKsUUs, Gr. x/' , and the loss of the labial element in the words listed above is structurally analogous to the difference in Armenian between the retracted articulation in XQ dog , Gr. E7, and the early loss of labialization in MD\Q voice , Russ. ]YRQ The suggestion that IE *VZ became monophonemic in Albanian at an early stage is supported by the development of * Z and * KZ in this language. Here again we have to assume early monophonemicization. The only reliable examples are VRUUs Krahe < * Z UQ (Jokl 1937:146), Bulg. VYUiND, Lith. iUND, and Tosk ]s, Geg ]k Stimme , Russ. ]YRQ, Arm. MD\Q The hypothesis that IE * before *X yielded the same reflex cannot be maintained (cf. lberg 1968: 113f.). Thus, the agreement with Armenian is perfect. It encompasses not only the conditions, but also the chronology of the labialization. As Jokl pointed out (1937: 161), the Rumanian borrowing FLRDU < Alb. VRUUs proves that the affricate was preserved up to historical times. It follows that the rise of new labialized consonants was anterior to the assibilation of IE * in clusters. The same chronology must be assumed for Armenian. In contrast with the latter language, the palatalized labiovelars merged with the labialized palatovelars in Albanian.

$OEDQLDQ DQG $UPHQLDQ

19
[250]

Apart from the labialization, we thus find that the chronology of the assibilation of IE palatovelars coincides in the two languages. In my discussion of Arm. VNHVXU (1976: 97 [this vol., 6]) I demonstrated that the assimiliation in this word requires a stage where IE * had been assibilated while the reflex of IE * Z was an affricate. The Rumanian word FLRDU shows that this stage may have been Albano-Armenian. The preservation of the occlusive element in the palatovelars before *Z may have been common to a larger area, cf. Ukrainian G]YLQ, G]YLU next to ]YLU These cases can hardly be attributed to affective affricatization (Shevelov 1964: 145) in view of the correspondence with Polish G]ZRQ and Macedonian G]YRQHF G]YHU. Postscript [1980] When I wrote this article in 1975, E. abej' s important contribution (1972) had escaped my attention. I quote from his article (145): Zusammenfassend sieht man, da der jetzige Palatal bei Substantiven wie HUJMs] und bei Verben wie GHUJMHP, JMHM, THOO, THWK noch kein Beweis fr das Bestehen von idg. Reinvelaren vor hellen Vokalen und eine besondere Behandlung derselben im Albanischen ist. lberg' s assertions Zusammenfassend lt sich also sagen, da wir nicht umhin kommen, drei Gutturalreihen im Albanischen vorauszusetzen (1976: 567f.) and Vor allem aber unterschtzt er [= Steensland] die Beweismglichkeiten fr die drei Phonemreihen seitens der kleineren Sprachen wie Albanisch (ibidem: 569) cannot be maintained: they are based on two instances of non-palatalization before *H (THWK and JMDOP), which allow other explanations. In my view, these two words contain an original palatovelar which was regularly depalatalized before a following resonant (cf. Kortlandt 1978b: 242). The depalatalized variant was subsequently introduced analogically into the apophonic alternants of the root. It is not correct to project every formal distinction which is found in the daughter languages back into the proto-language, especially when there is an obvious explanation in terms of analogic change. Thus, the so-called pure velars arose partly from the delabialization of the labiovelars before rounded vowels in the western IE languages, and partly from the depalatalization of the palatovelars before resonants in the eastern IE languages. [See further Kortlandt 1986a [this vol., 68ff.].]

Notes on Armenian historical phonology II: The second consonant shift*

In the first part of these Notes (1976) [this vol., 1ff.] I pointed out that several problems of Proto-Armenian phonology can be solved if two methodological points are taken into account. First, historical developments must be viewed in their chronological perspective. The establishment of a genetic relationship without taking the intermediate links into consideration may lead to hidden contradictions. Second, developments must primarily be viewed in terms of features. The formulation of correspondences in terms of segments has more than once given rise to problems which derive from the method, not from the material. Here I intend to show the consequences of these premises when they are applied to the reconstruction of the Common Armenian system of obstruents. 1. Shortly after the turn of the century Pedersen challenged the obtaining views on the Armenian consonant system with the hypothesis that the voiced stops of the classical language were aspirated (1906: 336-342 [= Kl.S., 114-120]). This view was accepted by Vogt (1938: 327f.), who discussed the matter in detail in a separate study (1958), and later by Allen (1951: 134f.) and Benveniste (1959). Garibjan went a step further and surmised that the voiced stops in the Western dialects which correspond to voiceless stops in the classical language constitute an archaism (1959). After Agajan' s demonstration that this view cannot be upheld (1960) it might seem superfluous to return to the problem. Yet I think that it is worth while to do so because of the methodological points which are involved. Indeed, the very sources from which Vogt and Benveniste drew their inspiration (Adjarian 1909 and Allen 1950) allow of entirely different conclusions, which are apparently supported by the newly discovered Southern dialects (cf. Garibjan 1958). I shall not present a survey of opinions, which can be found in two recent monographs (Pisowicz [10] 1976a: 20-27 and Job 1977: 94-99; for a concise survey of the relevant material I refer to Pisowicz 1976b). The following analysis will be based on three principles:
*

Reprinted from 6WXGLD &DXFDVLFD 4 (1978): 9-16.

20

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,,

21

(1) A reconstruction of the Common Armenian consonant system on the basis of the modern dialects must logically anticipate a comparison with material from other Indo-European languages. (2) If the consonant systems of two related dialects differ in more than a single feature, the historical connection between them involves at least two distinct developments. (3) If a single uninterrupted central area differs from the peripheral areas with respect to a specific feature, it is probable that the central dialect has innovated. 2. In order to simplify the discussion I number the modern dialects in such a way that the first digit reflects the correspondence with classical W and the second digit the correspondence with classical G, both in word-initial position, and that a minimum difference between numbers reflects a minimum difference between dialects in terms of features. In the following list I give, next to the number of each dialect, the reflex of classical W, G, W, the corresponding number in the classifications of Vogt (1958) and Garibjan (1959), and a typical representative. class 11 12 13 21 22 23 20 W W W W G G G G = G W G G W G G W W W W W W W W W V 4 3 1 5a 2 5b G 7 6 2 4 3 1 5 ex. Van Agulis Erevan Sasun Trabzon Sivas Malatia

3. The dialects 11, 22, 20 have apparently come into existence as a result of the neutralization of a phonological opposition. According to Vogt (1958:148), il s' agit videmment d' une simplification secondaire des systmes centraux , i.e. 13 and 23. Should 11 indeed be derived from 13? Since these dialects differ in two features, we have to assume an intermediate stage. If the voicedness was lost earlier than the aspiration, the reflexes of classical G and W must have merged, which is not the case in 11. If the aspiration was lost earlier than the voicedness, the intermediate stage was identical to the system of dialect 12. But there is no reason why 12 should be derived from 13, both 11 and 13 may actually have to be derived from 12. Geographically, the area which 11 and 12 occupy together forms a semi-circle around the central dialects: ArH Van Xoy (11) Agulis Meghri (12) Karabagh Kanaker (11) Lori Tiflis Artvin (12). This situation suggests that 13 must be derived from 12.

[11]

22

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

4. The dialects 22 and 20 may indeed be derived from 23, but either of them can also be derived from 21, a dialect which Vogt does not take into account because it is not covered in Adjarians monograph. Moreover, 22 may be derived from 12 in the same way as 23 can be derived from 13. A choice can only be made by taking into account the geographical distribution of the dialects. Since the position of Trabzon (22) with respect to the Artvin-Tiflis area (12) is the same as that of Little Armenia (23) with respect to Central Armenia (13), it is reasonable to assume that the historical relationship between the Trabzon dialect and its Eastern neighbour is the same as that between 23 and 13. The suggestion that 13 must be derived from 12 and the impossibility of deriving 12 from 22 then involve the consequence that the dialects of Trabzon and Little Armenia must be derived from 12 and 13, respectively. If this is [12] correct, the semi-circle discussed above can be extended to Trabzon. Other parts of 22 may have different historical connections. Thus, the isolated dialect of Mara (22) must probably be derived from the contiguous Hadjin-Zeytun (21). The Malatia-Urfa area (20) is situated within the semi-circle Sasun-DersimHadjin-Beylan-Svedia (21) and must therefore be derived from the latter. The situation round Hamen is complicated: here we find four different systems in Djanik (21), Ordu (20), Mala (23), and Trabzon (22). A transitional dialect between 21 and 20 has been described by Dumzil (1964). 5. Which distinctive features can be reconstructed for the oldest stage of the apparently archaic dialect 12? I think that the answer is provided by

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,,

23

Allens painstaking phonetic analysis of an Eastern Armenian dialect (1950). The unaspirated voiceless plosives are glottalic ( ejective ) in this dialect, whereas the voiced stops of the classical language are voiceless in initial position. Thus, it is a transitional dialect between 12 and 11, having lost the voicedness of G while retaining the opposition between G and W. Actually, the opposition between voiced and voiceless initial stops was restored by the introduction of the loan words EHJ and ER\ (Allen 1950: 202). The term potential voiced aspirates which Allen applies to the reflexes of classical G etc. has given rise to misunderstanding on the part of Benveniste, who inferred the existence of voiced aspirates from the description (1959: 50). In fact, voicing and aspiration are mutually exclusive, the potential voiced aspirates being voiced and. unaspirated if preceded by a nasal, and lightly aspirated and voiceless in final position after U. These are precisely the positions where almost all Armenian dialects show unaspirated voiced and aspirated voiceless plosives, respectively (cf. Pisowicz 1976a: 61f.). In initial position, the potential voiced aspirates are voiceless. They are distinguished from the ejectives by having pulmonic as opposed to glottalic plosion, and from the aspirates by the absence of voiceless breath on release. The most notable feature differentiating them from the ejectives, however, is to be found in a following vowel, which is articulated with markedly stronger breath-force and on a lower pitch than is general in other but comparable contexts. (Allen 1950: 200) The transference of the distinctive feature to the following vowel is carried through completely in a part of the dialects 11 (cf. Pisowicz 1976b: 215f.). In the original system, the glottalic articulation of the ejectives was apparently distinctive. Indeed, 19th century loan words from Russian showed aspirated plosives in Armenian, e.g. SH, PDQHW from SH
, PRQHWD (cf. Pisowicz 1976a: 18). Thus, I do not share the usual view that the glottalic articulation of the unaspirated voiceless stops in the Tiflis-Artvin area is due to a Caucasian substratum. It is more probable that the latter simply favoured the preservation of a feature which was already present. 6. The newly discovered dialects 21 seem to corroborate the antiquity of the glottalic articulation. According to Garibjan (1959: 85f.) and Pisowicz (1976a: 78), these dialects must be derived from the Western system 23. Since 21 and 23 differ in two features, we have to assume an intermediate stage. If the voicedness was lost earlier than the aspiration, the intermediate stage was identical to 20. If the aspiration was lost earlier than the voicedness, the intermediate stage was identical to 22. In either case two series would have merged, which is not the case in 21. I conclude that 21 must be derived from an Eastern dialect. Since the geographical position of the Southern dialects (21) with respect to the Van area (11) is the same as that of Little Armenia (23) with respect to Central Armenia (13), it is reasonable to assume that the historical

[13]

24

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

relationship between 21 and 11 is the same as that between 23 and 13. We come to the conclusion that the Southern dialects developed from the system of their Eastern neighbour at a time when the latter had not yet lost the distinction between the original (glottalic) unaspirated voiceless stops and the ones that originated from the devoicing of the classical voiced stops. Indeed, the dialect of atax (between Van and Sasun) distinguishes between two series of unaspirated voiceless stops (cf. Pisowicz 1976a: 66) and is in this respect transitional between 11 and 21. We can now connect the two semi-circles discussed above: together they constitute an uninterrupted line of dialects which are archaic with respect to the encircled areas. 7. We have established the following relative chronology: I Rise of aspiration in voiced stops (12  13). II Devoicing of unaspirated voiced stops (12  11). III Voicing of glottalic stops (11  21, 12  22, 13  23). IV Loss of unaspirated voiceless stops (21  22, 21  20). The absolute chronology can only be established on the basis of loan words. Since loans from Arabic are subject to shifting while loans from Turkic are not (Agajan 1960: 44), we have to date III between the 7th and the 10th century. It is possible that GHYHORSPHQW , ZDV LQ SURJUHVV GXULQJ WKH FODVVLFDO SHULRG DV 'DXNMDQ VXJJHVWV (1976: 76). [14] 8. Now we return to the Hamen area. Though definite conclusions can only be reached when further material will have become available, the geographical situation and the existence of transitional dialects suggest an explanation in terms of the established developments. The Trabzon dialect (22) arose from 12 as a result of III. The Mala dialect (23) cannot be separated from the neighbouring dialects of Little Armenia: it originated as a result of I and III. For the dialects of Ordu (20) and Djanik (21) we have to assume a local development, viz. the devoicing of voiced stops (II). The latter dialect was apparently not affected by I. Since the reflexes of classical W and G did not merge in Djanik as a result of the devoicing, we have to assume that here too the glottalic articulation of the original unaspirated voiceless stops was preserved until the Western Armenian voicing took place at stage III. 9. Thus far I have limited the discussion to word-initial plosives because it is the position of maximal contrast in the Armenian dialects. The same type of analysis can be applied to other positions. The generalization of voiced stops after nasals and voiceless aspirates after prefinal U are probably early developments because they have affected the large majority of dialects. Intervocalically, the following types are found:

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,,

class 10a 11a 12a 20a 21a 23a W W W W G G G = G W W G W W G = = W W W W W W W ex. Karabagh, Lori Van Agulis Malatia, Trabzon, Erevan, Tiflis Sasun Sivas

25

The areas 12a and 23a are small islands within 10a and 20a, respectively, while 11a and 21a are considerably smaller than 11 and 21. A large part of the Eastern dialects have the Western (voiced) reflex of intervocalic W etc. The Northern dialects have all been subject to the aspiration of intervocalic G etc. except for Djanik, where aspiration was lost. Following the principles which have been put forward above, one arrives at the same reconstruction and the same relative chronology as have been established for initial plosives, plus one extra development: V Devoicing of voiced aspirates (13a  10a, 23a  20a). 10. The reconstructed Common Armenian obstruent system now appears as follows: aspirated plain glottalic voiced G voiceless W W Elsewhere (1977) I have put forward the following reconstruction of the ProtoIndo-European obstruent system: lenis fortis aspirated GK plain W glottalic G

[15]

The glottalic articulation of PIE *G etc. is established primarily on the basis of the Balto-Slavic evidence. It has been preserved until today in Latvian S GV footstep , QRJV naked . The first Armenian consonant shift is now seen to consist in the loss of the aspiration of PIE *GK, the reinterpretation of lenis PIE *G as voiceless, and the weakening of the occlusion of PIE *W. The actual development was rather more complicated, as I intend to show on another occasion. [See also Kortlandt 1998c [this vol., 126ff.].]

On the relative chronology of Armenian sound changes*

The author presents a possible chronological ordering of the main developments in the Proto-Armenian phonological system. It is an attempt at integrating the findings of earlier investigators into a coherent whole.

[98]

The comparative linguist who turns to Armenian is confronted with three characteristic problems. Firstly, the number of etymological correspondences between Armenian and its Indo-European sister-languages is limited. There is no reason to expect that the number of reliable etymologies will grow substantially in the future. Secondly, the phonetic changes which affected the Armenian language in the course of its prehistory are considerable. The correspondences between the attested forms and their Indo-European forbears are therefore less straightforward than in the case of most other branches. Thirdly, the time gap which separates the earliest Armenian texts from the reconstructed proto-language is much longer than the prehistory of Anatolian, Indo-Iranian, or the classical languages. In consequence, the course of development which led to the oldest observable linguistic system cannot be determined with the same degree of precision. One way to tackle these difficulties is the tentative reconstruction of prehistoric stages on the basis of relative chronology. This approach has never, as far as I am aware, been pursued in a systematic way, although many interesting statements on relative chronology can be found in the earlier literature, especially in the writings of Grammont (1918), Zabrocki (1951), and Djahukian (1967). Here I want to present a possible chronological ordering of the main developments in the Proto-Armenian phonological system from PIE times up to 400 A.D. The reconstruction attempted here is subject to three requirements, which correspond with the three types of difficulty which have just been mentioned. First, the proposed relative chronology should be compatible with as many etymologies as possible without leading to inconsistencies. Second, the transition of the linguistic system from any stage to
*

Reprinted from 3URFHHGLQJV RI WKH VW LQWHUQDWLRQDO FRQIHUHQFH RQ $UPHQLDQ OLQJXLVWLFV (Delmar, N.Y.: Caravan Books, 1980): 97-106.

26

2Q WKH UHODWLYH FKURQRORJ\ RI $UPHQLDQ VRXQG FKDQJHV

27

the next one should be due to a natural type of development. Third, the proposal should yield a reasonable periodization of the linguistic prehistory. It must be emphasized that the relative chronology which is presented here is a tentative analysis and does not pretend to solve the riddles of Armenian historical phonology. It must rather be viewed as an attempt at integrating some of the findings of earlier investigators into a coherent whole which will have to be modified and refined in the light of new findings and alternative theories. PA 0 = Proto-Indo-European. Elsewhere I have argued that the unaspirated voiced stops of the proto-language were glottalic and that the glottalization was preserved in Armenian up to historical times (Kortlandt 1978a [this vol., 20ff.], 1979c). The opposition between the velar orders was neutralized after *X. The development of the laryngeals will not be discussed in this paper. PA 1. Loss of aspirated stops. I assume that the loss of aspiration was a dialectal Indo-European development which Armenian shared with Germanic and Balto-Slavic, and probably with Albanian, Iranian, and Tocharian. For this stage I assume the existence of injective (PIE glottalic), plain voiced (PIE aspirated), and voiceless stops. PA 2. Rise of new labialized stops. Elsewhere I have argued that the development of *VZ, * Z, *WZ, *GZ into N, , N, N is best understood if we assume that these clusters became single phonemes at an early stage (Kortlandt 1976 [this vol., 5-7]). Thus, I reconstruct *F Q dog , *HF RV horse , which were to develop into XQ, . To the same stage I date the following developments: a) *-XJ-, *-HXN- became *-X -, *-HZ -, e.g. OXF yoke , OR\V light , Skt. \XJiP, URNi . b) *DXJ-, *RXN- became *DJ -, *RN - in DHP grow , R not , cf. Lat. DXJH , Gr. #?. c) *DQJ -, *RQJ - became *DZ - in DZM snake , DZFDQHP anoint , Lat. DQJXLV, XQJX . The absence of this development in DQNLZQ angle and DQNDQLP fall betrays a different ablautstufe. PA 3. Assibilation of * to * and rise of * from *VN, e.g. WDVQ ten , FHOXP split , Lith. GHLPW, VNHOWL. This development was posterior to the rise of new labialized stops because * Z did not become * Z, as is clear from the result of the next development. PA 4. Assimilation in *VZH XUD mother-in-law , which became * ZH XU at this stage and then developed into VNHVXU. It is reasonable to assume that the assimilation was posterior to the assibilation of medial * to * . PA 5. *V became *K unless it was preceded by a consonant or followed by an obstruent. This development was obviously posterior to the assimilation which yielded * ZH XU . Intervocalic *K was subsequently lost, while word-final

[99]

*K was to develop into N, e.g. in the nom.pl. ending. PA 6. Development of * (from PIE * ) and * (from PIE *VN) into V and *F, respectively. This change was posterior to the development of earlier *V into *K because the two sibilants did not merge. PA 7. Redistribution of labialization: a) *M became M, e.g. MD\Q voice , which is best compared with Slavic ]Y N . b) *F became *V , e.g. *V XQ dog , *HV RK horse . [100] c) *KZ became *K , i.e. the voiceless counterpart of *Z, e.g. *K HKXU sister , *K RSQRK sleep , later NR\U, NXQ, Skt. TWT TWQOB . The opposition between *K and *Z can be compared with that of English ZKLFK, ZKLOH vs. ZLWFK, ZLOH. PA 8. Palatalization. Elsewhere I have argued that all velars were palatalized by a following front vowel (Kortlandt 1975a [this vol., 10ff.], cf. Pedersen 1906: 392-396 [= Kl.S., 170-174]). The absence of palatalization in the historical material results in most cases from the restoration of the velar consonant on the basis of apophonic alternations. Thus, the initial velar of NHUHP scratch was taken from the forms which underlie the synonym NRUHP, while there was no model for its restoration in RUN four or HUP warm , Gr. -z-#'J+, KJ' +. The palatalization was posterior to the elimination of the labialized palatals because the latter did not merge with the palatalized labiovelars (which had not yet lost their labialization at this stage). PA 9. *W and *G became *N and *J , e.g. NH] thou (acc.) , PHN soft , Skt. UW N N EW .1 It follows from these examples that the shift of articulation was posterior to the palatalization. PA 10. Lenition: *S, *W, *N, *N became *Q, *K, *3, *3 . This development was posterior to the voicing of these stops after resonants, e.g. PDUG man , KLQJ five , Gr. '#-+, %z-J, because there is no trace of spirantization in the latter environment. If my conjecture that the absence of palatalization in KLQJ can be attributed to the preceding nasal (Kortlandt 1975: 45) is correct, the voicing of the final stop may have been anterior to the palatalization (PA 8). It was posterior to the assibilation of PIE * (PA 3) because the latter did not share the voicing rule, e.g. KDUVQ bride , cf. Lat. SURFXV. The devoicing of the glottalic stops was probably anterior to the voicing after resonants because the latter did not block the devoicing, e.g. VLUW heart , JRUF work , Gr.  ' ? , |'#. The loss of the palatal articulation in DUW field , Gr. w'+, must probably be dated between the assibilation of * and the devoicing of the glottalic stops because the change of implosive *M to *G before [101] *U is more natural than other possible developments, especially because the palatal articulation was preserved in PHUM near , Gr. z3'.

28

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

1. On the erroneous supposition that initial *GZ yielded UN see Pedersen 1906: 398f. [= Kl.S., 176].

2Q WKH UHODWLYH FKURQRORJ\ RI $UPHQLDQ VRXQG FKDQJHV

29

Unlike Godel (1975: 101), I agree with Meillet (1936: 56 and 79-80) and Pedersen (1905a: 215-218 [= Kl.S., 77-80]) that word-final postvocalic nasals were lost in Proto-Armenian, except in monosyllables. Most probably, we have to assume the early rise of nasal vowels, which were subsequently denasalized. The syllabic nasals still remained in existence at this stage. The preservation of word-final nasals in monosyllables suggests that the rise of nasal vowels was posterior to the fixation of the stress on the penult syllable. Postvocalic nasals were also lost before fricatives, e.g. XV shoulder , KDVDQHP reach , Skt. TB B ONJ. It follows from these words that the loss of the nasal consonant was posterior both to the assibilation of PIE * to * (PA 3) and to the development of PIE *V to *K (PA 5). It was also posterior to the raising of *R to X before a nasal consonant, as is clear from XV. On the other hand, it was probably anterior to the lenition, which gave rise to new fricatives. The loss of *K (from PIE *V) in various positions and its assimilation to a following *U can perhaps be dated to the same stage as the lenition. The loss of *K was certainly posterior to the raising of *H to L before a nasal consonant because the latter development did not affect HP am , ]JHQXP dress , Gr. J ?, {/ . The loss of intervocalic *K was probably posterior to the development of * into X, but anterior to the development of *HX into R\, cf. NR\U sister , Skt. TWT . The loss of intervocalic *\ must be dated to an earlier stage: it was posterior to the development of * into L, but anterior to the loss of phonemic quantity because the long vowel was not preserved in HUHN three , Skt. WUi\D . PA 11. Rise of new velar fricatives: a) *Z became * , which was to develop later into J in most positions. b) *K (from *VZ) became *3 , e.g. in the forms which were to develop into NR\U, NXQ. c) Final *K (from *V) became *3, e.g. in the nom. pl. ending. It is probable that these changes were posterior to the rise of fricatives as a result of the lenition. It is also probable that they were posterior to the loss of intervocalic *K because the latter did not develop into *3. PA 12. Simplification of consonantal articulation: a) Initial *Q became *K, e.g. KDUFDQHP ask , Skt. Q DDI NJ. This *K did not merge with *K from PIE *V, which had apparently been lost in several positions already, cf. DUEL drank , Lat. VRUEH . b) *Q, *K, *3 became *I before consonants, e.g. gen.sg. *KDIUR[ father , later KDZU, Gr. % -'+. Initial *Q, *K, *3 were lost before a consonant, e.g. HUHZLP appear , Gr. %'z%7. c) Loss of labialization before *R, *X, and nonsyllabic *U. This development was posterior to the rise of velar articulation in the reflex of PIE *Z (PA 11) because it affected the fricative which developed from the latter, e.g. QRU new , VRU cave , gen.sg. DEHU spring , DOHU flour , as opposed to

[102]

nom.sg. DELZU, DOLZU. In these examples, delabialized * was lost at the next stage. Delabialized *V became , e.g. XQ dog , donkey . PA 13. Loss of intervocalic and preconsonantal fricatives: a) Intervocalic *K and *3 became *\, e.g. KD\U father , RUN four , Gr. % -=', -z-#'J+, but were lost before a syllabic *U, e.g. inst.sg. IBSC father , earlier *IB CJ. The development did not take place after nonsyllabic resonants, which were probably characterized by strong friction at this stage, e.g. DZW sleeping place , HZWQ seven , cf. also ONDQHP leave (with zero grade from the aorist, cf. JWDQHP find next to JLWHP know ), aor. ONL (with restoration of the velar consonant on the basis of the present tense), Gr. J?%7, |%#. It was posterior to the delabialization before *R and *U (PA 12c) because the labial feature was lost in JD\O wolf , OHDUG liver (gen. OHUGL), QHDUG sinew (gen. QHUGL), Skt. W LB ZL U TO WB. The new *\ did not merge with the intervocalic reflex of PIE *\, which had been lost by this time, cf. HUHN three vs. EHU brings , Skt. USZB CISBUJ. b) Intervocalic *Q and preconsonantal *I became *Z, e.g. HUHZLP appear , KDZU of the father , Gr. %'z%7, % -'+. The development was apparently posterior [103] to the merger of preconsonantal *Q, *K, *3 into *I (PA 12b). The new sequences *HZ and *RZ (the latter of which developed into X) did not merge with the reflex of PIE *HX and *RX, cf. HZWQ seven , XW eight , NXQ sleep vs. OR\V light , Gr. x%-9, -I, %#+, J/+. The word NR\U sister shows that the development of *HX into R\ must be dated between PA 10 and PA 13. c) * was lost between vowels and before U (cf. PA 12c). PA 14. Loss of the syllabic resonants, which received an epenthetic D. The word JD\O wolf , Skt. W LB , shows that the loss of the syllabic resonants was posterior to the development of *N through *3 (PA 10) and *3 (PA 12c) into *\ (PA 13), but anterior to the metathesis (PA 15).2 As was pointed out above, new *DQ from postconsonantal *Q and *P did not merge with earlier *DQ from PIE * P because postvocalic word-final nasals had probably been lost by the time of the lenition (PA 10) already. I date the rise of a prothetic vowel before initial U to the same stage as the loss of the syllabic resonants, e.g. HUHN three , HUHZLP appear . This development was certainly posterior to the loss of the initial obstruent (PA 12b) because the latter would otherwise be reflected as Z (PA 13b). I also assume the rise of a prothetic schwa before initial clusters at this stage because it is a prerequisite for the metathesis (PA 15). Of course, the prothetic vowel of HUHN evening and RUFDP vomit belongs to an older layer, cf. Gr. |'J #+, y'JE# : it represents a PIE laryngeal (there was no initial *U in Proto-IndoEuropean).

30

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

2. Cf. Grammont 1918: 237 and Winter 1962: 261.

2Q WKH UHODWLYH FKURQRORJ\ RI $UPHQLDQ VRXQG FKDQJHV

31

PA 15. Metathesis.3 As has just been pointed out, the metathesis was posterior both to the loss of the syllabic resonants, cf. JD\O wolf , and to the rise of prothetic vowels, e.g. HED\U brother , Lat. IU WHU. PA 16. Apocope: the vowel of final syllables was lost. A lost *L or *X was preserved as an epenthetic \ or Z if the preceding vowel was *D, e.g. D\U man , DUWDZVU tear , Gr. w=', 9'/. The apocope was posterior to the metathesis in D\O other , Lat. DOLXV, and JD\O wolf , in which cases the preceding vowel was *D, but sufficiently early to inhibit the metathesis where the preceding vowel was less susceptible to infection, e.g. R whole , PXQ [104] mute , VWHU barren , P middle , OIr. XLOH, Lat. P WXV, VWHULOLV, PHGLXV, where final *\ became . The apparent epenthetic *\ in P is probably recent: it is regular after *H before a palatal consonant and does not reflect a lost *\, cf. donkey , Lat. HTXXV, where the palatal consonant has a different origin (Lamberterie 1978: 262-266). PA 17. Simplification of consonantal articulation: a) Final * became Z, e.g. QDZ ship , Lat. Q YLV. b) * became Z before final U in DELZU spring , DOLZU flour . This development was blocked by the preceding resonant in WD\JU husband' s brother , Skt. EFW . c) Final * 3 became * (or possibly *) in gen.sg. DUHJ sun , earlier *DUH H3. It is clear that these developments were posterior to the apocope. PA 18. Loss of labialization. This development was probably posterior to the change of final * into Z (PA 17). PA 19. Shortening of *K, *3, *, which became W, N, J also N after V in VNHVXU mother-in-law . This development was probably posterior to the loss of labialization. PA 20. Rise of new [ in [DFDQHP bite , V[DOLP err , Skt. LI E NJ, TLIM NJ. I assume that the PIE clusters *S+, *W+, *N+ remained intact up to the lenition (PA 10), then became affricates or strongly aspirated occlusives S, W, T, the latter of which now changed into the fricative [. The rise of this [ was probably posterior to the shortening of earlier *3 to N (PA 19), not simply because the two did not merge (they may not have had the same place of articulation), but because it would otherwise remain unclear why [ from *N+ was not subject to the shortening. PA 21. Influx of Iranian loan words. This development brought a large number of new consonant clusters into the language. PA 22. Syncope: loss of pretonic *L and *X. The oldest layer of Persian loan words are subject to the syncope, e.g. QDQ sign , GVURY blamed , Pehlevi

3. Cf. Grammont 1908: 231-236.

Q Q, GXVUDY. The relative chronology which I have given here is open to expansion [105] and modification. I have not discussed separate etymologies, but only examined their compatibility within the limits of plausible phonetic developments. Thus, if one rejects the historical connection between JD\O and the Indo-European word for wolf , it should be clear that there are no phonetic reasons for doing so. On the other hand, the compatibility with the rules does not prove that the etymology is correct: the word may still be a borrowing. The establishment of a chronology presupposes the clarification of the etymological correspondences. For this reason, several developments have not been included in the above chronology, e.g. the fate of initial *K (from PIE *+, *V, and *S) and the Armenian umlaut. The change of *H to R was obviously anterior to the syncope of medial *X (PA 22) in RUFDP vomit , Gr. y'JE# . For the change of *R to D I slightly modify Pedersen' s rule, which is unjustly disregarded by Greppin:4 initial *R became D- in open syllables unless the vowel of the following syllable was *R. This development must be dated after the syncope (PA 22) in view of RUFDP and R]QL hedgehog , Gr. y3#+. The rise of D\- from PIE initial RL can be dated to a much earlier period (perhaps PA 2, cf. DZFDQHP anoint from PIE *RQJ -), e.g. D\W cheek , Gr. # #+. Finally, it must be remarked that the establishment of a chronology presupposes that the material is homogeneous. It has been argued that Classical Armenian is a mixture of dialects (Winter 1966: 201-211). If this is correct, the method which is employed in this paper breaks down. For the time being, I am not convinced that the view of Armenian as a mixed language is correct. If it were, one would expect to find more doublets like WDUDPLP and WD DPLP wither . Moreover, there seems to be no semantic indication that different parts of the inherited vocabulary represent different underlying dialects. Indeed, I think that the reflex of PIE *UV offers the only trace of early dialectal diversity.5

32

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[On the methodological problems see also Kortlandt 1996b [this vol., 110ff.]. I now think that aspiration had never arisen in Indo-European times but was a local development of the separate branches (cf. Kortlandt 2003). For *GZ > N see also Kortlandt 1989 [this vol., 88ff.]. On PHUM near see Kortlandt 1985b [this vol., 58]. For the loss of final nasals see also Kortlandt 1985c [this vol., 63ff.]. For the loss of *K < *V see also Kortlandt 1996a [this vol., 117ff.]. For initial K see also Kortlandt 1983b [this vol., 39ff.]. For the development of the PIE. laryngeals see Kortlandt 1984b [this vol., 54ff.], 1985b [this vol., 57ff.], 1987a
4. Pedersen 1900c: 98-100, Greppin 1973: 24; cf. also Meillet 1894a: 153-157 and Grammont 1918: 223-225. 5. On KRJL breath and RJL soul I agree with Greppin, o.c., 59-61.

2Q WKH UHODWLYH FKURQRORJ\ RI $UPHQLDQ VRXQG FKDQJHV

33

[this vol., 75ff.], 1991 [this vol., 96f.], 1997 [this vol., 120f.]. For DUWDZVU tear see Kortlandt 1985a [this vol., 65ff.]. For the development of *\ see also Kortlandt 1984a [this vol., 47ff.], 1994a [this vol., 104ff.], 1997 [this vol., 120f.], 1998a [this vol., 122ff.]. The development of initial *\ offers an example of early dialectal diversity in Armenian. The main difference between Job s chronology (1995: 307) and mine is that his stages (2b), (3), (4) are in the reverse order because of his unwillingness to recognize glottalized stops for Proto-Armenian. This deprives him of the possibility to explain why *UW and *UG changed places. The problem has an exact parallel in Germanic (cf. Kortlandt 1988b).]

On the Armenian personal endings*

Elsewhere I have argued that the Indo-European proto-language had totally different sets of endings in the thematic and the athematic flexion of the active present (1979a, 1979b) and made a fundamental distinction between transitive and intransitive middle paradigms (1981a, 1981b). In this article I intend to show the relevance of these findings for the explanation of the Armenian personal endings. I will limit the references to a minimum because a survey of earlier views can be found in Godels handbook (1975) and Jasanoffs recent article on the subject (1979). 1. The PIE primary athematic endings have been preserved in the Armenian present tense: 1st sg. -P < *-PL 2nd sg. -V < *-VL 3rd sg. -\ < *-WL 1st pl. -PN < *-PHV 2nd pl. -\N < *-WHV 3rd pl. -Q < *-QWL The 2nd sg. ending -V represents the postconsonantal reflex of *-VL. After a vowel, the *V was lost phonetically and restored analogically. The 3rd sg. ending -\ and the 2nd pl. ending -\N contain the intervocalic reflex of *W before a front vowel. The 2nd pl. ending received an additional *-V on the analogy of the 1st pl. ending. In the present subjunctive, the personal endings are preceded by the suffix -LFH- < *-RLVNH- (Pedersen 1905a: 207 [= Kl.S., 69]). 2. The PIE primary thematic endings are reflected in the aorist subjunctive: 1st sg. -LF <  TL 2nd sg. -FHV <  TLFTJ 3rd sg. -F <  TLFUJ 1st pl. -FXN <  TLPNPNT 2nd pl. - LN 3rd pl. -FHQ <  TLFOUJ The original 2nd sg. ending *-HL merged with the reflex of *-HVL as a result of the
*

[30]

Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 2 (1981): 29-34.

34

2Q WKH $UPHQLDQ SHUVRQDO HQGLQJV

35

loss of intervocalic *V. When the *V was restored in *-QDL < *-Q VL and *-QXL < *-QXVL, it was also introduced into the thematic paradigm. The original 3rd sg. ending *-H was enlarged with the athematic ending *-WL. The 3rd pl. ending is analogical. The absence of P from the 1st pl. ending -FXN is striking. Following a suggestion by Schindler (cf. Jasanoff 1979: 136), I assume that *P was lost before *X in Proto-Armenian. This development was posterior to the raising of *R to *X before *P. Thus, the expected reflex of the 1st pl. ending is -X < *-XPX < *-RPRP. It received an additional -N on the analogy of the athematic ending. The loss of *P in Arm. -FXN can now be adduced as additional evidence in support of the reconstruction *-RPRP for the primary 1st pl. ending of the PIE thematic flexion (cf. Kortlandt 1979a: 63f. and Beekes 1981b). 3. The 2nd pl. ending - LN is found not only in the aorist subjunctive, but also in the middle aorist imperative, whence it spread to the active aorist and middle present imperatives. I do not share the usual view that this ending replaced the original aorist subjunctive ending (Meillet 1936: 121, Godel 1975: 46) because such a replacement would be unmotivated and destroy the regularity of the paradigm. The ending rather contains a precious archaism from the time before the generalization of the subjunctive suffix -F-. I think that - LN represents the middle optative ending *-LJ < * EIXF, cf. Skt.  EIWBN. It survived because it was also used imperativally. The ending was enlarged with the personal pronoun * XN (Meillet 1936: 92) or rather *\XN < *M V, cf. Lith. M V, Av. \ . The latter development must be dated to the period between the apocope of *-H and the syncope of *-L-. The final part *-XN of the ending was eventually replaced with -LN on the basis of the regular 2nd pl. aorist ending. For the use of the enclitic pronoun after imperative forms cf. HO GX |!JKJ Gen. 12.1, HUNHUXN GXN Q# J)KJ Mt. 10.28 (Jensen 1959: 102). The ending - LN gave rise to a 2nd sg. middle imperative ending  LU. 4. The expected reflexes of the PIE secondary active endings, which [31] underlie the Arm. active aorist indicative forms, are the following: 1st sg. zero after a vowel and *-Q after a consonant < *-P 2nd sg. N after a vowel and *-V after a consonant < *-V 3rd sg. zero < *-W 1st pl. *-P after a vowel and *-DP after a consonant < *-PH or *-PR 2nd pl. *-\ after a vowel and zero after a consonant < *-WH 3rd pl. *-Q < *-QW Moreover, the vowel of the stem-final syllable was apocopated in the 3rd sg. form, and in the thematic flexion also in the 1st sg. and 3rd pl. forms and analogically in the 1st pl. form. The 2nd sg. form escaped the apocope because it adopted a middle ending (cf. below). The historically attested paradigms are the following:

36

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

1st sg. EHUL HWX 2nd sg. EHUHU HWXU 3rd sg. HEHU < *HEKHUHW HW < *HG W 1st pl. EHUDN WXDN 2nd pl. EHU N, EHULN HWXN 3rd pl. EHULQ HWXQ The endings can be explained as follows. The 1st sg. ending *-Q < *-P after a consonant merged with the 3rd pl. ending -Q < *-QW and was therefore eliminated. The thematic ending *-X < *-RP merged with the corresponding primary ending *-X < *- and was probably extended to the athematic paradigm before the apocope. This development induced the spread of the primary athematic ending *-PL to the thematic present. The vowel of the stem-final syllable was *L in five types of aorist: (a) root aorists in *- - and *-L-, e.g. HGL < *HGLX < *HGK -. (b) root aorists in *-P- and *-Q-, e.g. HNL < *HNLPX < *HJ HP-. (c) derived aorists in *- -, cf. Gr. y 9vv, Sl. P Q [ . (d) sigmatic aorists with *- - in the root, cf. Skt. W L BN, Sl. Y V . (e) sigmatic aorists of derived stems in *-L-, cf. Sl. YR]L[ . When the vowel of the stem-final syllable was apocopated in the 3rd sg. form, it was reinterpreted as part of the ending in the 1st sg. and 3rd pl. forms, where it spread to the thematic flexion, and in the 2nd pl. form, where it was at first limited to the athematic flexion. The 2nd sg. ending N was eliminated when -N became the characteristic plural marker. In the nominal flexion, the nom. and gen. sg. [32] ending *-N < *V was eliminated for the same reason (cf. Pedersen 1905a: 215221 [= Kl.S., 77-83]). I do not subscribe to de Lamberterie' s judgment that le gnie de H. Pedersen fait preuve de trop de virtuosit pour emporter la conviction (1979: 325). The postconsonantal ending *-V merged with the sigmatic aorist marker. The ending -U < *-UR was taken from the middle paradigm (see below). The 1st pl. ending does not show the expected *P. I assume that the primary thematic ending *-RPRP replaced the secondary thematic ending *-RPR before the raising of *R to *X before *P and the loss of the final nasal. The final part *-PX of the resulting ending replaced the secondary athematic ending *-PH before the loss of *P before *X. After the apocope, the postconsonantal ending *-D < *-DPX spread to the thematic flexion. Finally, the 1st and 2nd pl. forms received an additional -N from the primary athematic endings. 5. The PIE middle endings underlie the Arm. middle aorist and imperfect forms. Elsewhere I have argued that we can reconstruct the following endings for the proto-language (1981a: 128):

2Q WKH $UPHQLDQ SHUVRQDO HQGLQJV

37

2nd sg. transitive *VW+R intransitive *W+R 3rd sg. transitive *WR intransitive *R 3rd pl. transitive *QWUR intransitive *UR In Armenian, as in Tocharian (cf. ibidem: 133f.), final *-UR was extended to the transitive 3rd sg. ending: *-QW : *QWUR = *-W : *-WUR. The intransitive 3rd sg. and pl. endings were subsequently replaced with *-WR and *-QWR after the model of the active and transitive middle endings. These developments may have been common to a larger dialectal area. Since *W became characteristic of 3rd sg. forms, the 2nd sg. endings were replaced with *-VR, which was created on the analogy of the active endings. When intervocalic *V was lost, final *-UR spread to the 2nd sg. ending, so that we arrive at the following set of Proto-Armenian middle endings: 2nd sg. transitive *-UR intransitive *-R 3rd sg. transitive *-WUR intransitive *-WR 3rd pl. transitive *-QWUR intransitive *QWR The 2nd sg. ending *UR was generalized in the active and middle aorist and imperfect indicative. The transitive 3rd sg. ending *WUR is found in the imperfect endings - U and LZU, which I regard as dialectal variants from *HWUR. The intransitive 3rd sg. and pl. endings *-WR and *QWR are found in the middle aorist endings DZ < *-DWR and *DQ < *DQWR or *QWR after a consonant. It is generally assumed that the imperfect marker -L- reflects a preterital stem of the copula (e.g., Pedersen 1905a: 213 [= Kl.S., 75], Meillet 1936: 126, Jasanoff 1979: 140) or the PIE optative suffix (e.g., Winter 1975: 114). I think that outside the 3rd sg. form, the imperfect was obtained by simply adding the athematic aorist endings that were discussed in the preceding section to the present stem. Compare the following paradigms: 1st sg. impf. EHUHL aor. HGL 2nd sg. EHUHLU HGLU 3rd sg. EHU U HG < HGK W 1st pl. EHUHDN HGDN 2nd pl. EHUHLN HGLN 3rd pl. EHUHLQ HGLQ As was pointed out above, -L- represents the vowel of the stem-final syllable in the majority of athematic aorists. It was reinterpreted as part of the ending when it was apocopated in the 3rd sg. form. The discrepancy between the 1st sg.

[33]

38

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

middle aorist ending -D\ and the imperfect ending of D-stems -D\L betrays a chronological difference: the imperfect is a recent formation. 6. The 2nd pl. ending -DUXN is found next to -D\N in the middle aorist indicative, where it was borrowed from the middle aorist imperative. As Pedersen pointed out already (1905a: 213f. [= Kl.S., 75f.]), it is most probably a pluralization of the 2nd sg. middle aorist imperative ending -LU with substitution of -D- for -L- on the basis of the indicative paradigm. I think that -XN was taken from the personal pronoun *\XN (cf. section 3 above). The 2nd sg. ending -LU is the expected reflex of the transitive middle ending in the athematic aorist, as was argued in the preceding section. The zero ending of the middle imperatives DUL get up , QLVW sit down , HUW go , KD\HDF look may represent the intransitive 2nd sg. ending *-R < *-VR. The zero ending of the active imperative developed regularly from the PIE thematic ending *-H, pl. - N < *-HWHV. The prohibitive imperative in -U belongs to the present system and cannot be connected with the middle aorist imperative in -U for two reasons. On the one hand, the prohibitive ending -U is common to the active and the middle, whereas the aorist imperative ending is limited to the middle voice. It is unlikely that the middle ending was generalized in the present imperative, where we find [34] the active pl. ending \N < *WHV On the other hand, the prohibitive -U is limited to the singular while the aorist imperative U is also found in the plural. I therefore stick to the traditional view that the final U of the prohibitive imperative represents a particle which can be compared with Gr. (cf. Meillet 1936:119), e.g. EHUHU < *EKHUHUD. [I now think that F is the expected reflex of the PIE. sigmatic aorist marker *V in Armenian (see Kortlandt 1995a [this vol., 107ff.]). On the apocope of the stem vowel see also Kortlandt 1987b [this vol., 79ff.] and 1999 [this vol., 129f.]. On the reanalysis of N as a plural marker see also Kortlandt 1985c [this vol., 66f.]. For the loss of *P before *X cf. the dat.pl. ending (see Kortlandt 1984a [this vol., 49]). For the 2nd pl. pronoun see also Kortlandt 1998a [this vol., 122ff.].]

Notes on Armenian historical phonology III: K-*

J.A.C. Greppin has argued that Arm. K- originated not only from *S-, *V-, and possibly *N -, but also from the PIE laryngeals (1973: 37ff.). His study was severely criticized by P. Considine (1979). Here I will clarify my position with respect to the discussion. The disagreement about Arm. K- seems to be largely determined by two factors: the lack of a chronological perspective and the insufficiency of the evidence. Both factors require some comment. Greppin remarks that since IE *V- passed to Arm. *K- and then finally to zero, we must acknowledge that Arm. K-, derived from IE *+-, had a different phonetic value than pArm. *K- from IE *V (1973: 62). This is doubtless correct. Considine adds that Arm. K- from IE *S- must fit into the picture (1979: 358). As I have pointed out earlier in these Notes (1976, 1978a) [this vol., 1ff., 20ff.], several problems of Proto-Armenian phonology can be solved if the developments are considered in terms of features rather than segments. Since PIE *V and *S were voiceless sounds, it is reasonable to assume that their reflex in Armenian was also voiceless, at least up to a certain stage. On the other hand, the vocalization of the PIE laryngeals shows that these sounds were at least partly voiced in the proto-language and that the voiceless reflexes which we find in some languages are the result of a devoicing process. It is clear from the preservation of K- from *+ in KRW odour and the loss of *K- from *S- in RWQ foot that voiced *+- cannot have merged with voiceless *K- before the loss of the latter in this position. The Armenian material which is suitable for comparison with other IE languages is not only small, but also insufficiently available. In a recent article (1982), Greppin has drawn attention to five words which occur both with and without initial aspiration before 1000 A.D.: KDJDQLP put on clothes, KDOHZRU grey-haired, KDUEHQDP become drunk, KDU U plough, and KRJL spirit, soul. These words have [-, which is the phonetic reflex of original K, in the south-eastern dialects, where secondary K- appears as K-, e.g.

[10]

* Reprinted from 6WXGLD &DXFDVLFD 5 (1983), 9-16.

39

[11]

in KDP Q all , KHUHN evening . Greppin infers, no doubt correctly, that the forms with and without initial aspiration represent different original dialects. It follows that we cannot limit ourselves to the classical language when dealing with IE correspondences. Indeed, we urgently need a comparative grammar of the Armenian dialects. The starting-points of the following discussion are the relative chronology of sound changes which I have presented elsewhere (1980b) and the threefold reflex of PIE *S-, *V-, and *+-, viz. K-/[-, zero/[-, and zero/K-. Another prerequisite is a statement of the conditions under which PIE *R yielded D in Armenian, a problem which was discussed by Meillet (1894: 153-7), Pedersen (1900c: 93-100), Grammont (1918: 223-225), Greppin (1973: 9-36), and others. In the present context I will limit myself to stating my own view: unstressed *R was weakened to D in open syllables unless it was followed by the reflex of *Z or by a syllable which contained another R, e.g. ORJDQDP bathe , NRJL butter , KRYLZ shepherd , RRUP pity , RRN prayer , RRUN smooth , RUR lamb , RURU sea-gull , also PR]L calf (from *-]]-), PR DQDP forget (from *-UQ- or *-U-). This development was more recent than the syncope of *L and *X, cf. R]QL hedgehog , RUFDP vomit . It suggests that J from *Z lost its labialization much later than I proposed in my chronology (1980b: 104 [this vol., 31]). The rise of D\ from PIE *RL- belongs to the earliest stages of Proto-Armenian, e.g. D\W cheek (ibidem: 105 [this vol., 32]). It is generally accepted that PIE *S- yielded K-, e.g. in KLQJ five , KHUX last year , KD\U father , KXU fire (Godel 1975:67). This *K- was lost before *R, e.g. RWQ foot , cf. KHW footstep (Meillet 1936: 30). The latter development was posterior to the raising of *R to X before a nasal, as is clear from KXQ ford from *SRQW-. I have dated the lenition of *S- to a bilabial fricative to stage 10 of my chronology (1980b: 100 [this vol., 28]) and its further development into K- to stage 12 (ibidem: 102) [this vol., 29]. Before pretonic L, this K- yielded \- in \LVXQ fifty , probably at a recent stage. Since the raising of *R to X before a nasal was anterior to the lenition (ibidem: 101) and the loss of PIE *S- before R is most easily understood if the bilabial articulation had weakened but not yet been lost, I date the loss between stages 10 and 12. Since the reduction of *R to D in open syllables was posterior to the syncope at stage 22 (ibidem: 104), the absence of K- is regular in DVU fleece , which must be derived from *SR X (Meillet 1936: 82), and in DOLN wave , which can be identified with Gr. %#+. The existence of KDOHZRU next to DOHZRU gray-haired shows that there was a second ablaut grade in Armenian, as there was in Greek. It corroborates Greppin' s otherwise unjustified assumption that Armenian preserved different ablaut grades of this root (1973: 30, fn. 17). Before the rise of K- from *S-, PIE *V- became *K- at stage 5 of my chronology (1980b: 99 [this vol., 27]) and was mostly lost around stage 10

40

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,,, -h

41

(ibidem: 101) [this vol., 28f.], e.g. D salt , HZWQ seven , R healthy , XVWU son . In my view, this K- was preserved before L, cf. KLQ old , KLPQ foundation , KLZW MXLFH FI 'DXNMDQ   ,W IROORZV IURP KLQ, which is the reflex of PIE *VHQ-, and from ]JHQXP, which is identical with Gr. {/ , that the loss of *K from *V was posterior to the raising of *H to L before a nasal. The derivation of KHFDQLP mount from *VHG- (Pedersen 1905a: 206 [= .O6 @ 'DXNMDQ   *UHSSLQ   OHDYHV ERWK K- and -Funexplained and must be abandoned, while LQM leopard is probably of non-IE origin. The reflexive pronoun LZU his is probably the unstressed form of *HZU: it represents the PIE genitive *VHZH, which developed into *HZ and then received -U- from the other pronouns (cf. Weitenberg 1982, section 11). The existence of KDUEHQDP next to DUEHQDP become drunk suggests that Armenian preserved two ablaut grades of this root. While *K- would be lost before a vowel in the expected reflex of Slavic *VHUEM (Trautmann 1923: 294) and Alb. JMHUE, it would be preserved before U in the expected reflex of Lith. VUHEL, which would receive a prothetic vowel at stage 14 of my chronology (1980b: 103 [this vol., 30]), cf. D X brook from *KUXKL-, PIE *VUXWL-. I think that *K- was also preserved before a syllabic U and that the attested zero reflex was taken from a present tense which was identical with the Albanian form. The derivation of Arm. K- from PIE *N - cannot be maintained. I agree with Pisani (1950: 181f.) that the interrogative stem R- must be derived from *\R-, not *N R. Moreover, I think that the same holds for XU where and KLP why , cf. Polish MDN how , corresponding to Russ. NDN. As in the case of *Kfrom *V-, the reflex of *\- was apparently retained before L and lost elsewhere. It was evidently lost after the preposition ] in ]L, ]LQ what (cf. Meillet 1936: 38). As in the case of KLQJ 5 and \LVXQ 50 , it is probable that the preservation of K- was regular in monosyllabic forms only. Chronologically, the loss of *\can be identified with the assimilation of *L to the following vowel in the genitive RUGZR\ of RUGL son , which must be dated between the apocope at stage 16 and the syncope at stage 22, probably toward the very end of this period (cf. Kortlandt 1976: 99 [this vol., 8] and 1980b: 103f. [this vol., 31f.]). The derivation of - from *\- (Meillet 1936: 52) is not convincing. Now we turn to the reflex of the PIE laryngeals (cf. also Polom 1980, especially 25-29). Greppin has argued that word-initially the phonetic reflex of the laryngeals is K- before a vowel and H-/D-/R- before a consonant, including syllabic U (1973: 47ff.). In my view, the former half of this statement must be limited to *+ H- and *+ H- and the latter half must exclude *+Z-. Armenian is in this respect half-way between Greek, where an initial laryngeal is lost before a vowel and vocalized before any consonant, and Hittite, where *+ - yields Kalso before Z and syllabic U. Incidentally, the Hittite evidence must be used with caution because we have to reckon with considerable analogical levelling, e.g.

[12]

42

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[13]

KHQN]L distributes , where the comparison with OIr. pFHQ necessity and Gr. w9 requires the restoration of the root vowel (cf. Pedersen 1938: 184), and DDQ]L they are , DGDQ]L they eat , where the initial laryngeal was apparently restored on the basis of H]L is , H]]L eats , PIE *+ HVWL, *+ HGWL. Elsewhere I have proposed the view that the timbre opposition between the laryngeals was neutralized in the neighbourhood of PIE *R (1980c: 128). Since there is no reliable evidence for PIE initial vowels, we have to start from the four sequences *+ H-, *+ H-, *+ H-, and *+R- in accounting for the initial vowels of the daughter languages. In view of the fact that *+ - did not colour a following H, we can interpret *+ H- and *+R- phonemically as /e-/ and /o-/. It is therefore not surprising that *+ - and *+ - were preserved as K- before *H, while *+ - was lost, as they all were before *R. Armenian offers examples of *+ H- in HNQ came , HP am , HV I , HZ and , H]U shore , HUJ song , perhaps HSHP cook , *+ H- in KDQ grandmother , KDWDQHP cut , KDZ grandfather , KDJDFLP become addicted , KDUDZXQN field , KDZ bird , *+ H- in KRYLZ shepherd , KDFL ash tree , KRW odour , perhaps KXP raw , *+R- in R rump , RUE orphan , RUMLN testicles , RURU sea-gull , RVW branch . The latter reflex merged with the zero grade of *+ -, which is probable in RVNU bone , Gr. )-z#. The zero grade of *+ can be distinguished by the absence of K- in D\U cave , DU bear , DUFDW silver , DUJHO obstacle . The Latin cognates DUJHQWXP and DUFH are apparently phonetically regular, whereas XUVXV has a deviating reflex, which was perhaps taken from XUF UH. Old Irish DUW bear shows the Italo-Celtic vocalization, cf. also Latin DUPXV, DUGXXV, OIr. DUG, which are identical with Skt. UPi , UGKYi . As in the case of *S- and *V-, the coexistence of forms with and without K- points to the preservation of different ablaut grades in roots with an initial laryngeal. An unassailable example is D\F inspection , next to KD\F inquiry , KD\FHP beg, beseech , which Greppin derives from zero grade and H-grade, respectively (1973: 56). If this interpretation is correct, we can also assume zero grade in D\F goat , Gr. !, cf. Avestan ]D QD of leather . It seems more probable to me that D\F represents the R-grade form *RLVN , from which OHG. HLVF Q, Eng. DVN is a derivative formation. The H-grade is attested in Latin DHUXVF UH. A second example is DUDZU, DU U, KDU U plough , KDUDZXQN field . The former word is identical with Gr. x'#-'#, which probably represents *+ U+ WURP, and the latter word must be compared with Gr. x'#/' from *+ HU+ ZU/Q-, the heteroclitic flexion of which was preserved in Old Irish DUERU corn , gen. DUEDH (cf. Thurneysen 1946: 213). The full grade of Lith. iUNODV was taken from the verb iUWL, while DU- in Latin DU WUXP and DUYXP is ambiguous. A difficult example is KDJDQLP put on clothes , ]JHVW garment , DJDQLP spend the night , DZW place to spend the night . The zero reflex of PIE

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,,, -h

43

*+- before *Z is phonetically regular, as is clear from JRP am , Hitt. KXL]L lives from *+ ZHVWL, and JRJ say , which represents *+ ZHJ K-, cf. Latin YRYH , Gr. J3# . For DZW I assume that it shows the phonetic development of the R-grade form *RXWL-, cf. D\W cheek , Gr. # #+, and DZFDQHP anoint from *RQJ -, Latin XQJX . This development can be dated to stage 2 of my chronology (1980b: 99 [this vol., 27]), cf. also DDZWN prayer next to RRN and DDHP, with loss of *Z as in DHP grow , Latin DXJH . In my view, the Armenian evidence shows unambiguously that we have to start from two homonymous stems *+ ZHV- spend (the night) and put on (clothes) , derived from two homonymous roots *+ HX- live and wear . Greek and Hittite removed the homonymy by eliminating the initial laryngeal from the word with the latter meaning, probably after its loss before *R in the R-grade of the root, cf. Gr. {/  without D-, Hitt. XHWD without K-. Note that the R-grade of the root is widely attested, whereas the corresponding H-grade can only be inferred (Pokorny 1959: 346). The form KDJDQLP presents the expected reflex of *+ HZ-. The form without K must have arisen under the influence of either R-grade derivatives or prefixed formations, e.g. D DJDVW curtain (Meillet 1936: 77). In the case of DJDQLP spend the night , the R-grade is attested in DZW. A less clear instance is KRJL breath, spirit, soul . If the word was not borrowed from an unknown language, it must be connected with KRY wind , which can be compared with Gr. x  blow from *+ ZH+ PL (Winter 1965: 102) or rather with Lith. SXL blow . The form without K- represents the Rgrade of the root, whereas the analogical introduction of K requires the existence of a different ablaut grade, which may be attested in KHZDP pant . Though KDULZU hundred can phonetically be derived from *+ HUL-, which fits Gr. w'K + number (cf. Hamp 1976), it is more probably a borrowing from an unknown source. The zero reflex of PIE *+- before *Z disproves the possibility of deriving the initial consonant of NVDQ twenty from *+Z- (Winter 1965: 107). Elsewhere I have argued that we have to start from PIE *GZLG WL with a glottalic *G which was preserved in the separate languages (1982). As in Greek, the buccal features of the initial consonant were lost by dissimilation, a development which yielded an initial glottal stop. Unlike Greek, where the initial laryngeals merged into a glottal stop after colouring the epenthetic vowel which originated from their vocalization, Armenian apparently preserved the initial laryngeals longer as voiced consonants. This hypothesis accounts not only for the zero reflex before *Z and the preservation as K- in positions where *Vwas lost, but also for the fact that the laryngeals did not merge with the glottal stop before *Z in NVDQ. I assume that the glottal stop devoiced the following *Z in the same way as *K- from *V-, e.g. in NR\U sister , at stage 7 of my chronology (1980b: 100 [this vol., 28], cf. especially Kortlandt 1976: 96 [this

[14]

44

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[15]

vol., 5]). The rise of the glottal stop must have been anterior to the monophonemicization of *GZ at stage 2 (1980b: 99 [this vol., 27], cf. 1976: 98 [this vol., 7]) and may have been a dialectal Indo-European development. The hypothesis that PIE *+ H- yielded Arm. KD- is in contradiction with the common identification of DFHP bring with Latin DJ and Gr. x7. Greppin concludes that in this word there appears to be no laryngeal since the Armenian cognate (DFHP) is unaspirated (1973: 64). I agree with Considine that one would like to be reassured that his selective use of the [laryngeal] theory is also a viable use (1979: 361). In my view, the initial vowel represents the phonetic reflex of both the R-grade and the zero grade of the root. Note that DFHP is the exact correspondent of Latin JHU from PIE *+ HV-. Similarly, the absence of K- in XW eight is at variance with the possible reconstruction *+ H WR+. This reconstruction is by no means certain, however, because it contains two full grade vowels. Moreover, the initial zero grade which the Armenian form presupposes can easily have been taken from the ordinal, cf. Vedic WXU \D fourth and Gr. -'9%J table from *N WZU-, and Old Prussian XVFKWV sixth from *VX V-. The influence of the ordinal upon the cardinal is evident in Arm. YHF six , where the elimination of the initial *K from *V is apparently due to its phonetic loss before the zero grade vowel in the ordinal. This analogical development was evidently posterior to stage 11 of my chronology (1980b: 101 [this vol., 29]) because the new initial consonant did not develop into *J Summarizing, we arrive at the following chain of events. The initial laryngeals of *+ H- and *+R- were lost at an early stage, while *+ - and *+ were preserved as a voiced laryngal glide before PIE *H, which was coloured to *D and *R, respectively. At stage 5, antevocalic *V- became *K-, which was lost around stage 10, except before *L. Initial *S- became a voiceless bilabial fricative at stage 10. The fricative was lost before *R and in other positions developed into K- at stage 12. The merger of voiced *+- and voiceless *K- can be dated anywhere between stages 12 and 22. Initial *\- was lost not long before stage 22 except before L, where it merged with *K-. In the classical language we find a trace of complementary distribution between K- and \- in the coexistence of KLQJ 5 and \LVXQ 50 . New \- arose from L before a vowel. After the classical period, \- developed into K-. The distribution of K- in the modern dialects requires further investigation.

[See further Kortlandt 1984b [this vol., 54ff.], 1986a [this vol., 68ff.], 1987a [this vol., 75ff.], 1998a [this vol., 122ff.].]

Proto-Armenian case endings*

1. ,QWURGXFWLRQ. One of the striking features of Armenian is the accurate preservation of the PIE case distinctions, in spite of the far-reaching changes in the phonemic make-up of the endings. The standard language of the Armenian SSR is in this respect even more archaic than contemporary Lithuanian, Polish, and Russian, which have best preserved the PIE case forms. Unlike these languages, Armenian was subject to a general apocope of final syllables. The remarkable preservation of the case functions in the historical language suggests that the original system had remained essentially unchanged up to the period which immediately preceded the apocope. In this paper I intend to discuss the form of the case endings at that stage. The chronological background of the present analysis was outlined in my contribution to the Philadelphia conference on Armenian linguistics (1980b [this vol., 26ff.]). In the following, the numbers of the stages will refer to the chronology given there. The rise of *K from V is dated to stage 5, the rise of new fricatives as a result of the lenition to stage 10, the loss of intervocalic and anteconsonantal fricatives to stage 13, the loss of the syllabic resonants to stage 14, the apocope to stage 16, the shortening of fricatives to stops to stage 19, and the syncope to stage 22. The raising of *R to X before a nasal consonant, the development of * into X, and the loss of non-syllabic final nasals were anterior to stage 10. 2. $FFXVDWLYH The pre-apocope form of the acc.sg. ending was *-L in the L-stems, *-X in the X and R-stems, *-D in the D-stems, and *-DQ in the consonant stems. The latter ending originated from the rise of an epenthetic vowel before postconsonantal *-Q at stage 14. Original postvocalic *-Q had apparently become a feature of the preceding vowel and subsequently been lost before stage 10.
* Reprinted from ,QWHUQDWLRQDO V\PSRVLXP RQ $UPHQLDQ OLQJXLVWLFV 5HSRUWV >0HGXQDURGQ\M VLPSR]LXP SR DUPMDQVNRPX MD]\NR]QDQLMX 'RNODG\@ (UHYDQ $1 Arm. SSR, 1984), 97-106.

[98]

45

46

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

There is no evidence for Godels view that the final nasal was preserved in the nom.sg. form of the Q-stems in PIE - Q and - Q (1975: 100f.). As Pedersen has conclusively demonstrated, the nom.acc.sg. form of the Q-stems represents the original accusative, not the nominative (1905a: 216f. [= Kl.S., 78f.]). The original nominative was preserved in HU F elder and PDUGLN people . The generalization of the nom.sg. form in the U-stems and of the acc.sg. form in the Q-stems is a consequence of the merger with the neuter gender, which preserved the final nasal of PIE *-PQ in accordance with the sound laws and never had a final nasal in the U-stems, e.g. DELZU spring , DZU day , KXU fire . The pre-apocope form of the acc. pl. ending was probably *LV in the Lstems, *XV in the X and Rstems, and *DV in the D and consonant stems. It cannot be determined if the neuters had already joined the latter type at this stage. 3. 1RPLQDWLYH As Pedersen has shown in detail, the Arm. nom.pl. ending -N is the phonetic reflex of PIE postvocalic *-V (1905a: 209-227 [= Kl.S., 71-89]). In my chronology, final *-V became *-K at stage 5, then *-[ at stage 11, and eventually -N at stage 19. This creates a problem with the nom.sg. form of the masc. and fem. L-, X-, and R-stems, which does not end in -N. The ending was evidently eliminated under the combined pressure of several morphological factors. On the one hand, the final consonant characterized the nom.pl. ending of the D Q-, and U-stems, which had a zero ending in the corresponding singular form. On the other, the masc. and fem. acc.sg. form was identical with the neuter nom.acc.sg. form in the L-, X-, and R-stems. As in the case of the Q- and U-stems, the elimination of the distinction between nom. and acc.sg. forms is a consequence of the elimination of grammatical gender.1 The analogical development can be compared with the substitution of the acc.sg. for the nom.sg. of the R-stems in Slavic, where the barytone neuters merged with the masculines. In Armenian, the motivation for the substitution was strengthened by the merger of the nom. and acc.sg. forms of the D-stems as a result of the loss of nonsyllabic final nasals. A third factor may have been the zero ending of the demonstrative pronoun *VR, which must have been preserved because it served as a model for the attested demonstrative and interrogative pronouns, e.g. QR\Q that very , RY who . The main objection which can be put forward against the point of view advocated here is the zero nom.pl. ending of the attributive adjective.2 This objection is easily removed by the assumption that the adjective had pronominal endings, as it had in Germanic, e.g. Gothic EOLQGDL blind , cf. GDJ V days . The
1. Cf. Lamberterie 1979: 327. 2. Cf. Meillet 1900b: 382 [= 1962: 52] and 1911: 9 [= 1962: 131].

[99]

3URWR$UPHQLDQ FDVH HQGLQJV

47

apocope yielded the attested endings. I think that there is additional evidence for the view that the PIE nom.sg. ending *-V yielded -N in the remarkable abundance of SOXUDOLD WDQWXP in classical Armenian, the origin of which must probably be sought in deverbal nouns such as HON outcome , [DZVN speech . Thus, I arrive at the following reconstruction of the pre-apocope endings. The nom.sg. ending was *-L in the L-stems, *-X in the X-, R-, and masc. and fem. Q-stems, *-D in the D-stems, and *R in certain pronominal forms. The nom.pl. ending was *-X[ in the X- and R-stems, *-D[ in the D-stems, H[ in the consonant stems and probably in the *L-stems, and *-H in the adjective (see below). 4. *HQLWLYH Like Indo-Iranian and Greek, Armenian adopted the pronominal gen.sg. ending *RV\R in the nominal R-stems. This may have been a dialectal IndoEuropean innovation. The absence of final *V from this ending provided in my view the model for the analogical elimination of the final consonant from the endings *-LRV in the Lstems, *XRV in the X-stems, and *-RV in the consonant stems. The ending -L of the D-stems represents most probably PIE *-L+RV.3 The LD-stems had apparently adopted the ending of the LR-stems before the apocope already in order to remove the homonymy with the L- and D-stems. The ending *\RV is evidently preserved in the form JH of JLZ village and in WX Q HDQ (with secondary -HDQ) of WLZ day-time . The form NQR of NLQ woman is probably a pre-apocope extension of gen.sg. *NLQR with the same ending. I wonder if the coexistence of the gen.sg. forms PLR\ and PLR of PL one is a vestige of the earlier gender distinction, with -R\ and -R representing the masc. and fem. ending, respectively. In this conception, the ultimate origin of the final - is the antevocalic form *-\- of the L-stem formative, which was frequent with feminine nouns. Thus, I arrive at the following reconstruction of the preapocope form of the gen.sg. ending: *R\R in the R-stems, *-LR\R in the LR- and LD-stems, L\R in the L- and D-stems, *-XR or *-X\R in the X-stems, and *-R in the consonant stems. The gen.pl. ending -F represents PIE *-VNRP, the pre-apocope vocalism of which is preserved in the form QRFXQ of QR\Q that very .4 The same vowel is found in the gen. form XUXN of RN somebody , which must be derived from *-URP. Thus, I reconstruct *-FX as the regular pre-apocope ending and *-UX in certain pronominal forms, e.g. in the genitive PHU of PHN we , cf. Latin QRVWUXP
3. Cf. Lamberterie 1979: 328. 4. Cf. Pedersen 1905a: 237 [= Kl.S., 99] and Kortlandt 1978c: 295.

[100]

48

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

5. /RFDWLYH The main problem which poses itself in connection with the loc.sg. forms is the following: why is the ending of the LD-stems different from those of the D R-, and LR-stems? It is the only flexion class where the loc.sg. ending differs from both the dat. and the acc. ending. Since the PIE loc.sg. ending L would undoubtedly merge with the dat.sg. ending *HL as a result of the apocope, we must start from an extended zero ending in order to explain the loc.sg. form of the LD-stems. There is indeed a zero ending in Vedic loc.sg. Y N , which is the [101] most likely candidate for comparison. The usual connection of the ending -R with Gr. -#K meets with two fatal objections. First, it is highly improbable that an adverbial derivative of the R-stems should be preserved precisely in the paradigm of the LD-stems. Second, the connection requires the supplementary extension of the new ending with an additional vowel, which was subsequently lost as a result of the apocope. In my view, the ending was created on the analogy of the gen.sg. ending -R from which it probably differed in the apocopated vowel. If my conjecture about gen.sg. PLR\ and PLR is correct, we may suspect that loc.sg. PLXP and PLR exhibit the masc. and fem. pronominal endings. Thus, I tentatively reconstruct the following pre-apocope loc.sg. endings: *-L\L in the L- and D-stems, *X\L in the X-stems, *-H in the R-stems (see below), *-L in the consonant stems, and finally *-XPL and *-R L in pronominal forms. The introduction of *-R L into the paradigm of the nominal LDstems must have been anterior to the generalization of the gen.sg. ending *R\R The loc.pl. ending -V represents the PIE ending *-VX, which was apparently preserved in the consonant stems up to the apocope. After a vowel *V was lost and the vowel sequence was subject to contraction, cf. NR\U sister from *VZHV U, pl. NRUN from *VZHVRUHV, and ERN barefoot from *EKRVR. Since the stem vowel was apocopated in the loc.pl. form, the ending must have been restored after the apocope. The pre-apocope form of the ending may have been *-R\X in the R-stems, *-X in the X-stems and probably in the L-stems, perhaps *-R from *-DX in the D-stems. It is possible that the ending *-VX replaced *-X in the L and X-stems before the apocope already, but in that case the absence of the stem vowel before the case ending would be remarkable. 6. ,QVWUXPHQWDO The endings can be derived from PIE *-EKL, which received an additional *-V in the plural. The pre-apocope endings were sg. *-EL and pl. *-EL[ after a consonant, and the same endings with *Z instead of *E after a vowel. The absence of PIE *EK from the Armenian dat. and abl.pl. endings is a strong indication that this consonant was originally limited to the instrumental case because such a distinctive case marker would hardly have been eliminated in a language which preserves the PIE case distinctions so well. This point of view is

[102]

3URWR$UPHQLDQ FDVH HQGLQJV

49

supported by the Gothic adverbs in -ED, which represent earlier instrumental forms. The PIE inst.pl. ending of the R-stems *- LV, which would yield the preapocope form *H[ (see below), may have been eliminated at any stage before or after the apocope. 7. 'DWLYH The dat. form XPHN of RN somebody shows that PIE *- L yielded *-H before the apocope, cf. Vedic WiVPDL The same can be assumed for *RL in view of XUHN somewhere , which is apparently a loc. form of the same stem as gen. XUXN of RN somebody .5 Most probably, all final L-diphthongs merged into *-H before they were apocopated. If this is correct, the pre-apocope dat.sg. ending was *-H in all flexion types. It is not probable that final *HL yielded *-L before the apocope because in that case the dat. and loc.sg. forms would have merged in all flexion types. Indeed, I think that the merger of *- L and *-RL in the Rstems gave rise to the analogical dat.sg. ending *R\H in order to differentiate it from the loc.sg. ending. The PIE dat.pl. ending was *-PXV according to the Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic evidence.6 This reconstruction is supported by the Armenian material because *P was lost before *X in this language, so that the expected pre-apocope form of the ending would be *-X[.7 The form was apparently replaced with the gen.pl. ending. In Indo-lranian and Italo-Celtic, it was remodelled on the basis of the inst.pl. ending. It is possible that the Greek pronouns 1st pl. * VPH and 2nd pl. *XVPH which are attested in Aeolic acc. x J and J must be derived from dative forms, cf. Vedic acc. DVP Q, \X P Q. 8. $EODWLYH As Pedersen has shown, the abl.sg. ending - originated from an enclitic particle, perhaps PIE *HWL, which was added to the loc.sg. form after the apocope in order to remove the homonymy of the two case endings (1905a: 221f. [= Kl.S., 83f.]). I conclude that the homonymy resulted from the apocope. In the R-stems, the expected pre-apocope ending *X which developed from PIE * G was apparently replaced with *R\X on the basis of the gen. and dat.sg. endings. This analogical development was particularly well motivated if the other flexion classes had adopted the ending *-X at that time. The theory advanced here is for two reasons more attractive than the alternative view that the abl.sg. ending of the R-stems had been replaced with the gen. sg. ending before the apocope. First, it would be unclear why the two cases have not entirely merged, as they have in Greek and Balto-Siavic, because they were not
5. Cf. Pedersen 1905a: 235-237 [= Kl.S., 97-99]. 6. OHG. WDJXP requires *-PXV, not *-PRV, which would yield **WDJDP. 7. Cf. Kortlandt 1981c: 30 [this vol., 35].

[103]

50

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[104]

distinguished in the other flexion classes. Second, the ablative cannot be derived from the genitive in the D and L-stems, where the stem vowel is absent before the historical ending, e.g. DP year , EDQ word , gen.sg. DPL, EDQL, abl.sg. DP , EDQ , inst.sg. DPDZ, EDQLZ.8 Here again, as in the explanation of the ending -R in the paradigm of the LD-stems, I think that we have to start from a pre-apocope loc.sg. ending *-L which corresponds with Vedic Y N . This ending apparently served as a model for the creation of a monosyllabic abl.sg. ending in the paradigm of the D-stems, perhaps *X, which was lost as a result of the apocope. The reconstruction of the PIE abl.pl. ending is a problem. The merger with the dative in Indo-Iranian, Italo-Celtic, and Germanic, and with the genitive in Balto-Slavic, Armenian, and Greek suggests that the original abl.pl. ending contained neither *EK nor *P and was liable to replacement with a more distinctive ending. I reconstruct PIE *LRV Under the influence of the instrumental, the ending was replaced with *-EK\RV in Indo-Iranian and with *-EKRV in Italo-Celtic, whereas it adopted the *P from the dative in Germanic. In my view, Armenian has preserved a remarkable trace of the PIE ending *LRV in the pronominal forms 1st pl. P Q and 2nd pl. M Q , where - continues earlier *-\-. These are the only forms with a distinct abl.pl. ending in Armenian, cf. 1st sg. LQ Q, 2nd sg. N Q. They cannot be compared with the case forms in R , which are limited to the singular. The form LQ Q may represent earlier *LP Q, which can be identified with Gothic gen. PHLQD of LN I' .9 Thus, Armenian provides an important link in the reconstruction of the PIE abl.pl. ending. 9. *HQGHU Several authors have observed that the loss of the PIE gender distinction in Armenian seems to be at variance with the accurate preservation of the case distinctions. As Meillet has remarked, the loss of grammatical gender is really the loss of gender concord in the adjective (1900b: 382 [= 1962: 52]). I have argued above that the neuter had merged with the masculine before the apocope, at least in the singular. The zero nom.pl. ending of the attributive adjective is best derived from masc. *RL and fem. *-DL, which had merged into *H before the apocope. The D- and LD-stems had adopted a number of case endings from the L- and LR-stems, respectively. As a result of these developments, the importance of grammatical gender was strongly reduced before the apocope already. When the vowel of the final syllable was lost, the gender distinction was eliminated from the nom. and acc. forms, and subsequently from the other cases. I have suggested above that a trace of the earlier gender distinction has been preserved in the oblique cases of PL one , gen.sg. PLR\, PLR , dat.loc.sg. PLXP, PLR .
8. Cf. Godel, o.c., 106 top. 9. Cf. Pedersen 1905a: 226 [= Kl.S., 88].

3URWR$UPHQLDQ FDVH HQGLQJV

51

10. 6XPPDU\ On the basis of the considerations which have been put forward I arrive at the following tentative reconstruction of the pre-apocope endings: nom. gen. dat. acc. abl. inst. loc. sg. X, D, L, R, -L RLX\R, R, R R, -UX RLX\H, XPH, -R H X, D, L, DQ, -L RLX\X, X, -R X -RDLXZL, -EL H, LX\L, -XPL, -R L pl. X[, D[, H[, H, -D RDLXFX, -UX RDLXFX, -X[ XV, DV, -LV, -D -RDLXFX, - R[ -RDLXZL[, EL[ R\X, R, -VX [105]

[On the merger of nominative and accusative singular forms see further Kortlandt 1985c [this vol., 63ff.]. For the pronouns see also Kortlandt 1983a [this vol., 52f.] and 1998a [this vol., 122ff.]. On the flexion of PL one and the loss of grammatical gender see further Weitenberg 1984. For the gen.pl. ending cf. Kortlandt 1978c. On the flexion of the Xstems see also Kortlandt 1985a [this vol., 60ff.] and 1996a [this vol., 117ff.].]

Demonstrative pronouns in [Balto-Slavic,] Armenian [and Tocharian]*

Starting from a single original demonstrative pronoun (VR, WR), a single anaphoric pronoun (H/L), and three deictic particles ( L, DX, DQ), we can derive the Slavic and East Baltic paradigms in a straightforward way. The main problem which remains to be discussed is the rise of the Prussian forms. I think that the clue to a possible solution is provided by the Armenian system. Unlike the other Indo-European languages, Armenian possesses three anaphoric pronouns, corresponding to the three demonstrative pronouns: D\V hic VD is VR\Q idem D\G iste GD is GR\Q idem D\Q ille QD is QR\Q idem The radical element of the three series is identical with the one of Lith. uV, WjV, DQjV. As Holger Pedersen has pointed out (1905b: 34f. [= Kl.S., 38f.]), the starting-point of the Armenian development must be sought in the forms GD, which represents WR, and D\Q, which is the reflex of DQLR, Skt. DQ\i other . The latter word is a derivative of the proposed particle DQ, which has been preserved in the adverb DQG there , cf. also Skt. iQWDUD other , Lith. DxWUDV second . Thus, we can derive the Arm. system from the one which has been reconstructed for Balto-Slavic. The correctness of this analysis is corroborated by the forms DZDVLN voici , DZDGLN, DZDQLN voil . Pedersen already identified VLN with Slavic VLF as a derivative in NR of PIE. L (1982: 41 [= Kl.S., 45]). It gave apparently rise [317] to a correlating form DQLN, which in its turn supplied the initial vowel for the creation of a form DVLN. Similarly, the initial vowel of DVW here was evidently taken from DQG there . The initial part DZ may represent the PIE. particle DX. Perikhanian s hypothesis that the forms under discussion are of Iranian origin does not explain the L (1966: 22). Of course, Iranian K X is itself
* Reprinted from 6WXGLHV LQ 6ODYLF DQG *HQHUDO /LQJXLVWLFV 3: 'XWFK FRQWULEXWLRQV WR WKH WK LQWHUQDWLRQDO FRQJUHVV RI VODYLVWV /LQJXLVWLFV (1983), [311-]316-317[-322].

[...]

52

'HPRQVWUDWLYH SURQRXQV LQ $UPHQLDQ

a conflation of VR and DX. [...]

53

[The absence of *K before *DQ is regular after prepositions. It is possible that DQG there actually reflects *\ plus *DQ (see Kortlandt 1998a [this vol., 122ff.]). The threefold article of Macedonian Slavic was probably borrowed from the local variety of Armenian in the 13th century.]

PIE. *+- in Armenian*

It is clear from Brian Josephs discussion (1984) that lack of explicitness on my part has given rise to some misunderstanding. In view of this, I gladly accept the Editors invitation to elaborate on the subject. 1. Since the publication of R.S.P. Beekes monograph on the development of the PIE. laryngeals in Greek (1969), the triple representation of schwa is a solved problem. Lindeman' s little book (1982) has convinced me that nothing can be gained from reopening the issue. It must be noted that the Greek evidence is crucial, and that the material from other languages can only play a subsidiary role. More specifically, the Armenian material must be considered in the light of the Greek evidence. For this reason I shall not go into a discussion of the basic hypothesis that there were three PIE. laryngeals *+ , *+ , *+ , which yielded a prothetic H, D, R in Greek, a hypothesis which I consider as well-proven as a hypothesis in linguistic reconstruction can be. Incidentally, note that in Lindeman' s chronology (p. 69f.) the early coloring of PIE. *H by a contiguous laryngeal is gratuitous because it is subphonemic only, and that he agrees to date the merger of the laryngeals after the separation of Anatolian from the original linguistic community, i.e. after the disintegration of Proto-Indo-European. 2. Lindeman calls my assumption that there was an opposition between *+ H- and *+R- in Proto-Indo-European wholly circular . There are three reasons why this is obviously not the case. 2.1. The comparative evidence points to three laryngeals and two vowels, viz. *H and *R to neutralization between the laryngeals in the neighborhood of the rounded vowel, and to the absence of word-initial vowels. If we start from the four sequences *+ H-, *+ H-, *+ H-, *+R-, which can be reconstructed without taking the Armenian evidence into account, it is clear that the initial laryngeal is automatic in the first and in the last instance, but not in *+ H- and *+ H-. It is therefore hardly surprising if we find a zero reflex of *+ before *H and of any laryngeal before *R and a nonzero reflex of *+ and *+

[42]

* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 5 (1984), 41-43.

54

3,( *H- LQ $UPHQLDQ

55

before *H. I claim that this is indeed what we find in Armenian. 2.2. We know more about PIE. ablaut than can be inferred from the Armenian material. If KRW odor can be identified with Latin RGRU, which is an original V-stem, we expect H-vocalism in the root. If we find D\F inspection next to OE. VFH idem < *R\VN and KD\FHP beg next to Latin DHUXVF UH idem < *D\VRV-, we expect *R in the former and *H in the latter word. 2.3. The same distribution can probably be established for Hittite, e.g. KDUS- separate < *+ HUEK-, DUN mount < *+RU KH\- (Oettinger 1979: 415), Gr. 'Q +, '3+. The matter cannot be pursued here. 3. Joseph' s objection that I deal with an abstract phonological representation is based on a misunderstanding. I do not generally recognize ordering of underlying forms as a viable mode of linguistic argumentation. The correct view is stated in Joseph' s footnote 5: *+ H differed phonetically from *+R in the proto-language. In my article on *+ R I have called attention to the Shuswap language, which offers the closest typological parallel for the PIE. laryngeals. That language distinguishes phonetically between e.g. + V+ HVW sunny and + R\W withered , where the labialization of the pharyngeal resonant is automatic before the rounded vowel of the latter word, but constitutes an independent distinctive feature before the H- and zero grade vocalism of the former (cf. Kuipers 1974). A wider knowledge of more exotic languages could save Indo-European linguistics quite a bit of misguided argumentation. 4. The PIE. word for name can be reconstructed as *+ QH+ PQ (Latin Q PHQ, Hitt. O PDQ, Skt. Q PD, Arm. DQXQ), obl. *+ Q+ PHQ- (Gr. # , OIr. DLQP, OPr. HPPHQV, Russ. tPMD, Alb. HPsU). The initial labialized laryngeal is warranted by Gr. I/ #+ nameless < *Q+ -. No conclusions can be based on the Laconian name / ' -? +: if it is cognate at all, the initial laryngeal may have lost its rounding by dissimilation, as the second laryngeal did in Toch. A xRP, B xHP, which point to *+ Q PQ. It is clear from KHUX last year that Armenian did not lower H to D before X in the following syllable. 5. The word DUDZU plough can be identified with Gr. x'#-'# < *+ U+ WURP, with zero grade before the thematic suffix. The H-grade is attested in KDUDZXQN field , which can be identified with OIr. DUERU corn < *+ HU+ ZU, gen. DUEDH < *+ U+ ZHQV. The dialectal variant KDU U apparently adopted the H-grade of the verb in the same way as Lith. iUNODV and Latin DU WUXP adopted the verbal stem. The original zero grade was preserved in Lith. uUNODV oar < *+ U+ WORP, Gr. y'J- . 6. The form KDJDQLP put on clothes shows the expected reflex of + HZ- and can be compared with Lith. D WL, Slavic -XWL, Latin -X , whereas the variant DJDQLP shares the R-vocalism of Umbrian DQRXLKLPX induitor <

[43]

56

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

*-+RZH\-. The former variant is original in the verb, while the latter must have arisen under the influence of R-grade derivatives and prefixed formations such as D DJDVW curtain . In a similar way, Greek and Hittite eliminated the initial laryngeal of *+ ZHV- put on clothes on the analogy of the R-grade root form *+RZ-, e.g. Hitt. ZH- dress next to XQX- adorn , thereby removing the homonymy with *+ ZHV- spend the night , where the H-grade root form *+ HZwas more vigorous, e.g. Gr. E7, aor. x()J) . Armenian shows expected absence of K- in DZW place to spend the night < *+RZ- and YD\UDJ living in the field , and analogical elimination in DJDQLP spend the night .

[See further Kortlandt 1986a [this vol., 68ff.] and 1987a [this vol., 75ff.]. On Anatolian see now my forthcoming article in 2USKHXV 13-14 (2004).]

Notes on Armenian historical phonology IV*

1. PXNQ, MXNQ. The words PXNQ mouse and MXNQ fish must be derived from PIE. acc.sg. *PX+VP and *G KX+P respectively (cf. Pedersen 1905a: 215 [= Kl.S., 77], Winter 1965: 104). The structure of these words can be compared with that of RWQ foot , GX Q door , MH Q hand , from *SRGP, *GKXUP, * KHVUP. Since it has been shown that the glottalic feature of East Armenian N is probably very old (cf. Kortlandt 1978a: 15 [this vol., 25]), we must reconsider the possibility that it represents the phonetic reflex of the PIE. laryngeal in PXNQ and MXNQ. If this conjecture is correct, the oralization of the laryngeal is comparable to the same development in English KDFN, TXLFN, VWDNH from *ND+Z-, *J L+Z-, *VWD+Z- (cf. Lehmann 1965: 216). Oralization of a glottal stop is a well-known development in Danish (cf. Skautrup 1928: 32-33). Werner Winter has proposed that the velar stop in PXNQ and MXNQ is a secondary modification of aspirated N before the suffix -Q and that this N was the phonetic reflex of *-+V in the nom.sg. form (1965: 105). Since it has been shown that -N is the phonetic reflex of PIE. final *-V (cf. Pedersen 1905a: 209227 [= Kl.S., 71-89], Kortlandt 1980b: 99-104 [this vol., 27-31]), the laryngeal is redundant in this explanation. Moreover, it is improbable that postvocalic N would have been preserved before -Q (cf. Kortlandt 1980b: 102 [this vol., 29f.]). We must therefore consider the possibility that the stem-final spirant in the word for mouse was simply lost and that the laryngeal was oralized before the syllabic nasal. I see no objection to this view. It obviously presupposes the syllabification of Vedic acc.sg. GKt\DP thought , Y N\jP she-wolf , not GHY P goddess .

2. DNQ, XQNQ. The reason for Winter to derive the velar stop of PXNQ and MXNQ from earlier N is the alternation in DNQ eye , gen.sg. DNDQ, nom.pl. DN, gen.pl.
* Reprinted from 6WXGLD &DXFDVLFD 6 (1985), 9-11.

57

58

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[10]

DDF, which represent acc.sg. *RN P, nom.du. *RN L+. The initial D- is the phonetic reflex of R- in open syllables (cf. Kortlandt 1983b: 10 [this vol., 40]) and represents both the R-grade and the zero-grade vocalism of the root. The expected nom.sg. form is *RN. It is improbable that the velar stop would have been preserved in the oblique cases, cf. JD\O wolf (from *-O\-), OHDUG liver , Vedic Y NDV, \iN W. I therefore assume that it was restored on the analogy of the type *PXN, *MXN, acc.sg. PXNQ, MXNQ. The original stop was preserved in the plural, where -- represents the cluster *-N \-. The word XQNQ ear consists of XQ-, which is the expected reflex of acc.sg. *XVP, and -NQ, which was apparently taken from DNQ. The plural DNDQ N remains unexplained.

3. PHUM, PDZUXN. The perfect correspondence between PHUM near and Greek z3' suggests that PIE. *- K- was not depalatalized before -U- (cf. Kortlandt 1978b: 239). This is at variance with the depalatalization of *- - in PDZUXN beard , which is identical with Vedic Pi UX, cf. Irish VPHFK chin from *VPHN . It now seems to me that Armenian probably shared the development of Balto-Slavic and Albanian, e.g. Lith. VPmNUDV, Alb. PMHNsU. The palatal stop of PHUM shows that we have to reconstruct *PH KVUL and that the medial *-V- was preserved at the time of depalatalization before resonants. The word is evidently a compound of *PH- in and the locative of the word for hand *- KVUL. 4. VUXQN, N XQN The preservation of the palatal in VUXQN shin-bone and the absence of metathesis in N XQN crane show that there was a vowel between the initial consonant and the following -U-. This vowel was either L from * or X from * . The comparison with Latin FU V and JU V points to an original vowel alternation in the root. This is corroborated by the depalatalized stop of N XQN, which must have been taken from the cases where the palatal was in immediate contact with the following -U-. The full grade is attested in Lith. JpUY , SCr. U Y, Gr. z' #+, the zero grade in OHG. NUDQXFK. I wonder if N XQN represents a metathesized form of acc.sg. *JUX+QP, with oralization of the laryngeal as in PXNQ and MXNQ. Similarly, the velar suffix of the Germanic word may be due to oralization of the laryngeal. It is noteworthy that the velar suffix is limited to Armenian and Germanic. The coexistence of derivatives in -X- and -Q- is reminiscent of Latin FRUYXV raven and FRUQ [ crow . I think that we have to start from PIE. masc. * HU+X-, metathesized to * HUX+- before a consonant, and fem. * HU++Q-, cf. Welsh JDUDQ with double zero grade. The syncopated vowel in VUXQN and N XQN was probably an analogical lengthened grade *- - as in Gothic T QV wife and Greek % ' liver , where

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ ,9

59
[11]

the original full grade is preserved in Old Irish EHQ, Slavic HQD, Latin LHFXU, Vedic \iN W. The model for the introduction of the lengthened grade vowel was provided by monosyllables such as PIE. * UG heart , *P PV meat , *GL ZV heaven . The different generalization of the initial consonant in VUXQN and N XQN is a consequence of the phonetic developments and their relative chronology (cf. Kortlandt 1980b: 100-103 [this vol., 28-30]). In the case of VUXQN, the original alternation between antevocalic palatal and anteconsonantal velar was changed by the lenition and subsequent loss of the velar, which motivated the generalization of V-. In the case of N XQN, the velar stop was not lost, but only subject to metathesis shortly before the apocope. I think that the velar had been generalized at that stage and that the metathesized stem form was eliminated in order to remove the awkward alternation. [See also Kortlandt 1985c [this vol., 63ff.]. The laryngeal was not oralized in *L+P, as is clear from the original accusative PLQ of PL one (see Kortlandt 1994b [this vol., 98]). ]

Arm. DUWDZVU tear *

1. The Indo-European word for tear has the following manifestations: (1) *D UX in Vedic i UX, Toch. A NlU, Lith. mDUD. (2) *GD UX in Greek 9'/, Old Irish GpU, Old Breton GDFU-, Gothic WDJU, OHG. ]DKDU (3) *GUD UX in Arm. DUWDZVU, pl. DUWDVXN, Latin GODFULPD (Hamp 1972: 294), OHG. WUDKDQ. (4) Hittite LKDKUX. The derivation of the Armenian word presents a difficulty. 2. Meillet (1936: 55) and Pedersen (1906: 408 [= Kl.S., 186]) derived the Armenian word from *GUD X-, with epenthesis of the lost *X in the singular, and adduced DZU day as a parallel. This presupposes a reconstruction * P U of the latter word. I agree with Greppin (1978: 284) that it is better to start from * P , which is in accordance with Homeric '. Even if we start from * P U, the word does not provide evidence for X-epenthesis because *P was lost before *X in Proto-Armenian (cf. Kortlandt 1981c: 30 [this vol., 35]). 3. Greppin nevertheless assumes X-epenthesis in DUWDZVU and adduces PDZUXN beard , Vedic Pi UX, as a parallel (1978: 286). This position is untenable, first because there is no X-epenthesis in the plural DUWDVXN, and second because the palatovelar was lost in PDZUXN. The stop in the latter word was evidently depalatalized, as it was in Lith. VPmNUDV and Alb. PMHNsU, and subsequently subject to lenition and development into -Z-, like the dental stop in PDZU mother (gen.) , Gr. -'+ (cf. Kortlandt 1985b: 10 [this vol., 58] and 1980b: 102 [this vol., 29f.]). 4. Though Greppin' s position cannot be maintained, the comparison with PDZUXN points the way to a solution of the problem. It must be noted that DUWDVXN is the regular outcome of *GUD X-, while the expected reflex of *GUDNUX is **DUWDZU. The latter form seems to have adopted the -V- of the former. This shifts the problem to the establishment of the original formation and the flectional paradigm of the word. 5. It is clear that the Indo-European words for tear cannot be reduced
* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 6 [Fs. Djahukian] (1985), 59-61.

[60]

60

$UP artawsr WHDU

61

to a single reconstruction. If we regard *GD UX as a simplification of *GUD UX, we are still left with three forms with a stronger mutual resemblance than could have been produced by accident. Moreover, the reconstruction *GUD UX cannot be recast in laryngealist terms and must therefore be rejected as a Proto-Indo-European form. Both formal and semantic considerations lead to the conclusion that the word is a compound, the second component of which is *D UX. 6. Formally, the second component *D UX can hardly be separated from the root *+ H - sharp, bitter , zero grade *+ - in composition. The vocalization of the laryngeal suggests that the first component ended in an obstruent. The preservation of the simplex in Indo-Iranian and Baltic may be due to the fact that a laryngeal between obstruents was not vocalized in these languages. The development of * before U in Hittite LKDKUX is possibly the same as in KDUQL head (loc.) and KDU]L plows , Vedic U D L, NiU DWL, N iWL. 7. Semantically, the word for tear is typically a compound eye-water in many languages. For *GUD UX both eye-water and water-bitter have been proposed (cf. Van Windekens 1976: 14). The obvious source seems to be *GU + UX eye-bitter with dissimilation of the first * , cf. Gr. '9#+ eye , Vedic G - sight , Irish GHUF eye , GUHFK face from *G . The compound may have competed with the phrase *GU RP + H UX in late Proto-Indo-European.1 8. The Hittite word for eye DNXL, pl. DNXD, is generally derived from *VHN -, OHG. VHKDQ see . The expected word for tear is now *VN + UX, which apparently yielded LKDKUX by loss of the labialization and assimilation of the velar to the following laryngeal. There is a trace of the first component in Old Irish URVF eye , pFRVF appearance from *SURVN RP, *LQNRPVN RP. 9. Like other X-stems, *GUD UX received an ending -U in Armenian. The development of * into -V- in DUWDZVU shows that *GUD UXU was dissimilated to *GUD XU before the depalatalization of * before *U, which was a dialectal Indo-European development. The addition of -U must therefore be dated to Proto-Indo-European times. This early date is corroborated by the plural *GUD UXQD, which can be reconstructed on the basis of Latin GODFULPD (Hamp 1972: 296), OHG. WUDKDQ, Lith. mDUD, and Toch. B DNU QD. The Arm. plural DUWDVXN was evidently built upon the singular *GUD XU. 10. We have now arrived at a reconstructed paradigm *GUD XU, obl. *GUDNUX-, which yielded an alternation *-DVXU, *-DZUX- in pre-apocope Armenian. This alternation was not quite exceptional, as is clear from *PDLU mother , *KZHKXU sister , obl. *PDZU-, *KZHKU- on the one hand, and *VLUX-,

[61]

1. Professor C.J. Ruijgh points out to me that Homeric J'- denotes specifically a fixed look, as opposed to *+ HN  see , and that we may have to conceive of *GUNDNUX as tears that gather when the eye is fixed upon an event which rouses emotions.

62

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

VUXQN shin-bone , obl. *HUX-, Latin FU V on the other. Most probably, insertion of -Z- from the oblique cases yielded a pre-apocope form *DUWDZVXU, from which the oblique case forms adopted the -V- after the apocope. The plural DUWDVXN was not affected. [A similar analysis has now been proposed by Pinault (1997).]

The syncretism of nominative and accusative singular in Armenian*

1. Apart from the personal pronouns 1st sg. HV, acc. LV, and 2nd sg. GX, acc. NH], classical Armenian does not make a distinction between nom.sg. and acc.sg. forms. The origin of this syncretism may be threefold: (1) the nom. and acc.sg. forms merged phonetically; (2) the nom.sg. form replaced the acc.sg. form; (3) the acc.sg. form replaced the nom.sg. form. In the following I intend to show that all of these developments must be assumed for Proto-Armenian. 2. As Godel points out, the choice between the three hypotheses on the origin of the syncretism depends on how one figures out the fate of final nasals (1975: 99). There can be no doubt that syllabic final nasals are reflected as -Q, cf. HZWQ seven , LQQ nine , WDVQ ten , also VHUPQ seed , JHPQ fleece , HUPQ heat . The words MH Q hand , RWQ foot , DNQ eye , GX Q door can therefore be identified with the PIE. acc.sg. forms, cf. Greek 3J' , % . The correctness of this identification is strongly supported by the archaic instrumental form MHUE by hand , cf. MHUEDNDO prisoner , and by the absence of the nasal in the plural stems MH -, RW-, D-, GXU-. Nonsyllabic final nasals are reflected as -Q in monosyllables, cf. NDQ than' ; LQ something , Latin TXDP, Vedic Nt FLG. It is clear from these examples that original -P and -Q merged in Proto-Armenian. 3. If the identification of -Q with the acc. ending is correct, it follows that the consonant stems mentioned above generalized the acc.sg. form as the casus rectus. There is a clear motivation for this generalization in the merger with the neuter gender because neuter consonant stems in -PQ were particularly frequent. The mere absence of a distinction between nom. and acc. forms in the neuter does not suffice to motivate the elimination of the distinction in
* Reprinted from 5HYXH GHV eWXGHV $UPpQLHQQHV, n.s. 19 (1985), 19-24.

63

64

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[20]

non-neuter paradigms, however, especially in view of its preservation in the plural. It is therefore probable that the nom. and acc.sg. forms merged phonetically in one or more flexion classes. This suggests that nonsyllabic final nasals were lost in polysyllables, so that the acc.sg. ending of the vocalic stems was lost and the acc.sg. form could be identified with the bare stem in a number of flexion classes. As a result, the nom. and acc.sg. forms merged in the -stems. 4. In contradistinction to the instances cited above, the nom.sg. form was generalized in the U-stems, cf. KD\U father , PD\U mother , HED\U brother , NR\U sister , WD\JU husband' s brother , GXVWU daughter , D\U man . All of these nouns denote persons, where the nominative was more frequent than in the case of inanimate objects. Incidentally, neuter nom.acc.sg. forms in -U were frequent, e.g. DZU day , DELZU spring , KXU fire , DUWDZVU tear , RVNU bone . 5. According to Godel (1975: 99f.), the weak point in the hypothesis that nonsyllabic final nasals were lost while syllabic final nasals were preserved as -Q is that the syllabic nasals must have developed into -DQ cf. HZWDQDVXQ seventy , WDVDQRUG tithe . The objection does not hold because it does not take into account the relative chronology of the sound changes. The word JD\O wolf < *J DO\R- < *J O[R- < *ZON R- shows that the elimination of the syllabic resonants was posterior to the lenition of the intervocalic velar stop, but anterior to the metathesis of the resonants (cf. Kortlandt 1980b: 103 [this vol., 31]). Nonsyllabic final nasals in polysyllables had probably been lost by the time of the lenition of intervocalic stops: I assume the early rise of nasal vowels and their subsequent denasalization, cf. XV shoulder , Vedic i VD . The rise of nasal vowels was posterior to the rise of K from V, but anterior to the lenition which eliminated the nasal in D\U man , DZU day , Greek w=', '.

6. It has been objected against the hypothesis that nonsyllabic final nasals were lost in polysyllables that final -Q seems to be preserved in JD Q lamb , Greek () '= (e.g., Godel 1975: 100f.). The objection does not hold because the -Q can easily be explained as a result of analogy (cf. Pedersen 1905a: 217 [= Kl.S., 79], Meillet 1936: 80). It has been suggested that the original nom.sg. form of the non-neuter Q-stems was preserved in HU F elder , PDUGLN people , DQGUDQLN first-born (Pedersen 1905a: 218 [= Kl.S., 80]), D LN maid , PDQXN child (Meillet 1936: 80). These nouns denote persons. Nouns denoting inanimate objects apparently adopted the neuter ending -Q. [21] 7. It follows from what has just been said that MLZQ snow and VLZQ column do not match Greek 3I and  7, the expected reflex of which is + ML, +VLZ. The Armenian words must be derived from the acc.sg. form, Greek

7KH V\QFUHWLVP RI QRPLQDWLYH DQG DFFXVDWLYH LQ $UPHQLDQ

65

3 ,  # . Note that MLZQ is indeed the phonetic reflex of * KLHRPP because final -P yielded -Q and -PQ yielded -ZQ after a vowel, cf. PU LZQ ant , gen.sg. PU PDQ. The radical nasal of MLZQ is preserved in MPH Q winter , which must be derived from acc.sg. * KLPHUP, like DPD Q summer from *VP+ HUP. For the same reason, the suffix -WLZQ cannot be identified with Latin -WL but must be compared with the acc.sg. form -WL QHP. It appears that -QP shared the development of -PP. Similarly, the derivation of XQ dog and WXQ house from * Z Q and *G P is questionable: these words can equally be derived from the acc.sg. forms * ZRQP and *GRPP, cf. Vedic Y QDP, Greek . The latter derivation is actually to be preferred in view of the syllabification of RV. X 86.4 XY , Greek E7, and Welsh FL (not +SL), the expected Armenian reflex of which is +VX, not XQ.

8. The instances adduced so far point to a tendency toward generalization of the nom.sg. form in the case of persons and the acc.sg. form with other nouns. This is reminiscent of the development in French and Bulgarian. Modern French has generally lost the original nominative, which survives in SUrWUH, DQFrWUH, SHLQWUH, WUDvWUH, VXU (Arm. NR\U), and in the doublets FRSDLQ, JDUV, VLUH and the pronoun RQ beside FRPSDJQRQ, JDUoRQ, VHLJQHXU, KRPPH (cf. Price 1971: 98). Since the development seems to be parallel, we may look for doublets in Armenian as well. 9. Weitenberg has recently suggested that the additional (\DZHODNDQ) -Q of modern eastern dialects represents the PIE. acc.sg. ending in a number of instances (1985). The word DVW star has an additional -Q in Goris and Lo i, and gen.sg. -DQ in Van. The dialectal form DVWHQ may represent acc.sg. *DVWHQ < *+ VWHOP. The word LZ branch has an additional -Q LQ 0HUL DQG .DUDEDJ and gen.sg. -DQ in Mu. Its archaic instrumental HE shows that it is an old consonant stem, to be compared with Greek z#+ missile , J needle , Lith. JHOXRQuV sting (cf. Pedersen 1906: 393 [= Kl.S., 171]).

10. Conversely, the coexistence of classical Q-stems and forms without -Q in the same dialects or in the classical language points to original doublets. In the case of DVHQ needle , forms without -Q DUH IRXQG LQ 0HUL $JXOLV DQG Goris, and in the classical bird name DVDNWXF needle-beak . The word is evidently identical with Slavic RVOD whetstone and Old English HJOH awn . Weitenberg' s theory offers an ingenious explanation for the word NDWQ milk , which is represented in the dialects as ND[F 0HUL $JXOLV DQG NDWQ (e.g., Karabag): these forms can be derived from nom. *NDF < *JONWV and acc. *NDWQ < *JONWP UHVSHFWLYHO\ FI 'DXNMDQ   11. The hypothesis that nonsyllabic final nasals were lost in

[22]

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

polysyllables allows us to identify the nom.acc.sg. form of the R, L, and X-stems with the original accusative. This identification actually imposes itself because the phonetic reflex of final -V is -N in Armenian, as Pedersen has shown in detail (1905a: 209-227 [= Kl.S., 71-89], cf. Kortlandt 1980b: 99-104 [this vol., 2731]). The sigmatic nom.sg. ending was evidently eliminated under the combined pressure of several morphological factors, the most important of which was the sigmatic nom.pl. ending. Here again, French offers a parallel. The regular paradigm of the R-stems in Old French was the following: nom. acc. sg. (Latin) PXUV < PXUXV PXU < PXUXP pl. (Latin) PXU < PXUL PXUV < PXURV

Modern French has substituted the accusative for the nominative both in the singular and in the plural. The same development must evidently be assumed for Armenian in the singular. The model for the replacement was provided by the D, Q, and U-stems, where the sigmatic ending was limited to the plural. 12. A second factor in the development was the merger with the neuter gender (cf. Lamberterie 1979: 327). When nonsyllabic final nasals were lost in polysyllables, the acc.sg. form of the masc. and fem. L- and X-stems merged with the neuter nom.acc.sg. form, which was identical with the bare stem. Moreover, the acc.sg. form of the -stems merged with the nom.sg. form, which was again identical with the bare stem. The substitution of the accusative for the nominative in the paradigm of the R-stems has a parallel in Slavic, where the barytone neuters merged with the masculines (cf. IlOL-6YLW\  -130 = 1979: 108-114). 13. A third factor in the elimination of the sigmatic nom.sg. form was the asigmatic ending of the demonstrative pronoun *VR, which served as a model for the attested demonstrative and interrogative pronouns, e.g. QR\Q that very , RY who . The introduction of pronominal endings into nominal paradigms is also found in gen.sg. -R\, loc.sg. -XP, -R (cf. Kortlandt 1983d: 67). 14. The main objection which can be raised against the hypothesis that final -V developed phonetically into -N is the zero nom.pl. ending of the attributive adjective (cf. Meillet 1900b: 382 [= 1962: 52] and 1911: 9 [= 1962: 131]). The objection is easily removed by the assumption that the adjective had pronominal endings, as it had in Germanic, e.g. Gothic EOLQGDL blind beside GDJ V days . If this assumption is correct, the apocope yielded the attested endings.

[23]

7KH V\QFUHWLVP RI QRPLQDWLYH DQG DFFXVDWLYH LQ $UPHQLDQ

67

15. As in the case of the consonant stems, one may look for survivals of the original nom.sg. form. Since the sigmatic nominative merged phonetically with the plural, such instances may be expected to have adopted the plural inflexion. I think that the sigmatic nom.sg. ending lies at the root of the remarkable abundance of pluralia tantum in Armenian, many of which have an abstract meaning. In the locative, these nouns take demonstratives and possessives in the singular, e.g. L NHDQVQ NXP in your life (cf. Meillet 1911: 12 [= 1962: 134]). The adoption of the plural inflexion was facilitated by the absence of a clear number distinction in abstract concepts. The origin of the type must probably be sought in deverbal L-stems, e.g. HON outcome , [DZVN speech . 16. To summarize, we have to assume the following Proto-Armenian developments: (1) The nom. and acc.sg. forms merged phonetically in the -stems; neuters had a single nom.acc. form in the proto-language already. (2) The nominative replaced the accusative in KD\U, PD\U, HED\U, NR\U, WD\JU, GXVWU, D\U, HU F, PDUGLN, DQGUDQLN, D LN, PDQXN; it joined the plural in abstract nouns such as HON and [DZVN. (3) The accusative replaced the nominative in the R, L, X-, and consonant stems, e.g. MH Q, RWQ, DNQ, GX Q, MLZQ, VLZQ, WLZQ, XQ, WXQ, JD Q, MPH Q, DPD Q. (4) The nom. and acc.sg. forms are both preserved in DVW, *DVWHQ, LZ, *HQ, *DV, DVHQ, *NDF, NDWQ. [See also Kortlandt 1996a [this vol., 117ff.]. Stempel objects that we do not find N < *V in the nom.sg., gen.sg., and 2nd sg. endings (1994). It seems to me that this argument has adequately been countered above, cf. also Kortlandt 1984a [this vol., 46f.] on the noun and 1981c [this vol., 34f.] on the verb.]

Armenian and Albanian*

1. Ten years ago I wrote an article, which was published five years ago (1980a), on the earliest relations between Albanian and Armenian. I defended the thesis that these languages developed from contiguous Indo-European dialects, constituting a link between Balto-Slavic on the one hand and Greek on the other. Since the recent publication of Hulds etymological glossary (1984), the Albanian material has become more easily accessible to students of Indo-European, not only through the rich bibliography, but especially as a result of the laudable inclusion of ample information on the dialects, which often play a decisive role in the reconstruction of Proto-Albanian. We must be grateful to the author for placing this material at our disposal and can only hope for an amplified future edition to replace Meyers etymological dictionary (1891). In the following I intend to reconsider the earliest relations between Armenian and Albanian in the light of Hulds monograph. I shall not discuss the points of disagreement with Hulds views which have no bearing on the subject. 2. Huld lists the following correspondences between Albanian, Armenian, and Greek: (1) Alb. sQGsUU < *DQGsUUs, Arm. DQXU , Gr. J'#+ dream , which must be derived from *+ QU\R-, *+ Q U\R-, *+ QHU\R-, respectively. Huld assumes for Albanian full grade in the root, which is in my opinion incorrect (cf. below). (2) Alb. HGK, Arm. D\F, Gr. ! goat . The problem with this word is the absence of K- in both Armenian and Albanian. Hamp suggests that the K- was lost by analogy with Alb. GKL goat if the latter is related to Lith. P T, Skt. DMi (1965: 140), but the comparison of this word with German =LHJH < *GLJK , Laconian ? , Arm. WLN is preferable (cf. Huld 1984: 59).1 Peters suggests that Gr. ! may represent both full grade *+ HL - and zero grade *+ L - (1980: 83). Though this would solve the problem of Armenian and Albanian, it is improbable, as Peters demonstrates himself (1980: 113). The word is probably an orientalisches Kulturwort (Pokorny 1959: 13, Solta 1960: 405): I

[39]

* Reprinted from /D SODFH GH O

DUPpQLHQ GDQV OHV ODQJXHV LQGRHXURSpHQQHV (Leuven: Peeters, 1986), 38-47. 1. Laconian ? may be a mistake for  < *DLJ\D.

68

$UPHQLDQ DQG $OEDQLDQ

69

reconstruct dialectal IE. *D\ -. (3) Alb. sQGH, Gr. xK#+ flower , Arm. DQG field , to which can be added Skt. iQGKD plant , Toch. A QW, B QWH plain , all of which can be derived from *+ HQGKRV *+ QGKHV-. The equation is not evident. (4) Alb. WKHOOs deep , Arm. VR\O cave , Gr. ##+ < *NyZLORV hollow , which Huld derives from * RX+OR- curved in (1978). Since the evidence for a laryngeal origin of Gr. -- is insufficient, I think that Armenian and Albanian have preserved the original form of the word, while Gr. -#+ is of analogical origin, cf. %#?#+ spotted , Skt. SH DOi . (5) Alb. YMHKsUU, YMHKUUD, Arm. VNHVXU, Gr. x/' husband' s mother represent *VZH XU , which was created on the basis of *VZH XURV husband' s father (Alb. YMHKsUU, YMHKUUL) to replace PIE. *VXH UX+V. Huld assumes a metathesized form with irregular stress *XpV XURV in order to explain the Albanian words (1979: 198). This DG KRF solution is not attractive. Pedersen' s statement that intervocalic *- U- yielded -KU in the word for mother-in-law (1900a: 339) is in conflict with the development in PMHNsU < *VPH U chin, beard , where the palatovelar stop was regularly depalatalized before the following resonant (cf. below). I think that we must assume an intermediate stage *VZHQU V, where the medial fricative was adopted from the word for father-in-law , and subsequent development into -KU-. A similar analogy accounts for the development of the initial cluster (cf. below). (6) Alb. LP, Arm. LP, Gr. y + mine . The Albanian form represents L HP (Pedersen 1900b: 341 [= Kl.S., 2]). I think that it reflects PIE. zero grade *+ P, which relates to acc. *+ PH, poss. *+ PRV in the same way as Gr. -E ()E) and Alb. X < *VX self relate to acc. *WXH, *VXH, poss. *WXRV, *VXRV. (7) Alb. QMHUt, Arm. D\U, Gr. w=' replace PIE. *XL+URV as the common word for man . The Alb. suffix is a late addition. PIE. *+ QHU- was a honorific term. (8) Alb. WKsUt < * RQLG , Arm. DQLF, Gr. #?+ lice eggs have full grade in the root, as opposed to the zero grade in OE. KQLWX <* QLG , SCr. JQM GD (with depalatalization and voicing of the palatovelar stop before the nasal resonant, palatalization of the latter in accordance with Trubetzkoy 1930: 392, and lengthening in accordance with Winter' s law). The loss of the initial stop in Armenian betrays an earlier alternation * RQ-, * Q-, the latter of which yielded *Q- at stage 12 of my chronology (1980b: 102 [this vol., 29]), cf. OX, Gr. /-+ famous . The zero reflex of the initial stop was evidently extended analogically to the antevocalic position in DQLF, probably at a stage when it still was a weak fricative. (9) Alb. SXQs work , Arm. SR\W zeal , Gr. )%#/ = haste . This comparison is of little value. The connection with the Arm. word cannot be maintained (cf. Pedersen 1905a: 200 [= Kl.S., 62]). (10) Alb. TDM < * ODXQ\ , Arm. ODP, Gr.  ()?7 cry, weep . This equation

[40]

70

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

seems preferable to the usual derivation of the Arm. word from *O -: I reconstruct * OH+ X-. For the loss of the semivowel in Armenian cf. DHP < *DXgrow , R < *RX not . (11) Alb. ]MDUP fire , Arm. HUP, Gr. KJ' + warm , Toch. A lUPH heat have H-grade vocalism, while the R-grade is found in Baltic, Germanic, Latin, and Indo-Iranian.21 (12) Alb. GRUs <* K VU , Arm. MH Q, Gr. 3J?', Toch. A WVDU, B DU, Hittite NHDU represent the PIE. word for hand . (13) Alb. QMs, Arm. PL, Gr. ? , Toch. A Vl , B VDQD one . This derivation of the Alb. word seems preferable to its comparison with Skt. DQ\i .

[41]

3. In addition, the following comparisons were adduced by Pedersen (1900b), Jokl (1963), and Solta (1960): (1) Alb. DUGKt, Arm. RUW vine . This connection cannot be maintained (cf. Weitenberg 1975: 68f.). (2) Alb. ]RJ, Arm. MDJ young bird . The initial stop is reminiscent of the one in Alb. ]s, Arm. MD\Q voice . (3) Alb. EXWs soft , Arm. EXW < *-NW- blunt , to which can be added Lith. EXNV blunt , OIr. ERFF soft . (4) Alb. V, Arm. , Gr. #? not . (5) Alb. TH < NOH was , Arm. OLQLP become , Gr.  7 incline . (6) Alb. KD, KsQJUD, Arm. XWHP, NHUD\ eat, ate , which must be derived from *-+ HG-, *-J HU+ -. The prefix of the present tense may represent *+ HX- in Albanian and *VRP- in Armenian (cf. Skt. iYDJLU-, ViPDG-). (7) Alb. KHUGKH, Arm. RUMLN testes , also Gr. '3+, MIr. XLUJH. I reconstruct *+ HU KL-, *+ U KHL- (cf. below). (8) Alb. GKMDPs fat, lard , Arm. WDPXN humid , Gr.  + fat . This connection cannot be maintained (cf. Huld 1984: 60). (9) Alb. JOLVKW finger , Arm. LZ branch, finger , which must be an old consonant stem in view of its archaic instrumental HE. (10) Alb. GUHGK, GURGKD, Arm. GD QDP, GDUMD\ turn, -ed . (11) Alb. YsWK, Arm. JLQG ring . This comparison can hardly be maintained. (12) Alb. WULP brave , Arm. WDUP fresh , which can be derived from the same root as Gr. -z' soft , (13) Alb. GKDOOs buttermilk , Arm. GDO, GD\O colostrum , The comparison of the Alb. word with Gr. 9 milk (e.g., Huld 1984: 57) does not explain the initial stop, which should have been depalatalized if it represents * O-. It is interesting that both Pedersen and Jokl changed their mind about the Alb. word, abandoning their earlier support for the connection with Gr. 9 (cf. Hamp

2. The H-grade may have been taken from the root noun *J HU- which is attested in SCr. DU beside DUD heat .

$UPHQLDQ DQG $OEDQLDQ

71

1960: 277, Pedersen 1905a: 201 [= Kl.S., 63]). The Arm. word must be derived from *GKDOL-, which is a possible origin for the Alb. word, cf. also Gr. K= teat . 4. According to Huld, the most striking feature that separates Albanian from the Satem languages is the environmentally conditioned depalatalization of Indo-European palatals before non-vocalic resonants. This feature, a corollary to the Albanian neutralization of palatals before non-vocalic sounds, is entirely absent in Indo-Iranian and Armenian and quite different from the internal variation found in Baltic and Slavic, e.g. Lith. DNPX} stone , mPHQ\V ' edge (of a tool) , both from *$H PHQ- (1984: 160). Elsewhere I have suggested that the conditions for the depalatalization of palatovelars before resonants were essentially identical in Albanian and Balto-Slavic and independent of the syllabification (1978b: 242). In spite of Huld' s statement to the contrary, the Balto-6ODYLF GHYHORSPHQW LV QRW VSRUDGLF HNPDQ OLVWV  LQVWDQFHV RI Gutturalwechsel in Baltic and Slavic, not counting the onomatopoeic cases (1974). The Lith. formation in -PHQ is productive, e.g. UD write , UDPX} letter , VNDLW- count , VNDLWPX} figure , similarly mPHQ\V blade from the root D- sharp , but DNPX} = Skt. i P stone . In Indo-Iranian the depalatalization was apparently limited to the position before PIE. *U (cf. Meillet 1894b: 297f.). I now think that the depalatalization operated in Armenian in the same way as in $OEDQLDQ FI 'DXNMDQ   .RUWODQGW E gOEHUJ  (1) Arm. PDZUXN beard , Alb. PMHNsU, Lith. VPmNUDV chin . (2) Arm. DQLF louse egg , Alb. WKsUt, Gr. #?+ (cf. above). (3) Arm. OX famous , Gr. /-+, Skt. UXWi . (4) Arm. OLQLP become , Alb. TH was , Gr.  7 incline (cf. above). (5) Arm. ODP weep , Alb. TDM, Gr.  ()?7 (cf. above). (6) Arm. *NDF, NDWQ milk , Gr. 9 (cf. Weitenberg 1985). (7) Arm. N XQN crane , Gr. z' #+, German .UDQLFK. (8) Arm. DUJHO obstacle , where German 5LHJHO bolt points to an original vocalization *+ UH O-, cf. also Lith. UmNWDV key . The Arm. vocalism was probably adopted from a derived verb with zero grade root vowel which can be compared with Gr. w'z7, Latin DUFH . (9) Arm. NHUHP, NRUHP scratch , where the initial stop was taken from the zero grade form of the root, cf. Gr. J?'7,  '-. (10) Arm. VUXQN shin-bone reflects * UX-, while Latin FU V represents the oblique stem form. (11) Arm. PHUM < *PH KVUL near , Gr. z3', shows that the medial *-V- had not been lost at the time of the depalatalization, as is also clear from Lith. L PDV

[42]

72

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

spit , Gr. 3 = < *- VP- (cf. de Saussure 1892b: 90f. [= 1922: 459]).32 5. Another characteristic feature of the satem languages is the retraction of PIE. *V to after L, X, U, N (cf. Pedersen 1895). This is a shared innovation of Balto-Slavic, Indo-Iranian, Armenian (YHWDVDQ < *- V- sixteen ), and probably Albanian. The problem with the latter language is that is the usual reflex of PIE. *V in most environments, e.g. VKRK I see , VKWDWs seven , VKWsUSLQM < *VHUSpQ- vermin , PLVK meat (Arm. PLV), GKDVKs < *GRG+ V- I gave , VKRVK sieve , VKWHJ path , DVKW bone , sVKWs is , MDVKWs outside (Gr. y3K+). Word-initially before a stressed vowel the phonetic reflex of PIE. *V is a voiced palatal stop, e.g. JMDUSsU < *VpUSHQ- snake , JMDVKWs six , JMDOSs butter (Gr. |%#+, Toch. A lO\S, B DO\SH), JMXPs sleep . The intervocalic reflex of PIE. *V is zero, e.g. DMR < *-V she , also X < *VX self . The word NRKs time cannot be connected with Russ. DV because the initial stop is not palatalized and the ending represents *- . The word YHVK ear (Gr. #+) shows the anteconsonantal reflex of the root-final obstruent. The reflex of PIE. *VN is K, e.g. KLH shade (Gr. ) , Toch. B VNL\R), KHGK < *VNHXG throw (OE. VF RWDQ), DK < *RVNRbeech (Arm. KDFL), verbs in -K < *-VN . As in Armenian, PIE. *V was lost before nasals in Albanian, e.g. MDP am , PMHNsU beard .

[43]

6. Both Armenian and Albanian have a particular reflex of PIE. *VZ: (1) Arm. NXQ sleep , Skt. VYiSQD , but zero grade in Gr. %#+, Alb. JMXPs. (2) Arm. NR\U sister , Skt. VYiV . (3) Arm. NLUWQ sweat , Alb. GLUVs <*VZLGU-, Gr. 'I+, full grade in Latvian VYLrGUL, Skt. VYpGD . (4) Alb. GLHOO < *VZHO- sun , Gr. {, J sun' s heat . (5) Alb. GHUJMHP < *VZRUJK- am ill , Lith. TFSH, TJ HUJ, Toch. A VlUN, B VDUN illness . (6) Alb. YMHKsUU father/mother-in-law , Gr. x/'+, - < *VZH-. As in the case of JM- < *V-, I assume that G- < *VZ- developed before stressed vowels only (cf. Pedersen 1900a: 290). The word YMHKsUU shows that the initial fricative was lost in unstressed *VZH-, as it was in the clitic X < *VX self . (7) Alb. YHWs < *VZH- self . (8) Alb. YMHUU hang , Lith. TWFSJ, TWF UJ weigh . This verb must be separated from YpUWL pierce and Gr. wJ?'7 lift . Elsewhere I have argued that the remarkable development of PIE. *VZ- in Armenian and Albanian can be understood if we assume that the cluster became monophonemic at an early stage in these languages (1980a: 249 [this vol., 18], 1980b: 99 [this vol., 27]).
3. The form ! ' is attested in Myc. acc. pl. DLNDVDPD.

$UPHQLDQ DQG $OEDQLDQ

73

7. Armenian and Albanian also have a particular reflex of PIE. * Z and * KZ: (1) Arm. XQ dog , Skt. Y . (2) Arm. donkey , Skt. i YD horse . (3) Alb. VRUUs < * Z UQ crow , Bulg. VYUiND magpie , Lith. iUND. (4) Arm. MD\Q voice , Alb. ]s, ]k < * KZRQRV, Russ. ]YRQ ringing . Here again I assume that the clusters became monophonemic at an early stage in the two languages. The original affricate - of Alb. VRUUs is preserved in the Rumanian loanword FLRDU . The alleged reflex V of * before syllabic X (Huld 1984: 144f) cannot be maintained, as lberg has convincingly demonstrated (1968). 8. Elsewhere I have argued that PIE. *+ H- is reflected in Arm. KDQ grandmother , KDWDQHP cut , KDZ grandfather , KDJDFLP become addicted , KDUDZXQN field , KDZ bird , PIE. *+ H- in KRYLZ shepherd , KDFL ash tree' , KRW odour , perhaps KXP raw , PIE. *+R- and vocalized *+ - in R rump , RUE orphan , RUMLN testicles , RURU sea-gull , RVW branch , RVNU bone , XW eight , and vocalized *+ - in D\U cave , DU bear , DUFDW silver , DUJHO obstacle , DUDZU plough , DFHP bring (1983b: 12ff. [this vol., 41ff.]). I wonder if a similar distribution can be established for Albanian. The following instances are relevant (cf. Hamp 1965, lberg 1972): (1) Alb. KDS < *+ HS- open , Gr. w%, Skt. iSD.43 (2) Alb. KLQM, I K < *+ HX- enter , Skt. iYD. This etymology is probably false (cf. lberg 1972: 123). (3) Alb. KXW < *+ HXW- empty , Gr. -7+, Gothic DXHLV. (4) Alb. KLSsQM, K\SLM < *+HXS- mount , Gr. %z', Skt. XSiUL. This etymology is questionable. (5) Alb. KHUGKH < *+ HU K- testicle , Gr. '3+, Arm. RUM male (with R- or zero grade). (6) Alb. KD < *+ HX- eat , Skt. iYD- (cf. above). (7) Alb. KDOs < *+ HOVQR- alder , Latin DOQXV (Huld 1984: 151). (8) Alb. DUGKXU < *+ RU KXQ- come (part.), Gr. |'3# . (9) Alb. DWKsW < *+ R - sour , Gr. '+, !E+. (10) Alb. DPs < *+ RGP stench , Gr. =, ) =, Arm. KRW < *+ HGRV, Latin RGRU. (11) Alb. DK < *+ RVNR- beech , Arm. KDFL < *+ HVN- ash , OE. VF, Gr. !E beech . (12) Alb. DVKW < *+ RVW- bone , Arm. RVNU, Gr. )-z#, Skt. iVWKL.

[44]

4. Cf. Latin DE from , DSHUL open .

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[45]

(13) Alb. D < *+ RX whether, or , DV neither, nor , Arm. R not , Gr. /? (Pedersen 1900a: 322), H-grade in Gr. , -J again , Latin DXW or . (14) Alb. HQM, sM < *+RLGQ- swell , Arm. D\WQXP, Gr. # z7, # 97 (cf. 22 below). (15) Alb. HGK < *DL - kid , Arm. D\F, Gr. ! (cf. above). (16) Alb. DUt < *+ UW R- bear , Arm. DU , Gr. x'-#+, Skt. N D . (17) Alb. DUs < *+ U+ - field , Arm. KDUDZXQN < *+ HU+ -, DUDZU < *+ U+ plough , Gr. x'#/' , x'#-'#, Latin DUYXP, DU WUXP. (18) Alb. HOE < *+ OEKL- barley , Gr. xQ. (19) Alb. sQGH < *+ QGK- flower , Gr. xK#+, Arm. DQG field (cf. above). (20) Alb. sQGsUU < *+ QU- dream , Gr. J'#+ < *+ QHU, Arm. DQXU < *+ Q U-(cf. above). (21) Alb. HPsU < *+ Q+ PHQ- name , Gr. # , Russ. tPMD, Arm. DQXQ < *+ Q+ PQ, Latin Q PHQ, Skt. Q PD. (22) Alb. sQM, sM < *+ Q+ - blow , Gr. xJ #+ < *+ Q+ HPRV wind , J ? < *Q+ Q+ HP- calm , Skt. iQLWL < *+ HQ+ WL breathes (cf. 14 above). (23) Alb. PEL, PEs < *+ PEKL on , Arm. DPER complete , Gr. w Q? about , Skt. DEKt, OE. \PEH. (24) Alb. Qs, QGs < *+ QGK- in , Gr. |K , Skt. iGKL. (25) Alb. LP, Arm. LP, Gr. y + mine (cf. above). Albanian does not share the Graeco-Armenian vocalization of an initial laryngeal before a heterosyllabic consonant, e.g. QsQGs < *+ QHXQ- nine , PMHO < *+ PHO - milk , QMHUt < *+ QHU- man , OLJ <*+ OLJ- bad, ill , Gr. yz (Arm. LQQ), w z7, w=' (Arm. D\U), ?#+.

9. I conclude that Armenian and Albanian share not only a number of lexical items, which they have in common with Greek, but also a number of phonetic developments: the depalatalization of palatovelars before resonants, which is also found in Balto-Slavic, the monophonemicization of PIE. *VZ, * Z, * KZ, which may have been a parallel development of the two languages, and perhaps the twofold nonzero reflex of PIE. *+ - and *+ -, which were vocalized before a tautosyllabic resonant, as in Greek, and yielded aspiration before PIE. *H. The similarities between the two languages support the idea that they originated from contiguous Indo-European dialects, situated between Greek in the south and Balto-Slavic in the north (cf. also Hamp 1966).

[I now think that the intervocalic reflex of PIE. *V in Albanian is VK (cf. 1987c: 221).]

Notes on Armenian historical phonology V*

The fourth number of the Arbejdspapirer udsendt af Institut for Lingvistik, Kbenhavns Universitet ($3,/.8 4, December 1984) contains three articles on the development of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals in Armenian. Muller claims that interconsonantal laryngeals were lost before a single consonant but yielded D before a cluster (1984a: 97). I think that this rule is indeed correct. A similar rule holds for Indo-Iranian, as Beekes has demonstrated (1981a). The only genuine exception according to Muller is GDODU green, fresh , Gr. K J'+ blooming, fresh , which seems to point to *GK+ O+ URV or *GKDO+ URV (1984b: l00). The Greek form must be derived from *GK+ OHURV, however, and cannot therefore be identified with the Armenian word, which may represent the zero grade of the root *GKHO- bright , cf. GHLQ yellow , GDOXNQ jaundice . Thus, the comparison must probably be abandoned. Unlike Muller' s rule for the development of the PIE. laryngeals in medial position, Olsen' s thesis that word-initial anteconsonantal laryngeals yielded D- in Armenian (1984: 111, cf. Klingenschmitt 1982: 105, fn. 27) cannot be maintained. Perhaps the most remarkable thing about her article is the absence of any reference to Greppin' s little monograph on the subject (1973). Even if there are good reasons to disagree with Greppin' s views and methodology (cf. Kortlandt 1983b [this vol., 39ff.]), the simple disregard of his work is not only at variance with common standards of scholarly behavior, but also harmful to the discipline. We can only hope for progress in the field if earlier scholarship is taken seriously. In my view, the development of the PIE. initial laryngeals before a consonant in Armenian is identical with the development in Greek, *+ / / yielding a threefold reflex according to the original color of the laryngeal. Unlike the Greek reflexes, which were preserved unchanged up to historical times, the Armenian vowels were subject to later developments, *H- yielding Lbefore a nasal and R- before a rounded vowel in the following syllable (before the syncope), and *R- yielding D- in open syllables (after the syncope, cf. Meillet

* Reprinted from 6WXGLD &DXFDVLFD 7 (1987), 61-65.

75

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[62]

[63]

1894a: 154, Pedersen 1900c: 100, Kortlandt 1980b: 105 [this vol., 32]). As a result, the normal reflex of *+ - and *+ - is indeed D-, but *+ - is reflected as L, H, R-, and the expected reflex of *+ - in historically closed syllables is R-. Moreover, initial *+- before *Z was lost in Armenian (but not in Greek), cf. JRJ say , JRP am , Gr. J3# , Hitt. KXL]L. An initial laryngeal before *\ was lost both in Armenian and in Greek. If we confront Olsen' s view and mine with the material, it will be clear that the two of us are in agreement on the reflex of *+ -, e.g. in D\U man , DVW star , DUHZ sun , and on the reflex of *+ - in open syllables, e.g. DQLFDQHP curse , \DZHOXP increase , also aor. \DUHD\ rose , Gr. J #+, Qz7, '#) . The vocalism of the present tense \D QHP rise , Gr. '/ , is in my view analogical. Since anteconsonantal *+ - merged with *+R-, it is hardly possible to ascertain the original vocalism of RE lament , R rump , RUE orphan , RUMLN testicles , RVW branch , RVNU bone , XW eight . None of these examples is mentioned by Olsen. If any of them represents the zero grade *+ -, her thesis is disproved. I consider zero grade probable for RE in view of Gr. #Q '#  and Lith. XOE~RWL, which point to *+ OREK-, *+ OEK-, and for XW (cf. Kortlandt 1983b: 14 [this vol., 44]), and possible for RUE, RUMLN, RVNU, Gr. 'Q +, '3+, )-z#. Olsen does mention HXQJQ nail , Gr. /!, which is irregular anyhow (if it is cognate at all). This word is best derived from an alternating paradigm *+ QRJ K-, *+ QJ K-, which yielded Arm. *RQRJ-, *RQJ- in accordance with my rule. The generalized stem form *RQRQJ- was apparently subject to a rounding dissimilation which yielded *HQRQJ-, and subsequently to nasal dissimilation and raising yielding HXQJQ, where -Q represents the PIE. acc.sg. ending. The rounding dissimilation requires *R- as the reflex of *+ - and thereby supports my view. Initial *+ - is reflected as L- in LQQ nine , LP mine , LQHZ (from *LPHEL) with me , Gr. yz , y +, y z, PIE. *+ QHXQ, *+ PRV, *+ PH. Olsen assumes a metathesis of *QHZ to *HQZ for both languages, a totally arbitrary hypothesis which yields the wrong forms both for Armenian (**LQJQ) and for Greek (**HQD, **HLQD). She does not mention the pronoun. Initial *+ - is reflected as H- in HOX]DQHP extract , HUHN evening , perhaps HUJ song , Gr. yJE)# , |'J #+, Hitt. DUNXZDL-. Olsen proposes a possible explanation of the disturbing initial H- of HOX]DQHP on the basis of an original augmented aorist * OXGKH- yielding *LOX]H- and subsequently *HOX]H-, referring to the dialectal form OL]X beside classical OH]X tongue in support of the phonetic principle surmised for the latter development (p. 109). There can be little doubt that OL]X is an adaptation of OH]X to the verb OL]HP lick (cf. Pedersen 1906: 419 [= Kl.S., 197]). Thus, her explanation is entirely DG KRF. She proposes that HUHN represents *UHJ - rather than *+ UHJ - (similarly Klingenschmitt, l.c.) and asserts that the word seems to stress the necessity of reconstructing a

1RWHV RQ $UPHQLDQ KLVWRULFDO SKRQRORJ\ 9

77

system with an initial *U- (p. 112). The reconstructed absence of initial *U- from Proto-Indo-European is not based on its absence in Greek or Armenian, as Klingenschmitt and Olsen suggest, but on the absence of unextended PIE. roots with an initial *U-, which Lehmann demonstrated a long time ago (1951: 17). It must be regretted that this point has escaped many later investigators. Initial *+ - is reflected as R- in RUFDP vomit , Gr. y'JE# , and possibly in RURHP ruminate and RURQHP search . Initial *H- was rounded before U plus rounded vowel in Armenian, cf. RUR lamb , HULQ heifer , Gr. |'Q#+. Olsen rejects both *+ UHXJ- and *UHXJ- as pre-stages of Arm. RUFDP, which leaves us only one possibility of explaining the initial R-: it must be a preverb, as assumed by Beekes (1969, p. 88) (p. 110), cf. Klingenschmitt (l.c., with the same reference). This is hardly a correct rendering of Beekes' statement that it may be asked whether we are in fact concerned here with a phonetic development of the laryngeal. (We might envisage a preverb) . The connection of RURHP with Latin U G , U G , Vedic UiGDWL (Greppin 1973: 28) is difficult because the latter words represent PIE. *+UH+ G(cf. Lubotsky 1981: 134). Olsen' s derivation of RURHP from *N URZ\H- is arbitrary. The connection of RURQHP with Gr. y'J/97 is phonetically difficult, but the word can be identical with Homeric y'JJ?7, with RURQ- from *+ UHXHQ-. Alternatively, both RURHP and RURQHP may contain the prefix *SUR-. Olsen adduces three instances in support of her view that *+ - yielded D- in Armenian, viz. DQXQ name , DWDPQ tooth and DZHWHP bring good news . Since the comparison of the latter word with Gr. = imposes *+ -, she posits a stem *+ VX+ ZHGH\H- and declares that the problem is solved (p. 108). This method of reconstruction can hardly be taken seriously. Both DQXQ and DWDPQ actually represent *+ -, as is clear from Gr. # , / , I, #E+, and especially I/ #+, 7 +, which are archaic formations, cf. wI/ #+, w 7, and also 7 z7. The Laconian name / ' -? + cannot be taken as evidence for an original *+ - in the word for name . Apart from the Greek and Armenian material, the Phrygian word ##  also points to *+ -. The Aeolic form | #-J+ can easily be explained as secondary on the basis of the verb | 7 (cf. Beekes 1969: 55). The root *+ HG- bite, sting is also attested in Lith. ~RGDV, Latv. X{GV gnat (with lengthening in accordance with Winter' s law) and in Gr. E pain , cf. I /#+. The latter word cannot be cognate with either Arm. HUNQ pang , which can be related to Gothic IDXUKWMDQ (cf. Pedersen 1906: 399 [= Kl.S., 177]), or Irish LGX pain, pang , which is best compared with Gothic ILWDQ. Schindler' s identification of the three words (1975) is precluded by formal and semantic

[64]

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

difficulties on the Armenian side (cf. Pedersen, l.c.) and by the incongruous vocalism of Irish and Greek. Thus, there is no evidence for Arm. D- from PIE. *+ -.

[For Greek K J'+ blooming I now reconstruct *GKO+ HURV, which renders a comparison with the Armenian word possible (cf. Clackson 1994: 118-120, with references).]

Sigmatic or root aorist?*

The large majority of Armenian aorists must be derived from thematic formations, e.g., 3rd sg. -F < *VNHW, HOLN left , HJLW found , HEHU bore , HKDUF asked , DUDU made , Gr. |%J, |QJ'J, ' 'J, Skt. iYLGDW, iEKDUDW, iS FFKDW. There are clear traces of athematic formations. Since intervocalic *-V- was lost, it is not always obvious whether these represent sigmatic or root aorists. Consider the following paradigms: 1st sg. 2nd sg. 3rd sg. 1st pl. 2nd pl. 3rd pl. HNL came HNLU HNQ HNDN HNLN HNLQ HGL put HGLU HG HGDN HGLN HGLQ HWX gave HWXU HW WXDN HWXN HWXQ

The 3rd sg. forms are the phonetic reflexes of the root aorists *HJ HPW, *HGK W, *HG W, cf. Vedic iJDQ, iGK W, iG W. The derivation of these forms from a sigmatic formation requires the additional hypothesis that the *-V, which was not of PIE. date, was again eliminated by an analogical process. Though this is a possibility in the case of HG and HW, it is highly improbable in the case of HNQ, where the final nasal can hardly be due to restoration. When we turn to the other persons, the situation is slightly different. Since the thematic 1st sg. endings *- and *-RP merged into Proto-Armenian *-X, it is probable that this ending spread in pre-apocope times. Bonfante' s derivation of HGL and HWX from *HGK VRP and *HG VRP (1942) is therefore most probably correct. The form HNL cannot be derived from a sigmatic formation. It has been argued that *P was lost before *X in Proto-Armenian (cf. Kortlandt 1981c: 30 [this vol., 35]). If this is correct, HNL is the phonetic reflex of *HJ HPRP. Thus, we find that HGL and HWX represent sigmatic formations and HNL a root aorist. The 2nd sg. form is irrelevant because the personal ending *-V merged

[50]

* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 8 (1987), 49-52.

79

80

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

with the formative *-V-, so that the two types of athematic aorist cannot be distinguished. The ending -U < *-UR was taken from the transitive middle paradigm (cf. Kortlandt 1981c: 32 [this vol., 36f.]). The absence of *P in the 1st pl. ending -DN can be explained if we start from Proto-Armenian *-DPX (cf. Kortlandt, ibidem). The forms HNDN and HGDN therefore seem to reflect the zero grade root aorist forms *HJ PH, *HG PH, cf. Gr. |KJ J. The form WXDN must be the result of an analogical development. No conclusions can be based on the 2nd and 3rd pl. forms. Apart from the verbs which have been mentioned thus far, we can suspect an earlier athematic aorist in the following paradigms:

1st sg. 2nd sg. 3rd sg. 1st pl. 2nd pl. 3rd pl.

H became HHU HHZ HHDN H N HHQ

NHUD\ ate NHUDU HNHU NHUDN NHUD\N NHUDQ

OXD\ heard OXDU OXDZ OXDN OXD\N OXDQ

[51]

The 3rd sg. form HHZ probably replaces earlier *H, which can be identified with Vedic i UHW < *H OHLW and Albanian TH, NOH was (which must be a sigmatic formation, cf. Pedersen 1900b: 341 [= Kl.S., 2]). The velar , which arose phonetically in word-final position, apparently spread to the other forms of the aorist paradigm, but did not reach the imperative OHU. The generalization of the stem HH- disambiguated the paradigm from that of HO- ascended . The 1st sg. and pl. forms H , HHDN may represent *HNOHLVRP, *HNOHLVPH. The 3rd sg. form HNHU reflects the root aorist *HJ HU W, cf. Vedic subj. JiUDW. The vocalization of the laryngeal explains the D-stem of the paradigm. In the case of OXD\ I think that there is evidence for a sigmatic aorist in the present tense OVHP hear . The assumption of a N-present of this root (Meillet 1936: 133, Klingenschmitt 1982: 157f.) is arbitrary, More probably, OVHP represents a sigmatic stem with a secondary nasal infix *NOXQV-, just as PSHP drink reflects the reduplicated stem with an analogical nasal infix *SLPE-, Skt. StEDWL. Nasal presents derived from sigmatic aorist stems are not rare in Armenian, as Holger Pedersen argued a long time ago (1905a: 206 [= Kl.S., 68], 1906: 423ff. [= Kl.S., 201ff.]), e.g., DQLFDQHP curse (DQ F, Gr. J #+), [DFDQHP bite (H[DF, Skt. NK GDWL), KHFDQLP mount (with prefixed K-, Gr. {# ), PXFDQHP introduce (HPR\F, cf. PWDQHP enter , HPXW), HOX]DQHP extract (Gr. yJE)# ), VX]DQHP plunge (HVR\], Gr. JEK7), KHMDQHP suffocate (HKHM, cf. [HG), DQFDQHP pass ( DQF, Gr. x-# ), OXFDQHP light (HOR\F, cf. OR\V), OXFDQHP untie (Gothic JD-, XVO NDQ), QNOX]DQHP submerge ( QNOR\], cf. QNOQXP), NRUXVDQHP lose (NRUR\V, cf. NRUQLP).

6LJPDWLF RU URRW DRULVW

81

Godels derivation of PXFDQHP, [DFDQHP, OXFDQHP from a stem in *-\H- (1975: 82, followed by Klingenschmitt 1982, who consistently disregards Pedersens views) is highly improbable in view of P middle < *-GK\-, JRHP -call < *-N \-. Thus, it appears that sigmatic aorists were rather widespread at an earlier stage in the development of Armenian. The prehistoric spread of the sigmatic aorist in Armenian supports the derivation of the F-aorist from a sigmatic formation rather than from the present stem. Godel' s derivation of 3rd sg. QN F threw from *VRQJ H\HVNHW (1969: 256, 1975: 128) cannot be upheld because *-H\H- yields -H-, not - -, cf. HUHN three < *WUH\HV. Moreover, the Ionic iterative preterit in -HVNH cannot be directly compared because it is a recent formation (cf. most recently Ruijgh 1985: 146f.). It seems more attractive to derive QN F from a sigmatic form in *-HLVW to which *-VNHW was added. Before a vocalic ending, the sequence *-\Vwas lost, so that QNHF- is the expected stem form. Thus, I think that the vowel alternation betrays the earlier existence of a sigmatic aorist.1 In the case of denominatives, the 3rd sg. ending -HDF points to an earlier aorist stem in *-HVDor *-LVD- which may have arisen along similar lines as Gr. yQ?) of Qz7. In the same way, the middle aorists in -HD\ are most easily derived from sigmatic extensions of -stems, to be compared with the Greek aorist in - (cf. Godel 1975: 121). The original stative meaning of this class precluded the rise of a F-form. As in Greek, the D-flexion of the sigmatic aorist probably originated in the endings which began in a nasal. I think that this was indeed the starting-point for the generalization of the D-flexion in the Armenian mediopassive aorist. There is no evidence for a suffix *- - in this category. Summarizing, we have found traces of an original root aorist in HNL, HNQ, HNDN, HG, HGDN, HW, HNHU, and evidence for a sigmatic formation in HGL, HWX, H , OXD\, -HD\, F-aorists, and nasal presents of stems in F, ], M, F, V of roots in dentals and palatals. The flexion of HGL and HWX points to the coexistence of sigmatic and asigmatic forms in the same paradigm, a situation reminiscent of Slavic. Most probably, the forms *HGK P and *HG P were replaced by the reflexes of *HGK VRP and *HG VRP when the final nasal was lost, and a similar

[52]

-O- in the present QNHQXP throw differentiates the verb from QNOQXP plunge . The root-final laryngeal of PIE. *J HO+ - was lost before a vowel. I am unable to see a motivation for the general elimination of this laryngeal in Armenian.


represent earlier QNHOF. It is conceivable that - F is the phonetic reflex of *-HOVW. For the loss of -- before an aspirate cf. NDWQ milk < *-ONW-, Gr. 9 , ---. The absence of

1. There is little in favor of Godels etymology; it seems more likely that Q is a prefix. I wonder if the stem can be identified with Gr. 97, aor. | #. Pedersen assumes that *-OV- yielded -V- in VWHFDQHP create , 3rd sg. aor. HVWHF, )-z7, also NHFN feint < *GZHOV-, Latin EHOOXP (1906: 427, 379 [= Kl.S., 205, 157]), so that QNHF may

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

substitution may have taken place in the plural, e.g. the reflex of *HG VDPH replacing that of *HG PH. The paradigms were eventually normalized shortly before the beginnings of the written tradition. As I have pointed out earlier (1981c: 31 [this vol., 35f.]), the historical personal endings to some extent reflect the stem formation of the athematic aorist, which in part represents a sigmatic formation.

[I now think that F is the expected reflex of the PIE. sigmatic aorist marker *V in Armenian (see Kortlandt 1995a [this vol., 107ff.]). On the development of the verbal system see further Kortlandt 1996b [this vol., 110ff.] and 1999 [this vol., 129f.].]

The Thraco-Armenian consonant shift*

Vladimir Georgiev has strongly argued in favor of a strict distinction between Dacian and Thracian, the former language being identified as the ancestor of Albanian (e.g., 1977). Neither language shows a particular affinity with Phrygian, which now appears to be rather closely related to Greek (cf. Lubotsky 1988). One of the major characteristics distinguishing Thracian from Dacian is a consonant shift, as a result of which PIE. *W, *G, *G are reflected as W , W, G in Thracian, e.g. 8WXV water , Dacian -XGH, Gr. 7'. Since we find a similar consonant shift in Armenian, we may wonder if the development has a common origin in the two languages. It has often been suggested that there is a special relationship between Armenian on the one hand and the ancient Balkan languages on the other (cf. especially Djahukian 1970, and the lucid survey in B lt ceanu 1980).1 This relationship can only be specified if the chronological relations can be determined. Such an evaluation requires the establishment of a relative chronology with respect to the internal development of the separate languages. I shall not go into the severe limitations which the scanty material imposes on our knowledge of the ancient Balkan languages because this aspect has received wide attention in the scholarly literature. In the following I intend to examine the compatibility of the evidence for a close relationship between Armenian and the Balkan languages with the internal chronology of the Armenian developments. Djahukian lists the following major characteristics of Armenian, Thracian, and Phrygian historical phonology (1970: 163):
 

consonant shift satem language *V yields K

Arm. yes yes yes

Thr. yes yes no

Phr. yes no no

* Reprinted from %DONDQVNR (]LNR]QDQLH / /LQJXLVWLTXH %DONDQLTXH 31 (1988), 71-74. 1. I am indebted to Professor R.S.P. Beekes and to Dr. J.J.S. Weitenberg for supplying some of the relevant literature.

83

84
*-P yields -Q D-coloring of syll. res. * yields R close * (further to X) *HX yields RL preservation of *+ prothetic vowel yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes no no yes no no no

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW
yes yes yes yes no no no

[72]

This is a simplified picture of the actual state of affairs. The alleged Phrygian consonant shift cannot be maintained (cf. Lejeune 1979). The preservation of PIE. *V in Phrygian holds for word-initial position, but intervocalic *V was lost in this language (cf. Lubotsky 1988). The preservation of PIE. *R in Armenian does not hold for non-final open syllables, where it mostly developed into D. Before a consonant, an initial laryngeal is reflected as a prothetic vowel in Phrygian, as it is in Greek, whereas a consonantal reflex before a vowel would probably remain unmarked in the orthography. There is no evidence for a non-zero reflex of an initial laryngeal in Thracian, but there is no counter-evidence in the scanty material either. Thus, we may conclude that Phrygian largely agrees with Greek (except for the preservation of initial V- in Phrygian and the devoicing of the aspirates in Greek), while Armenian appears to be equally close to Thracian and Phrygian on the basis of the above list of correspondences. The problem we now have to face is the relative chronology of the developments which led to the attested state of affairs. Elsewhere I have proposed the following relative chronology of Armenian sound changes (1980b [this vol., 26ff.]): 1. Loss of aspirated stops. This was a dialectal Indo-European development which Armenian shared with Celtic, Germanic, Balto-Slavic, Albanian, and Iranian. The resulting consonants remained distinct from the earlier unaspirated voiced stops, which were injectives at this stage. 2. Rise of new labialized stops. Elsewhere I have argued that this may have been a shared development of Albanian and Armenian (1980a: 249 [this vol., 18]). It may also have been common to Greek and other Balkan languages. 3. Assimilation of * to * . This may also have been a common development of Albanian and Armenian. 4. Assimilation in *VZH XU mother-in-law , which became * ZH XU at this stage and subsequently developed into VNHVXU. 5. *V became *K unless it was preceded by a consonant or followed by an obstruent. 6. Development of * (from PIE. * ) into V. 7. Redistribution of labialization.

7KH 7KUDFR$UPHQLDQ FRQVRQDQW VKLIW

85

8. Palatalization. 9. *W and *G became *N and *J . l0. Lenition: *S, *W, *N, *N became fricatives. 11. Rise of new velar fricatives. 12. Simplification of consonantal articulation. 13. Loss of intervocalic and anteconsonantal fricatives. 14. Loss of the syllabic resonants, which received an epenthetic D. 15. Metathesis. 16. Apocope. 17. Simplification of consonantal articulation. 18. Loss of labialization. 19. Shortening of fricatives. 20. Rise of new [. 21. Influx of Iranian loanwords. 22. Syncope. When we compare the above list of correspondences with this relative chronology, it turns out that Armenian was much closer to Thracian than to Phrygian at the earliest stages of its development: (1) Unlike Greek, Thracian and Phrygian may have shared the loss of the voiced aspirates with Balto-Slavic, Daco-Albanian, Armenian, and Iranian. Unlike Phrygian, Thracian may have shared the devoicing of the glottalic (unaspirated voiced) stops with Armenian. This devoicing can be dated between the assibilation of * to * (stage 3) and the palatalization of velars (stage 8), as I pointed out earlier (1980b: 100 [this vol., 28]). Thracian did not share the Armenian lenition of voiceless stops (stage 10). (2) Unlike Phrygian, Thracian is a satem language like Armenian and Daco-Albanian. (3) Thracian did not share the development of PIE. *V to K which Armenian has in common with Greek and Iranian. This development is not very early either in Armenian (stage 5) or in Iranian, where it was posterior to the separation from Indic. It is reasonable to assume that *V was relatively weak in the southern dialects of the Indo-European proto-language. (4) The development of final *-P to -Q which all the Balkan languages have in common with Armenian was probably anterior to the lenition (stage 10, cf. Kortlandt 1980b: 101 [this vol., 28f.]) and may have been very early. (5) The elimination of the syllabic resonants was recent in Armenian (stage 14) and in Greek, where we find a twofold reflex: R-coloring of syllabic U and O in Arcado-Cyprian and Aeolic, and D-coloring elsewhere. The epenthetic X in Thracian does not therefore conflict with the hypothesis that any two of these languages were closely related at an early stage. (6) The development of PIE. *R to D in Armenian can be dated after the syncope

[73]

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[74]

(stage 22, cf. Kortlandt 1980b: 105 [this vol., 31f.]). Similarly, the same development in Thracian may have been recent. (7) The narrowing of * was anterior to the lenition (stage 10, cf. Kortlandt 1980b: 101 [this vol., 29]) and may have been very early. It distinguishes Thraco-Armenian from Daco-Albanian. (8) The Armenian development of *HX to R\ can be dated after the lenition (stage 10). It is of no relevance to the earliest relationships. (9) Since there is no evidence for the development of initial laryngeals in Thracian, this point must be left out of consideration. Thus, it appears that Thracian shared the earlier developments of Armenian (loss of the voiced aspirates, devoicing of the glottalic stops, satem assibilation, preservation of the syllabic resonants, narrowing of * ), while the discrepancies between the two languages seem to be the result of later developments in Armenian (lenition of voiceless stops, development of *V to K, epenthetic D, development of *HX to R\) and Thracian (epenthetic X, development of *R to D). We may therefore think of Thracian as an early dialect of Proto-Armenian. This view leads to a reconsideration of the following points. Firstly, the devoicing of the glottalic stops can be dated to an early stage. Since Thracian did not share the development of PIE. *V to K (stage 5) whereas Daco-Albanian did not share the devoicing of the glottalic stops though it probably shared the chronology of the assibilation of the palatovelars (stage 3, cf. Kortlandt 1980a: 250 [this vol., 19]), it is reasonable to date the devoicing to stage 4, which may then be called Thraco-Armenian. Secondly, the development of clusters consisting of obstruent plus *Z deserves more attention because these are reflected in particular ways in the Balkan languages as well as Armenian. The development of PIE. * Z in Thr. (VEHQXV (Skt. i YD horse ) is reminiscent of the development in Arm. VNHVXU mother-in-law , where original *VZ- was evidently assimilated to * Z- as in Skt. Yi XUD and Lith. XUDV father-in-law , whereas the loss of the resonant in Thr. 6DEDGLRV (OCS. VYRERG free ), = UXQWKRQ (OCS. ]Y U beast ) suggests a comparison with Arm. donkey , MD\Q voice (Pol. G ZL N sound ). It seems reasonable to assume that Thracian shared the early rise of geminated labialized stops which subsequently developed along different lines in the separate languages, cf. also Gr. %%#+, etc. [The Thracian name 7DUXWKLQQDV, -WKLQDV, -VLQDV (Gr. '/ spear , )?#  harm ) is of particular interest here because it suggests that we may have to do with the development of aspirated *F from an earlier geminated *W .] Thirdly, the close relationship between Thracian and Armenian should lead us to expect non-zero reflexes of PIE. initial laryngeals in Thracian. Though initial K-, which is found in Armenian and Albanian (cf. Kortlandt 1986a: 43f. [this vol., 73f.]), would probably remain unmarked in the orthography, prothetic

7KH 7KUDFR$UPHQLDQ FRQVRQDQW VKLIW

87

vowels should be demonstrable. I see no compelling evidence for the view that Thracian sides either with Daco-Albanian, or with Greek, Phrygian, and Armenian in this respect. Thus, I find no evidence against the hypothesis that there was a single Thraco-Armenian consonant shift which separated this branch from the other Balkan languages. This hypothesis is compatible with the chronological relationships which can be established. It supports the view that the Proto-Indo-European glottalic stops were preserved at the stage of development under consideration. [I now think that aspiration had never arisen in Indo-European times but was a local development of the separate branches (cf. Kortlandt 2003).]

The making of a puzzle*

In an earlier issue of this journal, Theo Vennemann has proposed an explanation in terms of syllable structure for the alleged sound change of *GZ to UN in Armenian, e.g. in HUNX two , a development which he dubs the Great Armenian Puzzle (1986: 29). In a footnote he refers to the present author as someone who disagrees strongly both with the theory and method of my approach and with a number of etymological assumptions adopted here from other sources (1986: 55). It may therefore be expedient that I explain the nature of the disagreement to the readers of this journal. I. Theory. According to Vennemann' s theory, NR yours and HUNX two must be derived from *WZR- and *GZ by the following rules: (1) Armenian consonant shift: Vennemann assumes this development to have preceded all other sound changes between Proto-Indo-European and Classical Armenian (1986: 28). He therefore writes Pre-Armenian *WZR-, *WZ . (2) Glide strengthening: the change of *Z to J yielded *WJR-, *WJ -. (3) Voicelessness assimilation: *WNR-, *WN . (4) Velar aspiration : *N yielded N in a syllable onset from which an aspirate is lost (1986: 34). This development yielded *NR- from *WNR-, but left *WN unchanged. (5) Prothesis: *HWN from *WN . (6) Coda weakening: intervocalic *WN yielded UN. This chain of developments differs from the one proposed by the present author (1980b [this vol., 26ff.]) in the following respects: (1) The main problem in connection with the date of the Armenian consonant shift is the preservation of a distinction between the voiced reflexes of PIE. voiceless stops after resonants, e.g. PDUG man , KLQJ five , Gr. '#-+, %z-J, and the voiceless reflexes of PIE. voiced (glottalic) stops in the same position, e.g. VLUW heart , JRUF work , Gr.  ' ? , |'#. Vennemann does not
* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 10 (1989), 43-52.

[44]

88

7KH PDNLQJ RI D SX]]OH

89

address this problem at all. The voicing rule did not affect KDUVQ bride , Latin SURFXV, where the PIE. palatovelar had evidently been assibilated at an early stage. I am inclined to date the devoicing of the glottalic stops after the loss of palatal articulation in DUW field , Gr. w'+ (1980b: 100 [this vol., 28]). Most previous authors seem to agree on an early date for the Armenian consonant shift. The notable exception is Meillet, who writes about the proposed development of *GZ- in HUNX two that U est un reste de l' articulation sonore G: l' altration du groupe GZ est donc antrieure la mutation consonantique armnienne (1936: 51). The incongruity of this hypothesis was already noted by Grammont, who suggested that U continues the following *Z and that the resulting cluster *NU- a subi l' interversion habituelle en -UN- (1918: 252). It seems better to leave the Armenian consonant shift out of consideration altogether in the discussion of the development of *GZ, as Vennemann in effect does. (2) Elsewhere I have argued that the chronology of the change of *Z to J in relation to the loss of final syllables, the palatalization before front vowels, and the rise of intervocalic Z from labial stops points to two chronologically distinct developments: It is probable that the rise of buccal features in this sound and the transformation of the resonant into a resonantal feature date from the earliest stages of the Armenian language, whereas the transformation of the sound into an occlusive and the loss of the labialization feature are relatively recent. This state of affairs is perfectly compatible with the hypothesis that Georgian YLQR was borrowed from Armenian (1976: 95). Vennemann does not discuss these problems at all. In my view, the change of *Z to J is partly analogous to the change of final *-V to -N (1980b: 101ff. [this vol., 28ff.]). Vennemann does not even mention this point. (3) The development of *WZ- via *WJ- and *WN- to N- to which Vennemann subscribes (1986: 55) was stated explicitly by Zabrocki (1951: 157), whom Vennemann does not mention, and by Winter (1962: 262). It is based on Meillet' s statement that after a consonant le Z devient aussi guttural; certaines consonnes prcdentes perdent leur point d' articulation propre, mais toutes conservent leur caractre de sourde ou de sonore, d' aspire ou de non aspire qui est attribu la gutturale (1936: 50). It is interesting to note that Meillet was apparently not quite clear in his own mind about the chronology of the developments because he continues: ainsi *VZ-, devenu *KZ-, donne, avec assourdissement du Z par K, arm. N , and * Z donne avec le traitement normal de * et assourdissement de Z, arm. VN (ibidem). I subscribe to the idea that *Z was devoiced by a preceding voiceless consonant before the rise of velar articulation (1980b: 99-101 [this vol., 27-29]) and therefore reject the chain of developments advocated by Zabrocki and Vennemann. (4) Vennemann does not tell us why the dental stop was lost in *WNR-

[45]

90

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

but not in *WN . He compares the rise of N- in the former word with the development in NR\U sister from *VZHV U, but does not tell us why the cluster was preserved in VNHVXU mother-in-law , V[DOLP fail , RVNU bone , which can be compared with Skt. Yi XUD , VNKDODWL, Gr. )-z#. He ignores the rise of palatal in XQ dog , XQ breath , donkey , Skt. Y , YiVLWL, i YD , and the loss of the labial (or velar) element in MD\Q voice , Russ. ]YRQ. He does not offer a coherent description (1986: 28) but presents a series of rather DG KRF rules to account for a limited material in a far from cogent way. His velar aspiration is no improvment when compared with Meillet' s formulation quoted in the preceding paragraph. (5) Vennemann does not distinguish between prothetic vowels of laryngeal origin, which he attributes to sporadic prothesis (fn. 15), and real prothetic vowels, which arose in Armenian at a much more recent stage. I have dated the rise of a prothetic vowel before initial U after the loss of PIE. initial voiceless stops before U because these would otherwise be reflected as Z (1980b: 105 [this vol., 32]), e.g. HUHN three from *WUH\HV, cf. KDZU father' s from *SDWURV. Vennemann ignores this point. (6) The alleged development of *W to U before N differs from the development of PIE. *W to zero in HUHN three , to Z in KDZU father' s , and to \ in EHU carries , all of which are the result of a weakening process. Vennemann only remarks that the weakest consonantal member of the dental order is the central liquid (1986: 54) and does not discuss the discrepancy at all. II. Method. The major point of disagreement between Vennemann and the present author appears to concern the role of the material in a linguistic analysis. The point may be exemplified by a quotation from the opening paragraph of Vennemann' s article: My goal is not to provide new evidence for or against these sound changes but rather to describe them in a uniform phonological framework and thereby to derive explanations for them from certain preference laws for phonological structure (1986: 27). The linguistic facts are taken for granted and merely serve as an illustration of a general theoretical framework. If the framework provides a generalization which fits the selected material, this is considered to be an explanation of the facts. This primacy of theoretical considerations contrasts sharply with the empiricist outlook of those who regard counter-evidence as the driving force behind all scholarly progress. In my view, a new insight means a new way of looking for counter-evidence rather than a new way of looking at known facts. The difference appears several times in Vennemann' s footnotes. He writes e.g. that Kortlandt posits voiceless, glottalic, and aspirated plosives for Proto-Indo-European and that his chronology is motivated in part by his own assumptions about both the Proto-Indo-European

[46]

7KH PDNLQJ RI D SX]]OH

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speech sounds and their development in Armenian, assumptions which I do not share (fn. 5). Similarly: In my opinion the correct assumption is positional frication of +7, with no need arising for the positing of late parts of an Armenian Consonant Shift (ibidem). The terms positing and assumption suggest a freedom of choice to which I do not subscribe. Much better is his formulation that the glottalic plosives are identified as preglottalized voiced , which suggests that there is actual evidence for this reconstruction (as I think there is). The primacy of the theoretical interest is particularly clear in the following statement: However this may be, the fact that matters to my argument is that +\ was eliminated word-initially, together with +Z and +U; whether it was strengthened, or lost or dissimilated, makes no difference for my purpose (fn. 16). Referring to the hypothesis that *GZ yielded UN, Vennemann writes: Those repeating Meillet' s supposition have not been convinced by Pedersen' s contrary argument (the salvaging part of which is that the portion HU of HUNX two was prefixed to the reflex +NX of the Proto-Indo-European etymon on the model of HUHN three ). However, even for those convinced that Meillet' s equation is correct the change itself has so far remained problematical from a phonological point of view (fn. 22). The real point is that there is counterevidence for the supposed development, a fact which Vennemann does not even mention. It is possible that the counter-evidence can be accounted for if it is properly examined. The amazing fact, however, is that it is simply disregarded by those who, like Vennemann, believe that the hypothesis is correct. It is remarkable that those who are so eager to accept Meillet' s bold suggestion do not pay attention to the careful attitude toward the material which guided him in his research in the first place. III. Etymology. In his earliest discussion of HUNX (1894a: 160), Meillet stuck to Bugge' s derivation of NX from *GZ : Cela suppose que HU est une addition postrieure la chute des finales because -X would otherwise have been lost. Il n' existe pas d' autre exemple du traitement de GZ- initial en armnien; mais les cas analogues justifient l' hypothse arm. N = i.e. GZ (ibidem). In a later issue of the same volume he already reports a second example: LJ joint, uni et comme deuxime terme de compos, compagnon , cf. v.h.-a. ]ZLVN; HUL V trois fois , cf. v.h.-a. GULVN (1894b: 296). For the semantics of NLF cf. Dutch JHWZHHsQ two together . In the same volume Meillet derives HUNQLO fear from HUNX, adducing parallels from other languages (1894c: 255): Le fait qu' il s' agit d' un doute ayant un intrt particulier pour le sujet est indiqu par la voix dans skr. EKi\DWH, gr. J ?)# , arm. HUNQ LO et par la forme rflchie de v.sl. ERM V ,

[47]

92

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

lit. ELMD V. 1 The semantic relationship has more recently be/en stressed by Benveniste (1954: 255): *GZHL- craindre signifie tre en double, GRXWHU au sens o GRXWHU est pris en ancien franais (= fr. mod. UHGRXWHU). In the next volume of the same journal Meillet compares HUND\Q, HUNDU long with Lith. F EWBT spacious (1896: 150). In a later volume he adds PHN soft from *PHOGZL- (l900: 594). This is the place where we find the earliest formulation of what Vennemann calls Meillet' s famous hypothesis : HUNX reprsente phontiquement *GZ , c' est--dire que i.-e. *GZ- initial est reprsent en armnien par HUN-; et en effet on a HUNLZ crainte , HUNQ LP je crains , which represent i.-e. *GZL- craindre . In the second edition of the (VTXLVVH he adds HUNDU long from *GZ UR- to these examples (1936: 51). Holger Pedersen did not accept Meillet' s hypothesis. Since his objections have not received due attention, it may be appropriate to quote the relevant passage in full (1906: 398f. [= Kl.S., 176f.]): M e i l l e t Esquisse s. 29 will nachweisen, dass anlautendes GY- im Armenischen als HUN- auftritt (HUNX zwei ); U soll un reste de l' articulation sonore G sein; unglcklicherweise spricht dagegen nicht nur NUNLQ doppelt , sondern auch die brigen ableitungen des zahlwortes: NX verdoppelung , NL vereinigt, genosse (M e i l l e t MSL VIII 296), N V hlfte , NRLV seite ( 38). HUNQ LP frchte , HUNLX furcht wird keineswegs zu gr. z#+ gehren; schon die verwandten wrter HUN mhe, beschwerde, kummer und HUNQ gen. HUNDQ geburtsschmerzen, furcht widerlegen diese kombination vollkommen; lautlich unanstssig ist dagegen eine kombination mit got. IDXUKWMDQ (ber frhere etymologien dieses wortes vgl. Z u p i t z a Gutturale s. 5); idg. wurzel *SHUJ- oder *SHUJ -. Dass die Meilletsche vermuthung ber GY- sich fr eine populre esquisse eignet, kann ich nicht finden.

[48]

Pedersen derives N V half and NR\V side from *GZRL R- and *GZRX , respectively (1906: 400 [= Kl.S., 178]). We may add NHDNDUF doubtful from *GZHO- (Pedersen 1906: 379 [= Kl.S., 157]). In his answer to Pedersen, Meillet mentions the following possibilities to account for the counter-examples NUNLQ, NX, NLF, N V, NR\V (1909: 353):
1. Professor C.J. Ruijgh points out to me that the form * J ?)#  should be asterisked. The attested form y J ?)J-# (Aristophanes) is often corrected to y J ?--J-#, but cf. Hesych. J ?)J-# frightened . The transitive meaning of the form J ?))# , J ?))#  is already attested in Homer.

7KH PDNLQJ RI D SX]]OH

93

(1) Twofold reflex: tant donn qu' il s' agit de l' initiale du mot, on pourrait la rigueur admettre qu' on est en prsence d' un fait de phontique syntactique; comme les faits de ce genre n' existent gure en armnien, l' explication paratrait sans doute un peu dsespre. (2) False etymology: rien n' oblige croire que des mots signifiant pli , compagnon , moiti , ct soient tirs du nom de nombre deux . (3) Special development: si NUNLQ n' a pas de U avant le N, c' est sans doute par dissimilation . Meillet rejects Pedersen' s comparison of HUNQLP with Gothic IDXUKWMDQ, pointing out that le S initial n' aurait laiss aucune trace, ce qui, au moins devant un H, serait surprenant (1909: 354). This certainly is a valid, though not decisive, objection. The expected K- was regularly lost in R-grade forms and after prefixes. Meillet also rejects the connection of HUNQLP with HUN and HUNQ: Il n' y a aucune raison pour grouper HUN travail pnible , HUNQ douleur intense , HUNXQN douleurs de l' enfantement , avec le mot signifiant craindre ; l' ide de craindre et celle de souffrir cruellement ne sont pas si proches que les deux mots doivent appartenir un mme groupe (ibidem). Grammont accepts Meillet' s hypothesis that *GZ yielded UN but rejects his idea that the U represents a trace of the *G. He assumes that *GZ became *WZ as a result of the consonant shift and then *NZ par assimilation des points d' articulation, de mme qu' en allemand WZ- est devenu NZ, par exemple dans all. TXDUN fromage mou de m.h.a. WZDUF, all. TXHQJHOQ geindre en face de m.h.a. WZHQJHQ, all. TXHU en travers de m.h.a. WZsU, all. TXHWVFKH pruneau en face de ]ZHWVFKH, all. TXLUO moussoir de m.h.a. WZLUO (1918: 251f.). The group *NZ then became *NU which yielded HUN. According to Pisani (1934: 185), *GZ became *J  which changed to *JU under the influence of *WUH three and then developed into HUNX. He derives NUNLQ double from *NUXNLQ, where *NUX- represents *GZ , and concludes that the metathesis of the initial consonant group was limited to words which were monosyllabic at the right moment, such as HED\U brother and HUND\Q long . Though this appears to be an DG KRF solution, Szemernyi calls it obviously right (1960: 96). Pisani compares HUND\Q with Latin JUDQGLV big (1934: 184), which may indeed be correct. In a later study he derives HUNDU long from the same rout (1944: 164). Pedersen had already identified -DU in HUNDU as a suffix of collective origin (1906: 479 [= Kl.S., 257]). In search of additional evidence for the change of *GZ to UN, Dumzil proposes to derive VHUNHDQ today' s from *VHGLZ- avec chute prcoce de L en syllabe non finale (1938: 51). This is at variance with the development of *GLZto WX- in the oblique cases of WLZ day , cf. also DQLZ wheel , gen. DQXR\ (Kortlandt 1976: 98f. [this vol., 7f.]), so that Frisk' s judgment that the proposal ist lautlich nicht einwandfrei (1966: 261, fn. 3) is an understatement. It is also

[49]

94

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[50]

unsatisfactory from a morphological point of view, as Dumzil recognizes (1938: 51): Il ne faut pas regarder de trop prs le H de VH-: l' allemand KHXWH suffit rappeler que les composantes de ce genre de mots ont t parfois mtamorphises de faon imprvisible; VH- peut cependant reprsenter un ancien cas , which he identifies forty years later (1979: 108): Il faut sans doute partir du locatif, dont la dsinence tait anciennement H dans certains pronoms . This H represents *-RL (cf. Kortlandt 1984a: 101f. [this vol., 48f.]) and is incompatible with the demonstrative stem *VL-, which is found in DZDVLN voici (cf. Pedersen 1905b: 37 [= Kl.S., 41], Kortlandt 1983a: 316 [this vol., 52]). Dumzil' s proposal is also unacceptable for chronological reasons: U ne pouvant provenir que d' une sonore, *GZ est pass UN avant la mutation qui a assourdi G, E, etc. en W, S, etc. (1979: 107), which puts the consonant shift after the syncope and therefore after the influx of Iranian loan words. The adverb VHUN today remains unexplained. In his later study Dumzil even proceeds to deriving HUNLQ heaven and HUNLU earth from *GLZLQ- celui du ciel and *GLZLUD- ayant le Ciel pour homme . These words are better compared with Irish JUtDQ sun and Welsh HUZ field , respectively (cf. Pedersen 1905a: 197 [= Kl.S., 59], Solta 1960: 151). In 1944 Frisk proposed to derive HUNQ pain from *HGZ Q, identifying the word with Gr. E (1966: 259), a comparison which Schindler has extended to Irish LGX (1975). Both connect the etymon with the PIE. root *+ HGeat . The main problem with this etymology is the initial R- of the Greek word. There is a variant H- in the phrase -#+ q' - + | #- + z#/),  -q+ E + y E + (Greg.Cor., 12th c. AD, cf. Schindler 1975: 55). This can hardly be regarded as evidence for an original H-. According to Frisk ist mit einem alten qualitativen Ablautswechsel zu rechnen (1966: 260), whereas Schindler assumes ganz einfach Vokalassimilation (1975: 56). These conjectures are unsatisfactory because they do not explain the distribution of the variants. The archaic character of R- in Gr. E pain as well as I, #E+ tooth is clear from the negative compounds I /#+ painless , 7 + toothless , later wI /#+, w 7, also 7 ? sensation of having the teeth set on edge , and the agreement with Arm. DWDPQ tooth , with D- from Rin an open syllable. The Aeolic form | #-J+ teeth can easily be explained as secondary on the basis of the verb | 7 eat . I have therefore proposed to start from a PIE. root *+ HG- bite, sting , which is also found in Lith. ~RGDV gnat (1987a: 63 [this vol., 77]). It follows that HUNQ must be separated from Gr. E. Neither of these words can be identified with Irish LGX. Schindler remarks: Theoretisch besteht jedoch noch die Mglichkeit, dass LGX gar kein alter Q-Stamm, sondern ein Q -Stamm war (1975: 60). He rejects this possibility: Diese Annahme erbrigt sich jedoch, weil bei LGX erstens jeder positive synchrone Hinweis auf einen Q -Stamm fehlt (die Nominative LGQD Cir

7KH PDNLQJ RI D SX]]OH

95

Anmann 121, LGKQD SG 1.19.1 sind natrlich Akkusative in nominativischer Verwendung), und weil zweitens frs Idg. nur der Q-Stamm gesichert ist (ibidem). But these nominatives are precisely the evidence we have for an original Q -stem, and the etymological connection remains to be substantiated. Schindler continues: Bisher wurde LGX mit got. ILWD ?7 verbunden (...). Lautlich und semantisch (...) ist gegen den Vergleich nichts einzuwenden (ibidem). The word HUNQ cannot therefore be adduced as evidence for the alleged development of *GZ into UN. It can hardly be separated from the R-stem HUN toil . After this review of the material and the arguments presented in the scholarly literature, I conclude that *GZ yielded N, which is or may be attested in HUNX, NUNLQ, NX, NLF, N V, NR\V, NHDNDUF, PHN, and perhaps HUND\Q, HUNDU, if these are related to Lith. F EWBT rather than Latin JUDQGLV. The numeral HUNX two adopted HU- from HUHN three in the same way as Eng. IRXU has I- from ILYH and Russ. GHYMDW
nine has G- from GHVMDW
ten . The form NU- in NUNLQ double is found with prefixed HU- in HUNLU second , also HUNURUG, while NLF conjoined, contiguous, adjoining, together is found with prefixed HU- in HUNLFV twice , OHG. ]ZLVN double (Meillet 1936: 101). The verb HUNQLP may either be a recent derivative of HUNX, or a cognate of OHG. IXUKWHQ fear with analogical elimination of the initial *K, or a word of unknown origin. Thus, the Great Armenian Puzzle turns out to be a red herring. [Meillet s early comparison of Arm. HUND\Q, HUNDU long with Lith. F EWBT spacious is definitely better than Pisani s comparison of these words with Latin JUDQGLV, which is probably a borrowing from an unknown source. Harkness proposes a development of *GZ > *WJ > *NU > *UN (1996), dismissing the counter-evidence and disregarding the arguments adduced above. De Lamberterie s recent treatment of Meillet s law (1998) is very useful but has not convinced me of its correctness for the reasons stated above.]

[51]

Arm. FDQDZW known *

The PIE. sequence *&5+& appears to have a twofold reflex in Armenian, cf. DQDHP I know , FDQDZW known , DDHP I implore , DDZWN prayer (e.g., Winter 1965: 103f., Klingenschmitt 1982: 167, fn. 13). Scholars are in disagreement on the origin of these forms. The obvious source for DQDHP is * Q+ VNHR-, which should yield *FDQDFHP. Meillet assumes largissement d' un prsent en *-VNH- par le suffixe *-\H- (1936: 109) and assimilation du F initial d' un ancien *FDQDHP (p. 29). This is doubtless correct. The addition of the present formative *-\H- was motivated by the spread of *-VNH- as an aorist and subjunctive marker. Though Pedersen originally derived the present formative from palatalized *VN (1905a: 207 [= Kl.S., 69]), he later changed his mind (thus explicitly 1906: 422 [= Kl.S., 200]) in favor of a derivation from single *N, which he identifies with the velar in Gr. |KJ and Latin IDFL (1906: 348 [= Kl.S., 126]). But the latter is not a present formative. Moreover, the expected reflex of the Greek and Latin suffix should rather be Arm. V, certainly to those who do not accept three unconditioned series of velar obstruents for the proto-language. Meillet' s theory is certainly preferable both formally and semantically. Winter (1965: 104) and Godel (1975: 80) derive DQDHP and FDQDZW from *-N\- and *-NW-, respectively. While Godel relegates the origin of this *N to the gloomy history of PA (1975: 124), Winter derives it from the root-final laryngeal. The problem with this derivation is that it separates DQDHP and DDHP from the other -presents, which are left out of consideration, and introduces a zero-grade \H-present where we would expect either a zero-grade VNH-present, which we find in other languages, or a full-grade \H-present on the basis of the root aorist. Zero-grade \H-presents have stative or passive meaning, e.g. Gr. ?J-  he is mad , Skt. E~GK\DWH he awakes , and reflect the type which underlies the Arm. passive L-presents (cf. Meillet 1936: 107). While Schmitt adopts Meillet' s derivation of the -presents from *-VN-\H- (1981: 136), Klingenschmitt follows Pedersen' s early derivation of -H

[2]

* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 12 (1991), 1-4.

96

from *-VNH- (1982: 68, 84), though he derives KDUFDQH- ask and KD\FHrequest from *SU VNH- and *+DLVVNH-, respectively, with dissimilation of *-VN- on an DG KRF basis. This is clearly an arbitrary way of dealing with the facts. Assuming that DQDHP represents * Q+ VN\H-, we conclude that the expected reflex of PIE. *&5+& is &D5D& in Armenian. For FDQDZW we must start from the participle * Q+ WRV and the verbal noun * Q+ WLV, which should yield *FDQDZ and *FDQD\, respectively, as is clear from the 3rd sg. middle ending -DZ < *-DWR and the word ED\ verb < *EDWL- < *EK+ WLV. Since the characteristic *-W- was lost in these formations, it is reasonable to expect an analogical replacement or restoration of the suffix. Pedersen has observed that das suffix *-WL- nur da produktiv geblieben ist, wo es mit anderen suffixalen elementen zu einer umfangreicheren endung verwachsen war [e.g., JRYHVW praise , LPDVW understanding , HUHZR\W appearance , DDZWN prayer ]. Die erweiterung des urspr. suffixes scheint oft dadurch zustande gekommen zu sein, dass man die endung -WL- in ganz unursprnglicher weise direkt an den konsonantischen auslaut eines suffixes gefgt hat [e.g., HUDW dryness < *-VN-, FQXQG childbirth < *-Q-, WDNXVW concealment < *XV] (1905a: 218f. [= Kl.S., 80f.]). The motivation for this development is of course the loss of *-W- after a vowel. Thus, I think that the dental suffix was restored in *FDQDZ- < * Q+ WRV after stage 13 of my chronology (1980b: 102 [this vol., 30]) before the rise of new intervocalic obstruents. The generalization of -DZW rather than -D\W may be due to the influence of DZW passing the night and the suffix -R\W, as in HUHZR\W appearance , a formation which Bugge already compared with Gr. -J/)+ (1893: 80) and which became productive in later Armenian. This suggests that the introduction of -DZW in FDQDZW and DDZWN was anterior to the development of *HX into R\. The theory proposed here accounts for FDQDZW on the basis of a single phonetic reflex of PIE. *&5+& and without invoking an unmotivated introduction of a suffix of unknown origin.
    

$UP canawt NQRZ

97

[3]

[On the present tense suffix  see further Kortlandt 1996b [this vol., 110ff.].]

Proto-Armenian numerals*
Ten years ago I discussed the formation of the Greek numerals against the background of (my variety of) the so-called glottalic theory (1983c). In the present contribution I intend to examine the development of the PIE. numerals in Armenian on the basis of the proposed reconstructions.

1. PL one and the initial syllable of PHWDVDQ eleven seem to reflect *VPLD, Gr. ? (cf. Winter 1992: 348), but see below. The masculine stem form *VHP was eliminated because it yielded an awkward paradigm: nom. *KLV (cf. DPLV month ), acc. *KLZQ (cf. MLZQ snow , PU LZQ ant , Kortlandt 1985c: 21 [this vol., 64f.]), loc. *KLP (homophonous with KLP why ), cf. KLQ old from *VHQ. The alternant form PLQ one may reflect the accusative of PL (cf. Kortlandt l.c.). It is probable that the oblique forms PLR\ and PLXP on the one hand and PLR on the other represent the original masc. and fem. sets of pronominal endings, respectively (cf. Kortlandt 1984a [this vol., 45ff.], Weitenberg 1984). The ordinal D D LQ first is derived from D D before , which is in its turn derived from D at , Gr. %', cf. YHU LQ last , YHU end , L YHU above , Gr. %z'. 2. HUNX two represents NX from *GZ with transfer of initial HU from HUHN three (cf. Kortlandt 1989 [this vol., 88ff.], Winter l.c.). Uninflected *GZR is preserved in HUNRWDVDQ twelve and HUNRNLQ, HUNRNHDQ both , and the composition form *GZL in HUNHDP two years old , also in HUNLFV twice , HUNLU, HUNURUG second , but not in HUNHULZU two hundred , which probably represents *GZRL (Winter l.c.). I think that NUNLQ double from *NLULNLQ replaced *NLQ double after the rise of *HULNLQ triple , which was replaced by HUHNNLQ after the syncope.1

* Reprinted from ,Q KRQRUHP +ROJHU 3HGHUVHQ .ROORTXLXP GHU ,QGRJHUPDQLVFKHQ *HVHOOVFKDIW [Kopenhagen, 1993] (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1994), 253-257. 1. Dr. Alexander Lubotsky draws my attention to Vedic trisyllabic WUHGK beside WUtGK in three ways from WUD\ plus LGK , cf. WUi\DV three and GYtGK in two ways , which in its turn has a later analogical variant GYHGK . This is a nice parallel.

98

3URWR$UPHQLDQ QXPHUDOV

99

4. RUN four and the initial part of RUHNWDVDQ fourteen are usually compared with Doric -z-#'JO. The medial cluster *WZ may have been lost phonetically as a result of the monophonemicization (Kortlandt 1980b [this vol., 27ff.], stage 2), velarization (stage 9), lenition (stage 10), delabialization (stage 12c), and loss of intervocalic fricatives (stage 13a). The expected reflex of the composition form *N WZU is NDU, but we find ND , reflecting *UV, which was probably taken from ND DPHD\ quadrennial , cf. DP year , Vedic ViP , analogically H DPHD\ triennial . The ordinal ND RUG fourth replaces *ND\URUG from *N WZUNRUWR, cf. Lith. NDUWDV time ; for the phonetic development cf. JD\O wolf from *ZON RV, Lith. YLONDV. The final part URUG spread to the other numerals as an ordinal suffix. I agree with Szemernyi (1960: 95) that the short ordinal suffix U spread from the original form *N WXUR, which was evidently replaced by the precursor of ND RUG when the initial *N - was lost. This chain of developments explains the rise of the new ordinal suffix.21
    

3. HUHN three , acc. HULV reflect *WUHLHV, *WULQV. The initial part of HUHNWDVDQ thirteen is analogical. The composition form *WUL is found in HUHDP three years old , also in HULFV three times , HULU, HUURUG third . [254]

5. KLQJ five and the initial part of KQJHWDVDQ fifteen represent *SHQN H with restoration of the final velar on the basis of the ordinal *SQN R.
 

7. HZWQ seven reflects *VHSWP. The variant H WQ from *HDZWQ, for which Winter reconstructs a dialectal form *DZWQ (1992: 350), rather suggests a reduced grade vowel which replaced zero grade vocalism in the ordinal and was later introduced into the cardinal. 8. XW eight is parallel with Elean %-I. The absence of initial

6. YHF six and the initial syllable of YHWDVDQ sixteen represent *VZH V with transfer of *X from the ordinal *VX VR-. The substitution was evidently triggered by the particular development of *VZ (stages 5, 7, 11 of Kortlandt 1980b).32

[255]

2. Winter derives the short ordinal suffix U from *V after *L, *X, *U, e.g. HULU third from *WULV three times (1992: 355). Apart from the syntactic and semantic complications, this is improbable for phonetic reasons. The nom.acc.sg. ending U in the X-stems is characteristic of original neuters, e.g. FXQU knee , PHU honey , DVU fleece , DUWDZVU tear , and must therefore be derived from *U, not *V. The original nom.sg. ending *V after *L is preserved in deverbal L-stems, e.g. HON outcome , [DZVN speech (Kortlandt 1985c: 23 [this vol., 67]). The 2nd sg. ending U is characteristic of the middle aorist imperative and must therefore be derived from *U, not *V. 3. The substitution of *KXH for *KZH in the cardinal 6 on the basis of *KX in the ordinal is parallel to the substitution of *GXR for *GZR 2 on the basis of *GX in other Indo-European languages, e.g. Latin GXSOXV, GXSOH[ double , GXFHQW 200 , GXELXV.

100

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

aspiration shows that it adopted the zero grade vocalism of the ordinal (cf. Kortlandt 1983b: 14 [this vol., 44]).

10. WDVQ ten represents *GH PW with adoption of the reduced grade vowel which replaced zero grade vocalism in the ordinal *G PWR-. The composition form WDVDQ in the numerals from eleven to sixteen apparently reflects the ordinal. 20. NVDQ twenty reflects *GZLG PWL (Kortlandt 1983b: 14 [this vol., 43f.], 1983c: 100). Partial dissimilation of the initial glottalic consonant yielded a glottal stop which devoiced the following *Z in the same way as *K from *V, e.g. in NR\U sister from *VZHV U. The initial N is the phonetic reflex of unvoiced *Z (Kortlandt 1980b: 100 [this vol., 28]).

9. LQQ nine similarly adopted the zero grade vocalism of the ordinal *HQXQR, with regular vocalization of the initial laryngeal. The variant form LQXQN is the phonetic reflex of *HQXQHV.

30. HUHVXQ thirty is usually identified with Gr. -' #- , which reflects *WULD plus *G RPWD (Kortlandt 1983c: 100). Alternatively, it may represent the composition form *WUL plus DVXQ from the higher decades. But the form may actually be the phonetic reflex of *WUL+-G RPW-, see below. 40. ND DVXQ forty represents the composition form ND  plus *G RPW-. It is attractive to regard DVXQ as the phonetic reflex of *G RPW- after a syllabic resonant.


60. YDWVXQ sixty has a reduced grade vowel in the initial syllable, which probably reflects the earlier composition form *YDF beside the cardinal YHF and the ordinal *XF, cf. ND  beside RUN and *WXU. 70. HZWDQDVXQ seventy reflects *VHSWP plus DVXQ from *G RPW- after a syllabic resonant. 80. XWVXQ eighty represents XW plus VXQ.

50. \LVXQ fifty probably reflects *SHQN -G RPW-, with irregular loss of the medial vowel and \L from pretonic *KLQ (cf. Kortlandt 1983b: 11 [this vol., 41]). The loss of the medial vowel has a perfect analogue in Latin TX QJHQW five hundred .43

[256]

4. The syncope in Latin TX QJHQW cannot be recent because the rise of J requires a preceding nasal at an early stage, cf. especially VHVFHQW 600 versus VHSWLQJHQW 700 , analogically RFWLQJHQW 800 , similarly TXDGULQJHQW 400 after TX QJHQW .

3URWR$UPHQLDQ QXPHUDOV
90. LQQVXQ ninety represents LQQ plus VXQ.

101

100. KDULZU hundred has now been identified as a borrowing from Iranian (Bailey 1987). Thus, I think that a characteristic feature of the Proto-Armenian system of numerals is the existence of three different ablaut grades in the root. The full grade is found in HUHN 3 , RUN 4 , KLQJ 5 , YHF 6 , HZWQ 7 , also in HUNX 2 , HUNRWDVDQ 12 , HUNHULZU 200 . The zero grade is attested in HUNLU 2nd , HULU 3rd , XW 8 , LQQ 9 , NVDQ 20 . The reduced grade, which originated from a resyllabification of the zero grade on the pattern of the full grade, is found in ND RUG 4th , WDVQ 10 , ND DVXQ 40 , YDWVXQ 60 , and perhaps in *DZWQ beside HZWQ 7 . The full grade was only preserved in the lower cardinals and largely replaced by the vocalism of the ordinals in the higher numerals. The influence of the original ordinals is indeed pervasive: it is reflected not only in the suffix of HUNLU 2nd and HULU 3rd from *WXU 4th , but also in the final consonant of KLQJ 5 , the initial consonant of YHF 6 , the initial vowel of XW 8 , the vocalism of LQQ 9 , and the rise of the reduced grade in WDVQ 10 , ND DVXQ 40 , YDWVXQ 60 , and perhaps *DZWQ 7 . The heterogeneity of these reflexes strongly supports the theory presented here. The forms PHWDVDQ 11 and HUHVXQ 30 seem to suggest that Armenian shared the Greek vocalization of the final laryngeal in ? and -'? , whereas the form PLQ 1 points to loss of the laryngeal before the final nasal. The gen.sg. ending L of the Dstems, e.g. DP year , gen. DPL from *L+RV (Kortlandt 1984a: 100 [this vol., 47]), rather suggests that the nom.sg. forms in *L+ and *D+ merged phonetically as a result of the apocope. It is therefore more probable that PHWDVDQ and HUHVXQ reflect an epenthetic vowel which developed between the final laryngeal of *VPL+ and *WUL+ and the initial cluster *G - of the second component. This epenthetic vowel is parallel to the one which developed after a syllabic resonant in ND DVXQ 40 and HZWDQDVXQ 70 . It appears that the initial glottalization of *G - merged with the reflex of the laryngeals both after a syllabic resonant and after the sequence *L+. While the reflex D5D remained unchanged, pretonic *L+D was contracted to H in the same way as *LKD from * VD in the aorist. [On glottalization in Proto-Armenian see also Kortlandt 1998c [this vol., 126ff.]. On the initial consonant of KLQJ five , \LVXQ fifty , Autun KLRFW seven , LVFKXQ fifty see Kortlandt 1998a [this vol., 122ff.]. ]

Intervocalic *Z in Armenian*

At the beginning of this century, Holger Pedersen wrote (1905a: 196 [= Kl.S., 58]): Man braucht nicht so weit auszuholen, um die doppelte gestalt des idg. Y im inlaut zu erklren. Das intervokalische Y erscheint als arm. Y, wo es auslautend geworden ist, sonst aber als J: NRY kuh , aber NRJL butter ; DUHY sonne , aber DUHJDNQ sonne . Die flexionsformen halten das Y des nominativs durch eine leicht verstndliche analogiebildung fest: gen. NRYX, DUHYX. This rule has often been challenged (e.g., Meillet 1936, Greppin 1972, Godel 1975, Eichner 1978, Schmitt 1981, Godel 1982, Olsen 1986), to my mind in an unjustified way (cf. Kortlandt 1980b). I shall briefly discuss the counterexamples. WRYHP enchant , Skt. VWiXWL praises . Greppin points out correctly that the loss of the athematic conjugation was evidently later than the development of intervocalic *Z into a velar obstruent (stage 11 of Kortlandt 1980b: 101 [this vol., 29]). The further development of the latter into an occlusive J was much more recent (my stage 19). WHZHP endure is evidently a derivative of WHZ duration (Pedersen 1905a: 199 [= Kl.S., 61], Greppin 1972: 72). JRYHP praise is similarly a derivative of JRY praise (Pedersen l.c.). KRYLZ shepherd ist als *RYLS  schafhter gedeutet worden, wogegen sich jedoch Hbschmann ausspricht (Pedersen 1905a: 198 [= Kl.S., 60]). The etymology was proposed by Bugge, who observed that the word bezeichnet zunchst schafhirt (und ist dafr das gewhnliche wort in der bibelbersetzung), dann hirt im allgemeinen (1893: 16). I see no objection to the view that *KRY sheep was lost at a recent stage because of its homophony with KRY cool(ness), fresh(ness) . Pedersen regarded KRYLZ as a derivative of the latter word. GHGHZHP, LP vacillate and KHZDP pant are of little value (Eichner 1978: 155), while DZLZQ fury and DZHWLN good news (cf. Olsen 1986) are quite useless (see also Kortlandt 1987a [this vol., 75ff.]). No conclusions can be based on HHZLQ pine, fir, cedar , which Lidn compared with Russ. MDORYHF juniper (1906: 491). The latter word is better derived from MDORY\M barren (Vasmer 1958: 488). Medial *Z was lost before consonantal U, e.g. QRU new , VRU hole, cave , gen.sg. DEHU, DOHU, QHUGL (with secondary GL) of DELZU fountain , DOLZU flour , QHDUG fibre, sinew (Pedersen 1906: 353 [= Kl.S., 131], Kortlandt
* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 14 (1993), 9-13.

[10]

1980b: 102 [this vol., 29f.]).1 There is no reason to assume an intervocalic *Z in QRU and VRU, which evidently adopted the suffix *UR at an early stage. It is clear that *HZU did not merge with *HXU from *HV U in NR\U sister . The rise of the suffix in LZU his, her may have been more recent than the apocope (Godel 1975: 111). There is no evidence for *Z in HUNDQ millstone , Lith. JuUQD, or LQQ nine , which represents the vocalism of the ordinal *HQXQR. DUHJ is the original gen.sg. form of DUHZ sun (Benveniste 1965: 9, Godel 1975: 83). It represents the phonetic reflex of *DUHZRV, with preservation of the velar obstruent before the reflex of final *V after the apocope (cf. Kortlandt 1980b: 104 [this vol., 31]).2 \DJ to satiety has been identified as \DJ, with DJ from *VDZ (Meillet 1921). Vedic iVLQYDQ insatiable actually points to a formation to be compared with Latin YHWXV old from *XHWXHV beside Greek |-#+ year from *XHWHV (cf. Beekes 1985: 61). I therefore think that we have to start from an Vstem *VH+ HV satiety which is found with different hiatus fillers in Gr. #+ and Arm. *VDZRV, cf. *WX in Lith. VRWV beside *XW in Russ. V\W\M sated , pointing to an original adjective in *XHV beside a formation in *W. The form *VDZRV yielded DJ in the same way as *DUHZRV yielded DUHJ. VDJ goose represents a metathesis of *J V from *JDQV (cf. Pedersen 1906: 454 [= Kl.S., 232]), with depalatalization of the initial obstruent before a laryngeal (cf. Schrijver 1991: 113), and cannot be compared with Russ. VRYD owl . No conclusions can be based on KRJ care . Thus, I think that Benveniste' s clever discovery (1965) and Meillet' s ingenious comparison (1921) do not invalidate Pedersen' s general rule.


,QWHUYRFDOLF *-w- LQ $UPHQLDQ

103

[11]

[12]

[See also Kortlandt 1996a [this vol., 117ff.]. ]

1. I am now inclined to identify development 17b with stage 13b of my chronology (1980b) because this offers a better structural picture. There is no reason to assume the rise of an epenthetic vowel before final U at stage 14 and its subsequent loss at stage 16, especially in view of VLZQ column < *VLZXQ < *VLZRQQ (Pedersen 1905a: 217 [= Kl.S., 79], Kortlandt 1985c: 21 [this vol., 64f.]), with loss of *Z before *X. We find delabialization before non-final U in QHDUG, as in OHDUG liver . 2. I now think that the delabialization at stage 12c did not affect *Z before *R, perhaps because it had less friction than the other labialized consonants, and that the gen.sg.

Palatalization of dentals in Armenian*

In his contribution to the second international symposium on Armenian linguistics (1987), John Greppin lists six strong examples of *7\ that produce a palatal affricate (1993: 16): J moist < *JKHLGK\, P middle < *PHGK\, D right < *VH+ GK\, PDDU young wine < *PDG\, RURHP chew < *URG\, NRHP call < *J RW\. Though one may disagree with Greppin' s reconstructions (cf. Kortlandt 1987a: 63 [this vol., 77] on RURHP), these examples seem perfectly adequate to substantiate the regular outcome of palatalized dentals in Armenian. On the other hand, Greppin lists six strong examples of *7\ that produce a dental affricate : JLQM coriander < *ZHQGK\, [DFDQHP bite < *NKDG\, DF salty < *VDOG\, KHFDQLP mount < *VHG\, PLF mire < *PHLG\, DQLFDQHP curse < *+ QHLG\. It is clear that these examples are much weaker than those of the first list. As Greppin points out himself (1993: 18), Arm. JLQM, DF and PLF have loose semantic parameters , which leaves us with the three nasal presents to which we may add PXFDQHP introduce < *PRXG\H (Godel 1975: 82). But nasal presents are never derived from \Hpresents, so these reconstructions must be wrong. There simply is no good evidence for dental affricates from patatalized dentals in Armenian.1
  

[28]

* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 15 (1994), 27-31. 1. Birgit Olsen has tried, to my mind unsuccessfully, to find additional examples of dental affricates from palatalized dentals in Armenian (1988: 7f., 1993: 36ff.). This is not the place to discuss Olsens idiosyncratic theory of the subjunctive, which builds on an unmotivated and highly unnatural type of analogical development and does not explain the eventual distribution of the personal endings (on which cf. Kortlandt 1981c [this vol., 34ff.]). The classical doctrine developed by Meillet and Pedersen is certainly preferable. I

104

3DODWDOL]DWLRQ RI GHQWDOV LQ $UPHQLDQ

105

Nasal presents supply a present tense to an aorist stem. It follows that DQLF, [DF, KHF, PXF represent original aorist stems. Any theory which derives these aorists from \Hpresents must explain why these \Hpresents became aorists in prehistoric Armenian. It is much more probable that they reflect an original aorist formation. In fact, actual \Hpresents usually have a derived Faorist in Armenian, e.g. SD\OHP I shine < *SKDO\H, SD\OHFL I shone . Conversely, we even find \Hpresents derived from earlier VNHpresents when the suffix F became a subjunctive and aorist marker, e.g. DQDHP I know < * Q+ VN plus \H (cf. Meillet 1936: 109). It follows that \H was a present marker SDU H[FHOOHQFH. Some news travels slowly. As far as I am aware, the idea that the dental affricate of DQLF, [DF, KHF was the result of a palatalization of dentals was first put forward more than a hundred years ago by Sophus Bugge (1893: 47). The correct derivation of F from *GV was first proposed shortly after the turn of the century by Holger Pedersen (1905a: 206 [= Kl.S., 68]), who added PXF: HPXW intravit und HPRLF induxit verhalten sich wohl zu einander wie gr. |  zu | ) (prsens PWDQHP und PXFDQHP). A year later Pedersen discussed the sigmatic formation in more detail (1906: 423-427 [= Kl.S., 201205]). He added DFHDO salted and pointed out that beside F from *GV we have ] (after liquids M, i.e. G]) from *GKV in HOX]DQHP extract (Gr. yJE)# ), VX]DQHP plunge (Gr. JEK7), KHMDQHP suffocate (cf. KHG), further F from *WV in DQFDQHP pass, flow (Gr. x-# ), F from *- Vin OXFDQHP light (cf. OR\V), F from * V in OXFDQHP untie (Gothic OXNDQ), ] from * KV in QNOX]DQHP submerge , V from *VV in NRUXVDQHP lose , V from *QV in VNVDQLP begin , F from *OV in VWHFDQHP create (Gr. )-z7). Any theory which purports to explain the stem-final affricate of DQLF, [DF, KHF, PXF must take this material into consideration. As Pedersen pointed out already (1906: 427-429 [= Kl.S., 205-207]), the reflexes F, ] of *GV, *GKV and * V, * KV are not the phonetic outcome of original Indo-European clusters but represent in smmtlichen fllen eine (allerdings in ziemlich alter zeit) erneuerte form which arose in connection with the spread of the sigmatic aorist (on which cf. Kortlandt 1987b [this vol., 79ff.]). The crucial development was the loss of intervocalic *V (Kortlandt 1980b: 99-101 [this vol., 27-29]). When *V became *K (my stage 5) and *VN became *F (my stage 6), the original clusters of root-final dental or palatal obstruent plus sigmatic aorist marker all merged with the Indo-European VNsuffix into a dental affricate.21 The stem-final affricate in the aorist was then disambiguated on the basis of the root-final obstruent which was found


[29]

[30]

hope to present my own views on the formation of the Armenian subjunctive elsewhere in the near future. 2. This is the origin of the Faorist, as I intend to argue elsewhere [this vol., 107ff.].

106

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

elsewhere in the paradigm, so that we end up with F, F, ] (M) reflecting *WV, *GV, *GKV. The correctness of this theory is nicely corroborated by the sigmatic aorist of roots in a labial obstruent (Pedersen 1906: 426 [= Kl.S., 204]). While original *SV is attested in HSHP I cook (Gr. {57), the labial consonant was lost in the sigmatic aorist FDVHD\ I lost my temper (cf. FDZ pain ), KLZVL I wove (from *XEK, Gr. Q ?7). It appears that the sigmatic aorist marker was restored when *V had become *K and that the preceding labial obstruent was subsequently lost. I conclude that Pedersen' s theory of the aorist stem formation remains unsurpassed and must be taken seriously in any treatment of Armenian historical phonology and morphology. [See further Kortlandt 1995a [this vol., 107ff.], 1996b [this vol., 110ff.], 1999 [this vol., 129ff.]. ]

The sigmatic forms of the Armenian verb*

In der Verwendungsweise besteht eine weitgehende bereinstimmung der armenischen Aoriste auf FH, FD mit den griechischen V-Aoristen (Klingenschmitt 1982: 286). Since the two formations bear a stronger affinity than could possibly have been produced by accident, it is hard to examine them without believing that they have sprung from a common source. Moreover, if this identification is correct, ergibt sich fr die armenischen Konjunktive WDFH und HNHFH die Mglichkeit einer Zurckfhrung auf mittels eines Suffixes *VHR gebildete Aoristkonjunktive (Klingenschmitt 1982: 43). The question now is: how did PIE. *V come to be represented by F in Armenian? Klingenschmitt assumes that Arm. F developed from *VV and compares Skt. DY WVDP I dwelt of the root YDV, with dissimilation of *VV to WV (1982: 287). This is too narrow a basis for the wide generalization of F in Armenian, however. It may therefore be useful to have a look at what happened in other Indo-European languages before embarking on a discussion of the Armenian material. In Vedic, the aorist marker V was retracted to   after L, X, U, N, including L from a vocalized laryngeal. The new suffix L  < *+V then was a natural candidate for analogical spread after root-final consonants. Similarly, the future suffix L \D < *+V\D spread at the expense of original V\D. In Avestan, there is no L-aorist because the laryngeal was not vocalized. In Gathic, the aorist marker is  after root-final L, X, U, [ (10 roots),  or V replacing a root-final obstruent (8 roots), and V or K after a root-final nasal or vowel (7 roots); the attested number of different forms is 29 with , 9 with V, and 9 with K (cf. Beekes 1988a: 183-185). Thus, it appears that the conditioned variant  would be a natural candidate for analogical spread. In Old Church Slavic, the sigmatic aorist marker is [ after L, X, U and replacing root-final velars and has spread analogically to the position after any vowel, while the original suffix V is still found replacing non-velar root-final
* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 16 (1995), 13-17.

[14]

107

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[15]

[16]

obstruents with 11 roots (cf. Leskien 1962: 141f.). The suffix [ soon replaced V altogether in later Slavic. In Old Irish, things are more complicated. Elsewhere I have argued that the Old Irish V-subjunctive and D-subjunctive both represent the PIE. sigmatic aorist injunctive and correspond to the Vedic V-aorist and L -aorist, respectively (1984c). On the one hand, the suffixal V assimilated a preceding root-final obstruent, so that we have V < VV < *7V, *.V and loss of the root-final consonant. On the other hand, the V was lost in *DV < *+V before a vowel and the reflex of the vocalized laryngeal adopted the function of the lost V, resulting in an D-subjunctive. In the preterit, 3rd sg. *VW became W after liquids and velars but VV after the vocalized laryngeal D, thereby giving rise to a W-preterit and an DVV-preterit (cf. Thurneysen 1975: 417). What these developments have in common, is that the function of the suffixal V was transferred to the reflex of *7V, *.V, *+V, *VW, *+VW. In Greek, the sigmatic aorist ne pouvait pourtant se maintenir si l' analogie n' avait conserv le V caractristique l o il subissait des altrations (Chantraine 1967: 177). The suffixal V was preserved after obstruents, assimilating a preceding dental. When intervocalic V became K and VV was simplified to V, the geminate could be restored, e.g. y-zJ)) beside y-zJ) I fulfilled , similarly |)3)) beside |)3) I split of the root )3 -. Interestingly, both variants spread to the position after a vocalized laryngeal in Aeolic and Homeric Greek: J())) I destroyed , 9 ())) I tamed , 9J())) I called . Thus, the sigmatic aorist marker represents *7V. In Doric and some other dialects, -!- spread at the expense of -)-, e.g.  K?! + seated , |% !J he played , with *.V for *7V (Chantraine 1967: 180). What is the expected sigmatic aorist marker in Armenian? As in Greek and Old Irish, intervocalic *V was lost in Armenian, so we are in need of a suitable model for an analogical replacement. If Armenian developed along similar lines as the other languages, we should consider *7V, *.V, and *+V as natural candidates for analogical spread. Holger Pedersen has pointed out dass in etymologisch isolirten wrtern velar + V immer (RU trocken , gr. !J'+, !'+), palatal oder dental + V immer F ergibt (1906: 429 [= Kl.S., 207]), while *+V yielded D before a vowel. Since dentals and palatals were more frequent than velars, we expect F for *V and DF for *+V if Armenian developed in the same way as Greek. In a previous study I argued that we have traces of an original root aorist in HNL, HNQ, HNDN, HG, HGDN, HW, HNHU, and evidence for a sigmatic formation in HGL, HWX, H , OXD\, HD\, F-aorists, and nasal presents of stems in F, ], M, F, V of roots in dentals and palatals (1987b: 51 [this vol., 81]). The middle aorists in HD\ are best derived from * V (cf. Godel 1975: 121), and the same holds for the subjunctive in LF, where the thematic flexion provoked an early

7KH VLJPDWLF IRUPV RI WKH $UPHQLDQ YHUE

109

introduction of the new consonant. The addition of the suffix LF to present stems eventually yielded a present subjunctive and its addition to F-aorist stems a new aorist subjunctive. The only active F-aorists without a 3rd sg. form in HDF appear to be HOLF he filled << *SO V, H[LF he stopped , which is unclear, and QN F he threw << *J HOV (cf. Kortlandt 1987b: 52 [this vol., 81]). The only subjunctives without L preceding F are WDF give << *WDV < *G+ V and HNHF come . The former represents a formation which is independent of the original root aorist and has a counterpart in Tocharian AB W V put < *GK+ V (cf. Kortlandt 1994c: 64), while the latter, which has an analogical H-grade, probably arose from a reanalysis of the present stem which is attested in Gr. 9)7 and Vedic JiFKD go .
  

[See further Kortlandt 1996b [this vol., 110ff.] and 1999 [this vol., 129f.].]

The Proto-Armenian verbal system*

The usual methodology of linguistic reconstruction is twofold. On the one hand, we may postulate features of the proto-language on the basis of what is attested in the daughter languages. This is the usual procedure in the case of older or major languages. On the other hand, we may look for traces of categories which have been reconstructed for the proto-language on the basis of other branches. This is the usual procedure in the case of more recently attested or minor languages, such as Armenian. Here we are dealing with a limited number of etymologies and a considerable gap between the proto-language and the earliest material. We may now wonder how these factors influence the reconstruction of the linguistic system as a whole. In the following I will argue that the number of etymologies is not very important and that the establishment of sound laws may even prevent scholars from arriving at a correct assessment of the reconstructed categories. I In order to examine the influence of the number of etymologies on the reconstruction of the verbal system I will reconsider the material assembled by Solta (1960). Solta divides the Armenian words into four classes, depending on the number of Indo-European language branches where they have correspondences: $ in most languages, % in many languages, & in a few languages, ' in a single language. I will add a fifth class ( containing words which Solta does not mention but which are adduced by Godel (1975). The number of verbal entries in the separate classes is as follows: $ 34, % 37, & 33, ' 12, ( 40. Note that I am not concerned with the correctness of the etymologies but only with the categories which they represent. A reconstruction of the verbal system on the basis of the class $ etymologies now yields the following picture: present in HP LP, aorist in HFL HFD\ DHP grow , JDQHP beat , QHP beat , Q HP erase , JOHP roll , GLHP suck , OL]HP lick , PDOHP crush ,
* Reprinted from 3URFHHGLQJV RI WKH WK LQWHUQDWLRQDO FRQIHUHQFH RQ $UPHQLDQ OLQJXLVWLFV (Delmar, N.Y.: Caravan Books, 1996), 35-43.

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7KH 3URWR$UPHQLDQ YHUEDO V\VWHP

111

POPOHP rub , PL]HP piss , P P LP murmur , VLUHP love , NHUHP scratch , NRUHP scratch , NHUWHP strip . present in HP, aorist in DFL JLWHP know . present in DP, aorist in DFL P P DP murmur . present in DP, aorist in FL NHDP live . present in HP LP, aorist in L D\ DFHP carry , EHUHP carry , QVWLP sit down . present in DP, aorist in X WDP give . present in HP, suppletive aorist in L D\ PSHP drink , XWHP eat , aor. DUEL NHUD\. present HP am . present in VHP, aorist in XD\ OVHP hear . present in DHP, aorist in HD\ DQDHP know , aor. FDQHD\. present in DQHP DQLP, aorist in L D\ D RJDQHP wet , R RJDQHP wet , EXVDQLP sprout , JWDQHP find , GL]DQHP amass , OL]DQHP lick , ONDQHP leave , FQDQLP give birth , KHFDQLP mount . present in DQLP, aorist in   HDQLP become . present in DQDP, aorist in DFL DFD\ LPDQDP understand , OXDQDP wash , VWDQDP acquire . present in QHP, aorist in L GQHP put . present in QHP, aorist in HD\ \D QHP rise . present in QXP, aorist in FL OQXP fill . present in XP, aorist in L JHOXP wring , OL]XP lick , FHOXP split . It appears that most categories which were inherited from the proto-language are represented in this collection. We will see if the picture changes when we add the material of the class % etymologies: present in HP LP, aorist in HFL HFD\ D]D]HP dry , GHGHZLP waver , G QLP ring , ODSHP lick , [DUHP brand , [DUHP boil , FDPHP chew , MXOHP smelt , MDZQHP dedicate , PDWHP pray , VHUHP procreate , VHULP am born , WH HP rub off , FWHP scratch , FWLP scratch . present in DP, aorist in DFL DFD\ H DP boil , ODP weep , PQDP remain , RUFDP belch . present in DP LP, suppletive aorist in L D\ JDP come , XQLP have , aor. HNL NDOD\. present in DQHP DQLP, aorist in L D\ DJDQLP put on , DQLFDQHP curse , DZFDQHP anoint , HOX]DQHP extract , HUJLFDQHP tear , OXFDQHP loosen , NODQHP swallow , KDVDQHP reach , PH DQLP die , XVDQLP learn , WHVDQHP see , FXFDQHP show . present in DQDP HQDP, aorist in DFD\ HFD\ DUEHQDP get drunk , ORJDQDP bathe . present in NDQHP, aorist in L KDUNDQHP strike .

[37]

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[38]

present in QXP, aorist in FD\ ]JHQXP put on , QWH QXP read . present in QXP, aorist in XD\ HUGQXP swear . present in XP, aorist in L D\ KHQXP weave , KDQXP weave . It turns out that apart from the suppletive stems, the doubling of the material has yielded only two new types, viz. KDUNDQHP KDUL and HUGQXP HUGXD\. We will now see if trebling the material by including the class & etymologies changes the picture: present in HP LP, aorist in HFL HFD\ D\UHP burn , D\FHP visit , KD\FHP request , JDULP detest , GDGDUHP cease , HUHZLP appear , WHNHP twist , WRYHP enchant , ODNHP lick , NHHP hurt , NRHP call , XHP set out , VS HP scatter , SDUDWHP scatter , WRSHP beat , FD\WHP splash , SDUHP embrace , SDULP embrace . present in HP, aorist in DFL DVHP say . present in DP, aorist in DFL DFD\ DDP grind , VSD QDP threaten , S QJDP sneeze . present in DP, aorist in FL DWHDP hate . present in DP, suppletive aorist in D\ HUWDP go , aor. RJD\. aorist imperative JRJ say . present in DQHP DQLP, aorist in L D\ DQNDQLP fall , EHNDQHP break , EXFDQHP nourish , [DFDQHP bite , PDFDQLP stick , SODQLP fall . present in DQDP, aorist in DFL DFD\ WDQDP soak , PR DQDP forget , XUDQDP deny . present in QHP, aorist in DUL D QHP make . present in QXP, aorist in L D QXP take . present in XP, aorist in L KHXP pour , ]HXP pour . Disregarding the suppletive stems, we have found only two new types, viz. D QHP DUDUL and D QXP D L. Inclusion of the class ' etymologies adds yet another type to the picture, viz. LP HD\ present in HP LP, aorist in HFL HFD\ HSHP cook , WDWDZHP plunge , NUFHP gnaw , V[DOHP fail , V[DOLP fail , FUHP violate , YD HP fire , YD LP burn . present in DP, aorist in DFL NDUGDP call . present in LP, aorist in HD\ WDNLP hide , PDWLP approach . present in DQLP, aorist in D\ DJDQLP pass the night , ]HUFDQLP escape . present in XP, aorist in L \DZHOXP increase , ]HUFXP strip . Thus, we established 17 categories on the basis of the 34 most widely attested etymological entries, then added two types on the basis of the next 37 entries, another two types for the next 33 entries, and another type for the last 12 entries. Though each step renders the picture more complete, it appears that the reconstruction of the morphological system is not strongly dependent on the number of etymologies. In order to see what we have missed, we will now

7KH 3URWR$UPHQLDQ YHUEDO V\VWHP

113

examine the material of class (, which is not included in Soltas lists of verbal etyma but taken from Godels grammar: present in HP LP, aorist in HFL HFD\ DPDHP am ashamed , JRHP call , JRUFHP work , KD\LP look , PHFDUHP honour , SD\OHP shine , VWLSHP urge , WD DPLP wither , WDUDPLP wither . present in HP, aorist in DFL NDUHP can . present in DP, aorist in DFL DFD\ NDP stand , RUVDP hunt , \XVDP hope . present in HP, aorist in L KDQHP draw , KHXVHP nail . present JR\ is . present in LP, aorist in HD\ KDQJLP rest , SD[LP flee . present in QLP, aorist in HD\ HUNQLP fear , PDUWQLP fight . present in DQHP, aorist in D\ PHDQHP sin . present in DQHP, aorist in L KDUFDQHP ask , OXFDQHP light , PXFDQHP introduce , VX]DQHP plunge . present in DQHP, aorist in HD\ \DQFDQHP trespass . present in DQLP, aorist in DUD\ WDQLP carry . present in LQLP, aorist in   OLQLP become . present in DQDP HQDP, aorist in DFD\ HFD\ QWDQDP run , PHUMHQDP approach . present in QDP, aorist in ML MD\ ED QDP lift , GD QDP turn . present in QXP, aorist in FL QNHQXP throw . present in QXP, aorist in D\ H QXP get warm . present in QXP, aorist in HD\ D\WQXP swell , NDFQXP am hungry , VDUWQXP am shocked , ]DUWQXP awake . present in XP, aorist in L DUJHOXP hinder , WRXP let , ]HQXP slaughter . It turns out that this additional collection of 40 etyma yields no less than eight new types: JR\; QLP HD\; DQHP D\; DQHP HD\; WDQLP WDUD\; OLQLP H ; ED QDP EDUML and GD QDP GDUMD\; and the common type of QXP, HD\, which is evidently productive, cf. WDNQXP beside WDNLP hide and PDWQXP beside PDWLP approach . Though these types may be recent, they are clearly built from inherited material. It follows that increasing the number of etymologies does not lead to a better picture of the original morphological system. We should rather start from an analysis of the attested categories and try to recover the separate elements and their distribution. ,, The relation between present and aorist stems is the heart of the Armenian verbal system. If we disregard the suppletive stems including HP am , JR\ is and JRJ say and discount HDQLP become (cf. Godel 1975: 54), we have found 26 types which can conveniently be classified into five major categories:

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[40]

[41]

present in HP LP DP, aorist in FL FD\. present in HP LP DP, aorist in L D\. present in HP LP, aorist in D\. present in QHP QLP QDP QXP XP, aorist in L D\. present in QDP QXP, aorist in FL FD\. It has long been recognized that the Faorist and the present correspond to the Vaorist and the VNpresent of other Indo-European languages. The historical connections have remained unclear, however, because they seem to be at variance with the regular sound correspondences, cf. KDUFDQHP ask , aor. KDUFL, which clearly represents PIE. *SU -VNH-, with reanalysis of the suffix F as part of the stem. Like the imperfect *HEKHUHW which became an aorist HEHU carried , the imperfect *HSU VNHW became an aorist HKDUF, from which a nasal present was subsequently derived. I think that the reanalysis of suffixes and the derivation of nasal presents from aorist stems are the keys to a proper understanding of the Proto-Armenian verbal system. As the major types in HP HFL and DP DFL represent PIE. *H, *\H, *H\H and * \H, it seems probable that LP HFD\ reflects * \H, at least in part. The mixed type HP DFL seems to reflect the PIE. perfect. The Faorists of NHDP live and DWHDP hate can easily be analogical, and the same holds for the type in DQDP DFL DFD\. Since none of these offers a starting-point for the analogical spread of the Faorist, we are left with the type in QXP FL FD\ as the final possibility. Note that this is the only category where the 3rd sg. active form of the aorist does not end in HDF, which is indeed a strong indication that we are dealing with an ancient type, cf. OQXP fill , OFL HOLF, and QNHQXP throw , QNHFL, QN F. While the former example clearly represents the PIE. root aorist *SO , Klingenschmitt derives the latter from a root *JHV (1982: 249). Be this as it may, it is clear that the few verbs of this type are too narrow a basis for the generalisation of the Faorist. We must therefore look for a suitable model among the other verb classes. Elsewhere (1987b [this vol., 79ff.]) I have argued that we find an original root aorist in 3rd sg. HNQ came < *HJ HPW, HG put < *HGK W, HW gave < *HG W, HNHU ate < *HJ HU+ W, but sigmatic forms in 1st sg. HGL < *HGK VRP, HWX < *HG VRP, H became < *HNOHLVRP, OXD\ heard < *NOHXV. In the latter instance I submitted that the present tense OVHP hear represents a sigmatic aorist stem with a secondary nasal infix *NOXQV, in a similar way as PSHP drink reflects the reduplicated present with an analogical nasal infix *SLPE, cf. Vedic StEDWL drinks . It appears that the sigmatic aorist spread at the expense of the root aorist at an early stage, when the infixed nasal present was still productive and *V had not yet become *K. Against this background it seems probable to me that the middle aorist in HD\ represents * V (cf. Godel 1975: 121) and that the Dflexion originated in the athematic endings which began in a
  

7KH 3URWR$UPHQLDQ YHUEDO V\VWHP

115

nasal, as happened in the Greek sigmatic aorist. Starting from the expansion of the sigmatic aorist at an early stage and its eventual replacement by the Faorist, we may wonder what happened when intervocalic *V was lost. If there was any continuity between the two formations, the clue must be found in the aorists from which nasal presents were derived, between the creation of OVHP OXD\ and that of QNHQXP, QNHFL. I think that we have a sigmatic aorist in HUGQXP swear , HUGXD\ < *GKUHXV, and in D QXP take , H QXP get warm , aor. D L H D\ < *UV, as distinct from \D QHP rise , \DUHD\ < *U V, imperative DUL. There is a clearly asigmatic, reduplicated aorist in D QHP make , DUDUL. I agree with Klingenschmitt (1982: 201) that the aorist of WDQLP carry , WDUD\ is built on the imperative WDU, as Gr. y)K?7 eat is on the original athematic imperative *HVWKt, Vedic DGGKt. The type in XP, which appears to have originated from QXP after a root-final *O or *Q (cf. Pedersen 1906: 354 [= Kl.S., 132]), does not shed any light on the problem and can be left out of consideration. It follows that the clue must be found among the verbs with a stem-final obstruent and a derived nasal present. Limiting myself to the material adduced above, I list the following examples: D RJDQHP R RJDQHP wet , JWDQHP find , ONDQHP leave , DJDQLP put on; pass the night , DQNDQLP fall , EHNDQHP break . EXVDQLP sprout , GL]DQHP amass , OL]DQHP lick , KHFDQLP mount , DQLFDQHP curse , DZFDQHP anoint , HOX]DQHP extract , HUJLFDQHP tear , OXFDQHP loosen , KDVDQHP reach , PH DQLP die , aor. PH D\ < *UV, XVDQLP learn , WHVDQHP see , FXFDQHP show , EXFDQHP nourish , [DFDQHP bite , PDFDQLP stick , ]HUFDQLP escape , KDUFDQHP ask , OXFDQHP light , PXFDQHP introduce , VX]DQHP plunge . KDUNDQHP strike , ED QDP lift , GD QDP turn , aor. KDUL EDUML GDUMD\. While the first category apparently reflects thematic or root aorists, cf. Vedic iYLGDP found , Gr. |%# left , the second seems to represent a sigmatic formation, cf. PWDQHP enter < *PXG, aor. PWL, 3rd sg. HPXW beside PXFDQHP introduce < *PHXGV, and OR\V light < *OHX - beside OXFDQHP light < *OHX V- (cf. Godel 1975: 126 and Pedersen 1906: 425 [= Kl.S., 203]). The mere fact that all these verb stems end in a dental affricate or fricative is a strong indication that the category reflects a sigmatic formation. Moreover, they often correspond to stems in dental plosives elsewhere, e.g. DQFDQHP pass , DQLFDQHP curse , [DFDQHP bite , aor. DQFL DQLFL [DFL, Gr. x-#  meet , J #O reproach , Vedic NK GDWL chews . Thus, we arrive at the following scenario. When intervocalic *V was lost, the sigmatic aorist stem of most roots in an obstruent ended in F < *WV, *GV, *GKV, *NV, *JV, *JKV. The new aorist marker then replaced the lost *V in productive categories, giving rise to the Faorist. The root-final obstruent was subsequently restored whenever possible (cf. Pedersen 1906: 429 [= Kl.S.,

[42]

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

[43]

207]), e.g. PXFDQHP [DFDQHP, with F < *GV replacing F after the devoicing of the voiced plosives, similarly in OXFDQHP loosen , OXFL, which was disambiguated from OXFDQHP light , OXFL. The new aorist marker was evidently suppressed in KDUNDQHP strike , KDUL, in order to disambiguate the verb from KDUFDQHP ask , KDUFL. While the syllabic form of the nasal suffix DQ is regular after an original cluster in nasal presents derived from sigmatic aorists, the formation of ED QDP lift and GD QDP turn belongs to an earlier stage, when the root syllable *EUM, *GUM still contained a syllabic resonant: these verbs probably had thematic aorists. I hope to have shown that there is continuity between the Indo-European Vaorist and the Armenian Faorist and that there is no reason to postulate an unmotivated formation in *VNH for the latter, as earlier investigators have done. The rise of the new aorist marker provoked an enlargement of the Indo-European VNpresent by the suffix *\H, which yielded the present, as Meillet has perceived (1936: 109). The only exception is the stem KDUF ask , which was reanalysed as an aorist. Though the derivation of Armenian F and  from PIE. *V and *VN, respectively, is at variance with the well-known sound laws of the language, it is correct from a morphological point of view. Conversely, there is no reason to revise the sound laws on the basis of these correspondences, as is sometimes proposed. Sound laws must be established on the basis of isolated etymologies, such as KDUF < *SU -VNH-, whereas morphological correspondences must be evaluated against the background of the morphological system as a whole. I claim that these two procedures are largely independent. [See also Kortlandt 1998b [this vol., 125] and 1999 [this vol., 129f.]. ]

Arm. FDU laughter *

In his detailed and insightful analysis of the linguistic relationship between Armenian and Greek, James Clackson discusses Arm. FDU (gen. FDX) and Gr. z7+ laughter at some length (1994: 126-132). He argues that if the form * HO+ V [thus Klingenschmitt 1982: 147] had been inherited into Armenian then one would expect the pre-apocope reflex *FHOXK which would have been assimilated, one assumes, into the normal Xdeclension (127). But FDU belongs to the small group of Armenian Xstem nouns with U in the nominative which can all be derived from Proto-Indo-European *Xstem neuters (126), e.g. FXQU knee , DUWDZVU tear , Gr. /, 9'/. Clackson identifies Arm. DVU fleece (gen. DVX) with Latin SHF cattle rather than Gr. %#+ fleece and derives FDU from * HOX, which is formally identical with Latin JHO ice (131). As the discussion touches upon a series of controversial issues, I would like to clarify my position here. It is noteworthy that FXQU and DUWDZVU are not inflected in the singular and thereby differ from FDU, DVU and PHU honey (gen. PHX). This lack of inflection must have resulted from the apocope in view of the ease with which Armenian created new case forms, e.g. gen. FDHU and FDUX beside FDX, also DVUX and DVUR\ beside DVX. Elsewhere I have derived DUWDZVU from a paradigm *GUD XU, obl. *GUDNUX, which yielded an alternation *DVXU, *DZUX (1985a: 61 [this vol., 61f.]). The analogy with *PDLU mother , *KZHKXU sister , obl. *PDZU, *KZHKU, may have given rise to a pre-apocope paradigm *DUWDZVXU, obl. *DUWDZVU, pl. DUWDVX. In the case of FXQU, the comparison with Gr. /, gen. #/+, pl. # suggests a pre-apocope paradigm *FXQXU, obl. *FXQJ (which can easily have been replaced by *FXQU), pl. *FXQJD, distinct from the regular paradigm of *PHXU, obl. *PHX, cf. Gr. zK/, gen. zK/#+. This explains the existence of two different flexion types of Xstem neuters in Armenian. Arm. DVU fleece must be identified with Gr. %#/- small livestock (cf. Ruijgh 1992), with Rgrade as in Arm. FXQU, Gr. /, unlike Latin SHF , JHQ . In Armenian, the initial *S developed to *K which was lost before *R and this vowel subsequently yielded D in unstressed open syllables (cf. Kortlandt


[56]

* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 17 (1996), 55-59.

117

[57]

[58]

1983b: 10 [this vol., 40]). Clackson objects that the absence of K in this word does not prove that the vocalism was originally R because there are clear cases of unexplainable aspiration or lack of it (1994: 160). He mentions three instances, viz. D\F goat , DFHP I bring , and RJL beside KRJL spirit (218). However, Arm. D\F and Gr. ! < *DL  beside *D  in Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic suggest an early borrowing, Arm. DFHP must be identified with Latin JHU < *+ HV rather than DJ < *+ H , and Arm. KRJL beside RJL can easily have restored the initial K on the basis of the verb which is attested in KHZDP I pant (cf. Kortlandt 1983b: 14 [this vol., 43]). The actual alternation between initial K and zero turns out to fit the expected distribution rather nicely (cf. also Kortlandt 1984b [this vol., 54ff.]). Following de Lamberterie (1978: 271), Clackson assumes lowering of *H to D before X in the following syllable in order to explain the root vowel of FDU < * HOX and DVU < *SH X (1994: 159 and 126f.). Neither of them mentions Pedersen' s superior treatment (1906: 414-422 [= Kl.S., 192-200]). It seems to me that the isolated form KHUX last year < *SHUXWL suffices to disprove the rule. The hackneyed example YDWVXQ sixty beside YHF six must be explained differently, as is clear from ND DVXQ forty beside RUN four and *DZWQ beside HZWQ seven , also ND RUG fourth replacing *WXU and WDVQ ten , WDVDQ -teen with D for *H from the ordinal (cf. Kortlandt 1994b [this vol., 99ff.]). The root vowel of JDUXQ spring < *ZHVU and DULZQ blood < *HVDU shows the regular development of *HVD, as distinct from *LKD < * VD in the aorist ending HDF (cf. Kortlandt 1995a [this vol., 107ff.]) and from the anteconsonantal reflex of *HVU in NHUE by sister < *VZHVUEKL and MHUEDNDO (taken) by hand < * KHVUEKL. While de Lamberterie points to Meillet as the 8UKHEHU GHV /DXWJHVHW]HV, the latter had evidently given up the idea by the time he wrote the (VTXLVVH (1936: 38, 39, 42, 55, 82). The initial vowel of DQXQ name represents *R < *+ -, not *H (cf. Kortlandt 1987a: 63 [this vol., 77]). Thus, I think that we must identify Arm. FDU with Gr. z7+ < * HO+ V, obl. * O+ V, cf. Arm. JHZ village < *O L, gen. JH < *O\ (Klingenschmitt 1982: 61, 147, 154). Clackson tries to derive Gr. z7+ from * XV, acc. z7 (')J) for *RZD (Od. 20.346), dat. z (|K #) for *RZL (Od. 18.100), which does not account for the stem *JHODV but would match the reconstruction of a neuter Xstem for Armenian FDU (1994: 129f.). This leaves both the formation of Gr. z7+ and the root vowel of Arm. FDU unexplained. The assumption that the two words represent different morphological formations in spite of their semantic identity must be rejected in favor of the hypothesis that the Armenian neuter Xstem paradigm reflects the old and unproductive type of noun inflection (131) which is found in Greek. This does not affect the possibility of deriving the word from the same root as Latin JHO and English FKLOO.
    

118

)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

$UP FDU ODXJKWHU

119

Looking for traces of words in * V, Clackson proposes to derive Arm. D\J dawn from the locative *+ HXVL of *+ HXV V, Gr. I+ (223). I find this etymology highly attractive. Clackson attributes the generalization of the vocalism to the widespread use of locutions such as QG D\J at dawn , to which I would attribute the loss of initial *K, as I would in DQDJDQ late , D DZDZW morning , which continue other case forms, with loss of *K as in D DJDVW curtain , cf. KDJDQLP I put on clothes (Kortlandt 1983b: 13 [this vol., 42f.]). Thus, we can reconstruct a paradigm *KDZ, obl. *KDZ, acc. *KDJQ, loc. *KD\J. We now expect a pre-apocope paradigm *FHOXK < * HO+ V, acc. *FHORQ or *FHOXQ < * HO+ RVP or * VP, obl. *FDOD < * O+ V, and contraction of the stem-final *D with the following ending. This pattern was evidently closer to *FXQXU < * RQX, obl. *FXQJ < * RQZ than to the regular Xstem flexion, which explains the transition of FDU to the neuter paradigm. In the case of Gr. 'I+ sweat , acc. ' < -A (cf. Il. 10.574), Arm. NLUWQ < *VZLGURVP or * VP, the oblique stem *NLWD  < *VZLGUV was replaced by regular *NLUWDQ. These words provide evidence for a rather close relationship between Armenian and Greek.
    

[Note that the accent of Albanian GLUVs sweat < *VZLGU points to an original disyllabic form which may have been identical with its Greek and Armenian cognates.]

Arm. Q U sister-in-law *
Rdiger Schmitt derives Arm. Q U wife of the husband' s (younger) brother from PIE. *+\HQ+ WHU, Vedic \ WDU, Greek J()9-J'-, Latin LDQLWU (1996). His view calls for several comments. First of all, the reconstruction of an initial laryngeal is highly improbable. If it were correct, the Vedic reflex of the zero grade would be **LQL, not \ , and also the Latin reflex would probably be **LQL, not LDQL. The reason for reconstructing an initial laryngeal in this word is that PIE. *\ allegedly yielded  in Armenian. However, the latter hypothesis cannot be upheld. The classic comparison of Arm. XU water with Lith. M UD sea is certainly false because the latter word cannot be separated from Old Prussian ZXUV pond and Vedic Y U water . The expected reflex of PIE. *\ is zero in Armenian, as is clear from the pronoun RU who, which , where the relative replaced the interrogative, as in Polish MDN how beside Russian NDN (cf. Kortlandt 1983b: 11 [this vol., 41] and Clackson 1994: 52). Thus, we must start from *\HQ yielding *LQ and subsequent reduction and loss of the initial vowel in pretonic position. Secondly, Schmitt assumes vocalization of the medial laryngeal resulting in a stem *\HQDWHU, followed by a spontaneous sound change which assimilated the medial vowel to the surrounding vowels so as to yield *\HQHWHU. This is an DG KRF assumption because it is not supported by other instances. Since a medial *D is difficult to get rid of, as Schmitt has made quite clear, the inescapable conclusion is that the laryngeal was not vocalized. In his survey of laryngeal developments in the Indo-European languages, Robert Beekes proposes that in Armenian medial laryngeals were vocalized before clusters but not before single consonants (1988b: 77). Thus, we find vocalization in FQDZ parent < *+WO, HUDVWDQN buttocks < *-+ W-, DDZUL mill < *+WU, but not in GXVWU daughter < *+W U, JHPQ wool < *+PHQ, DUPXNQ elbow < *+PR. If this is correct, we expect the following paradigm of the word *\HQ+WHU before the apocope:


[8]

* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 18 (1997), 7-9.

120

$UP Q U VLVWHULQODZ
sg. nom. *LQGLU acc. *LQGHUDQ gen. *DQDZUR inst. *DQDUEL pl.

121
nom. *LQGHUHK acc. *LQGHUDV gen. *DQDUFX inst. *DQDUELK

It is clear that this paradigm could not survive. In fact, it seems probable to me that it never arose in the first place because the loss of *W before syllabic *U (at stage 13a of Kortlandt 1980b: 102 [this vol., 30]) provided a good motivation for eliminating the dental obstruent from the paradigm altogether. I therefore think that we can reconstruct a word *LQLU, *LQHU sister-in-law beside *PD\LU, *PDZU mother and *[ HXU, *[ HKU sister . Regularization of the paradigm then produced the pre-apocope nom.sg. form *LQH\LU which underlies the attested forms of the word Q U. The analysis proposed here now confirms Beekes' rule for the vocalization of medial laryngeals in Armenian.
 

[See also Kortlandt 1998a [this vol., 122ff.]. ]

The development of *\ in Armenian*

There is no agreement on the development of initial *\ in Armenian (cf. Clackson 1994: 52, with references): (1) XU water , Lith. M UD sea , (2) MHU you (pl.) , Skt. \ \iP id. , (3a) OHDUG liver , Skt. \iN W id. , (3b) OXF yoke , Skt. \XJiP id. , (4) RU who , Skt. \i id. . These developments are phonetically regular according to Meillet (1), Pedersen (2), Hamp (3) and Pisani (4), who cannot all be right. We must therefore reconsider the evidence. Lithuanian M UD cannot be separated from Old Prussian ZXUV pond , Skt. Y U water , Toch. A ZlU, B ZDU id. , and must therefore have an initial M of secondary origin, so that the connection with Arm. XU must be abandoned. The latter word may represent original *G \ (cf. Pedersen 1906: 429 [= Kl.S., 207]). Pronominal MH can only represent *\X plus *H. I think that we have to start from an accusative *\ZH, with the initial semivowel of French KXLW eight , which was created on the analogy of the singular pronoun *WZH that developed into NH. The phonetic merger of the labialized palatal semivowel with the reflex of original * Z, e.g. in MD\Q voice , Russ. ]YRQ chime , can be compared with the merger of *Z with *J  into J and with the merger of voiceless *VZ > *KZ with *N  into N. As the development of *\ to O (3) is phonetically improbable and has no structural parallel in Armenian, the initial consonant of OHDUG and OXF must be analogical. The motivation for an analogical addition of O was perhaps the phonetic loss of *\ (4), which shortened the root. The model for the additional O was provided by the word for fat *OLS, as in the Germanic cognate for liver , and by the verb OXFDQHP unyoke (e.g., Pokorny 1959: 504, 509). Indeed, pronominal R, X can only represent earlier *\R (Kortlandt 1983b: 11 [this vol., 41], Mawet 1986: 86), cf. Polish MDN how . While initial *\ was lost in the classical language, the dialects show a
    

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* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 19 (1998), 15-18.

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7KH GHYHORSPHQW RI *y- LQ $UPHQLDQ

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more complicated picture. As Jos Weitenberg has convincingly argued (1986), original *\ can be reflected as the voiced counterpart of K, for which I shall write +. Voiced + always represents *\ and does not correspond to classical K, e.g. Mu +XP to whom? versus KXP raw , also +XU where? , +LVXQ fifty . The only instance of classical K for *\ is found in KLP beside LP for what? . It appears that + often reflects the prefix \ < *LQ. We may therefore have a look at what happened to the preposition L < *LQ, which is written \ before vowels. Interestingly, the prefix *LQ always appears as \ (or Q, cf. Meillet 1936: 96) before a vowel, never as *L before a consonant. It is therefore highly probable that initial *L was lost phonetically in pretonic syllables (cf. also Kortlandt 1997 [this vol., 120f.]), as a result of which the prefix was eliminated before consonants. The loss of pretonic *L can be identified chronologically with the syncope (stage 22 of Kortlandt 1980b: 104 [this vol., 31]). It can also be identified with the loss of the palatal element in the genitives RUGZR\, DQXR\ of RUGL son , DQLZ wheel , where the segment carrying the palatal feature adopted the rounding and back articulation of the following segment. At this stage, there was no phonemic opposition between /i/ and /y/ in the language (cf. Kortlandt 1976: 99). While initial *L lost its palatal feature and was reduced to shwa, which was subsequently lost before single consonants, the loss of the palatal feature in an initial *\ yielded voiced +, which was eliminated in the majority of the dialects. In the meantime there was a complementary distribution between initial shwa before consonants and initial + before vowels. When initial L was restored on the basis of monosyllables, including the preposition L, the phonemic status of + was subject to change in the separate dialects. Initial *+L yielded KL in the monosyllable KLP why , whereas pretonic *KL became voiced in +LVXQ, written \LVXQ fifty , as opposed to monosyllabic KLQJ five . A similar distribution appears in the Autun glossary, where we find KL in monosyllabic KLRFW < HZWQ seven versus pretonic L in LVFKXQ < \LVXQ fifty , cf. also KXQF < \DZQN eyebrows . When the preposition L was restored before words with initial shwa plus consonant or initial + plus vowel, this shwa or + lost its phonemic status after the vocalic preposition and was suppressed or reduced to an automatic glide. Once again, there was no phonemic opposition between /i/ and /y/, or between shwa and /H/, but there was an opposition between /i/ and shwa, or between /y/ and /H/, at this stage. This system is attested in the oldest manuscript of the Armenian Gospel (Matenadaran 6200, dated to 887), as Weitenberg has recently shown (1997). Here we find the preposition L written L \ before vowels and unwritten before word-initial +, which is written \. The reason for this remarkable orthography is evidently that + was automatically lost after the preposition L, so that the preposition could not be restored without destroying the phonemic make-up of a

[17]

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)UHGHULN .RUWODQGW

word beginning with + and was therefore omitted. The spelling \VXQ fifty may represent initial shwa plus yod, phonemically /Hisun/, cf. L WHPDUDQV for \WHPDUDQV in the secret chambers with initial yod plus shwa (Weitenberg 1997: 47, fn.3). It appears that the syllabification of these forms was different in the respective dialects.

Arm. JRP am *
Arm. JRP I am, exist, subsist is usually compared with Gothic ZDV was (e.g. Meillet 1936: 112) and identified as an original perfect of the root *+ ZHV, Vedic YiVDWL dwells , Hittite KXL]L lives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1982: 260, Clackson 1994: 105). It remains unclear why the perfect should have replaced the original present tense in this verb. Elsewhere I have suggested that the Germanic preterit *ZDV, pl. *Z ] was, were is better derived from a compound of the root *+ HV, viz. *XE V, *XE ], which can be compared with Greek %J  I subsist , Latin VXEVXP I am present (Kortlandt 1992b: 105). This etymology explains not only the alternation of sg. *ZDV, pl. *Z ], but also the present tense forms Old English HDUW thou art , pl. Anglian HDURQ and Old Swedish DUX are , which can now be regarded as a back formation from * V on the analogy of the preterits * N traveled , * O nourished , * Q breathed of the verbs *DN, *DO, *DQ. The previous existence of a perfect 3sg. * VH, 3pl. * VU beside an imperfect 3sg. * VW, 3pl. * VQW is supported not only by Vedic VD, V~U beside V, VDQ, but also by evidence from Greek, Slavic, and Celtic (cf. Kortlandt 1986b). The perfect endings in the Homeric imperfect 1sg. , 2sg. )K , 3sg. J- are totally unmotivated if we start from an original imperfect, but quite [20] natural if we start from an Rgrade perfect, where sg. * V alternated with pl. * V. The Slavic imperfect is a compound formation of a deverbal noun followed by the original perfect of the verb to be , e.g. 3sg. DH reflecting * VH. The perfect stem * V of the root *HV evidently served as a model for the creation of the Celtic preterit, e.g. Old Irish WiFK < *W N, UiWK < *U W of WHFKLG flees < *WHN, UHWKLG runs < *UHW. We must therefore consider the possibility that the paradigm of Arm. JRP, like the English form DUH, represents a back formation from the original perfect which underlies the English preterit ZDV, ZHUH. Thus, I propose to derive Arm. JR from *ZR < *XSRV, which was created to supply a present tense on the basis of the preterit 3sg. *XS VH < *XSRHRVH %, suberat . Another example of a prefix which has been incorporated into a verbal root is provided by XWHP I eat < *VRP plus *HG, Vedic ViPDG, Spanish FRPR < FRPHGR I eat (cf. Kortlandt 1986a: 40 [this vol., 70]).
 

* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 19 (1998), 19-20.

Armenian glottalization revisited*

Andrzej Pisowicz has recently (1997) commented on my account of the Armenian second consonant shift (1978a [this vol., 20ff.]). As he has evidently misunderstood my argumentation, I shall try to clarify the matter here. Pisowicz agrees with my view that the so-called voiced aspirates, e.g. G, are a secondary development from plain voiced stops such as G in the Central Armenian dialects. They subsequently tended to lose the voicing in the initial part of their duration and to shift the aspiration as breathy voice (murmur) onto the following vowel, which received a lower pitch (cf. Allen 1950: 200). I shall write [H] for this breathy voice (or voiced aspiration), as distinct from [h] for voiceless breath, e.g. in the voiceless aspirate W = [th]. Thus, we are dealing with a development of G > G = [dH] > [tH], distinct from [th], in the Central Armenian dialects from Erevan to Sebastia. This development has a perfect analogue in Panjabi, where the Indic voiced aspirates yielded plain voiceless stops plus a low tone on the following vowel, e.g. JKR > Nz horse (cf. Kortlandt 1985d: 193). It follows that the merger of voiced aspirates with voiceless stops requires two distinct steps: first the devoicing of the initial part of the consonant (as in the Central Armenian dialects) and then the absorption of breathy voice by the following vowel (or devoicing so as to yield a merger with the voiceless aspirates). The main disagreement between Pisowicz and myself concerns the primary or secondary character of glottalization in East Armenian S, W, N. Pisowicz thinks that the glottalized sounds are rather secondary as their frequency in OA was the lowest and that this points to them as unmarked members of the existing oppositions (1997: 217). This argument is entirely obscure to me. If a feature is infrequent, why should it be secondary? On the contrary, I would rather expect it to be a precious archaism. Is an infrequent feature characteristic of unmarked members of existing oppositions? I would rather claim the opposite! Pisowicz adduces the presence of glottalized consonants in Hemin and Zeytun in words with original E, G, J as an argument in favor of viewing all glottalized consonants in Armenian as secondary (ibidem). This is of course nonsense, as Pisowicz knows perfectly well because
* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 19 (1998), 11-14.

[12]

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he does not consider the presence of voiced consonants in West Armenian in words with original S, W, N as an argument in favor of viewing all voiced consonants in Armenian as secondary. The real question is whether the Armenian glottalization arose at Pisowicz' s first stage of the Eastern development (1997: 226) or was already present in Proto-Armenian (as I claim). The crucial issue is the development in the Southern dialects, where S, W, N and E, G, J changed places. According to Pisowicz' s account, we have to assume the following sequence of events (1997: 222f.): W1. voiced E > murmured [pH], W2. voiceless S > fortis S > voiced E, W3. murmured [pH] > voiceless [p]. Both S and E remained distinct from the voiceless aspirate S = [ph], where the voice onset time is further delayed. The difficulty in this account is that it remains unclear how S and E can have changed places. If we denote fortis S by [pb], the combination of lengthening of the voice onset time in E > [pH] > S and shortening of the voice onset time in S > [pb] > E evidently did not result in a phonemic merger. The hold and release in the non-aspirated stop is no longer than in the voiced aspirate (cf. Khachaturian 1983: 61) and there is no reason to assume that it ever was. We must therefore ask what the fortition and subsequent lenition in S > [pb] > E really stand for. If consonantal length did not play a role, the fortis character must be identified with a laryngeal feature, viz. glottalization. In fact, the presence of a glottal closure explains why the voice onset time was shortened in S > [pb] > E while it was lengthened in E > [pH] > S. The next question now is: how old was the glottalization? For Eastern Armenian Pisowicz assumes that the plain voiceless stops S, W, N acquired glottalization as the distinctive feature. This process may be regarded as a continuation of the fortition (1997: 225f.): E1. voiced E > murmured [pH], E2. voiceless S > fortis S > glottalized [p' ], E3. rise of new voiced E in loan-words. For the dialect of Mu Pisowicz adds for medial and final positions: E4. glottalized [p' ] > voiced E, E5. murmured [pH] > voiceless [ph]. Since the developments E2 plus E4 are equivalent to W2, it is much simpler to identify the fortition with the rise of glottalization. Since the glottalization must also be assumed for the Southern dialects, as was pointed out above, it can be reconstructed for Proto-Armenian. This eliminates the fortition as an early Armenian development and relegates the rise of glottalization to prehistoric times.

[13]

128

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[14]

Deriving the Van dialect from the Central group, Pisowicz assumes the following development (1997: 229): E6. murmured [pH] > glottalized [p]. This is a highly unnatural development because glottalization and breathy voice are opposite laryngeal features. It is much more probable that glottalized [p] derives from plain [p] which arose from the devoicing of E. In fact, there seems to be an original complementary distribution between the dialects with voiced aspirates and the dialects where Adjarians law operated, which points to an early isogloss between the Central dialects (including Ararat) on the one hand and the dialects of Van and Karabagh on the other. The geographical distribution of the latter dialectal type, which is also found in isolated pockets in the Ararat region, suggests that the absence of voiced aspirates is an archaism here. I therefore stick to the relative chronology which I proposed twenty years ago (1978a: 13 [this vol., 23ff.]): A1. voiced G > G > [tH] in the Central dialects (from Erevan to Sebastia), A2. devoicing of G > [t] in the Southeastern dialects (Sasun, Van, Karabagh), A3. West Armenian consonant shift: W = [t] > G, A4. local developments: W > G, W > W, [tH] > [th]. The essential point in my account is that the Southern dialects, e.g. Sasun, must be derived from the Southeastern (Van) type, not from the Central dialects.

The Armenian causative*

The regular formation of the Armenian causative is a nasal present derived from a sigmatic aorist of a stem in an X-diphthong, viz. XFDQHP, aor. XFL, 3rd sg. R\F (e.g. Meillet 1936: 116). Though it is reminiscent of the Greek verbs in -JE7, the Slavic verbs in RYDWL, and the Lithuanian verbs in iXWL and ~RWL (cf. Kortlandt 1995b), there can be no historical connection because the latter types are denominatives and comparatively recent. The formation in XFDQHP has variants in XVDQHP and X]DQHP in NRUXVDQHP lose and HOX]DQHP extract , QNOX]DQHP submerge , SOX]DQHP cause to fall (Meillet 1936: 117, Klingenschmitt 1982: 263). This corroborates the historical connection with the sigmatic aorist (cf. Kortlandt 1987b: 51 [this vol., 80f.] and 1996b: 42 [this vol., 115f.]). The suffix XF, XV, X] was evidently extracted from the sigmatic aorist of roots ending in X plus obstruent, cf. especially PXFDQHP introduce , aor. PXFL, 3rd sg. HPR\F beside PWDQHP enter , aor. PWL, 3rd sg. HPXW. It thus appears that the causative is a further development of the factitive type attested in OXFDQHP light , OXFDQHP loosen , VX]DQHP plunge (cf. Pedersen 1906: 425 [= Kl.S., 203]). The verb HOX]DQHP extract played a pivotal role in the development of the formation because the vocalization of the initial laryngeal rendered the root disyllabic, cf. Greek yJE)#  shall come . The verb HODQHP go out/up , aor. HOL, 3rd sg. HO probably reflects an original root aorist *HOXG, which was thematicized in Greek y/K- and Old Irish OXLG went . Perhaps the most remarkable formation is the causative of ]JDP feel, hear , viz. ]HNXFDQHP warn , which is built on the suppletive aorist stem HN came of JD, where H reflects the augment and the root N is from Indo-European *J HP (cf. Klingenschmitt 1982: 263). The new formation in XFDQHP replaced the Indo-European causative in *HLH, which had merged with the primary thematic flexion at an early stage, as is clear from the development of HUHN three < *WUHLHV. The rise of active sigmatic aorists with factitive meaning can be compared with the same development in Greek |)-) placed , | ) plunged , |Q ) produced beside the intransitive root aorists |)-, | , |Q  (cf. Chantraine 1967: 181). The generalization of X-vocalism in the causative suffix XF is


[48]

* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 20 (1999), 47-49.

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reminiscent of the spread of \Y in the Slavic secondary imperfectives, which originated with roots in an X-diphthong (cf. Vaillant 1966: 484). We may therefore surmise that the predecessors of the verbs EXVDQLP sprout < *EKRX and FXFDQHP show < *VNHX played some part in the Armenian development. The latter verb may have been pivotal in the sense that the root vowel could be reanalysed as part of the suffix. The middle present EXVDQLP grow, take root is evidently built on the aorist EXVD\, 3rd sg. EXVDZ, perhaps on the analogy of XVDQLP learn , aor. XVD\ < *HX . The formation of EXVD\ is an unsolved problem. Since the only other verb with the same suffix is OVHP hear , aor. OXD\, for which I have proposed a present with a nasal infix derived from a sigmatic aorist stem * OXQV (Kortlandt 1987b: 50 [this vol., 80]), I am inclined to assume a sigmatic derivative stem meaning to grow beside the common IndoEuropean root with the meaning to be . A present tense *EK+XHVPL may have given rise to Armenian *EXQV, Greek QE#  grow , and the Old Irish subjunctive EH. The elimination of the suffix in the Greek intransitive aorist |QP grew can be compared with the elimination of the final consonant of the root *J HV in |)  (the fire) went out . This would account for the particular meaning of the Greek verb.


Arm. DULZQ blood *

The root vowel of JDUXQ spring < *ZHVU and DULZQ blood < *HVDU shows the regular development of *HVD, as distinct from *LKD < * VD in the aorist ending HDF (cf. Kortlandt 1995a [this vol., 107ff.]) and from the anteconsonantal reflex of *HVU in NHUE by sister < *VZHVUEKL and MHUEDNDO (taken) by hand < * KHVUEKL (Kortlandt 1996a: 57 [this vol., 118]). As Job has pointed out (1986: 24), a development of *HV > *HKDU > DU is at variance with my relative chronology (1980b), according to which the loss of intervocalic *K (my stage 10) preceded the elimination of the syllabic resonants (my stage 14). We must therefore assume vocalization of the laryngeal in *HV+U > *HVDU > DU. It follows that the epenthetic vowel in *ZHVDU must be of analogical origin. Indeed, the phonetically regular development of *ZHVU yields **JH , not JDU, cf. MH  hand < * KHVU. Clackson mistakenly states (2000: 28, fn. 6) that the expected outcome of *HV - is *HU if my chronology is correct. He evidently missed my assimilation to a following *U (Kortlandt 1980b: 101 [this vol., 29]). I conclude that there is no evidence for Clackson s view (2000: 29) that the sequence *-HV - seems to have developed to HU via *HKDU : in fact, HU is the direct phonetic reflex of *HKU before consonant plus vowel, where the *K was lost without lengthening the following *U. My view is now endorsed by Viredaz (2000: 304), who does not mention my publications. Clackson tries to find supporting evidence for his view in the verb (2000: 32): In some instances it is possible that the HD of Classical Armenian derives, not from Pre-Armenian *LD (as is probably the case for QHDUG < *VQ Z W), but from *HD. A case in point is the aorist conjugation of the H-conjugation verbs such as JRUFHDF he worked from the verb JRUFHP I work . This is highly improbable because there is no reason to assume that the ending DF was ever added to the thematic vowel. On the other hand, there are clear indications that Dendings were added to an aorist stem in * V (cf. Godel 1975: 121 and Kortlandt 1996b: 40-42 [this vol., 114ff.]), which probably was the only source for the type in HDF Clackson subscribes to the alleged lowering of *H to D before X in the following syllable, which was first proposed and later abandoned by Meillet (cf.
* Reprinted from $QQXDO RI $UPHQLDQ /LQJXLVWLFV 21 (2001), 11-12.

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[12]

Kortlandt 1996a: 57 [this vol., 118]). The isolated form KHUX last year < *SHUXWL suffices to show that it is mistaken. Clackson s suggestion (2000: 34) to derive the initial vowel of DULZQ from lowering of *H to D before LZ in the following syllable therefore seems quite useless to me. In the dialects we find D beside H in a number of nouns, e.g. in HED\U brother < *EKU, H LZU horn , HWLZU marsh , cf. also DELZU source < *EKU, DUWDZVU tear < *GU, D X stream < *VU, where the expected phonetic reflex is H, as in HUHN three < *WU, HUHZLP appear , HU F elder , HUHV face < *SU, HUNDQ mill-stone < *J U, etc. Since D is limited to nouns and occurs side by side with H, I think that it represents an original preposition after which the prothetic vowel did not arise, in particular the expected cognate *D of Slavic SR (cf. Pedersen 1906: 434436 [= Kl.S., 222-224]). No such explanation is possible for the initial vowel of DULZQ. Clackson s suggestion (2000: 36) that DULZQ has DU < *DKDU < *+ V+ U cannot be correct because vocalized *+  yielded H in HODQHP go out/up (Kortlandt 1999: 48 [this vol., 129]), HOX]DQHP extract , HUHN evening , with raising before a nasal L in LQQ nine , LP mine , LQHZ with me , with rounding before a (syncopated) rounded vowel R in RUFDP vomit (cf. Kortlandt 1987a: 62f. [this vol., 76f.]). Both DQXQ name and DWDPQ tooth have *+ , not *+ , as is clear from Greek # , / , I, #E+, and especially I/ #+ nameless , 7 + toothless < * -+ -, which are archaic formations, cf. wI/ #+, w 7, also 7 z7 (the teeth) set on edge , and Phrygian RQRPDQ name (cf. Kortlandt 1987a: 63 [this vol., 77]). The Aeolic form | #-J+ can easily be explained as secondary on the basis of the verb | 7 eat . The root *+ HG bite, sting is also attested in Lith. ~RGDV, Latv. X{GV gnat and in Gr. E pain , I /#+ painless . The verb \D QHP rise , aor. \DUHD\ represents *+ HU, as do Gr. '/  and Latin RULRU, while D Q ram must be compared with Gr. w'J+ (cf. Meillet 1936: 46), which points to an original *+ -. There is no evidence for Arm. D < *+ -.
      

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Trautmann, Reinhold 1923 %DOWLVFK6ODYLVFKHV :|UWHUEXFK. Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Trubetzkoy, Nikolaj S. 1930 ber die Entstehung der gemeinwestslavischen Eigentmlichkeiten auf dem Gebiete des Konsonantismus. =HLWVFKULIW IU VODYLVFKH 3KLORORJLH 7, 383-406. Vaillant, Andr 1966 *UDPPDLUH FRPSDUpH GHV ODQJXHV VODYHV ,,, /H YHUEH. Paris: Klincksieck. Van Windekens, Albert J. 1976 Encore le terme larme en indo-europen. .= 90, 12-17. Vasmer, Max 1958 5XVVLVFKHV HW\PRORJLVFKHV :|UWHUEXFK. 3. Band. Heidelberg: Winter. Vennemann, Theo 1986 Syllable-based sound changes in early Armenian. $$UP/ 7, 27-43. Viredaz, Rmy 2000 NHUE, MHUE, [Gr.] 3J')?. +LVWRULVFKH 6SUDFKIRUVFKXQJ 113, 290307. Vogt, Hans 1938 Armnien et caucasique du sud. 176 9, 321-338. 1958 Les occlusives de l' armnien. 176 18, 143-161. Weitenberg, Joseph J.S. 1975 Armenisch RUW Weinstock, Rebe , griechisch %-'K#+ und hethitisch SDUGX-. .= 89, 66-75. 1982 Remarks on the pronominal genitive in Classical Armenian. 5($UP 17, 113-121. 1984 The inflexion of PL one as a trace of Proto-Armenian nominal gender. ,QWHUQDWLRQDO V\PSRVLXP RQ $UPHQLDQ OLQJXLVWLFV 5HSRUWV. Erevan: AN Arm. SSR, 195-218. 1985 Additional -Q in Armenian. $$UP/ 6, 101-106. 1986 Additional K, initial \ and Indo-European *\ in Armenian. /D SODFH GH O
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