Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Samak Kosem
20 June 2008
Introduction
Thailand has adopted an open economic system since the early 1960s, whereas the neighboring countries
to the north and east adopted a much more ‘closed’ economic system in the 1960s and 1970s. Open foreign
investment in Thailand resulted in rapid industrialization and urbanization. Not only Bangkok, but many
regional towns, such as Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai in the north, have benefited from economic
development, especially within tourism and construction. On the other hand, a neighboring country,
Burma, in the same period, had adopted a rather careful policy towards foreign investment. Hence,
economic expansion in Burma did not take place as fast as what happened in Thailand. This unequal
economic development has resulted in a number of workers from Burma crossing the border to come to
seek employment in Thailand. It has been estimated that the number of Burmese workers in all parts of
Thailand could be nearly one million.
In the following paper, I used an anthropological method of observation and informal interviews to talk to
a number of Burmese Muslim workers working in Chiang Mai to find out about their livelihood and
problems with adjustment and the exclusion of these migrant workers in a foreign environment.
The Issue: Muslim Burmese
Muslims are a minority group in Buddhist Burma. They are one of the poorest groups who are scattered all
over unnoticed. A number of them had moved across the border to work in Thailand in Mae Sot district in
Tak province. Most were engaged in heavy labor. However, after two generations of migration, a number
of them began to make ‘a fortune,’ though they did not have to pay tax. Some could manage to save as
much as a ten baht2 weight of gold (equivalent to about 100,000 Baht in money). Children who were born
1
This paper was originally presented as “The Burmese Muslims at Chang-Klan: Life as Marginality” (2008) at the
undergraduate seminar symposium held by the Sociology and Anthropology Department, Faculty of Social Sciences,
Chiang Mai University.
2
A measurement of gold. (1 baht weight = 15 g.)
in Thailand could gain Thai nationality. Some had even been able to buy land in Thailand. Therefore, the
success stories attracted more people to want to come to seek their fortune in Thailand.
Double Marginality
Despite the fact that the community can be considered a Muslim community, the Muslims from Burma
seem to occupy the lowest rank of social status in the community. According to a Thai employer, these
people would be willing to work hard at low wages. Though they are ‘members’ of the community, they
are not so much included in the community; they are not greeted when other Muslims meet them in the
street, tea shop, or even in the Mosque. Some of the poor ones had become beggars. While some may sit at
the gate to the Mosque, others might beg from home to home; their presence in neither place was
welcomed.
3
Interviewed Muswi Ali (10 Jan 2008)
5,000 Baht a month. My room rent and electricity and water bill is only 1,750 Baht. Though I had to pay
for food and other expenditures I still have some small savings. …. I pay about 3,000 baht for the alien
card and health insurance card” So life is considered better than in Mae Sot. However, not everybody can
come to live in Chang Klan because it would cost some money to make oneself ‘legal’. Apart from the
3,000 Baht fee, they have to pay an extra 1,000 Baht to people whom they rent room from.
“Burmese are taking over our town,” Freedom that has never been accepted
Some local people perceive the Burmese workers as a threat to the community. They are afraid that the
Burmese Muslims will cause trouble as happened in the southern part of Thailand.
This attitude occurred because the Burmese Muslims, because of their poverty, may appear dirty and
poorly dressed. Some of them chew betel nut and spit out the red paste after the chewing all over the street.
This was considered uncivilized and bad-mannered behavior in the eyes of the local community. For their
dress, if they live in a Muslim community in Burma, they cannot wear shorts because that will reveal the
knees, but here in Thailand, they can enjoy the ‘freedom’ of dressing how they like. However, this
‘freedom’ has been considered by the local community as unacceptable and impolite.
Such an incident caused alarm in the local community and Burmese Muslims became a target of suspicion.
An old Thai man who regularly came to pray in the Mosque said “I don’t allow them (Burmese) to remain
too long in the mosque after praying. I try to get rid of them out of the mosque as fast as I can”.
Conclusion:
The Contexts of Marginal Burmese Labourers
The marginalization of Burmese Muslims is rooted in 3 contextual issues. The first is the political context
of the nation state, both in Thailand and Burma. Political tension, general fear of terrorism and insecurity
towards the Muslim community ends up directed within that community to the members on its lowest rung
—the Burmese Muslims. Thus, they are seen as troublemakers and the scapegoat for problems and issues
between the larger Muslim community and Thai society. The Burmese Muslims are newcomers, still not
fully trusted within the Muslim community. This lack of trust was clearly evident in the Chang Klan
mosque “bombing” incident of 2006; misunderstanding and suspicion turned a foolish teenage prank into
the ostracizing of Burmese Muslims from the larger Muslim community of Chang Klan, by closing
opportunities for Burmese Muslims to use land and space.
Capitalism is the second contextual backdrop to the situation of Burmese Muslims in Chiang Mai.
Burmese labor is cheap, and the market forces of capitalism bring Burmese laborers into Thailand to
perform a variety of functions. Some types of work that Burmese Muslims are drawn into—especially sex
work—clash with societal and Islamic mores and teachings. The result is the larger, established Muslim
community passing judgment on Burmese Muslims as a whole as “immoral” or “low class.” This, coupled
with the general status of low-wage laborers, reduces even further the social status of Burmese Muslims.
Ethnicity is the final context in which the Burmese Muslim community of Chiang Mai must struggle to
find “place.” Within the Muslim community, the Burmese “newcomers” stand out the most as being
ethnically different, and carry the baggage of stereotypes and general suspicions: dangerous,
untrustworthy, threatening. The Burmese Muslim community needs to engage in open and honest
discourse with members of the larger Chang Klan and Chiang Mai Muslim communities, acknowledging
existing stereotypes and prejudices and to use this as an “image-building” starting point to wipe out
misconceptions and offer people a truer picture of themselves.
Marginality and Poverty
Burmese Muslims moved into Thailand in order to “make their fortune” and earn a better life. They moved
to Chiang Mai because they hoped to get jobs with better wages. While 70-150 Baht a day may not be too
high for Thai citizens, for these migrants, these have been much better than the wages they could make if
they remained in Burma. They choose to live in Chang Klan because they think they can be ‘at home’ in a
Muslim community. However, because of their poverty, cultural misunderstandings and discrimination,
they cannot become fully integrated. They are only needed because of “cheap” and “hard-working” labour.
The political factor, such as the events that have taken place in the south of Thailand, has made their
presence even more “suspicious”. As a newcomer, they will always been considered as “other”.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
References:
(as cited in full report; but not cited in this paper due to limitation of space)
Anan Ganjanaphan. (2005). “Authority,” in The Fundamental Concept in Social and Culture. Sociology and
Anthropology Dept., Social Sciences Fact., Chiang Mai University.
Apinya Feungfoosakul. (2005). “Religion,” in The Fundamental Concept in Social and Culture. Sociology and
Anthropology Dept., Social Sciences Fact., Chiang Mai University.
Choosak Wittayaphak (eds). (1998). “Social Sciences and the study of margin people,” in Social Sciences. (Chiang Mai:
Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University ) 11 (1).
Gupta, A. and J. Ferguson. Beyond ‘culture’ : Space, identity, and the politics of difference. in Gupta, A. and J. Ferguson
(eds.), Culture, Power, Place : Explorations in Critical Anthropology (pp.33-51), Durham : Duke
University Press.
Pinkaew Luangaramsri (eds). (2003). Identity, Ethnicity and Marginality. Bangkok: Sirinthorn Anthropology Center
(Public Organization).
Surichai Wankaew. (2007). The Marginal Man: From Though toward Truth. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University.
Tsing, A. (1993). In the Realm of the Diamond Queen : Marginality in an Out-of-the-Way Place. New Jersey :
Princeton University Press.
Wassana Laaongplew (2545). “Marginality and The Place Making of Parted Region People: The case study in Daraung at
Chiang Dao District,” in 2nd The Graduated Student Network Symposium in Sociology and
Anthropology. Sociology and Anthropology Dept., Social Sciences Fact., Chiang Mai University.