Planning For Equitable Development in West Powelton PA

Planning for Equitable Development in West Powelton and its Environs
Master of City Planning Studio, Spring 2005 Department of City and Regional Planning University of Pennsylvania School of Design Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Preface
This report was created by eleven second-year Master of City Planning candidates from the University of Pennsylvanias School of Design. The students participated in the Planning for Equitable Development studio led by instructors Daniel Campo, Ph.D. and Joyce Ann Pressley, Ph.D. The report has been prepared for the Peoples Emergency Center Community Development Corporation (PECCDC). Its contents reect the views and recommendations of the authors and not those of the University of Pennsylvania or its staff. This report should be treated as an internal document of PECCDC and will only be made available for public use with the permission of the client. The following students participated in this studio: Curtis Adams Crystal Barnes Elizabeth Boyd Brian Duncan Manisha Gadia Jerryanne Heath Jamica Keith Stephen Singer Shadja Strickland Matt Wysong Cory Yemen to include job training, affordable housing creation, and educational and recreational programs for young adults. Our client, PECCDC, has been an integral part of community development efforts in West Philadelphia. Over the past 13 years, it has transformed 78 blighted properties into 100 units of housing, 4 social service facilities, and a recreational facility. It also recently initiated a faade improvement project for homeowners, which has markedly increased curb appeal, neighborhood safety, and resident pride. PECCDCs efforts translate into over $20 million of public and private investment in and around the West Powelton neighborhood. In 2003, PECCDC worked with the Delaware Valley Regional Planning Commission, Kise Straw & Kolodner, and Lamar Wilson Associates on a strategic plan for the West Powelton/Saunders Park neighborhood. The planning process incorporated a community visioning process, and the nal document included several recommendations for the neighborhood. This recent plan has set the stage for our study, but our studios nal plan will focus specically on strategies for equitable development. This studio is part of a larger program known as the Community Outreach Partnership Centers (COPC) Program. The program consists of a 3-year grant from the Department of Housing and Urban Development for the creation of the Center for Innovation in Affordable Housing Design (Center). The Center is designed to support and strengthen existing University/community partnerships, create new knowledge about affordable housing, and develop demonstration housing to reect that work. The Center is a partnership between the University of Pennsylvanias School of Design (PennDesign), the Universitys Center for Community Partnerships (CCP), the Peoples Emergency Center (PEC) and the PEC Community Development Corporation (PECCDC). The COPC program has three main functions: research, outreach, and construction. This studio is one of ve new
The students of this studio have been working with Peoples Emergency Center Community Development Corporation (PECCDC) on a plan for equitable development in and around the West Powelton neighborhood of Philadelphia. Created in 1992, PECCDC is a strong non-prot organization engaged in revitalizating West Philadelphia. The organization grew out of the Peoples Emergency Center (PEC), which has played a vital role in social service provision to West Philadelphia since 1972. Founded by the social justice ministry of Asbury United Methodist Church, PEC initially provided emergency shelter and food to homeless families, couples, and single women, on weekends. Since then, PECs services have expanded
courses, created through the COPC grant, in the Departments of Architecture and of City and Regional Planning. Our research will inform the Fall 2005 architecture studio, which will design 6 affordable, energy-efcient housing units. PECCDC will then construct the units at 3800 Brandywine Street, in Mantua. The theme of this studio has been Planning for Equitable Development in West Powelton and its Environs. Many sections of West Philadelphia, especially University City, Spruce Hill, and Powelton Village, have experienced increased levels of investment and redevelopment. Redevelopment and a variety of other trends in our study area have generated concerns about gentrication. The remainder of this study seeks to address those concerns.
Table of Contents
Preface Table of Contents Introduction Study Area History Section I: Neighborhood Indicators Report Locational Value Social Indicators Physical Indicators Conclusion Section II: Road Map to Equitable Development Goals Community Physical Implementation Conclusion Bibliography Appendices Appendix A: Neighborhood Stakeholders Appendix B: Optional Questionnaire Appendix C: Literature Review Appendix D: Organizations 3 5 7 12 14 23 24 26 34 46 49 50 53 62 77 80 81 89 91 97 99 121
Introduction
What is Equitable Development?
Equitable Development is a process in which existing and incoming stakeholders in an area create opportunities for mutual gain, while mitigating the negative effects of gentrication by sustainably harnessing physical investment for social empowerment while minimizing transition costs. Equitable development is not equality. It is an inclusive and participatory process. Because the specic content of the process is determined in large part by local residents, the outcome cannot be dened by a xed formula. Gentrication is the social and economic change induced by the movement of external public and private capital into an area with a history of disinvestment. Gentrication typically produces increased housing costs, upgraded housing stock, upward socio-economic class shifts of the resident population, and other changes in the avor and character of the geographic area. Discussion As with any contested and inherently political concept, equitable development means many things to many people. Deciding among those meanings cannot be an entirely technical affair. Equitable development demands an active commitment. Championing equitable development involves the decision that a fair distribution of benets from physical, social, and economic improvements cannot be left as an afterthought. Reduction of inequality requires specic and sustained attention. The current state of inequality among and within neighborhoods did not evolve solely as a natural result of market processes operating on a level playing eld in some edenic past. Likewise, mere incentives to induce market activity in poor neighborhoods will not level the playing eld on their own. Gentrication results when equity remains a subordinate concern. Neighborhoods susceptible to gentrication are those left to rise and fall on successive waves of disinvestment and investment without concern for local residents ability to participate in their neighborhoods good fortune. Too often, individuals are left to segregate, and neighborhoods are allowed to become exclusive and unaffordable. Yet the place-based solutions of traditional development and the people-based solutions of social service work tend to treat the connection between residents and neighborhood as either unimportant or automatic. Without the anchor of booming industrial employment that many Philadelphia neighborhoods enjoyed in the past, a benecial connection between community and neighborhhod can only be maintained by expanding resident investment in and control of the land and its development. While no community can be granted the right to remain unchanged or the ability to improve its lot without making difcult trade-offs, our vision of equitable development entails the belief that, even as they work to better their lives, or remain content where they are, all communities have a right to a place in the city (Mitchell 2003). While no place should be dened perpetually as the place for the poor, equitable development at the neighborhood, city, or even regional level will not eradicate inequality, so the poor must always have a place. We believe that, while the city as a whole has specic needs for its continued survival and prosperity, neighborhoods are malleable things. They can be bedroom communities or microcosms of the city as a whole. They take specic form from the history of their use and from their ongoing needs as residents collectively and often conictually dene them. Satisfying the needs of residents, whatever they may be, requires greater capacity for control and choice than the residents of Mantua and West Powelton currently possess. Equitable development is largely distinct from any one specic vision of what the community should be or exactly
what it should contain. As neighborhoods with a history of disinvestment and neglect, West Powelton and Mantua could benet from all types of improvement. While these areas and their residents have many valuable assets, they have no shortage of needs, both for what they entirely lack (adequate supermarkets, quality educational institutions, productive employment at all skill levels) and for what they have in too short or low quality supply (recreation facilities, greenery, affordable housing). Equitable development aims for a more equitable result by means of an equitable process. We have focused on how to prevent traditional physical development and other improvements to the neighborhood from excluding current residents from the enjoyment of those improvements. Implicit in this goal is a democratic belief that residents have a right to choose their abode, a right strengthened by the sweat equity of daily living of perseverance under adversity that a resident has invested in their place, their neighbors, and their local institutions. As a result of this focus we have not emphasized means to approach equality of living standards between rich and poor in Philadelphia. We have focused on increasing the ability for residents to realize some locational choicewhether or not or whenever such quality of life improvements occur. Along the way, we have included some suggestions and programs that would help increase residents well-being and wealth pursuant to the needs we have heard expressed by community members, recognizing that such increases in well-being generally increase the capacity and efcacy of neighborhood residents. We have constructed a vision of these two neighborhoods by combining those elements that we believe will best support equitable development with a few of the specic goals expressed by community members during the long community planning process and recent stakeholder meetings. Each of the following elements will be developed morefully in the remainder of this report.
A Vision of Equitable Development in West Powelton and Mantua

Full spectrum of uses We believe that a neighborhood serves its residents best when it provides for a full spectrum of uses, representing the basic activities that constitute a well-rounded life. A more or less locally complete neighborhood is an attractive and healthy place to live, one that sustains investment and provides for resident needs. Such a neighborhood includes commercial services such as a grocery store and pharmacy, some local employment, eateries, doctors ofces, community schools, active and passive recreational facilities, a library, social service providers, a neighborhood based school, and so on. Mix of residents Just as a mix of uses beyond mere residences and employers helps keep a neighborhood from becoming a sterile, brittle monoculture, a diversity of residents helps a community weather change and attract broad political support. Only a full spectrum of uses will attract and sustain investment by middle and upper income residents. An equitably developed neighborhood may not need wealthier residents to be valid but its chances at sustainability and employment opportunities are greater if socioeconomic diversity exists. Economic diversity spreads the burden of community support across a broader tax base. Quality affordable housing The inux of wealthier residents raises the fear that newcomers will displace poorer residents and renters, intentionally or not. One of the most important bulwarks against displacement is high quality permanently affordable housing in which residents have a stake, from which they can build nancial wealth, and over which they have control. For better or worse, home ownership in the United States is not only most households largest asset, it often anchors a citizens claim to legitimate membership in a community. Poor quality affordable housing segregates the poor from their neighbors. Housing that is affordable only by virtue of it physical deterioration does not build wealth or provide sustainable shelter. Diverse, busy, denser The combination of economically diverse residents and permanently affordable housing that takes advantage of existing vacant land for new construction prepares the way for an active neighborhood. A busy neighborhood, with its vacant gaps lled in, is safer and better able to support local businesses and employment. The current fashion for suburban style development, larger housing, and yards can be taken into account in new construction, but low density requires the kind of high property values and resident wealth that threaten to displace many current residents. Productive employment, including for the less skilled Far more difcult than the provision of housing, but ultimately, perhaps more important is the provision of jobs. Much of Philadelphias current malady can be traced to shifts in production, shipping, and employment away from heavy industry utilizing a local work force. Employment has lost an intimate connection with residence. Yet West Philadelphias abundance of geographically anchored educational and medical institutions offers tremendous opportunity for employment and training. Commemorate and acknowledge history, while working through historical animosity Although this report speaks repeatedly about community, we do not imagine the community as an abstract, unied, ideal. The neighborhoods around the universities often have different needs and interests than their wealthy neighbors, and than each other. Unilateral and short sighted development in the past has left a residue of anger, misunderstanding, and unmet need. Negative feelings coexist with pride, and a genuine desire to reach out and exist as good neighbors with much to share. We suggest ways for the community to capitalize on and preserve its physical and cultural history while using this social capital to work through and beyond the problems of the past.
Increased involvement from Drexel We single out Drexel because our community interactions indicated that, while the University of Pennsylvania looms large in the areas past and present as a major actor and occasional villain in the eyes of some residents, Drexel and its students are a major but strangely quiet presence in the neighborhood. Penns presence is felt through Presbyterian Hospitals inward facing campus, but also through its numerous student volunteer and community outreach programs, and funding for the University City District clean and safe programs and support of efforts like this studio and the work of PECCDC. Drexel students live in Mantua, but apart from it. Drexel University has some signicant programs that assist the neighborhood but they are not well known in the community and residents do not feel welcomed or wanted by the institution expanding in its midst. Communication, collaboration, cooperation education Our focus on various forms of collaboration emphasizes learning from mistakes and emulation of what works. Already, with its dozens of helping organizations and churches the community is engaged in as many experiments to improve residents lives. The neighborhoods do not need to generate diversity, the diversity is already there. Collaboration that can focus the diversity to concentrate its energies is, however, sorely needed. Communication between existing groups in the neighborhoods allows them to pool resources and coordinate their efforts. Equally impotent is communication between neighborhood residents and organizations and major institutions like Penn and Drexel. If past mistakes are to be overcome and a stronger future is to be built only communication that creates transparency will lead the way. Education of community residents about the nature and hurdles of the confusing development process is a necessary counterpart to education of the university, hospital, and nonprot communities about the neighborhoods assets and aspirations. Collaboration will
be built on trust, and trust will be built on practical experience and knowledge. What is not equitable development? Equitable development is not the same as social justice. The planning and community development process does not cure all social ills, even when it strives to be equitable. At its best equitable development provides a kind of social and physical infrastructure for justice. Development in the Mantua and West Powelton neighborhoods can and should include a myriad of specic programs and objectives. A community is too complex and subtle a creature to trust its future to any single panacea. The communitys need is too great for residents to wait and see while a single cure-all works its magic. Solutions are long term, and some will fail while others are still underway. Recognizing the communitys need for both variety and focus, we have decided that certain topics, however vital are beyond the scope of this report. The following items are not integral to equitable development per se though they are required for equality and prosperity in our target neighborhoods as they are in many parts of the city. Local School Quality A safe, high quality neighborhood public school can become a neighborhood anchor, one more democratic and accessible than either a university or a hospital. A good quality school is one of the most powerful attractors that could bring wealthier residents into an area. It is one of the key factors in preparing all residents for civic participation and employment. Without arrangements for long term affordability and equitably distributed control, a desirable school can also generate exclusionary property values. Thus, high quality public schools only support equity if access to them is distributed without regard to income of if they exist throughout the city.
10
All neighborhoods in the city need better schools. The governance, curricular, funding, and budgetary reforms required by the Philadelphia school system are beyond the scope of our report. Nonetheless, we nd Drexels partnership to provide academic, professional development, technological, and business administration assistance to University High School and seven of its feeder schools a very encouraging addition to existing efforts at the Penn Alexander School. Health factors and high mortality We have not directly addressed the deplorable disparities in mortality and morbidity rates between groups demographic in and around our study area. Some of the programs we suggest indirectly address health issues by improving the quality of the built environment and its amenities and services. We recognize that residents cannot fully participate in any development process if their immediate needs such as health care, emergency food, and adequate nutrition are not addressed. While these health issues present themselves as pressing needs, we see them largely as symptoms of poverty, disinvestment, and an incomplete environment which equitable development aims to address. Racial inequalities We have not directly addressed racial inequality or racial tension. While it is clearly a real and difcult issue, and one that was raised in our stakeholder meetings, we have not devised any neighborhood level strategies that directly address racial issues or help ensure racial diversity or racial equity. We hope that well-integrated, quality affordable housing will help integrate the neighborhood economically and racially as well. Likewise programs such as heritage tours and more aggressively neighborhood focused student orientation and volunteerism at Drexel should help break down unfamiliarity and stereotypes between predominantly white students living in and next to a predominantly African American neighborhood. As with equitable development, however, indirect measures may happen to mitigate the
problem, but only direct address of the issues will ensure that progress is made. The arcane land acquisition process Finally we have not proposed specic reforms of the property acquisition process managed by the Philadelphia Redevelopment Authority (RDA). A process meant to protect the interests of individual property owners from capricious takings by the municipal government has itself become a burden to both ordinary citizens and would-be developers of all types, thanks to its Byzantine complexity. The process is opaque even to those who have successfully navigated it. Streamlined land acquisition would facilitate all redevelopment efforts at every scale. A clear process would allow broad public participation in the revitalization of the city. Such bureaucratic reform might seem highly technical, but other cities such as Cleveland and Baltimore offer viable examples of simpler property acquisition processes ready to be adapted locally. Unfortunately the current city government seems to lack the requisite political will to change the process. Acquisition reform has long been a part of the Neighborhood Transformation Initiative (NTI) agenda, but NTIs progress is no less obscure than the program it aims to x.
11
Study Area
Our study area is located in West Philadelphia, bounded on the west by 44th Street, the east by 37th Street, to the south by Market Street, and by Lancaster Avenue and Wallace Street to the north. It includes the neighborhoods of West Powelton, which encompasses Saunders Park, and portions of Mantua. This report will compare neighborhood indicators in Powelton Village and Spruce Hill, which have had signicant investment in recent years, to West Powelton and Mantua, which have not. Our study area is located in West Philadelphia, in close proximity to major highways and some of the citys major destinations, including Center City and City Avenue. It is very close to a number of institutions, including the University of Pennsylvania (Penn), Drexel University, Presbyterian Medical Center, and the Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania. One of the most signicant landmarks near our study area is the Philadelphia Zoo. The following map also identies the site at 3800 Brandywine, to be developed by PECCDC and designed by Penn architecture students through the COPC grant.
The City of Philadelphia
The Study Area
12
Transportation is one of our study areas best assets. Our study area is serviced by the Market Frankford El along the southern boundary, and by trolley and bus routes throughout. Another asset is the areas proximity to West Philadelphia retail centers, including Lancaster Avenue, one of West Philadelphias major commercial corridors, and Girard Avenue and 52nd Street. Additionally, the 40th Street commercial corridor, which runs between Spruce and Market Streets, has recently received a lot of attention because of renewed interest in developing the corridor.
Mass Transit in West Powelton
The University City Vicinity
Area Landmarks
Shops on Lancaster Ave.
13
History
Neighborhood History
Our study area possesses a signicant amount of historic capital, which has been undervalued by the marketplace. The history of West Powelton and its surrounding neighborhoods predates the founding of the city of Philadelphia, in 1729. West Philadelphia was originally known as Blockley, an estate created by William Warner in 1677. Warner built a mansion near what is now Lancaster Avenue and 46th Street, and named his holdings in recognition of his native parish in England. The name, Blockley, is still reected in some of the establishments in West Philadelphia today. West Philadelphia became the West Philadelphia District in 1854 with the consolidation of the City of Philadelphia. During consolidation, our study area became part of the Citys Ward 24.
The Consolidation of Philadelphia - 1854
Blockley Township - 1712
Source: Philadelphia City Archives
Source: Philadelphia City Archives
14
Between 1690 and 1795, Lancaster Pike (now Lancaster Avenue) was constructed as the countrys rst toll road. The pike had 13 tollgates, representing the 13 original states. By 1797, the turnpike made it possible to travel from Philadelphia to Lancaster, Pennsylvania in only 12 hours. Lancaster Avenue is presently the home of several small, long-standing businesses. However, there is some concern about the lack of variety in the types of businesses on the corridor. Additionally, the avenue now suffers from storefront vacancies and poor maintenance. Going forward, we hope to work with the Lancaster Avenue Business Association (LABA) to leverage the avenues historical signicance and identify opportunities for development on the corridor. The neighborhoods within our study area were developed primarily by Philadelphias elite. In fact, most of the neighborhood names came from wealthy residents estates. Powelton was originally the estate of Samuel Powel; mayor of Philadelphia during the Revolution. In the late 18th century, his adopted son, J. Hare Powel, built a mansion at 32nd and Race Streets. It was demolished in 1883 and speculative housing was built in its place.
Lancaster Turnpike 1795 Source: US Dept. of Transportation
The Lancaster Pike of today. By the late 19th Century, West Philadelphia was the home of Philadelpihas elite. Many large estates, such as that of J. Hare Powel, have since been demolished to make way for housing development.
15
It is unclear when the distinction between West Powelton and Powelton Village was established, but the name Powelton Village was used as early as the 1930s. As will be shown in other parts of this report, the two neighborhoods are very different from each other today. The area now known as Mantua remained very rural and undeveloped throughout the 18th century. In 1809 it was developed as real estate venture by Judge Richard Peters, and named after Mantua, Italy, home of Virgil, whose writings Peters admired. Haverford road was, and still is, the main street of the neighborhood.
The Pennsylvania Rail Road owned much of the land near Mantua and stimulated growth in the area. In 1852, Powel sold large parts of his estate to the Pennsylvania Rail Road. However, the railroad had a disruptive effect on the neighborhood as the yards and junction grew, splitting the neighborhood in half, and displacing residents in the mid 1800s. In 1877, the Great Railroad Riots erupted in Mantua, near 35th and Haverford, in opposition to the railroad companys inadequate wages and substandard housing.
Mantua - 1846
Railroad riots erupted in 1877. Source: Penn State University
Source: Penn State University
16
Institutional History
Our study area is located near some of Philadelphias major institutions, which have played a large role in shaping the areas character and history. In 1871 The University of Pennsylvania laid the rst cornerstone of College Hall, beginning its relocation from 9th and Chestnut Streets to the Blockley estate. In 1891, Anthony J. Drexel, one of Americas great bankers, founded the Drexel Institute of Art, Science and Industry (now Drexel University) at 32nd and Chestnut Streets. The Presbyterian Hospital has been an important medical center in West Philadelphia since the late 19th century. Originally located at 39th and Powelton, the land was owned by Dr. Courtland Saunders, for whom the Saunders Park neighborhood is named. Dr. Saunders offered the entire block for the construction of the hospital, which opened in 1872.
University of Pennsylvanias College Hall. Source: University Archives and Records Center
The Drexel Institutes Main Building ca. 1900. Source: An Architectural History of the Main Building: 1891 - 2003
Presbyterian Hospital ca. 1886. Source: Philadelphia and Notable Philadelphians
17
As the following map indicates, this area has changed signicantly since the hospital rst opened. Saunders Park and PECs Rowan House, a rehabilitated $4.5 million facility that houses transitional housing units, a child care center and job training classrooms are now located at the former site of the Old Mans Home of Philadelphia. Indicated by the blue line, the boundaries of the Presbyterian Medical Center complex have expanded to 38th, 40th, and Filbert Streets, and Powelton Avenue. In 1995, the hospital merged with the University of Pennsylvania Health System. The original map, dated 1886, shows that there were still several residential buildings located within these boundaries, before the institutions expansion. After 1950, the institutions in West Philadelphia placed increasing pressure on the surrounding neighborhoods. Urban renewal efforts allowed these institutions to expand signicantly, often, unfortunately, resulting in residential displacement. In 1959, Penn, Drexel, the Presbyterian Hospital, the Philadelphia College of Pharmacy and Science, and the Philadelphia College of Osteopathy chartered the West Philadelphia Corporation (WPC), a non-prot corporation devoted to promoting social development in West Philadelphia. WPC was intended to make University City a satisfactory residential environment and to allow it to fulll its potential as a center of private research. WPC laid the foundation for the University City Science Center, for which development began in 1963. Unfortunately, the science center resulted in the displacement of many residents from the area, which was previously known as Greenville. The 1967 map shows the conict over displacement, and was annotated by hand to show where WPC conceded to demands for low cost housing.
The Presbyterian Hospital of 1886 (shown in light blue) has expanded signcantly up to the present day (shown in dark blue)
18
The University City Science Center Urban Renewal Area
Source: Philadelphia City Planning Commission
Source: Come to Where the Knowledge is: A History of the University City Scince Center
19
Recent Investment: Institutional

The study area has witnessed a spate of institutional investment. University City District (UCD) is a special services district that has drastically improved the cleanliness and safety around our study area over the past 8 years. The UCDs functions and services have expanded since its initial formation; however, it is primarily funded by 11 large institutions, ranging from Penn to Amtrak, in the area. Penns guaranteed mortgage program, which recently expanded its boundaries, has assisted faculty and staff in nancing home purchases in West Philadelphia. Furthermore, UC Green, another Penn initiative, created in 1999, has united community organizations, city agencies, students, and residents in local greening efforts.
Recent Investment: Public

The Philadelphia Housing Authority (PHA) has spearheaded a number of new developments in and around our study area, including the Lucien E. Blackwell homes, which will bring about 600 new affordable homes to West Philadelphia. The project was funded through HOPE VI, Low Income Housing Tax Credit, Neighborhood Transformation Initiative (NTI). PHA also recently renovated the Mt. Olivet 161-unit senior apartment building at 41st St. and Haverford Avenue.
University City District Boundaries
Source: www.universitycitydistrict.org
Interior and Exterior fo the Lucien E. Blackwell Homes.
20
Recent Investment: Private

There has been increased private investment in and around our study area. For example, the 40th Street commercial corridor has been receiving a lot of attention, attracting new plans for redevelopment. Fresh Grocer and the Bridge Cinema are some examples of recent development on this corridor. Within our boundaries, more and more properties are being renovated and new construction by private owners and developers can be seen throughout. And, the new Cira Center under construction near 30th Street Station will serve as a major landmark for this side of the Schuylkill.
Inll development adjacent to vacant buildings.
Brandywine Realty Trusts Cira Centre
21
Section I Neighborhood Indicators Report
Locational Value
Regional Advantages
Our study area has many locational advantages that would appeal to potential residents. It is located within walking distance of two major universities and Presbyterian Hospital. This would appeal to university and hospital workers seeking to locate close to work. The study area is also within a ve-minute drive of Center City Philadelphia, a major center for employment and culture. Furthermore, public transportation and highway options provide easy access to the Philadelphia International Airport, Amtrak 30th Street Station, the 69th Street Shopping Area and the City Avenue business corridor. However, by looking at the average commuting times for employed residents in the study area, it becomes evident that these locational advantages are not fully utilized. We nd that residents in some block groups are traveling in upwards of 60 minutes to reach their place of employment. As we move forward into the future, this untapped potential will grow to the point where the private market will take advantage of it. When this happens, neighborhood change is likely to occur. This phenomenon has already taken place in Powelton Village and Spruce Hill. In terms of geography, our study area is ripe for reinvestment.
Median Commuting Time 2000
Data Source: U.S. Census 2000
Drive Times from the Study Area
24
Architecture
Our study area has the potential to become a prime target for future investment because of the architectural value of its housing stock. Many case studies show that gentrifying neighborhoods are characterized by housing that is rich and varied in architectural typologies. Much of the housing stock in our study area was constructed in the late 19th century and early 20th century for both management and working class families. Housing styles range from modest two-story rowhouses to large three-story Victorian duplexes. Most of these styles incorporate ornate architectural details such as spires, window boxes, front porches, cornices and stylish masonry work. As these architecturally signicant buildings further deteriorate, a few opportunities for reinvestment will arise. First, young households with signicant disposable income could buy a home in study area, signicantly rehabilitate it, and occupy it. If this occurs in a critical mass, it will most certainly create an upward force on property tax assessments. Second, outside investors could be attracted to the size of the spacious three-story Victorians. They may choose to convert such buildings into rental units. Not only does this impede homeownership opportunities, but it also facilitates the movement of equity out of the community.
25
Social Indicators
Introduction
If gentrication includes, as the denition used by this studio has stated, social and economic change, and upward socioeconomic class shifts of the resident population, then it is important to look at the trends in relevant data to identify the effects that gentrication has or will have on the study area. One component of this data is the social indicators of neighborhood change those indicators that reect the demographic, economic, and other social characteristics of the neighborhood and its surroundings over time. Included in this section is the data analysis that describes the change in population, racial composition, elderly population, nonfamily households, mobility, labor force participation, and crime for West Powelton, the surrounding neighborhoods, and Philadelphia as a whole.
Population Change
Over the ten-year period 1990-2000, the population in some Census block groups of the study area decreased while in others increased. The overall population loss for the study area from 1990 to 2000 was 4%, which mirrors the city of Philadelphias loss over the same period. Upon examining population loss from 1970-2000, the study area showed a 26% decrease, shrinking from approximately 10,000 residents in 1970 to 7,452 in 2000. Over the same thirty-year period, Philadelphia as a whole lost 22% of its population. The population loss of 26% for the study area is greater than Philadelphias loss of 22%, which suggests that the study area experienced an even greater rate of disinvestment than the city as a whole. Disinvestment is almost always the precursor to gentrication and reinvestment in the study area could result in remarkable changes in the neighborhoods demographic makeup. Those block groups showing population increase could be experiencing reinvestment today, while other block groups may experience reinvestment in future periods. However, these topics will be addressed in later sections.
Percent Change in Population 1990-2000
20 26
Racial Composition
Change in racial composition is a relatively visible gauge of change in a neighborhood and is often closely tied to the neighborhoods perception of whether disinvestment or gentrication is occurring. The equitable development agenda acknowledges the racial component of neighborhood change and aims to help make these changes positive for all neighborhood residents, existing as well as incoming. Currently, the study area is comprised of a majority AfricanAmerican population, while the city as a whole is more racially diverse. An inux of non-African-Americans could rapidly alter the overall racial composition in the study area. Even though the numbers are very small, the white population within the study area increased from 1990-2000 in certain block groups. This change is notable because it may indicate further investment by the white population now and in the future.
Percent Change in Black Population 1990-2000
Increased racial diversity could be an asset for the neighborhood, or it could leave the existing residents feeling that their voice and ability to guide their destiny has been eroded. In an equitable development scenario, change in racial composition would ideally result in increased political empowerment for all residents.
Percent Change in White Population 1990-2000
Race as a Percent of Total Population 2000
21 27
The Elderly Population

The elderly are a component of the population that is particularly vulnerable to housing price changes in the neighborhood. There is a concentration of the elderly in the northern portion of the study area. Furthermore, the elderly in the study area are more likely to be in poverty than either the city-wide elderly population or even in neighboring Mantua. Gentrication often causes housing costs to rise for both renters and homeowners, through increased rent or taxes. Elderly in the study area receiving a xed income may be negatively affected by a rise in their housing costs. Additionally, elderly homeowners in gentrifying areas trying to benet from the increasing value of their housing are often targets for unscrupulous lenders. If equitable development is to be the goal, solutions for the elderly poor must be taken into account.
Percent of Households Receiving Retirement Income 2000
Elderly Residents Living in Population Neighborhoods vs. City
28
Transiency
Because of the study areas proximity to several universities and colleges, it may be expected that students would be likely to settle in this area. To measure whether students are augmenting development pressures in the neighborhood, the studio looked at two measures indicative of student households. Although the study area has a greater percentage of nonfamily households than Philadelphia and Mantua, the level is still below the percentage in Spruce Hill. When this data is matched with the mobility data, an interesting pattern emerges. West Powelton exhibits much lower levels of mobility than Spruce Hill. This is indicative that although there are many non-family households, they are not necessarily student households. Given that 58% of West Powelton residents in 2000 lived in the same house ve years previously, many of the non-family households may not be made up of transient students. Rather, these non-family households might reect the part of the elderly population who live alone.
Non-Family Households 2000
Stable Population Neighborhoods vs. City
29
Employment
Data on unemployment and labor force participation were examined as well. The unemployment rate as a percentage of those participating in the labor force in 2000 for the study area was 20.5%, nearly twice the citywide rate of 10.9%. This percentage has grown drastically over the thirty yearperiod- in 1970, the unemployment rate in the study area was only 6.8%. The labor force participation rate ranges drastically among the different block groups studied. The participation rate is greatest in the southeastern portion of the study area. Powelton Village and Spruce Hill have dense concentrations of high labor force participation. The higher labor force participation rate in the southeastern portion of the study area may be the beginning of a spillover of Powelton Villages development and demographic characteristics. Groups of incoming residents who are employed labor force participants may mean an overall improvement in labor force participation for the study area, which will be reected as a positive change in the labor force statistics for the study area. It is important to keep in mind, however, that labor force participation among long-term existing residents is not separated from the labor force participation of incoming residents. As a result, positive change in labor force participation may not accurately reect the needs of the existing residents.
Percent of Residents Participating in the Labor Force 2000
Percent of Residents in the Labor Force that are Unemployed 2000
30
Crime
The differences found in the labor force participation statistics among the various neighborhoods led the studio to look at other possibly related differences. Differences in the crime data for the Mantua, West Powelton, Spruce Hill and Powelton Village neighborhoods seem to give further evidence that there are major socio-economic differences among these neighborhoods. First of all, it should be noted that crime in general has been trending downward in recent years. When the crime data is compared among the neighborhoods, certain trends come forward. In Mantua and West Powelton, violent crimes and vice arrests are more common. Vice crimes include drugrelated and prostitution offenses. The vice statistic may show that the neighborhoods that have greater unemployment are relying more on these illegal income sources. Spruce Hill and Powelton Village, on the other hand, both have higher levels of property crime than the other two neighborhoods. This may be because the residents higher income levels, in these neighborhoods, translate into more property of high value and, thus, more property at risk of theft.
Police District 16 Boundaries
Data Source: Philadelphia Police Department PPDonline.org
31
Major Crimes in District 16 2003
Major Crimes in Philadelphia 2003
Data Source: Federal Bureau of Investigations Uniform Crime Reports
32
Violent Crimes by Neighborhood 2003
Vice Crimes by Neighborhood 2003
Property Crimes by Neighborhood 2003
33
Physical Indicators
Introduction
As stated at the outset of this report, gentrication is a process partially characterized by the movement of public and private capital into an area with a history of disinvestment. During this process, housing costs typically increase and the stock is upgraded. To examine if this process is in fact occurring, it becomes important to analyze both the static existing conditions and the dynamics that preceded them. Included in this section are the data analyses describing the housing stock, building conditions, sales and rental rate trends, and a tax assessment analysis. Where appropriate, comparisons are made to surrounding areas, neighborhoods, and Philadelphia as a whole.
Housing Unit Change in the Study Area
Housing Stock
As of 2000, our study area contains over 3,800 housing units. Through the 1970s and 1980s, units continued to be added to the stock at a high rate. However, by 1990, this number dropped dramatically and the number of units lost began to outpace the number of units added. Over the past ve years, this trend continued as Philadelphias Neighborhood Transformation Initiative (NTI) began to demolish a large amount of dwellings in the study area. If the population begins to increase in the study area, there will be increased competition for housing because of the net loss of units that has been characterized the past fteen years. This competition will surely result in the displacement of lower-income residents, who will be outbid by middle- and upper-income residents. Because of the study areas low homeownership rate, when compared to Philadelphia as a whole, the danger of displacement to this low-income cohort is substantially increased. This is further compounded by the fact that
Homeownership Rates in the Study Area
28 34
homeownership rates are the lowest in the areas most adjacent to University City (the southern and eastern portions). Not surprisingly, this is the area that is experiencing the most reinvestment. Increased rents would be the most immediate effect of reinvestment in the study area, thus placing poor renters at the highest risk.
Many buildings fall in the Poor category, especially along parts of Lancaster Avenue corridor. These buildings could be especially appealing to prospective buyers who want to take advantage of sweat equity and buy inexpensive houses for either investment or personal use. Only a few buildings fall into the Bad category, with more in the Northwestern triangle of the study area.
Building Conditions
Our studio conducted a building survey of the entire study area by visually inspecting each parcel. All parcels were classied as occupied, vacant, or partially vacant and given a qualitative ranking. The rankings in order were: Good (relatively new construction or renovation, well maintained); Fair (minor repairs necessary); Poor (extensive repairs needed); and Bad (dangerous or uninhabitable). A twoperson team conducted the survey to maintain consistency among the classications. The map of the results shows that certain parts of the neighborhood are healthier than others in terms of physical quality. The Southeastern section of the study area is mostly institutional, with the Presbyterian Medical Center, Drew School and University City High. These are all Good and Fair conditions, indicating strong neighborhood institutions. The public schools are not as well maintained as the hospital, not surprising, given the budgetary constraints of the Philadelphia School District. Many of the residential units ranked in good condition are also in this Southeastern corner. The majority of the buildings in the study area are in fair condition, including both residential and commercial uses. The ones adjacent to mostly good or fair conditions buildings are more likely to remain in the same state or improve. Those near poor conditions and vacancies are more likely to eventually deteriorate.
There are many vacant lots in the study area, mostly concentrated in three sections. The Neighborhood Transformation Initiatives (NTI) is responsible for creating numerous vacancies, thereby reducing the number of Bad condition lots. In general, the blocks with vacancies are not the same blocks with Good condition structures. After conducting the conditions survey, we looked at the buildings in the Poor category that had renters (using offsite owners as a proxy for rentals). These units cannot command high rents due to their condition and the tenants would be most at risk of displacement if refurbishment were to lead to higher rents. Combining the vacancies, including vacant lots and partially vacant buildings with the poor condition rentals, shows that certain blocks are suitable for property assemblage and the possibility of larger development projects. PECCDC or other developers may look to these blocks rst for large-scale changes. These three areas require further investigation by the studio into what types of development would be best for the neighborhood and what strategies would be most suitable for equitable development.
35
Study Area Building Conditions
Data Source: Survey done by studio
36
Study Area Building Conditions
Data Source: Survey done by studio, Philadelphia BRT
37
Study Area Building Conditions and Vacancies
Data Source: Survey done by studio, Philadelphia BRT
38
Housing Sale Trends

The sales data shows that there was an increase in the number of sales and an increase in sales prices for the southern portion of our study area. The high valued Spruce Hill area has continued to get stronger. However, as sales volume in this area has begun to stabilize after its rapid increase in value, areas around the periphery of this high value area have begun to see increased sales volume, including the southern portion of our study area. The extension of the University of Pennsylvanias mortgage program into this southern portion of our study area is also likely to have had a stimulating effect on the market.
Between 1999 and 2000, 70 residential properties were sold within the study area for an average price of $32,431 and a median price of $23,000. During this time period only 3 properties were sold above $100,000. Between 2003 and 2004, 89 properties were sold with an average price of $49,781 and a median price of $29,000. The larger increase in the average home price in our study area is due to the fact that a small, but larger number of properties are now selling over $100,000. However, the majority of properties in the study area are still selling for very low values. During 2003 and 2004, 25 properties sold for under $10,000 while 12 sold over $100,000.
Change in Number of Residential Sale Transactions 1999/2000 - 2003/2004
Percent Change in Price Per Square Foot for Residential Sales 1999/2000 - 2003/2004
Data Source: Philadelphia BRT
39
Percent of Residential Structures Sold 1999-2000
Percent of Residential Structures Sold 2003-2004
40
Average Price per Square Foot for Residential Sales 1999-2000
Average Price per Square Foot for Residential Sales 2003-2004
41
Housing Rental Trends

In order to assess trends in the rental housing market, our studio collected price points for housing rentals over the 1994 through 2004 period. Rental data was collected from the classied section of The Philadelphia Inquirer and totaled 214 price points over the studied timeframe. Using multivariate Ordinary Least Squares regression, we examined the relationships between rental asking prices and various collections of possible explanatory variables. The results of our study nd that there is an upward trend in rental rates over time, across the study area. However, our study also reveals that there are market differentiations with respect to other factors as well. For the study area as a whole, there was approximately a $12 per month increase in rent each year ($144 increase in yearly rent, per year). Product type variables showing signicant impacts on rental prices include whether or not the unit was an apartment or a house and the number of bedrooms in each dwelling unit. The study found that houses commanded a $256 per month ($3,072 in yearly rent) premium over rental units. In both houses and apartments, each additional bedroom raised the rental asking price by $80 per month ($960 in yearly rent). Our study also examined locational variables within the study area. The regression results indicates that the degree westward and location north or south of Spring Garden Street impact rental asking prices. Furthermore, the rate at which the degree west impacts the rental asking price is dependent upon whether or not the dwelling unit is located north or south of Spring Garden. There was a $26 per month ($312 in yearly rent) rental premium commanded for units south of Spring Garden Street, throughout the study area. But for every block west in the area south of Spring Garden Street, the rental asking prices decreased by $34 per month ($408 in yearly rent). For the area north and inclusive of Spring Garden, the rental asking prices decreased at a rate of only $8 per month ($96 in yearly rent) with each block west. As with other indicators, these ndings support the idea that the housing market is strongest in the southeastern portion of our study area. The rental rates roughly reect sales prices; however, the changes in sales prices per square foot were not readily observable in the rental data. The regression results indicated that the gap between the southeastern and the southwestern rentals is closing, but this difference is not statistically signicant. Though this lack of signicance could very well be the result of a process in progress, and thus be interpreted as an emerging trend.
Rental Trends in the Study Area 1994-2004
Data Source: Historical rents survey done by studio
42
Tax Assessment Analysis

By comparing Board of Revision of Taxes property tax records for April 1999 with those for January 2005 we were able to determine the actual changes in assessed values and tax liability for all properties in the census tract equivalent neighborhoods of West Powelton (tracts 91, 92, and 106), Mantua (108 and 109) , Spruce Hill (87), and Powelton Village (90). For each neighborhood median household tax liability increased between 12% and 81%. The absolute size of the tax increases varied with the initial property values, which were lowest in Mantua and West Powelton. An increase of $79 in the yearly household tax bill in West Powelton represented a 26% jump, while $222 in Spruce Hill represented only a 12% change. Although it is impossible to appreciate fully the impact of such increases on households without knowing their current income and expenses, we can safely say that large relative Maximum Household Tax increases in tax bills could rationally Liability Changes explain residents perceptions of rapid change in the housing market and 1999 - 2005 fears about affordability. Philadelphia practices fractional tax assessment, meaning that the BRTs recorded assessed values are meant to represent 70% of the true market value of the home. Assessment accuracy can be measured by calculating how far assessed values stray from 70% of the sales values. This statistic is call the coefcient of dispersion (COD) and it is independent of the actual value of the property, which allows properties to be compared across type and market. The IAAO considers 15% COD to be the acceptable range of error for older residential urban areas like Philadelphia. Properties with values outside this range are either under- or over-assessed.
Median Household Tax Liability Changes 1999 - 2005
43
West Powelton has the most inaccurately assessed properties of any of our four neighborhoods, with half as many accurate assessments as the other three. The more afuent neighborhoods have a preponderance of underassessments suggesting that the market has outpaced Philadelphias notoriously out of date assessment system. Although, by law, all properties in the city are to be assessed every year, this has never occurred in the citys history. While homes in the area were on average given a new market value in the last 2 to 2 and a half years, full assessments which are meant to include inspection of the property conditions are on average an addition 6 months to 1 year out of date, while some properties have remained unassessed for over 15 years. Infrequent assessments tend to overburden the poor and benet the rich as the city fails to capture its due tax revenues hot markets and must continue to demand excessive taxes on depreciated properties in soft markets. In West Powelton and Spruce Hill homeowners and landlords are capturing an unfairly high proportion of their home equity, simply by virtue of living in rising markets. When owners of overassessed properties are also poor or cost burdened they may be particularly vulnerable to the large rise in taxes that a reassessment would trigger. Such owners are prime candidates for existing city and state property tax relief programs for the elderly, disabled, and poor. Renters may also qualify if they can document the inclusion of taxes in their rent. Underassessed properties also represent a potential for investors to capitalize on untapped value, providing an additional inducement to gentrication pressure. Owners of over-assessed properties have good cause to appeal their tax assessments and reduce their housing cost burden.
Percentage of Households with Inaccurate Property Assessments
Maximum and Average Age of BRT Activity for Homes with Arms Length Sales
44
In West Powelton, roughly equal numbers of properties are under- and over-assessed, but these numbers only tell part of the story. Properties in West Powelton and Mantua are not only more likely to be mis-assessed and particularly overassessed; the errors are also likely to be far more egregious than in Powelton Village and Spruce Hill. The average assessment error (COD) in West Powelton is over twice as large as that in the more afuent neighborhoods and more than six and a half times the acceptable range of error. To document the inequity of these skewed assessments, we can use another standard tax assessors statistic, price related differential (PRD). PRD compares the average ratio of assessed to sales value with the weighted average of the same numbers. If the PRD is 1, then high value and low value properties have the same degree of error or accuracy in their assessments. IAAO considers s PRD above 1.03 regressive, meaning that lower value residences are being taxed on a larger proportion of their value than are more expensive homes. Residences in Philadelphia as a whole were (in 2003) 5.3 times as regressive as allowed by international standards. West Powelton, the most regressive of the three neighborhoods was a full 50 times more regressive than allowed by international standards. The result of this extremely regressive of tax structure is that a tension between the more and less afuent members of the community is built into the property tax assessment system. Residents with less housing equity carry an unfair share of the property tax burden for the entire neighborhood. While this is true throughout Philadelphia, the disparity is at its most extreme in West Powelton.
Average Magnitude of Assessment Error
Degree of Regressivity in Property Tax Assessments
45
Conclusion
Areas Least Adaptable to Change
From the indicators data collected for the block groups covering West Powelton, we were able to determine the areas least adaptable to change. These were determined by conducting a weighted average of indicators such as household income and housing costs on a block group level basis. The label least adaptable to change means that the residents in those block group areas are most vulnerable to being displaced if gentrication indicators such as housing prices and living expenses were to increase. In other words, the areas whose social demographics would be most affected if gentrication were to occur. The areas deemed least adaptable change are not necessarily the areas where gentrication is most likely to occur. As the map shows, areas most likely affected would be the area to the north of Haverford Avenue between 41st and 43rd Street, and the area immediately to the west and northwest of 39th and Powelton. Powelton Village, in the Southeast, is very adaptable to change, which can be inferred due to the fact the area has already experienced reinvestment in the community and the coming of new residents. With the data provided, community groups can understand where best to focus equitable development efforts devoid of consideration of where and when it will occur. To optimize community efforts to bring about equitable development and put this information to better use, an understanding of which areas are showing indications of potential gentrication should be established.
Ability of Block Groups to Adapt to Neighborhood Change
46
Data Source: Analysis done from combination of U.S. Census 2000, Philadelphia BRT
Areas Showing Indications of Potential Gentrcation

From the indicators, collected of both block groups inside and outside of our area, and consideration of the natural spread of housing forces, we were able to determine the areas showing indications of potential gentrication. A block area exhibiting indications of potential gentrication means that it will most likely see changes such as cost of housing increases, property tax increases, and private reinvestment in the community, as well as new residents entering the neighborhood. While not reecting adaptability to change, it is the residents in these areas that will be the rst ones to be affected by Block Groups gentrifying forces if and when they do occur. The areas exhibiting the strongest indications of potential gentrication are those to the north of Market Street and Spruce Hill and the areas to the north of Powelton Avenue and Powelton Village. Gentrication is not arbitrary, which means that it takes place in certain locations and not others for specic reasons. Gentrifying pressures will move in a radial fashion from areas already experiencing them, rather than happening in non-contiguous blocks. With this understanding and the information provided, community groups can understand where to address the issue of equitable development without particular attention to how well suited current residents are to adapting to them.
Showing Indications of Gentrication
Data Source: Analysis done from combination of U.S. Census 2000, Philadelphia BRT
47
Assessing the Evidence

Based on the evidence presented above we do not see evidence of displacement. Reinvestment has not yet clearly transformed the neighborhood for the better or for the worse, but West Powelton is bordered to the south and east by neighborhoods that have clearly experienced substantial reinvestment, rising property values and demographic shifts. Substantial numbers of vacant buildings and vacant land leave the study area vulnerable to large scale redevelopment interspersed with ample opportunities for scattered ownerdeveloper rehabilitation. These physical opportunities combined with the locational advantage enjoyed by all of West Philadelphia appear to make eventual gentrication extremely likely if neighborhood stakeholders do not plan for equitable development. We cannot say how much investment the neighborhood will absorb before existing residents experience the change negatively. But, we can say that without opportunities to plan for and learn about the coming changes and to inuence their direction, few residents are likely to reap the benets of reinvestment or realize the dream of a vibrant and healthy neighborhood where newcomers and natives both maintain a stake. At the outset of this report we dened gentrication, essentially, as outside reinvestment that produces socioeconomic and cultural change that tends to privilege the needs and wishes of higher income residents. Such change may or may not produce clear patterns of displacement. What it does produce is rapid change which prior residents did not initiate and over which they may feel little control. From an economic perspective, gentrication in West Powelton is difcult to document. Taxes have risen precipitously, in relative terms. The east-west rent disparity has begun to decrease. The percent of elderly poor has begun to increase. Rates of violent crime, narcotics crime, and prostitution have declined encouragingly, but remain above those of surrounding neighborhoods. By 2000 West Powelton had fewer housing units than in the 1970s, and new construction was falling far behind the rates of loss. Vulnerabilities to economic hardship and loss of equity have multiplied while the attractiveness of some portions of our study area for development continues to grow. Our challenge moving forward is to assess the mix of existing housing (by tenure type and price) and to see what would be needed to match this supply with the residents needs. Likewise, we will need to evaluate programmatic options that will allow existing residents to expand their stake and control of their neighborhoods future without forestalling needed reinvestment and revitalization. Middle to uppermiddle income households and university students will inevitably look to the neighborhood as an opportunity to take advantage of its locational attributes, amenities, and relative housing bargains. Existing residents can share the benets accruing from reinvestment and interest in the community, but effort is required to ensure that outcome.
48
Section II Road Map to Equitable Development
Goals
The goal of this report is to provide recommendations to assist community organizations in bringing about equitable development for the future of the neighborhoods comprising the planning area. These objectives have been divided into two prongs: rst, community capacity building and second, physical asset control and development. The community prongs objectives (discussed in ner detail below), are to bring community members and groups together to work cohesively towards the goal of bringing equitable development to the community. The physical prongs objectives are to provide development and design standards, and provide recommendations to facilitate new development while increasing equity for, and investment by, existing neighborhood residents. community members, highlighting assets and opportunities, and studying the socio-economic and physical components in the planning area, we determined what we believe to be a road map to equitable development.
With the information gathered from the rst section of this report, examining Neighborhood Indicators, our group established the objectives and recommendations for the community and physical prongs. By dening equitable development and gentrication, talking and listening to
The roadmap for equitable development rst claries roles and relationships of stakeholders and second, identies opportunities for investment and design. We recommend that the community, having identied its quality of life needs, now work to strengthen common interests and build partnerships, increasing capacity through collaboration. On the bricks and mortar side we identify market rate and affordable housing needs, design a model mixed-income development, and propose relevant policies that help to bring greater equity to the development process. Together, the Road Map for Equitable Development attempts the difcult but crucial process of joining the ongoing work of true community development with physical improvement. The ultimate goal is lasting community empowerment that maximizes the benets of neighborhood change.
50
Equitable Development Diagram
COMMUNITY: Clarify roles & relationships of stakeholders
Prevailing Themes Recommendations
PHYSICAL: Identify opportunities for investment & design
1. Identify quality of life needs 2. Strengthen common interests & build partnerships 3. Increase capacity through collaboration
1. Identify future market rate & affordable housing needs 2. Design model mixed income development 3. Propose relevant policies
Results
Community empowerment Maximize benefits of change
51
Community
Community Engagement
Part of the equitable development agenda is making sure that community members have an opportunity to voice their needs and concerns regarding the quality of life and the physical development of their neighborhood. For the recently published West Powelton/Saunders Park Neighborhood Plan, PECCDC included several community organizations and other stakeholders in the area as part of the plans community visioning process. This process was a two-year effort, and the community groups invited to the meetings for this studio were the same groups who had participated in PECCDCs earlier planning efforts. A few additional community groups from Mantua who were not part of the initial process were invited to participate in the community meetings for this studio since the site of the six affordable housing units for the COPC architecture studio will be built in Mantua. Two community stakeholders meetings, held on February 7, 2005 and April 6, 2005, as well as a few additional meetings with individual community stakeholder groups, were arranged by PECCDC for this studio. The participants included representatives from community groups including the HUB Coalition, Mantua Community Planners, Mantua Community Improvement Committee, 39th and Aspen Street Community Organization, West Powelton Concerned Community Council, Powelton Village Civic Association, institutional stakeholders including Drexel University, University of Pennsylvania, and Presbyterian Hospital, the special services district University City District, representation from the Ofce of Councilwoman Jannie Blackwell, and a few other community activists. In these meetings, the participants were informed of the planning efforts of this studio and were asked questions about things such as the positive qualities of the community and the needs of the community. This input was used to formulate a list of the communitys assets as well as a list of its quality of life needs. Many of the assets mentioned had to do with the people who make up the community. This community has a strong
Second Community Meeting April 6, 2005
sense of identity and history. There is strong leadership among community members, including both male and female leaders. The community has a legacy of families, as many community members and their families have lived in and participated in the community for several generations. Also, the community has many dedicated community-based organizations. The location of the community and its development potential were other assets that the participating stakeholders identied. This community is very close to Fairmount Park and other amenities, and is only minutes away from Center City. The community places a high value in the land not only in terms of its convenient location but also in terms of its historic value. Finally, the large number of vacancies in the area can be thought of as an asset as they may allow for development without resulting in displacement. For summaries of the individual community stakeholder interviews, please see Appendix A. A sample questionnaire with the questions asked in most of these interviews is in Appendix B.
53
Roles
There are several roles that stakeholders can play in promoting equitable development, but these roles vary with size and capacity. We have identied four categories, and a few possible institutions or organizations that might fulll each role: -Anchors: University of Pennsylvania, Drexel University, Presbyterian Hospital -Large: Peoples Emergency Center (PECCDC), University City District (UCD) -Small: HUB Coalition, Lancaster Avenue Business Association (LABA), Greater Belmont Community Development Corporation -Individuals: Community Leaders and Role Models Major institutions and employers such as the University of Pennsylvania and Drexel University can serve as anchors for the community. Anchors can legitimate and determine the ultimate success of long term ventures. Because of their size and capacity, they can contribute in-kind resources, but rarely innovate. The functions associated with anchors are: sponsoring various community groups, attracting investment, providing seed funding, and publicizing through their network. Since these institutions are some of the largest employers in West Philadelphia, they can provide
employment for, and donate labor and expertise to, the West Powelton/Mantua community. The universities, in particular, can also mobilize their students to increase volunteerism in the community.
The Presbyterian Medical Center is one of the largest employers in our study area. Presbyterian and other anchor institutions with high capacity are integral to our plan for equitable development
Large (non-anchor) organizations such as Peoples Emergency Center and University City District have the demonstrated capacity to be lead managers on development
54
projects and to mentor smaller groups. These organizations differ from anchors in their exibility to innovate various initiatives. One of the most important functions of large organizations is training smaller groups, particularly through professional internships. For example, PECCDC has been working with representatives from the HUB Coalition to help the organization become a certied housing counseling institution. Sharing information and resources is essential to our plan for equitable development. Small groups can be the idiosyncratic voice of their local neighborhoods and constituencies. These organizations can
focus on small-scale development to gradually build capacity, or on single issues to maximize their impact. Because they are the most immediate point of contact for residents and other individual stakeholders, small groups are uniquely equipped to articulate concerns that would otherwise be unspoken. Individual stakeholders, at all levels, are the key to an equitable development strategy, because only they can serve as leaders and make a project work. Some of the functions of individual stakeholders include: civic activism, organizing home maintenance, and linking community groups. Engaged individuals, typically well-respected community leaders, serve as bridges between organizations and constituencies. Unafliated individuals are the volunteers, employees, and engaged citizens whose hard work and energy make neighborhood improvement a reality.
Recommendations/Strategies
1. Identify quality of life needs There were several quality of life needs identied during the community stakeholders meetings, including: more and better employment opportunities, medical services within closer proximity, additional Clean & Safe services, improved recreational activities and youth programs, a supermarket, education and awareness, incentives for homeownership, increased investment in human capital, and more support for existing community leaders. Perhaps the most signicant quality of life need identied was the need to improve communication within and among the community, the institutional stakeholders, developers, and others in the area. Within the planning area there are several organizations working on a particular sub-area or particular concern. Communication and collaboration efforts can go beyond these sub-areas, neighborhood boundaries, and special interests in pursuit of positive change. Penn and Drexel, as well as their students, and the community can improve their working relationship with each other.
Individual stakeholders from Mantua, West Powelton, and Powelton Village exchange ideas at our second community engagement meeting.
55
2. Strengthen common interests & build partnerships One of the strongest assets of the West Powelton and Mantua neighborhoods is their numerous community organizations. Within the 19104 zip code alone, there are approximately 300 social service and community non-prots. Within the boundaries of our planning area, which measures only .46 mi2, there are 54 non-prot organizations. Over 100 additional organizations fall in the general West Powelton and Mantua area, ranging from civic organizations to religious institutions: -8 development related -8 business development -11 neighborhood /civic organizations -50 churches The map on the next page shows where these different organizations are located. While these numerous organizations all have a role to play in the plan for equitable development, they must identify areas of common interest and build partnerships in order to be effective. Several organizations are already linked by shared board members and staff, suggesting that they have existing partnerships. These links are shown with colored lines on the map the right. These links provide the smaller organizations the opportunity to leverage social capital for knowledge sharing, best practices replication, and access to funding. However, the area of interest for UCD, and particularly the area of impact for the Penn Mortgage Program, encompasses many more organizations not included in the existing network. Organizational linkages need to be extended to northward in order to capitalize on nearby resources.
3. Increase capacity A. Collaboration Our plan for equitable development focuses on organizations and social capital. In an area with high poverty, a history of disinvestment, and low property values, value lies primarily in social capital, the time and dedication of residents, the locational value of the area, and the availability of land. While individual residents may have little wealth, their political and nancial capital can be signicant if they pool their resources. Sustainable equitable development requires a specic structure to maintain it over the long term. Because community wealth is currently dispersed in and around our study area, we recommend that stakeholders increase their capacity through collaboration. One strategy for collaboration is the creation of an umbrella organization in the West Powelton and Mantua neighborhoods, which would have two major functions: 1) Political Representation a. facilitating political navigation, representing common interests b. reactivating or combining existing organizations 2) Practical Organization a. pooling resources, sharing knowledge, increasing capacity b. bringing all levels of stakeholders to the table Rather than attracting political attention to fragmented community concerns, a structured umbrella organization would help stakeholders to collectively identify shared interests and common needs. As will be discussed extensively in the physical section of our plan, there must be a wellorganized entity to lead and manage our proposed mixed income development. This umbrella organization could also manage our proposed Community Land Trust.
56
Map of connections among nearby organizations
57
In addition to large scale development projects, the umbrella organization could implement small innovative programs, such as a task force to educate homeowners about building codes, a youth advisory board to ensure that neighborhood youth have a voice, and a community welcoming committee that provides new neighbors with information about the area. B. Education and training Community entrepreneurs and non prot organizations can increase their capacity by taking advantage of existing educational and training opportunities. Penn operates a number of extensive programs to help entrepreneurs and nonprots. Currently the University tends to focus its program and policy efforts to the West rather than North of campus. West Powelton and Mantua residents can encourage Penn to have a vested interest in their communities by taking advantage of the universitys education and training resources. The Wharton Small Business Development Center The Wharton Small Business Development Center (WSBDC), a division of the Sol C. Snider Entrepreneurial Research Center of Wharton Entrepreneurial Programs, is one of 16 SBDCs in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The SBDC provides free consulting services and educational programs for a small fee to entrepreneurs looking to start or grow a small business (under $10 million in revenue) in the Greater Philadelphia Region. The SBDC does not charge a fee for their services but ask that the entrepreneur actively participate in the consulting process, in order to be better equipped to manage their business. The Centers business consultants are prepared to help nearly any type of small company or would-be entrepreneur with their business challenges and opportunities from hightech and manufacturing to retail and service companies. Common requests for assistance include: Reviewing and critiquing business plans
Assisting in the development of marketing plans Loan proposals Financial projections Identifying sources of nancing Developing new markets Managing cash ow
Wharton Community Consultants Wharton Community Consultants (WCC) provides handson consulting and advisory services to successful nonprot organizations throughout Philadelphia. The WCCs high value-added services include business/strategic planning, marketing and PR, nancial analysis and project management assistance. WCCs mission has been to make measurable impact on the success of promising nonprots, sustain relationships between Wharton and the nonprot community, and to provide career and community service experience to volunteer consultants. WCC has served as an important vehicle for demonstrating the Wharton Schools long-term commitment to the Philadelphia community. Penn Laws Public Service Program Penn Laws Public Service Program sets and continues to set the standard for pro bono service. This Public Service Program is a multi-faceted, co-curricular program whose primary objective is to place Penn Law students and graduates with pro bono lawyers, while simultaneously being able to contribute to the public interest legal community. Students can help clients in bankruptcy proceedings, civil rights and constitutional law issues, environmental justice, family law, governmental practice, health law, immigration, international human rights law, labor law, womens issues and youth law to name just a few. C. Cleanliness and Safety During our community engagement meetings, we discovered that cleanliness and safety are two of the biggest concerns to West Powelton and Mantua stakeholders. Our plan for
58
equitable development calls for increasing the capacity of clean and safe services, while identifying opportunities for new initiatives. The Mantua Community Improvement Committee (MCIC) created the Mantua Neighborhood Special Service District (NSSD) in January 2002 to attract investors and homebuyers to the neighborhood. MCIC employs young men from the community to clean the streets, provide leadership, and add security between 31st St. to the east, 40th St. to the west, Spring Garden St. to the north, and Mantua Ave. to the south. MCIC has a budget of $1 million to fund wages, equipment, and materials for one year. MCIC must identify potential partners and sponsors to ensure the sustainability of the NSSD. (Rick Young. Founder & President, MCIC. Mantua Community Revitalization Project. Correspondence to Drexel University, City and Community Affairs. October 12, 2004) The University City District also offers clean & safe services, but on a much larger scale than MCIC. Its budget of $5.7 million reects voluntary contributions from a variety of institutions, hospitals, businesses, and local residents. (University City District. University City Report Card 2005) Although the UCD boundaries do not encompass Mantua, at least 6.5% of UCD employees are from the Mantua/West Powelton area. In addition,
Source: UCD website http://www.ucityphila.org
The painting shows the Spread Eagle Tavern, which provided food and lodging for pike travelers. The painting depicts the tavern as it appeared in 1795, 14 miles from Philadelphia. By 1797, the turnpike made it possible to travel from Philadelphia to Lancaster, Pennsylvania in only 12 hours. Source: US Dept. of Transportation
UCD already maintains $62,000 in sub-contracts with MCIC, which funds the employment of 9 part-time persons in Mantua. (Lewis C. Wendell. Executive Director, UCD. Email correspondence. April 14, 2005) We recommend enhancing the existing partnership between UCD and MCIC, and increasing the percentage of UCD employees from Mantua and West Powelton. In order to simultaneously address concerns about cleanliness, safety, and employment, UCD has suggested creating a partnership with PECCDC to develop a service operation internship program. (Lewis C. Wendell. Executive Director, UCD. Email correspondence. April 14, 2005) This program would place Mantua and West Powelton residents in the pipeline for jobs. PECCDC and UCD should strongly pursue the creation of this internship program.
59
D. Historic Capital Our planning area has a very strong history that predates the founding of the city of Philadelphia, but its historic capital has been severely undervalued. One strategy for increasing the capacity of our planning area is a Heritage Tourism Initiative, which would educate residents about, and attract visitors to, the community. The focus of the proposed Heritage Tourism Initiative would be Lancaster Avenue (formerly Lancaster Pike). Between 1690 and 1795, Lancaster Pike was constructed as the countrys rst toll road. (Lawrence J. Biond. West Philadelphia and
Avenue Business Association (LABA), establish a centralized Lancaster Avenue Information Center which would provide information about the history of the corridor. The Information Center could simply be a small kiosk located near 40th St. and Lancaster Ave., one of the busiest corners in the area. LABA, PECCDC, and UCD have already published informative packets about the history of Lancaster Avenue. Through further collaboration, they could produce another publication with a Lancaster Pike Wagon Trail theme, which would direct people to businesses and important landmarks on the corridor. Businesses along Lancaster Ave. could give contributions for the publications and the stafng of the kiosk. The Lancaster Pike Wagon Trail theme should also be reinforced through public art, paving, and lighting. The Heritage Tourism Initiative would also extend to other
The Lancaster Avenue of today is a major commercial corridor.
Powelton Historic District Development Timeline. Powelton Village Civic Association. September 1996). We recommend that an organization, such as the Lancaster
parts of our planning area. LABA and PECCDC should consider collaborating to organize a Youth Tourism Ambassador program during the summer months. These ambassadors could be high school students who volunteer (or obtain school
60
credit) to distribute informational yers about West Powelton and Mantua in areas of high activity. We also propose a Down Memory Lane project, which could be spearheaded by one of the smaller organizations, or even individual leaders, such as Mother Jenkins. The project would bring together the youth and the elderly to commemorate and celebrate the history of the community. Through this project, teenagers and young adults (volunteers, or for academic credit) would interview elderly residents and compile their stories, pictures, and memories for a publication or video history about the neighborhood. The nal product could be used as promotional material to highlight the positive aspects of the community and stimulate physical investment. The Greater Philadelphia Tourism Marketing Corporation operates the Neighborhood Tourism Network (NTN), which highlights the history, culture, and vibrancy of Philadelphias neighborhoods. (Greater Philadelphia Tourism Marketing. Neighborhood Tourism Network. Philadelphia Neighborhood Tours. Spring & Fall 2005). NTN is a coalition of organizations which promote economic development of their communities through cultural and heritage tourism. NTN operates Saturday morning tours that depart from the Independence Visitor Center at 6th and Market Streets. Some of the participating NTN organizations include: University City District The Enterprise Center Institute for Contemporary Art Pennsylvania Horticultural Society Mural Arts Program PECCDC and smaller community groups should seek membership in this network, as well as dates on the tour schedule. Visitors could be taken to some of the major historical and contemporary points of interest throughout West Powelton and Mantua. This would also provide an opportunity to showcase the products of the Down Memory Lane project.
Philadelphias Mother Bethel AME Church was a stop along in the Underground Railroad. As part of NTNs neighborhood tours, visitors can experience rst person accounts of the moral and spiritual battles waged in the name of freedom. Similar historical sites and narratives should be highlighted in Mantua and West Powelton. Source: http://www.ushistory.org/tour/tour_bethel.htm
61
Physical
While a community plan can go a long way in improving the quality of life for residents in West Powelton, it is necessary that it be accompanied by a physical plan. Our physical plan capitalizes on recent public investments in the neighborhood, such as the construction of the Lucien E. Blackwell HOPE VI Homes and the infrastructure that was built to support it. The physical plan also helps to enhance the identity of a community by building upon its existing assets. To enable equitable development, existing residents must voice their concerns during the design and development process so that their neighborhood will provide a mix of building typologies, densities, uses, and prices. The overall goal is to have existing residents benet from new investment without being displaced. There are a number of dynamics serving as the foundation and underlying rationale for the physical component of the plan. Our mid-term analysis revealed the following forces at work: 1) Rising sales prices across the majority of the planning area. - Evidence of spillover from Spruce Hill. - Sales prices are still below the replacement rate. 2) An elevated rental rate increase, particularly in the southwest section of the planning area. 3) Low median household income levels compared to Philadelphia as a whole. 4) Concentrations and potential assemblages of vacant lots. 5) Affordable housing investment focused primarily in the north-east section of the planning area and ringing the study area. Subsequent to the mid-term report, a number of rationales guided the idea for the mixed-income development site programming and equity model proposed below. Using American Housing Survey data and U.S. decennial Census data, we identied an existing need for further affordable housing investment. Additionally, literature reviews indicated that mixed income developments are the most desirable form of providing affordable housing units (Case & Katz, 1991; Borjas, 1995; Wilson, 1996; HUD 2003). Examinations of landownership patterns and zoning codes further informed the process. Finally, through meetings with community members and organizations, we identied that residents exhibit a strong tendency towards civic activity, organization, and action. In order to provide a concrete example of the proper way to develop land in West Powelton, we have developed a model mixed-income community, targeting the northwest corner as the most appropriate place to address issues of equitable development. The area is roughly bounded by Haverford Avenue to the south, 42nd Street to the east, Lancaster Avenue to the north and 44th Street to the west. We chose this area, shown on the next page, due to its large amount of vacant land, high number of publicly owned parcels, proximity to recent public investment, and the high vulnerability of existing residents to neighborhood change. These attributes can be seen in the neighborhood indicators section of the report.
Design
Placing a strong emphasis on the design of new improvements to the West Powelton neighborhood is essential for an equitable development strategy. Good design will help new development t in seamlessly with the existing urban fabric to create a cohesive neighborhood unit. This is particularly important in West Powelton where a combination of conicting building typologies and swaths of vacant land have created a landscape that lacks a distinct identity and is far from cohesive. Moreover, properly integrating new development into the existing fabric reduces the perception of socio-economic segregation, thereby creating an integrated community in which one will not be able to say the rich live here and the poor live over there. Development that incorporates good design can also provide aesthetic amenities that can enhance
62
Proposed Development Area
63
pride of place for existing residents. The following design guidelines ensure that new development contributes to the overall goal of equitable development. New development should: 1. blend in with and repair the existing urban fabric. 2. bridge the gap between conicting typologies in the neighborhood. 3. provide a mix of uses and building types for a mix of residents. 4. not lead to the concentration or segregation of households in the same income bracket. 5. meet the contemporary needs of new and existing residents. 6. have design and development process that includes the existing community or their representatives. 7. preserve as much of the existing buildings as possible so as to prevent displacement.
Design Concerns
Design Concerns
Before designing a mixed income community, there are many locational concerns that need to be taken into consideration. 1. Typology Transition Zone: Currently a void exists on 44th Street separating two areas of conicting building typologies: the new 2-story Lucien E. Blackwell homes on one side and older rowhomes on the other. This area needs extra attention in terms of the building types and massing to be located
64
Site Plan
65
Acquisition - Owners
here so as to create a natural transition. 2. Center of Activity: At the intersection of 43rd and Fairmount a center of activity surrounds the Bottom of the Sea restaurant. An appropriate combination of uses and densities at this intersection can help to reinforce this center. 3. Linkage to Lancaster Ave.: This area is currently disconnected from Lancaster Ave. By siting mixed uses and a possible West Powelton Performing Arts Center on Lancaster Ave and Brooklyn St., the neighborhood will be better integrated with the major commercial corridor. Furthermore, such development will help create a northern anchor for the Lancaster Ave. commercial corridor that exists between 39th St. and 42nd St. 4. Transit Corridors: 2 bus routes and 1 trolley line run through the neighborhood. Higher density and activity should be focused on these corridors. 5. Mill Creek: This creek-turned-sewer lies 2 blocks from the western extent of the development area. In the past it has created problems associated with ooding and building subsidence. Construction and water management techniques need to address these potential problems. Existing Typologies The development area has a wide array of existing building types ranging from older 2 and 3 story rowhouses and duplexes, large detached homes, HOPE VI-style rows and duplexes, senior housing complexes, and barrack-style public housing. Because of the large tracts of vacant land in the area, potential developers need to nd the right mix of typologies and densities so that conicting typologies can be bridged. Parcel Acquisition We have identied 263 lots for acquisition in the model development area. 205 of these parcels, or approx. 11 acres, are vacant land. 43 of these lots are occupied by vacant buildings. 10 of these lots are occupied by inhabited buildings. These buildings are in very poor condition, are
66
Acquisition - Land Use

unt for habitation or rehabilitation, and should thus be demolished. The residents residing here will be given the rst option on new homes in the development area. Finally, 5 of the lots are sideyards of adjacent lots. Ownership Public Private Institutional* 33% 61% 6% *To be developed in conjunction with their owners into special needs housing The Program The model development has a mix of building types that range from 2 and 3 story homes; and 4 and 5 story apartment buildings, mixed use buildings, and live-work units. These buildings will be arranged as duplexes, triplexes, and rows, organize so that the new buildings complement the old ones. Structures of differing sizes will be interspersed in order to prevent the concentration of subsidized or non-subsidized units. The development has a mix of residential, commercial, institutional, and recreational buildings. There will be 156 market rate (non-subsidized) units that vary in size to meet the needs of households of a variety of incomes. 117 of these units will be for sale and 58 will be for rent. There will also be 163 affordable (subsidized) units, all of which will be for rent. In all there will be 175 newly constructed buildings and 19 rehabilitated structures. The two-story buildings will include two or three bedrooms and will be single-family units. The three-story buildings will either be single family units with four bedrooms or two family units, one with one bedroom and the other with three bedrooms. Parking for the units will be provided through secured private driveways and garages accessed through rear alleys. There will also be six four-
67
Existing Typologies
Apartment building
Three-story rowhomes
Hope VI Housing
Barrack-style
68
Proposed Typologies
Unique rowhomes
Rowhomes
Two-story buildings next to threeestory buildings
69
Clark Park
and ve-story apartment buildings, some of which will have ground level commercial uses. All of these buildings will include a mix of subsidized and non-subsidized units. In addition to extensive street tree planting, the new development will include a park. This park will be modeled after Clark Park, Malcolm X Park, and the 39th and Aspen Playground in West Philadelphia; and Girard Park in South Philadelphia. We chose these parks as models because the areas that surround them have densities and uses similar to that of the proposed development area. These parks also have Friends of associations that organize volunteer cleanup events, which can be mimicked in the model development. Programs through the Pennsylvania Horticultural Society can also be utilized to ensure the cleanliness and maintenance of public open space. Irregularly large blocks in the model development area also provide the opportunity to devote interior block space to bioswales. Not only will this help to lter impurities out of rainwater, but it will also help to reduce the amount of runoff into the Mill Creek sewer. This will mitigate problems associated with overcapacity and building subsidence. Phasing We devised phases for the model development to accommodate market constraints. In determining the phasing we made the assumption that the provision of public amenities should occur in the rst phase. Location also plays an important role, as we want the rst phase to be adjacent to and contiguous with areas of recent of public investment. The rst phase of development will be adjacent to the Lucien E. Blackwell homes and the St. Ignatius senior housing. It will consist of 42 subsidized and 44 non-subsidized units. During this phase amenities such as the park will be constructed as well. The second phase of development will consist of 48 nonsubsidized and 57 subsidized units and will be located directly to the east of Phase I. The third phase of development will include the mixed-use buildings on Lancaster Ave. and the West Powelton Performing Arts Center on Brooklyn St. At this time, the previous two residential phases will be able to support additional uses. Phase III will help to link the new neighborhood to the Lancaster Avenue commercial corridor. It will also help to create a new anchor between 42nd and 43rd Streets and expand the existing commercial corridor to the northwest. The residential component will include 25 non-subsidized and 15 subsidized units.
70
Phasing
71
The remaining units will be developed as needed in conjunction with local institutions, community groups, and developers. Execution Strategy The model mixed-income development could easily run the risk of succumbing to gentrication forces if the area becomes much more desirable and current residents are priced out of their homes. Our research found that a development strategy that utilizes Community Land Trust and Lease-Purchase options will allow the subsidized units to remain affordable while at the same time building equity in the area. Descriptions of both programs and how they tie into the community prong of our plan, are detailed below.
The main provision of the ground lease is that it allows homes to be resold only according to a limited equity formula. This formula varies, but typically allows for sale price based on initial capital outlays, plus any improvements made by owner, plus amortization of mortgage principle, which are all then typically adjusted for general price ination. No seller will benet from an unearned increase in market value and the homes will remain affordable in perpetuity. The ground lease also usually has provisions to ensure that housing is sold to lower income occupants. Lenders can declare default under terms of the ground lease, however most CLTs use preemptive measures by requiring right of rst refusal when properties are sold. Why is a CLT particularly suited for this community? -Area has large amounts of vacant land (708 buildable lots) -Many vacant lots are owned by City of Philadelphia and RDAready for disposition and may be obtained below market value -Area adjacent to stronger markets, yet there is still the opportunity to be proactive and purchase the land now before gentrication takes hold and land prices rise -Existing strong leadership with proven development capacity (PECCDC) -A large number of smaller organizations can build constituency and be a source of leadership The community will benet from CLT because it can revitalize the neighborhood without making it unaffordable. It provides long term affordability: an individual who originally owns the property may not receive a windfall when they sell the property, but the next owner will only pay a small increase in price. This helps to promote homeownership among individuals who might not otherwise be able to afford a home, which then increases resident equity and helps to keep money from owing out of the community to absentee landlords. The CLT allows the community to take control
Community Land Trust

What is a CLT? A Community Land Trust (CLT) is an organization created to hold land in perpetuity for the benet of the community in a locally run non-prot. Members include residents living on the CLTs land as well as community members at large, governed by a board that is elected by the members. There are often different levels of membership as well as some minimum qualications such as a minimum age and the completion of an orientation program. In order to ensure that that CLT does not move too far in the direction of either community or individual interests, board members are drawn from different constituencies. Members of a CLT in our study area could include residents as well as representatives from funding sources, professionals with particular skills, and potentially a person appointed by the local government. In a CLT, real property ownership is split between title to land and title to housing. The CLT owns the land, and leases it to the homeownerswho have ownership of all buildings and improvements. There are approximately 160 CLTS operating throughout the country.
72
of their land and allocate how it will be usedto develop community facilities, preserve open spaces, or promote economic opportunities. It should also provide pre- and post purchase counseling, helping buyers not only to get a mortgage, but also making sure that they can keep up the payments and maintain their homes. Funding Sources of funding for A CLT fall into four different categories: grants, loans, venture capital, and internal revenue. CLTs have been successful in securing grants from foundations, churches, government agencies and individuals. A major source of funding for many CLTs are HUDs HOME program and Community Development Block Grants.* In order to be eligible for HOME funds a CLT must become a Community Housing and Development Organization (CHDO). To be a certied CHDO there are a number of legal and organizational characteristics that a CLT must meet including having a certain level of experience and capacity. (http:// www.hud.gov/ofces/cpd/affordablehousing/training/chdo/ characteristics/index.cfm) Community Land Trust properties are also eligible for Fannie Maes Community Lending mortgages. The Housing and Community Development Act of 1992, explicitly states that CLTs are eligible for assistance through the HOME Program. State College Community Land Trust (State College, Pennsylvania) received over $200,000 in HOME funds in 2004. Permanent affordability has been an advantage in competing for Federal Home Loan Bank funds, Community Development Block Grant (CDBG), and federal HOME funds. The Institute for Community Economics (ICE) has received several contracts with HUD to provide technical assistance to groups trying to start CLTs. (www.iceclt.org) ICE also has a revolving loan fund specically for CLTs.
Since 1992 Pennsylvania has received an average of $17.6MM and the Philadelphia an average of $10.6MM per year. 15% of HOME funds are required to be given to CHDOs. The state or the local Participating Jurisdiction (PJ) that awards the money incurs a 25% matching obligation. Philadelphia has only dispersed 78% of its funds since 1992 and ranks 17th out of 27 PJs in Pennsylvania. 43% of HOME funding for Philadelphia has been spent on Tenant Based Rental Assistance which does not provide a long range solution to the affordable housing problem. Philadelphia can do a better job allocating this money. Rochester, MinnesotaEmployer Assisted CLT Housing The First Homes CLT was initiated with nancial support of the Mayo Clinic. The Mayo Clinics efforts grew out of a concern that their employees could not continue to secure housing in Rochesters tight housing market. Mayo decided that the CLT model provided the most effective means of accomplishing its objectives and of protecting its $7 million dollar investment. DurhamUniversity Assisted CLT Housing Durham Community Land Trustees was organized in 1987 by residents of Durhams West End neighborhood, a predominantly African American, low-income community adjacent to the campus of Duke University. As development has accelerated in recent years, nancing has come from a growing number of sources, including the Federal Home Loan Bank, municipal bonds, and Duke University. Project subsidies and operating support have come from the City and the North Carolina Community Development Initiative. By focusing its housing rehabilitation efforts on specic blocks, DCLT has had a signicant impact on conditions in the neighborhood, helping to raise community morale and becoming an important vehicle for community organizing and advocacy efforts. Through its lease-purchase program, DCLT makes homeownership possible for families who could not otherwise own homes - and keeps those homes affordable
73
for future families. (http://www.iceclt.org/clt/cltproles. html)
periods, but would require more grants funds which are limited in availability thus not part of our recommendation. The primary reason for organization to follow the leasepurchase strategy for homeownership is that it provides greater opportunity for low-income households to become home owners. Purchase prices under lease-purchase programs are signicantly lower than if the households were to purchase a housing-unit on the open market, and in most cases conventional subsidized for-sale housing. Particular to households targeted for subsidized housing rentals, families and persons with poor credit have the opportunity to enroll in the home-purchase program who would not otherwise qualify, as well as households who do not have the savings readily available to make a down payment for housing purchase. The nancial structure for leasing tenants is as follows: During the lease-period, a portion of the monthly rent is deducted for the down-payment to be made at the end of the lease period. The cost of rent to the tenant is specically set up so that lease payments prior to ownership equal the total housing expenses made after the transfer of title; this is known as the Equivalency Principal. This payment is essential because low-income families typically have limited discretionary income to absorb additional housing costs. For example, if rent is equal to $400/month, the mortgage, utility, and housing monthly maintenance allowances together will be at or below $400/month. Therefore, if a household can afford to pay a certain percentage of its monthly income on rental housing then it can afford to pay that same percentage of monthly income for home ownership. For these expenses to be relatively the same, the tenants are provided a guaranteed maximum price of purchase at the beginning of the lease period. Low Income Housing Tax Credits Lease-purchase has the advantage of being able to use low-income housing tax credits which offers a substantial
The CLT model is exible. The CLT model allows for the development of singlefamily homes, condominiums, as well as for buildings with commercial or community economic development uses. CLTs can provide rental housing as well as lease there land to cooperatives, or mutual and co-housing projects. A number of CLTs including the Durham Community Land Trustees provide a lease to purchase option, which we also advocate.
Lease Purchase
Our second recommendation in equitable development is the adoption of a lease-purchase program in the planning area. This program can be implemented with the community land trust program or incorporated separately with traditional non-prot and affordable housing developments. Leasepurchase has been a proven success in some communities for increasing low-income household homeownership and improving equity and investment in the community. The Cleveland Housing Network, an umbrella organization of non-prot housing groups in Cleveland, Ohio has developed over 2,000 units with such a program. What is a lease-purchase? As the name implies it is a rent-to-own structured program where the tenant has the opportunity to obtain ownership after fteen (15) years of leasing. The 15-year lease period is based on federal guidelines for the minimum number of years an affordable housing-unit must be designated rental in order to receive low-income housing tax credits (LIHTCs), a method of nancing to be discussed in greater detail. It is important to note that lease-purchases can be for shorter
74
nancing option that would otherwise be unavailable. LIHTCs can cover between one-half and two-thirds of development costswhich would otherwise have to be covered by grants and low-interest loans. Conventional subsidized for-sale housings reliance on grants makes them in many cases uneconomical or practical for large-scale development projects. For example the Philadelphia Housing Authority (PHA) spends around $200,000 to construct each house (based on nal output divided by total cost), with the rst phases selling for just over $50,000 and the second phase for over $100,000. Such large subsidies per household to provide low to moderate income home-ownership raises questions as to whether it is an efcient use of funds and whether such tax dollars could be spent more wisely to benet neighborhoods and their constituents. With a leasepurchase program through LIHTCs, houses can be sold at lower prices in greater volume with the same amount of grant funding, providing a greater return to the communities in which they serve. Lease-Purchase Financing The nancing of a lease-purchase program is similar to conventional affordable housing nancing with LIHTCs. The rst-step is to take the overall development cost and separate the expenses which are deductible under federal rules to be subsidized through LIHTCs. The deductions are known as the eligible basis from which the amount of tax credits awarded for the project are determined. With the eligible basis taken from the total development cost, 70% of the net present value (based on a 10 year period) is calculated with the applicable HUD interest rate. The amount calculated is the total amount of tax credits awarded for the development project. The tax-credits are then sold at a discounted rate through an intermediary to raise equity for the development project. The equity raised is the portion of the actual development costs covered through LIHTC nancing. The remaining costs not covered in the eligible basis and by the LIHTC raised equity is covered by grants, soft second mortgages, and secondary nance mortgages. The
secondary nance mortgage differentiates lease-purchase from regular affordable housing nancing. An example of nancing on a per-unit basis: a house with $200,000 construction cost has an eligible basis (expenses qualifying for federal deductions) of $150,000 (75% of total cost) plus a 30% bonus because the planning area resides in a qualied census tract, for a total eligible basis of $195,000. 70% of its net present value determines the amount of tax credits awarded, which comes to $154,000. These tax credits are sold by an intermediary company at an estimated price of $0.85 for every dollar in tax-credit amount to raise a total of $131,000 for the construction of the house. This nances 65.5% of the construction costs. The remaining $69,000, or 34.5% of expenses, is covered by grants ($39,000) and secondary nancing ($30,000), which is rst covered by the non-prot sponsor and then passed onto the tenant purchasing the house at the end of the lease period. Total Development Cost of House $200,000 Eligible Basis (75% of Total Development) $150,000 Bonus: Qualied Census Track (+30%) $195,000 Total Tax Credits Awarded (195,000 * HUD IR) $154,000 Total Tax Credit Equity @ Est. Price of .85 to the Dollar $131,000 Grant Funding $39,000 Tenant Mortgage / 2nd Financing ($200/mo on 7%, 30yrs) $30,000 Partnership Structure In the case of Mantua and West Powelton, either PECCDC or a newly created community land trust (CLT) will sponsor the development. First, a legal framework must establish the managing parties. If PECCDC is the lead sponsor, it will act as the general partner (GP) in a limited partnership agreement where the limited partner is a limited liability corporation (LLC) made up of investors who will collect the low income housing tax credits and provide equity for
75
the development costs. The general partner is responsible for managing the development while the limited partner is protected from liability due to its limited managerial involvement in the project. If the project is sponsored by a CLT, the CLT will form a joint venture (JV) with either a fullcapacity CDC such as PECCDC or another affordable housing developer. The joint venture will act as general partner in a limited partnership where as in the rst example, an LLC will be created to provide ownership to investors who will receive the tax credits and provide equity nancing for the development of the project. Option 1 a) PECCDC - (GP) b) LLC Investor - (LP) Option 2 a) Joint Venture (JV): Community Land Trust (GP) w/ PECCDC (GP) b) LLC Investor - (LP) Once the legal framework is established the general partner applies for tax credits, which are awarded to the LLC and dispersed to its investors. The LLC in return provides equity that will cover the majority of development costs. Grants or soft second mortgages cover the remaining costs through state or municipal allocations of Federal HOME or Community Development Block Grant Fundsthe total amount depending on the household incomes of the tenants. Issues of Concern Interest rates and unanticipated future housing costs are potential risks for lease-purchase. Home buyers will purchase the outstanding secondary debt with a marketrate loan. If interest rates rise just half a percentage point, they could offset the equivalency principal of lease payments equaling total housing costs and the guaranteed maximum price. To factor in this market liability, the lease-purchase
sponsors must provide a buffer for housing cost increases. The Cleveland Housing Network adds a $3,000 to $5,000 contingency buffer on houses for such instances. The second issue of consideration is the threat of the neverending lease. For a number of reasons, households may not fulll purchase requirements or opt-out of the lease-purchase program. In the case of non-qualifying tenants, sponsoring organizations are forced to extend the lease or evict the tenants. Having to re-lease units will extend the program and alter the nancial assumptions made at the beginning of the project. One way to address this issue is to have a mix of affordable rental and lease-purchase units so the life of the development project is a substantial period longer than the 15-year minimum requirement, thereby creating a buffer period to mitigate lease problems.
76
Implementation
The CLT or Lease-Purchase plans will not work without rst establishing an organization to oversee them. Our physical plan connects with the community plan by utilizing the previously proposed umbrella organization to govern development. The following implementation strategy explains how to set up the organization. 1. Currently PECCDC has the most capacity to act as a conduit between the various existing organizations. Therefore we suggest that PECCDC organize a third meeting with the neighborhood constituents that does not continue to discuss needs and assets of the community, but rather develops an action plan for which groups and individuals will take control of the different aspects of the umbrella organization. 2. Once roles have been established, the umbrella organization must apply for funding so that it can sustain itself. The group must decide if it wants to remain a coalition of different agencies, under the guise of a scal sponsor (such as PECCDC), or if it should incorporate as its own entity, and seek 501(c)3 tax-exempt status. A coalition would allow both community and government agency members to donate time and resources; a standalone agency would require a staff and more sophisticated management. Its status will also determine for which funding it is eligible. While there are many funding sources out there, we have identied the William Penn, Annie E. Casey and Robert Wood Johnson Foundations as possible donors. In addition, the umbrella organization should consider collecting dues (on a sliding scale) from member organizations. 3. Once the organizational structure is in place, and possible funding sources have been identied, the umbrella organization can start the search for development partner(s) who will be responsible for the actual construction of the plan. The umbrella organization should already be
established before nding a development partner so that the community will have real input into the plan.
77
Foundations of Interest
Physical Strategy Implementation Evaluation

The physical strategy outlined previously is structurally predicated upon the development of an umbrella organization, the acquisition of the programmed land, and access to specialized nancial instruments and duciary arrangements. As the acquisition of the land is dependent upon the disposition of land by agencies, such as the Philadelphia Housing Authority (PHA) and the Redevelopment Authority (RDA); it is worthwhile to outline alternative approaches. In the event that the umbrella organization fails to materialize, PECCDC should present the development suggestions and guidelines to the PHA. As PHA owns more of the parcels proposed for redevelopment than any other landowner, it is already well positioned to move forward with the project. The PHA also practices one of the equity models suggested in the physical prong: lease-purchase nancing (Anderson, 2003). Furthermore, anecdotal evidence suggests that the PHA is already interested in the proposed development area. As such, if the umbrella organization fails to materialize, The PHAs interest in the area, however, highlights some of the difculties that could arise should the umbrella organization attain the requisite capacity and solvency. If the PHA decides that it wants to develop affordable housing on the proposed development area, it will not likely relinquish its land holdings to the umbrella organization. Site control issues could also spill over to the parcels controlled by the RDA. In such an event, the umbrella organization should leverage the organization and residents relationship with Councilwoman Blackwell and strategic relationships with staff within the PHA. If Councilwoman Blackwell is unable to provide relief, the umbrella organization should use public input forums to inspire conformance to the development plan suggestions and guidelines. The specialized nancial instruments and arrangements are as important to the proposed mixed-income development as the umbrella organizations capacity and local government agency consent. LIHTCs are of vital importance to the lease-
William Penn Foundation works to improve the quality of life in the Philadelphia Region Grants are available for: Arts & Culture Children, Youths & Families Environments & Communities Annie E. Casey Foundation works to build better futures for disadvantaged children and their families in the US. It provides grants in a long term effort to strengthen: Support Services Social Networks Employment Economic Vitality Robert Wood Johnson Foundation provides grants to improve the health and health care for all Americans. Grants are available for these interest areas: Addiction Prevention & Treatment Building Human Capital Disparities Vulnerable Populations
78
purchase equity model. The recent national political climate calls into question the continued availability of LIHTCs as they are typically associated with rental assistance, a direction from which the President is trying to move away. Although the umbrella organizations direct sphere of inuence may fall short of Washington, D.C., the organization still has two readily available avenues for action. The rst is to use the University of Pennsylvania and relationships with Milton Pratt, of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), to demonstrate how LIHTCs under a lease-purchase option can serve as a gateway to homeownership. Subsequently, proposals from the Ofce of the President suggest that replacement programs will feature zero down payments and 100% loan-to-value ratios (Wooley, 2004), which, provided the details, could provide opportunities for the cooperative land trust model. As a result, weaknesses inherent in the lease-purchase option could lead to opportunities for the community land trust option. Finally, the community land trust option requires commercial nancial institutions to lend without the title as collateral and, as a result, may require some priming before feasible. In the event that commercial lenders are averse to lending against the improvements on the land, the Zero Down Payment Mortgage initiative by the Ofce of the President may prove pivotal in moderating risk perceptions. Another option, and the one advocated here, is to build upon the momentum of the West Philadelphia Initiatives of the University of Pennsylvania. The nancial institutions appear willing to move into unfamiliar territory provided there is some track record. Under this scenario, the umbrella organization should persuade the University of Pennsylvania and Drexel University tolike Duke University did in Durhamseed the cooperative land trust, thereby providing it with a track record.
79
Conclusion
Planning for equitable development is a large, multifaceted project that will bring great rewards and benets to the community. For true success, the project requires the full participation and cooperation from the community and implementation of a physical development plan that brings increased equity to current residents and protects low-income residents from potential displacement. The proposals in this reportbringing together community groups to build capacity and work as a cohesive whole, and for the implementation of design and development standards with the formation and implantation of community land trusts and lease-purchase programsare our suggestions for such equitable development to take place. If any items from the community or physical arms in our report are adopted, it would be a great step forward from current existing conditions of community group fragmentation and lack of a plan for community equity in new development. Without individual and organizational support, however, the plan can never come to fruition. The social and physical elements of a neighborhood are equally important for neighborhood change that benets all. We hope this report gives provides a blueprint to bring the two together.
80
Bibliography
Abu-Lughod, J. (Ed.). (1994). From urban village to east village: The battle for New Yorks lower east side. Oxford: Blackwell. Adams, C. T., Bartelt, D., Elesh, D., Goldstein, I., Kleniewski, N., & Yancey, W. (1991). Philadelphia: Neighborhoods, division, and conict in a postindustrial city. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Agbali, A., Booza, J., Creighton, J., Dudley, A., Fancy, R., Greene, L., et al. (2001, April 23). Uc-what: University City - Woodbridge historic area together: A community study of the Woodbridge historic district, Detroit, Michigan. Paper presented at the COMM-ORG: The On-Line Conference on Community Organizing and Development, http://comm-org.utoledo.edu/papers.htm. Anderson, Elijah. Streetwise: Race Class and Change in an Urban Community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1990. Anderson, Bendix. 2003. Philadelphia Housing Authority puts time limit on voucher use in HUD demo. Affordable Housing Finance. June. Atkinson, R. (2002). Does gentrication help or harm urban neighbourhoods? An assessment of the evidence-base in the context of the new urban agenda (No. 5). Bristol, UK: Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) Center for Neighbourhood Research, School for Policy Studies, University of Bristol. Atkinson, R. (2003). Introduction: Misunderstood saviour or vengeful wrecker? The many meanings and problems of gentrication. Urban Studies, 40(12), 23432350. Berry, B. (1985). Islands of renewal in seas of decay. In P. Peterson (Ed.), The new urban reality. Washington DC: The Brookings Institution. Berry, B. J. L. (1999). Comment on Elvin k. Wyly and Daniel j. Hammels islands of decay in seas of renewal: Urban policy and the resurgence of gentrification. Housing Policy Debate, 10(4), 783-788. Bier, T. (2001). Moving up, ltering down: Metropolitan housing dynamics and public policy: The Brookings Institute Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy. Big Brother/Big Sister of Southeastern Pennsylvania website. http://www.bbbssepa.org. Borjas, George. 1995. Ethnicity, Neighborhoods, and Human-Capital Externalities.: American Economic Review. 85 (June): 365-390. Bostic, R. W., & Martin, R. W. (2003). Black home-owners as a gentrifying force? Neighbourhood dynamics in the context of minority home-ownership. Urban Studies, 40(12), 2427-2449. Bright, E. M., & Goodman, M. (2000). Reviving Americas forgotten neighborhoods: An investigation of inner city revitalization efforts. New York: Garland. Buchalter, R. J. (1997). Good neighbors: The social negotiation of place. Unpublished PhD, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. Burlingame, Eric. Powelton Responses to Questionnaire. April 6, 2005. Village Civic Association.
Butler, T. (1997). Gentrication and the middle classes. Aldershot: Ashgate. Butler, T. and C. Hamnett (1994). Gentrication, Class and Gender: Some Comments on Wardes Gentrication as Consumption. Environment and Planning D: Society
81
and Space 12: 477-493. Cameron, S. (1992). Housing, gentrication, and urban regeneration policies. Urban Studies, 29(1), 3-14. Case, Anne & Katz, Lawrence. 1991. The Company You Keep: The Effects of Family and Neighborhood on Disadvantaged Youths. Working paper no. 3705, NBER, Cambridge, MA. Cirillo M., Davis J., Eshman R., Geisler C., Jacobs H., Lepcio A, Matthei C., Perkins P., White K., The Community land trust handbook / the Institute for Community Economics., Rodale Press, Emmaus, PA. 1982. Cleveland Housing Network, Principal, Accessed April 24th from enterprisefoundation.org/resources. The Equivalency h t t p : / / w w w.
Cybriwsky, R. A. (1986). The fashioning of gentrication in Philadelphia. Urban Resources, 3, 27. Desena, J. N. (1985). The dynamics of neighborhood defense: A sociological account of greenpoint, Brooklyn (community, race, ethnic relations, New York). Unpublished PHD, CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK. Douchant, C. E. (1994). Incumbent upgrading: A framework for analysis. Towards a new understanding of residential revitalization in Winnipeg (Manitoba). Unpublished MCP, THE UNIVERSITY OF MANITOBA (CANADA). Drain, Richard and Norman Ellis. 39th and Aspen Street Community Organization. Responses to Questionnaire. April 6, 2005. Drain, Richard and Norman Ellis. 39th and Aspen Street Community Organization. Meeting at Albert Hart Dixon Memorial Garden. April 23, 2005. Dumas, L. G. (1989). Life on the margin: An intensive case study of community disruption and its sociomedical consequences for the old. Unpublished PHD, BOSTON UNIVERSITY. Equitable Development Toolkit. Oakland, CA, PolicyLink. 2005: website collecting research and step-by-step policy proposals and tools for community o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Retrieved January 20, 2005, from http://policylink.org/ EDTK/tools.html Equity Trust, Inc., accessed from http://www.equitytrust. org. Freeman, L., & Braconi, F. (2004). Gentrication and displacement: New York City in the 1990s. Journal of the American Planning Association, 70(1), 39-52.
Cleveland Housing Network, The Financial Structure of a Lease Purchase Project: An Analysis of the Year 16 Sales Component, Accessed April 24th, 2005 from http://www.enterprisefoundation.org/resources. Coleman-Moore, K. S. (2002). Creating the black American dream: Race, class and community development. Unpublished PhD, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. Cravatts, R. L. (2004, May 11). Embracing gentrication: A case study for inner city growth. Intellectual Conservative Retrieved January 1, 2005, from h t t p : // www.intellectualconservative.com/article3412.html Curran, W. (2004). Gentrication and the Nature of Work: Exploring the Links in Williamsburg, Brooklyn. Environment and Planning A 36(7): 1243.Cameron, S. (1992). Housing, gentrication, and urban regeneration policies. Urban Studies, 29(1), 3-14.
82
Geisler C., Daneker G. Property and Values/ Alternatives to Public and Private Ownership Island Press, Washington D.C., 2000. Greater Philadelphia Tourism Tourism Network. Philadelphia Brochure. Spring & Fall 2005. Marketing. Neighborhood Neighborhood Tours.
Higgins, L. R. (2001). Assessing the economic impact of community-based homeownership programs on innercity neighborhoods. Unpublished PhD, GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY. HUD. 2003. Mixed-Income Housing and the HOME Program. Community Planning and Development: Washington, DC. Independence Hall Association. Philadelphia: Philadelphia History. http://www.ushistory.org/philadelphia/ philadelphia.html. Ihlanfeldt, K. R. (1999). Are poor people really excluded from jobs located in their own neighborhoods? Economic Development Quarterly, 12(4), 307-314. Institute for Community Economics, accessed from www. iceclt.org. Jenkins, Mary. Mantua Community Planners Inc. Interview. April 25, 2005. Phone
Green, G. R. (1979). Gentrication and displacement: A study of residential change in a portion of the old Louisville neighborhood. Unpublished MS, UNIVERSITY OF LOUISVILLE. Hackworth, J., & Smith, N. (2001). The changing state of gentrication. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geograe, 92(4), 464-477. Hammel, D., & Wyly, E. (1996). A model for identifying gentried areas with census data. Urban Geography, 17, 248-268. Hamnett, C. (1991). The Blind Men and the Elephant: The Explanation of Gentrication. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 16(2): 173189. Harding, S. (2000). Urban redevelopment, housing loss and class segregation: A case study of gentrication in Seattle (Washington). Unpublished PhD, UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON. Hartman, C. (1982). Displacement: How to ght it: National Housing Law Project. Harvey, T. E. A. (1999). Gentrication and west Oakland: Causes, effects and best practices. Unpublished manuscript, Berkeley. http://commorg.utoledo.edu/ papers2000/gentrify/gentrify.htm Hawkins, Steve. HUB Coalition. Interview. March 15, 2005.
Jones, J. S. (1983). Neighborhood satisfaction among displaced urban residents. Unpublished PHD, THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY. Kasarda, J. D. (1999). Comment on Elvin k. Wyly and Daniel j. Hammels islands of decay in seas of renewal: Urban policy and the resurgence of gentrification. Housing Policy Debate, 10(4), 773-781. Kennedy, M., & Leonard, P. (2001). Dealing with neighborhood change: A primer on gentrication and policy choices (discussion paper): The Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy. Kennedy, M., & Leonard, P. (2001). Gentrication: Practice and Politics. LISC Center for Homeownership and LISC Knowledge Sharing Initiative. Kromer, J. (2001, November 2). Gentrication and disinvestment: Policy
83
choices. Paper presented at the M a n a g i n g Change in Urban Neighborhoods, Washington, D.C. Kromer, John and Lucy Kerman. West Philadelphia Initiatives: A Case Study in Urban Revitalization. 2004. Lancaster Avenue Business Association, Peoples Emergency Center Community development Corporation, and University City District. Welcome to Lancaster Avenue! Brochure. Lang, M. H. (1982). Gentrication amid urban decline: Strategies for Americas older cities. Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Publishing Company. Lang, M. (1986). Measuring gentrication. Journal of Urban economic benets Affairs, 8, 27. from
Mantua primer; toward a program for environmental change. Prepared under the direction of Richard Plunz by John Cowder, et al. Edward Jakmauh, USPHS project coordinator. University Park: Dept. of Architecture, Pennsylvania State University. 1970. Marcuse, P. (1999). Comment on Elvin k. Wyly and Daniel j. Hammels islands of decay in seas of renewal: Urban policy and the resurgence of gentrification. Housing P o l i c y Debate, 10(4), 711-771. Martin, L. E. (2003). Who are the people in your neighborhood? Mobilizing in response to gentrication in Atlanta (Georgia). Unpublished PhD, EMORY UNIVERSITY. Marullo, S. W. (1982). Housing and race: Black-white differences in housing consumption, ltering, and turnover. Unpublished PHD, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY. McDonald, S. C. (1983). Human and market dynamics in the gentrication of a Boston neighborhood. Unpublished PHD, HARVARD UNIVERSITY. Mitchell, D. (2003). The Right to the City: Social Justice and the Fight for Public Space. New York, Guilford Press. Nelson, K. P. (1988). Gentrication and distressed cities: An assessment of trends in intrametropolitan migration. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press. Palen, J. and B. London (1984). Gentrication, Displacement and Neighborhood Revitalization. Albany, SUNY Press. Pashup-Graham, J. R. (2003). Coping with changes in the neighborhood: Residential capital, aging and neighborhood preferences. Unpublished PhD, THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO.
Lawrence J. Biond. West Philadelphia and Powelton Historic District Development Timeline. Powelton Village Civic Association. September 1996. h t t p : / / w w w. swarthmore.edu/Humanities/langlab/powelton/history. html. Lees, L. (2000). A re-appraisal of gentrication: Towards a geography of gentrication. Progress in Human Geography, 24(3), 389-408. Levy, P. R. (1978). Queen village, the eclipse of community: A case study of gentrication and displacement in a south Philadelphia neighborhood. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Civic Values. Ley, D. (1992). Gentrication in recession: Social change in six Canadian inner-cities, 1981-1986. Urban Geography, 13(3).230-256. Ley, D. (1996). The new middle class and the remaking of the central city. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
84
PEC website. 32 years of service to the community. http:// www.pec-cares.org/30yrs.html. PEC website. Community development. http://www.peccares.org/comdev3.html. Peterman, W., & Hannan, S. (1986). Inuencing change in gentrifying neighborhoods: Do community-based organizations have a role. Urban Resources, 3, 33. Philadelphia City Planning Commission. The Plan for West Philadelphia. 1994 Planning Center of the Municipal Art Society, Fifth Avenue Committee, & Association for Neighbourhood and Housing Development. (2001). Displacement and what to do about it: Strategies for success. USA: New York. Policy Link: Lifting Up What Works, accessed from http://www.policylink.org/EDTK/default.html Porter, M. (1997). New strategies for inner city economic development. Economic Development Quarterly, 11(1), 11-27. Rajagopal, D. E. (1999). The psychological link between the perception of neighborhood change and action. Unpublished PhD, CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK. Redfern, P. A. (2003). What makes gentrication gentrication? Urban Studies, 40(12), 2351-2366. Robinson, T. (1995). Gentrication and grassroots resistance in San Franciscos tenderloin. Urban Affairs Review, 30, 483-513. Rohe, W., & Stewart, L. S. (1996). Homeownership and neighborhood stability. Housing Policy Debate, 7(1), 3781.
Ronnow-Bunker, B. L. (1998). Limited-equity housing cooperatives: A multiple-site case study of resident perceptions and patterns of participation. Unpublished PhD, GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY. Rose, D. (1996). Economic restructuring and the diversication of gentrication in the 1980: A view from a marginal metropolis. In J. Cauleld & L. Peake (Eds.), City lives and city forms: Critical research and Canadian urbanism (pp. 131-172). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Rose, K. (2001, May/June). Beyond gentrication: Tools for equitable development. Shelterforce Online. http://www.nhi.org/online/issues/117/Rose.html or http://216.239.57.104/search?q=cache:81LKgFWGDBIJ: www.nhi.org/online/issu es/117/Rose.html+beyond+ge ntrication+tools+for+equitable+development&hl= en Rosenthal, Leon S. A history of Philadelphias University City. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. 1963. Schaffer, R., & Smith, N. (1986). The gentrication of Harlem? Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 76, 347-365. Slater, T. (2002). Looking at the north American city through the lens of gentrication discourse. Urban Geography, 23(2), 131-153. Slater, T. (2004). North American Gentrication? Revanchist and Emancipatory Perspectives Explored. Environment and Planning A 36(7): 1191. Slater, T., W. Curran and L. Lees (2004). Gentrication Research: New Directions and Critical Scholarship. Environment and Planning A 36(7): 1141. Smith, Beverly. Caring About Sharing. Interview. March 17, 2005.
85
Smith, N., & Williams, P. (Eds.). (1986). Gentrication of the city. Boston: Allen & Unwin. Smith, N. (1987). Gentrication and the Rent-Gap. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 77(3): 462465. Smith, N. (1992). Blind Mans Buff, or Hamnetts Philosophical Individualism in Search of Gentrication? Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 17(1): 110-115. Smith, N. (1996). The new urban frontier: Gentrication and the revanchist city. Statement of vernice miller-travis, executive director, partnership for sustainable brownelds redevelopment at the hearing on the browneld revitalization and environmental restoration act of 2000, June 29, 2000, United Sates Senate, 106-2 Sess. 33-36 (2000). Taylor, M. (1992). Can you go home again? Black gentrication and the dilemma of difference. Berkeley Journal of Sociology, 37, 121-138. The Enterprise Foundation. Alternative Financing Models, Hybrids, Accessed April 24th, 2005 from http://www. enterprisefoundation.org/resources. University City. University City Report Card 2005. University City District website. http://www.ucityphila.org/. U.S. Census Bureau. 2004. American Housing Survey for the Philadelphia Metropolitan Area: 2003. Current Housing Reports. Series H170/03-33: Washington, DC. U.S. Census Bureau. 2002. Census 2000 Summary File 3. US Department of Commerce: Washington, DC.
Vigdor, J. L. (2002). Does gentrication harm the poor? Brookings-Wharton Papers on Urban Affairs, 2002(1), 133-182. Warde, A. (1991). Gentrication as Consumption: Issues of Class and Gender. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 9: 223-232. Wendell, Lewis C. Executive correspondence. April 14, 2005. Director, UCD. Email
Wilson, D., & Mueller, T. (2004). Representing neighborhood: Growth coalitions, newspaper reporting, and gentrication in St. Louis. The Professional Geographer, 5 6 ( 2 ) , 282-294. Wilson, William, J. 1996. When Work Disappears: the World of the New Urban Poor. New York, NY: Random House. Wise, Aaron. West Powelton Community Concerned Council. Phone Interview. April 28, 2005. Wooley, Lemar. 2004. Bush Administration Announces New HUD Zero Down Payment Mortgage Initiative Aimed at Removing Major Barrier to Homeownership. HUD News Release. No. 04-006: 19-Jan. WorkReady Philadelphia website. http://workreadyphila. com/what.html. Wong, D. W. S. (1990). An empirical model of gentrication: An operationalization of a modied rent gap theory. Unpublished PHD, STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK AT BUFFALO. Wyly, E., & Hammel, D. (1999). Islands of decay in seas of renewal: Urban policy and the resurgence of gentrication. Housing Policy Debate, 10, 711-771.
86
Wyly, E. K. and D. J. Hammel (2004). Gentrication, Segregation, and Discrimination in the American Urban System. Environment and Planning A 36(7): 1215. Young, Rick. Founder & President, MCIC. Mantua Community Revitalization Project. Correspondence to Drexel University, City and Community Affairs. October 12, 2004. Zietz, E. N., & Sirmans, G. S. (2004). An exploration of inner-city property markets. Journal of Real Estate Literature, 12(3), 323. Zimmerman, J. A. (2003). Conquering the last frontier: Gentrication, public housing and the limits of new urbanism in the central city (Illinois). Unpublished PhD, THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - MADISON. Zukin, S. (1989). Loft living: Culture and capital in urban change (2nd ed.). New Brunswick.: Rutgers University Press.
87
Appendices
Appendix A: Neighborhood Stakeholders

Interviews
In addition to the two community stakeholders meetings, this studio received additional input from individual community stakeholder groups through interviews with these groups or their responses on a questionnaire passed out at the second community stakeholders meeting. HUB Coalition The HUB Coalition was formed eight or nine years ago at a reunion party of ex-gang members. At that time, they talked about the need for more youth programs in their neighborhood and discussed starting a little league football team. There was no funding immediately available for this venture, but HUB actively sought funding and eventually procured sponsorship for the team from then Mayor Wilson Goode. The HUB (Haverford-Union-Brandywine) Coalition, like other neighborhood organizations in the area, was formed by volunteers who did not have organizational experience or training but did have a strong desire to serve and improve the quality of life in their neighborhood. The HUB Coalition would like to be included in the process of development and making improvements to the neighborhood. Coalition Member Steve Hawkins emphasized the need to bridge the gap among neighborhood groups and between the neighborhood and neighboring instiutions or other stakeholders. HUB Coalition Members such as Hawkins have demonstrated leadership abilities and a desire to bring people together toward common goals. Hawkins said that listening to each other is an important part of bridging the gap. HUB Coalition members would like the opportunity to give back to the neighborhood in which they grew up. They are natives of this land and intend to stand their ground as the neighborhood faces change. The HUB Coalition seeks technical assistance from larger organizations with the capacity to do so. It would like to be empowered to bring forth positive change, and would like to empower others to do so as well. Mantua Community Improvement Committee The Mantua Community Improvement Committee (MCIC) is concerned with the revitalization of the Mantua neighborhood, and includes the Mantua Neighborhood Special Service District created in January 2002. According to MCIC Founder and President Rick Young, the organization addresses the revitalization and quality of life needs for all Mantua residents. MCIC creates positive job opportunities within the community and employs twenty to thirty Mantua area residents. It is interested in the development of the neighborhood, including developing residential properties, a supermarket, a daycare center, retail businesses, and restaurants. The activities of the Special Service District include removing litter and cleaning up and maintaining vacant lots. MCIC and its Special Services District would like to extend its efforts to include bicycle patrolling, more job opportunities, and more educational and training opportunities, among other things but needs additional nancial support in order to provide these services. According to Mr. Young, MCICs revitalization efforts will not only beautify Mantua, but will generate positive leadership within the community. Mantua Community Planners Incorporated According to Mantua Community Planners President and head of the Mantua Block Captain Association Mary Mother Jenkins, Mantua Community Planners is a planning agency that was organized in 1968. Only three of the original founding members are still living. Mother Jenkins has been involved with the organization for about twenty-ve years. The efforts of this planning agency include family planning, education and literacy improvement, planning where the need is, breaking down barriers, and preventing others from planning for the Mantua community while accepting suggestions from others. Mantua Community Planners would like to share in the planning and development efforts in this area, and would like to prevent those who plan and develop only for their personal benet rather than for the community benet.
91
The organization has had a signicant role in organizing many fragmented parts of planning for the Mantua neighborhood. It has addressed housing issues including housing that benets the poor. The organization is concerned about land banking and demolition efforts in the name of beautication. It would like to see organizations make a greater effort to prevent community members from being displaced, such as by helping them nd ways pay their back taxes. Mantua Community Planners is run with the help of volunteers who commit long, labored hours to neigbhorhood improvement efforts. The Mantua Block Captain Association is under the umbrella of Mantua Community Planners. Mantua Community Planners has witnessed much neighborhood change since the organization started. One of its successes is its adult learning program, in which many participants entered the program essentially illiterate and left the program able to read. Some of the positive qualities of the community, according to Mother Jenkins, include positive people, those with expertise including lawyers, doctors, educators, and judges, good Montessori schools, a community library, the proximity to the art museum, and the fact that Mantua is only a twentyminute walk from Center City. One thing the community needs is more participation from community members, particularly those with expertise who have not participated in the past. Other things the community needs include a supermarket and an easily accessible medical center. Mother Jenkins is concerned about the public schools in the neighborhood, and suggests they need building and strengthening from within. The schools need to improve their teaching of community history, as students are not being taught about who they are and thus experience a cultural barrier between what is taught at school and what they see around them. Furthermore, the attitude that certain students cannot learn is a myth and needs to evolve. Mother Jenkins said that young people are involved with
the organization. She talked about the need for young people to obtain education, including college education, and productive employment. The young people involved with this organization are committed to this community and will not leave, according to Jenkins. Bridging the gap begins with the children of the community. Mother Jenkins said we can work together because we are all one in Gods eyesight and that as we grow, we can develop reiterating the need for organizations to work collaboratively towards positive change. 39th and Aspen Street Community Organization This summer, on August 20, 2005, the 39th and Aspen Street Community Organization will celebrate its twentyfourth anniversary as a community-based organization in Mantua. According to the organizations leaders, Norman Ellis and Richard Drain, this organization is an infant stage community development corporation (CDC) that provides educational training and mentoring. Some of its recent
92
efforts include the refurbishing and ongoing clean-up of the playground and swimming pool at 39th and Aspen, as well as creating the Albert Hart Dixon Memorial Garden on a formerly trash-strewn vacant lot adjacent to the playground. The organization is currently rehabilitating a vacant property on Brown Street that will be used as its temporary headquarters, and hopes to obtain ownership of a vacant property closer to the playground for permanent headquarters. According to Ellis and Drain, some of the positive qualities of the community include its rich African history, and its community builders, homeowners, and business owners. Some of the things the area needs include employment opportunities, job training, decent housing, education, and technical skills. The organization has a strong spirit to bring forth change but no nances. It is willing to pool resources with other organizations and is committed to getting the proper information out to the public. It expects other organizations to get the proper information out to everyone involved, so the community can move forward to bring forth positive change. Albert Hart Dixon Memorial Garden One of the 39th and Aspen Street Community Organizations most recent projects is the Albert Hart Dixon Memorial Garden. Just a year ago, this garden was a trash strewn vacant lot. Now it is a beautiful garden anked by two exquisite murals. Not only does the garden provide the community with a place to relax, it is also a place for children to get involved. Children aged two to twelve years old help with the planting and upkeep of the garden, on Saturdays during the school year and Monday through Saturday during the summer. The organization is working to expand the garden program to include after-school activities and increased coordination with the nearby schools, Belmont and McMichael. This garden provides an excellent example of how an organization with few resources of its own but a great deal of commitment can tap into the resources and support of other individuals and organizations, including larger organizations such as the
Mural Arts Program as well as support from City Council and various city agencies.
These murals featuring actual community residents surround the garden. The Mural Arts Program supported this garden by creating these murals as well as funding the garden itself. The Mural Arts Program is the gardens biggest nancial donor.
93
The fence in front of the garden and the benches were painted by community volunteers. The garden includes a variety of plants including owers and herbs. The benches were a donation from the Fairmount Park.
Smith, who has been involved with the organization for about ten years. West Powelton Community Concerned Council The West Powelton Community Concerned Council is a non-prot community-based organization that has been in existence for over twenty years. It was founded by Elsie Wise, who is the organizations President. The organization has a ve board members and holds open community meetings in an area church up to twice a month. These meetings are generally attended by approximately onehundred West Powelton area residents. Its efforts address various community concerns, including concerns about youth, jobs, medical services for seniors, and concerns about development in the area. Board Member Aaron Wise said that some of the positive qualities of this community include its family-oriented nature, that many people who live here tend to stay here, the areas accessible location, its good quality of life, and its racial diversity. He said some of the things the community needs include economic and social services, facilities, meeting places, activities for children, educational opportunities, and a market within walking distance because senior citizens currently have to walk too far. He also mentioned his concerns about crime and drugs in the community. He said that the West Powelton Community Concerned Council and other community-based organizations are struggling, as they rely primarily on volunteerism and do not have funds.
Caring About Sharing Caring About Sharing is a non-prot food and clothing distribution agency located at 500 North 39th Street. Although its services are open to anyone in need and not focused specically on the planning area, the organization is located within the planning area and is concerned with equitable development in the area. Some of its efforts include an after school snack program from September-June for children in need and feeding the homeless at 17th and Parkway every Sunday. The organization is currently run by Ms. Beverly
Previous development efforts and other neighborhood changes did not help those with moderate, low, or xed incomes according to Mr. Wise. He would like to see improved communication with the areas universities, large businesses, and large organizations such as PECCDC. This improved communication means open dialogue that keeps all parties in mind, less runaround, and a share share not take take attitude. It is in everyones interest that this area be a safe place to reside.
94
Powelton Village Civic Association Powelton Village Civic Association President Eric Burlingame identied the location, strong identity, group history, and pride as some of the positive qualities of the planning area. Some of the things he believes that the community needs include a pharmacy, a grocery store, youth recreation opportunities, jobs, nancial resources, job training, and education. The Powelton Village Civic Association would like to be a good neighbor to the neighborhoods that surround it. It aims to aid in the development of this area. The organizations mission is to make Powelton a nice place to live. Burlingame said that neighborhoods such as Powelton Village and Mantua have porous boundaries, and that Mantuas issues are our issues. The resources available to the Powelton Village Civic Association include architects, lawyers, Penn and Drexel professors, and other professionals and experts that may be able to offer jobs, skills, or a nancial stake in the improvement of this area. The organization would be willing to pool resources with other organizations. These neighborhoods will be stronger if their organizations work together. The Powelton Village Civic Association expects professional courtesy and respect from other organizations and would like to contribute a shared voice with other organizations in order to bring forth equitable change. University City District University City District Executive Director Lewis Wendell identied the streetcars/trolleys/transit, architecture, affordable housing stock, retail areas, proximity to employment and proximity to Center City as some of the positive qualities of the planning area. He said that some of the things the community needs include improved employment opportunities, beautication, improved retail, improved housing, improved parks, and improve schools.
According to Wendell, the University City District has improved the cleanliness, safety, and quality of life in University City. It has a substantial budget based upon voluntary contributions from institutions, businesses, landlords, and residents. It currently collaborates with many organizations, and will continue to increase collaboration with most if not all organizations in the area. It can offer expertise and assistance to other organizations, and expects professionalism, dedication, efciency, reliability, honesty, and commitment from the other organizations it collaborates with. Many University City District employees live in or near the planning area. The University City District has already collaborated with some of the other organizations who participated in the community stakeholders meetings for this studio, including the Mantua Community Improvement Committee and the 39th and Aspen Street Community Organization.
95
Appendix B: Optional Questionnaire

Sample
How are you involved in the community? d. In what ways could you collaborate with other organizations; would you be willing to pool resources (expertise, hours, $)?
How did you hear about this meeting?
e. What can your organization contribute to bring forth equitable change?
What are some of the positive qualities of this area? (Please focus on the study area, east of 44th, south of Lancaster and Wallace, north of Market, West of 37th.)
f.
What do you expect of other organizations?
What are some of the things the community in this area needs?
What can you contribute? Some of these questions will be addressed as a group, but please write your answers down here. a. What role do you and/or your organization play in the community?
b. What has your organization accomplished, and what would it like to accomplish?
c.
What resources do you have?
97
Appendix C: Literature Review

Review of Literature on Equitable Development and Gentrication Full Citation
Agbali, A., J. Booza, et al. (2001). UC-WHAT: University City - Woodbridge Historic Area Together: A Community Study of the Woodbridge Historic District, Detroit, Michigan. COMMORG: The On-Line Conference on Community Organizing and Development, http://comm-org.utoledo.edu/papers. htm. http://comm-org.utoledo.edu/papers2001/ucwhat/ ucwhattitle.htm a coffee shop, a bagel shop, and a restaurant. It could also use a community center.
Applicability
The neighborhood should strengthen its ties to the city, universities, and hospitals. Cooperation may help stem the tide of displacement. It should also strive to provide the 11 categories of community service. Finally, it should be determined what kind of businesses and amenities are needed in the neighborhood.
Applicable Fields
Community Development
Full Citation Case Studies

Woodbridge, Detroit Central Questions, Arguments, Findings Woodbridge is a neighborhood that borders Wayne State University in Detroit. It has been decimated by riots, urban renewal, and white ight. Today, it faces gentrication pressures because of its historic housing stock and proximity to a major university. The authors suggest that the neighborhood draw on its history to bring tourists to Woodbridge. The article also identies 11 different categories of community services that residents may need: alcoholism and substance abuse, domestic violence, vocational education, emergency services, employment assistance, family counseling, physical health, mental health, shelter/housing assistance, special programs and womens services. The authors concluded that Woodbridge needs to strengthen ties between the neighborhood and its organizations, the city, and the university so that these entities will take a stronger interest in the community, which will encourage resident participation. Woodbridge is in need of businesses such as doctors ofces, Abu-Lughod, J. (Ed.). (1994). From Urban Village to East Willage: The Battle for New Yorks Lower East Side.Oxford: Blackwell.
Applicable Fields
Social Geography, Urban Sociology, Urban Politics, Urban Economics
Case Studies
Lower East Side, NYC Central Questions, Arguments, Findings The continued inux of poor immigrants and a perceived 3rd World grittiness has helped to slow gentrication. In the gentrication process, economic shifts long precede demographic changes. The gentrication process is uneven and discontinuous in time and space. Because of the high amount of city-owned property in the East Village it was not likely to succumb easily to a full-scale gentrication of the type occurring in other neighborhoods in New York or in other cities Government action can have considerable control over the market. The Proposed Memorandum of Understanding: Created a zone within which no city-owned property could be sold for market-rate housing. The affordable units would consist
99
mainly of rehabilitated city-owned buildings. These were to be interspersed with market-rate units. Proceeds from the sale of the vacant land would be placed in the cross-subsidy fund to nance the construction of affordable housing. All affordable units will be developed, owned, and managed by a mutual housing association created by the community expressly for this purpose. (325) The agreement also allowed for credit units. This proviso along with developers unwillingness (because of market factors and vacant land location) to build market-rate housing greatly diminished the positive effects of the agreement. The citys escape hatch has been the unit credit system whereby a signicant number of projects that various government agencies would have undertaken anyway in connection with other goals i.e., housing for the aged, for the handicapped, for the ill, for prison populations, etc. are being counted against the 1,000 d.u. goal (327-328) The book also focuses on the displacement of the homeless and squatters and how they are always overlooked. Local actions do affect what happens in local areashumans make their own histories, but not as they choose. They operate always within circumstances given to them from outside and by others. This is especially true of relatively powerless social groups, classes, and neighborhoods. (335) These circumstances can be created at the local, state, national, and global levels, but they do not entirely determine what happens. Puerto Ricans that were displaced from Loisaida ended up in the projects. But its street life and its informal exuberance disappeared in that new setting.
The City Government could have a big impact in retarding the process of displacement in Philadelphia.
Full Citation
Bier, T. (2001). Moving up, ltering down: Metropolitan housing dynamics and public policy:The Brookings Institute Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy.
Central Questions, Arguments, Findings

Biers study deals with the larger process of ltering in the United States housing stock. He argues that disinvestment in the urban core and old suburban periphery is largely due to the relative ease with which development can occur in Greeneld sites. His recommendations are largely to institute growth boundaries and look towards means of regional government activities. He never actually touches upon gentrication and is in fact a proponent of activities which may contribute to it.
Full Citation
Bondi, L. (1991). Gender Divisions and Gentrication: A Critique. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 16(2): 190-198.
Applicable Fields
Geography, Gender Studies

Heroic language about gentrication is often articulated from a male perspective in which the city is a place of erotic adventure and physical possibility, ignoring the perspective that sees the city as a place of sexual threat and physical danger. Exercise of preference by some is necessarily a restriction of preference for others when resources such as location and space are scarce.
Applicability
The most desirable vacant land for new construction should be acquired by the city or community. The proceeds of the sale of the land could go to the construction or rehabilitation of affordable housing, a la the cross-subsidy fund. A credit system should not be used.
100
Full Citation
Bourassa, S. (1993). The Rent-Gap Debunked. Urban Studies 30(10): 1731-1734.
Applicable Fields
Role of black middle class in gentrication
Applicable Fields
Urban Studies, Economic Theory, Real Estate
Case Studies
MSAs around the US

Bourassa questions Smiths grasp on economics because the latter often misuses the terms (and possibly the concepts) of capitalization, contract rent and ground rent. Bourassa takes a neoclassical position and says that, since the real value of a location is the present value of its rent stream, it makes no sense to talk about a rent gap between the two, since the value of land can rarely if ever be separated from the value of a structure. Rent paid for a nearly worthless structure is mostly due to the land anyway. Such sites would have a high rent gap even if the locations were not particularly desirable. A rent gap therefore may occur but may rarely be measured and is likely to do little or nothing to determine the timing or location of gentrifying reinvestment.

This article gives a number of measures that we could use to measure gentrication. It points out that gentrication is often described as a racial dynamic associated with the process whereby White households replace Black households as neighbourhood incomes rise (2427). The study examines whether Black middle- and upper- income homeowners were a gentrifying force in the 1970s and 1980s, and according to this analysis the authors found that they were a gentrifying force in the 1970s but not in the 1980s. They use multivariate analysis techniques developed by Hammel and Wyly to measure gentrication. Some of these measure include homeowners by race, median family income, median family income as a percentage of the MSA median, population with some college, population with a college degree, population aged 30-44, percentage of population employed in professional and managerial occupations, poverty rate, Homeownership rate, black population share, white nonfamily households, crime rate, median value of owneroccupied housing in the county, property tax per capita, and local government expenditures per capita in the county. They utilize comparisons between the average black home-owner, the average metropolitan resident, and the average metropolitan home-owner. This study is an interesting and relatively concise example of measuring gentrication, however, it may be the most useful to go to Hammel and Wylys studies most directly. This study does point out that the black middle class can be a gentrifying force even though they are not the commonly recognized as such.
Applicability
If the class dimension and historical patterns of capital movement in gentrication are stripped away, gentrication is hard to detect, explain, or criticize. The rent gap may be practically difcult or impossible to measure because the value of land and structure are difcult to separate (without a large selection of sales comparable in either location or improvements; the nature of the space market itself militates against the existence of such comparables).
Full Citation
Bostic, R. W., & Martin, R. W. (2003). Black home-owners as a gentrifying force? Neighbourhood dynamics in the context of minority home-ownership. Urban Studies, 40(12), 24272449.
101
Full Citation
Bright, E. M., & Goodman, M. (2000). Reviving Americas forgotten neighborhoods: An investigation of inner city revitalization efforts. New York: Garland.
used eminent domain, land trusts and restrictive covenants (to pass on low income housing) community control
Applicability
o o Government support is important Communities should be able to plan for themselves
Case Studies
Seattle, WA, Boston, MA

All of the successful programs addressed the major substantive elements of safety, service, shelter, and social capital affecting low income residents quality of life. Bright identies a number of procedural factors necessary for successful development, including the following: Allow area residents to take charge Provide adequate local government services Fully support resident-led initiatives Keep track of temporality obsolete, abandoned, or derelict sites (TOADS) and streamline procedures for their reuse Pursue regional coordination Involve the private sector Insist on micro planning Be comprehensive Provide federal support Page ix Seattle community-sponsored and led Action Plans community based rather than city-based City gave its designated urban villages the chance to plan for themselves neighborhood organizations contract with the city to do the plans with the help of consultants. City established a Multifamily code enforcement Fund to assist owners in making code-related improvements Citywide policies should support local/grassroots neighborhood revitalization efforts Attract the attention of an interested foundation Boston streamlined process to get the vacant land into the deal lobbying to get the govt to be able to use eminent domain over properties that people were speculating on did not take property that owners had chosen to develop
Full Citation
Butler, T. and C. Hamnett (1994). Gentrication, Class and Gender: Some Comments on Wardes Gentrication as Consumption. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 12: 477-493.
Applicable Fields
Geography

Butler and Hamnetts comments on Warde are in themselves unremarkable (they agree with Warde that gentrication is, at least in part, a solution to domestic and labor market pressure for some families), but they add several interesting points. They ask What is the neighborhood used for by its inhabitants? Who does its infrastructure serve? suggesting that the overall function of the neighborhood and of housing will differ by class. They suggest that the experience of attending college away from home itself helps prepare gentriers for mobility and place detachment in a way that fosters gentrication and obscures its down sides. Gentrication also signals commitment to a career during early child rearing for the professional class Finally they point to other research showing that most gentriers come from within the same city.
Full Citation
Cameron, S. (1992). Housing, gentrication, and urban regeneration policies. Urban Studies, 29(1), 3-14.
102
Applicable Fields
Gentrication
Case Studies
From abstractThe paper examines the role of housing in recent urban regeneration policies and the question of whether this involves a process of gentrication. The British Conservative Government of the 1980s retained a commitment to inner city and urban regeneration policies. The work of the London Docklands Development Corporation (LDDC) represented the most successful of the Conservative Governments inner city initiatives in terms of the scale of development achieved, and it also posed the question of who benets from urban regeneration. This paper draws on examples from the contrasting Tyneside area to illustrate a situation quite different from that in London Docklands, where the proximity of the City of London creates enormous potential for development and the attraction of highly paid incomers. The paper uses Tyneside to note the emphasis on riverside and city centre locations away from established residential areas, and on high-cost housing for sale. o It is suggested, though, that the housing dynamic in Tyneside is not gentrication in the most direct sense, in that it does not displace or reduce housing opportunities for low-income residents. Evaluation must take account of non-housing issues, such as the employment effects and the political and ideological implications of these housing policies. (emphasis added)

I. Denition of gentrication: The author uses the term to suggest an outcome of inner city policies that benet an incoming middle-class population and disbenet the existing working-class residents of the inner city. The term gentrication came into use in Britain in the 1960s, and was associated with the rehabilitation of
older inner housing areas, especially in London, resulting in a transformation of class (from working-class to middleclass), and tenure (from private renting to owner-occupation) (Hamnett, 1984). Smith and Williams (1986) study of gentrication argues that the recent restructuring of cities is reversing the process of suburbanisation and bringing high-income residents back to city centres. It is a spatial reection of the reorganisation of the labour market in cities, increasingly polarizing high-income, white-collar workers and an underclass of poorly paid, insecure employment in the service sector. The author believes that the fundamental test for the application of the term gentrication is the identication of some direct, negative effect on the existing low-income residents of a locality. II. Housing and gentrication: Displacement? The variety of locations along the Tyne has produced some variation in housing. The Tyne and Wear Development Corporation (TWDC) has given some attention to the question of social housing, but the scale of social housing provision currently achieved is relatively small. The emphasis is instead on the development of housing for sale and making the riverside location attractive to high-income groups, which has meant that most of the housing provision does not meet the needs of low-income residents of the inner city. But is this gentrication? Taking the aforementioned denition, the rst question must be this: does the creation of new housing opportunities in inner city areas for the afuent directly deprive lowincome households of housing opportunities? The housing developments are, for the most part, physically separate from existing inner residential areas and use land which was previously not in housing use. They do not, therefore, directly displace existing inner city residents. To that extent, using the concept of gentrication in its most direct sense, this process is not gentrication.
Applicability
103
Hard to relate this British case study to West Powelton, but the denition of gentrication provided may be helpful. We can test our area for gentrication in terms of a direct, negative effect on low-income residents. Equitable development, after all, should provide for members of all income levels.
Applicability
This study is quite useful for the purposes of this studio. It helps in terms of gaining a better understanding of the Black community and identity politics in general, which are certainly at least background issues in our study of the West Powelton community. Furthermore, it raises a number of important questions regarding community involvement, biases of community builders and community architects, and whether it is possible to nd an alternative to gentrication.
Full Citation
Coleman-Moore, K. S. (2002). Creating the black american dream: Race, class and community development. Unpublished PhD, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Full Citation Applicable Fields

Role of black middle class in gentrication Curran, W. (2004). Gentrication and the Nature of Work: Exploring the Links in Williamsburg, Brooklyn. Environment and Planning A 36(7): 1243.
Case Studies
Chocolateville, a neighborhood in North Philadelphia. Central Questions, Arguments, Findings Moore evaluates the Black American Dream as an alternative to gentrication. The Black American Dream is an effort to create multi-class and socially diverse but racially homogeneous Black neighborhoods. The proponents of this Dream are generally certain members of the black middle class, often people who may not self-identify as middle class although they have middle or high income levels and are frequently capable of codeswitching depending on who they are interacting with. One of the primary goals of the Black American Dream is racial uplift. Moore argues that the middle class bias of this Dream may make it impossible to achieve. Her study is an ethnography of a North Philadelphia neighborhood she calls Chocolateville. It provides an indepth analysis of race and class dynamics within the Black community. The empirical work done in this study was grounded in a theoretical framework, utilizing the research of a number of academics and practitioners in the elds of sociology, city planning, and other elds. The advisor for this dissertation was Elijah Anderson.
Applicable Fields
Planning, Economic Development, Geography

Curran provides an interesting study of the impact of gentrication (rising rents and conversion to residential and retail use) on industrial business. Curran highlights a common habit of planners to focus on a macro-narrative for economic trends at the expense of more complex realities on the ground. She is skeptical of the insistent tales of industrial obsolescence, and documents they extent to which industrial employment is still a signicant portion of New York Citys economy. She advocates a more inclusive form of mixed use, with a place for industry where it is viable and especially for blue collar. Without a concern for economic and class diversity the often repeated story of industrial decline serves the interests of displacement and the middle class at the expense of blue collar labor which is increasingly driven into temporary, lower skilled, and informal (i.e. unregulated, under-compensated, unsafe) work.
Full Citation
104
Douchant, C. E. (1994). Incumbent upgrading: A framework for analysis. Towards a new understanding of residential revitalization in winnipeg (manitoba). Unpublished MCP, THE UNIVERSITY OF MANITOBA (CANADA).
to occur in areas in which public nancing is available to complement private nancing.
Full Citation
Hackworth, Jason (2002). Postrecession Gentrication in New York City. Urban Affairs Review, Vol 37, no. 6, pp 815843

Douchants thesis is actually quite interesting. He takes it upon himself to state the difference between incumbent upgrading and gentrication, and then look to see if incumbent upgrading is occurring and how so. Incumbent upgrading differs from gentrication in that incumbent upgrading is the process of revitalization without concomitant changes in socioeconomic status. He nds that there is evidence that it might be occurring in Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. There are a couple of important things to take away from his thesis. The rst is that incumbent upgrading will not be captured by the use of standard socioeconomic indicators. He himself uses increases in building permits combined with stasis in socioeconomic indicators. The point here is that in order to take notice of incumbent upgrading we must also take look at changes in the building stock and condition. A second important nding to be taken from his research is the set of conditions under which incumbent upgrading occurs. He suggests that incumbent upgrading is more likely to occur in areas that are, largely, not adopting the higher value added sectors of the economy. In other words, those areas that are not expanding their high end service and nancial industries are the ones in which incumbent upgrading is more likely to occur. He then nds that it takes place in areas with housing stock that is not typically desired by those reaping the gains of the new economy. In the case of prairie Canadians this means depression era housing. Furthermore, he nds that incumbent upgrading is more likely to occur in places with strong social organization (areas where residents will not tolerate decay he specically states NIMBYism). Finally, he shows that it is more likely
Applicable Fields
Theory
Case Studies
Clinton, Long Island City, and DUMBO in NewYork

Hackworth synthesizes the growing body of literature about post recession gentrication and explores some examples in New York. The literature review identies four changes in current gentrication: process is initiated by corporate developers more often, as opposed to small-scale owneroccupiers; local and federal government intervention has become more open and assertive; opposition movements to urban redevelopment appear to be more marginal than before; gentrication has become more diffused into more remote neighborhoods which has intensied pressure on land close to urban core. Hackworth looks at several neighborhood case studies (Clinton, Long Island City, and DUMBO) in New York to illustrate these changes in gentrication.
Full Citation
Hammel, D. and E. Wyly (1996). A model for identifying gentried areas with census data. Urban Geography 17: 248-268.
Applicable Fields
Measurement, Indicators, Theory
105

In their study, the authors used eld surveys in the Twin Cities region of Minneapolis to identify neighborhoods that have undergone gentrication and then compared these results with an analysis of nine variables in the census data. Their model for analyzing census data proved to be moderately accurate in identifying the neighborhoods that showed physical signs of gentrication. Variables used in discriminate analysis include: 1) median household income 2) change in median household income 3) % of workers in managerial, professional, or technical occupations 4) change in % of workers in managerial, professional, or technical occupations 5) % of persons 25+ with 4+ years of college 6) change in % of persons with 4+ years of college 7) Median Rent 8) change in median rent 9) change in median house value 10) Persons 11) Employed persons 12) Workers employed in managerial professional or technical occupations 13) workers 25+ with 4+ years of college Income consistently contributed the most to their model. Rent and occupation were also found to be important factors. Between 80-90 % with a bachelors degree was the second most important factor after income. This will likely be an important factor for our area as well since as the authors note: income fails to capture the full range of socioeconomic changes brought about by singles and young professional who have not yet reached their peak earning years.
(like Ley) who stress the preferences of gentriers and those (like Smith) who stress the production of housing and space. He hopes for synthesis and suggests that an adequate theory of gentrication must answer four questions: 1 Why does gentrication occur in some cities and not others? 2 Why at some times and not others in a particular place? 3 Where in the city? 4 Who gentries? While nding benet in both sides, he leans more towards the preference argument, though he offers no new arguments or evidence for either side. Indicators / causes: Among many other factors, summarizing other research Hamnett suggests that gentrication may be pushed by the rise of knowledge industries (not his term), the prevalence of middle class leisure-oriented public space, and the concentration of global command and control in urban centers, but requires mortgage nance availability, locational and physical value for the gentry, and a population ready to move in.
Full Citation
Hartman, C. (1982). Displacement: How to ght it:National Housing Law Project.

In my opinion this book is nearly useless for us. It is an outdated and anecdotal book whose purpose appears to be little more than something upon which to base hope. The book is clearly meant to be promote grass roots activities and show that community organizing can prove effective in staving off nearly any form of displacement.
Full Citation
Hamnett, C. (1991). The Blind Men and the Elephant: The Explanation of Gentrication. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 16(2): 173-189.
Full Citation
Harvey, T. E. A. (1999). Gentrication and West Ooakland: Causes, effects and best practices.Unpublished manuscript, Berkeley. http://comm-org.utoledo.edu/papers2000/ gentrify/gentrify.htm
106
Hamnett divides debates over gentrication between those
Applicable Fields
Community Development, Urban and Regional Politics, Urban and Regional Economics
Case Studies
West Oakland, Oakland; Chicago; Bloomington, Indiana; Humboldt Park, Chicago; Harlem; Suffolk County, NY; San Francisco; Santa Fe; Lower East Side, NYC.

Gentrication: the process by which poor and workingclass residents, usually communities of color are displaced from neighborhoods by rising costs and other forces directly related to an inux of new, wealthier, and often white residents. This displacement is usually accompanies by an almost complete shift in the cultural identity of a neighborhood and its residents. Gentrication is beginning in West Oakland. It is attributed to regional forces: the inability of housing construction to keep up with job growth, disincentives to zone for and build housing, loss of manufacturing jobs, lack of accessibility to employment, tax incentives given to developers, and the smart growth movement. Oaklands push to revitalize and lower crime is also a cause. Local policy focuses on bringing in new people instead of addressing the needs of current residents. Recommendations: Despite the regional causes, local threats and policies must be addressed rst. Citizens must be educated and coalitions must be formed. Improve renters rights. Increase opportunities for homeownership (priority for the poor). Provide rehab loans. Discourage homeowners from selling to speculators. Require developers to set aside 25% of units for affordable housing. Prevent displacement instead of focusing on revitalization.
Indicators: Immediate neighborhood revitalization may be apparent in the restoration of parks, municipal facilities, and housing projects while longer term changes are ones that occur in the population demographics. There are ve main areas where measured changes are indicators of gentrication. These areas include changes in services/businesses, employment, schools, public safety, welfare assistance and public housing. Public Assistance of residence in the forms of public housing facilities, section eight housing vouchers, cash benets, food stamps, and health care, will also be signicant indicators of gentrication in West Oakland. Vulnerabilities: Low incomes that prevent homeownership, land ownership and vacant property (should be in the hands of the community). Potential Strengths: Owner occupancy rates, relationships and networks, and the fact that property is still affordable. Best Practices: Chicago - used upcoming elections as a political lever, job training w/ local manufacturers, Community organizations given eminent domain powers, allied with local politicians. Bloomington - Affordable Housing Trust Fund. Permanent Leadership is needed. Harlem Job training for health careers. Fostering economic opportunities for residents. Suffolk County downpayment assistance program. Public/ private partnerships. Santa Fe Comprehensive, strategic housing plan; housing trust funds, predevelopment loan fund, community land trust. Lower East Side Proposed that all city-owned land be used for affordable housing. Applicability Focus on local threats instead of regional trends. Address imminent displacement before neighborhood revitalization. Strengthen community leadership, solidarity, education, and
107
participation. During the election years, the community must push their hardest to have their needs addressed. The community must take control of vacant and delinquent land and not let it be acquired by speculators. Community groups also need sustained leadership. At the city level, government must split their efforts between attracting new residents and addressing the needs of existing ones. Low interest rehab loans, inclusionary zoning, tax incentives for developers to develop affordable housing, job training, grant community groups eminent domain powers, affordable housing trust funds, public/private partnerships, housing plan, predevelopment loan fund, community land trust, city-owned land for affordable housing.
whites social status the same is not true of whites. He does not, however, nd that whites react negatively to those of lower or equal social status, but that the contact hypothesis only yields results under the former conditions. Social status, here, is dened by education and also by wealth.
Full Citation
Ihlanfeldt, K. R. (1999). Are poor people really excluded from jobs located in their own neighborhoods? Economic Development Quarterly, 12(4), 307-314.

In this article, Ihlanfeldt uses the Multi-city study of urban inequality to investigate whether or not employers in high poverty, plurality black neighborhoods (distinguished from simple poverty) impose tougher screening standards. The rst of which is the hiring methods. He nds that they are more willing to take on the additional cost of using referral agencies. Furthermore, the applicant screening process is more likely to require general and specic experience, and a high school diploma.
Full Citation
Ihlanfeldt, Keith R.; Scadi, Benjamin P. (2002) The neighbourhood contact hypothesis: Evidence from the Multicity Study of Urban Inequality. Urban Studies. 39(4), 619 - 641.

This paper is based on the same study, the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality (MCSUI), as is his other paper. The survey was administered by a team of interdisciplinary researchers in Atlanta, Boston, Detroit, and Los Angeles. This one, however, uses the household survey instead of the employer survey, and Los Angeles was excluded. Using the results of this survey, he tests the neighborhood contact hypothesis, which roughly states that increased contact between groups will also increase tolerance (and hopefully raise the tipping point). He nds that for both blacks and whites, the contact hypothesis yields positive results most acutely when the contact is with a member of the other group who is also of equal or greater social status. He nds that while contact yields greater acceptance among blacks, for whites, regardless of the
Full Citation
Kennedy, M., & Leonard, P. (2001). Gentrication: Practice and Politics. LISC Center for Homeownership and LISC Knowledge Sharing Initiative.
Applicable Fields
Gentrication
Case Studies
Briey discussed a few cities and the steps they took to optimize the end result of gentrication o Get organized, create a unied vision, and develop an implementation plan. West Oakland and East Palo Alto of San Francisco developed a community visioning process funded by local and national foundations. Gentrifying
108
communities in Atlanta and Washington also engaged in extensive community planning and visioning processes. o Control public and private assets, such as apartment buildings, ofce space and public facilities, in order to provide key resources such as affordable housing and community facilities. Cleveland turns over city land to CDCs and private corporations for the development of affordable housing or community services. The City also earmarks land for developments consistent with the citys downtown housing plan. In the Mission District of San Francisco, the historic Redstone Building may be bought with City and labor union support to house non-prots hard pressed by rent hikes. The Mission Economic Development Association operates a city-owned garage, generating an important revenue stream for the organization and making further nancial resources available to the community. o Utilize traditional economic development strategies (business assistance programs, loan funds) to help neighborhood businesses take advantage of new markets presented by gentrication rather than succumb to its pressures. No case studies revealed the formation of a link between original residents and jobs in either the regional economic engines generating gentrication pressures, nor in new small businesses along a neighborhood commercial strip. o Making landlords and tenants aware of their legal requirements and home-buying/selling workshops can help mitigate gentrication pressures, and help lower-income residents buy into the appreciating market or get full value for their homes. Atlantas community leaders recognized that increasing property tax rates for elderly homeowners on xed incomes could lead to their displacement. However, none of them were aware of the citys tax deferment regulation. If more community members were educated about this and other opportunities, some of the pressures
could be alleviated. Spanish-speaking tenants in Mission District were less likely than most city residents to know their rights, and less likely to demand those rights even if they are aware of them. This lack of education about landlord/tenant law hastens the gentrication process, since developers are drawn to this more vulnerable population. o Authors case studies revealed that old-fashioned negotiation was a productive way to ensure that original residents of gentrifying neighborhoods received some of the benets and were protected from some of the costs of gentrication. The Tenderloin district of SRO housing in San Francisco has very strong non-prot leadership, which forestalled redevelopment and gentrication of the area into an extension of the downtown hotel district through intense negotiations with city leadership. Oaklands mayor recently conceded that his effort to build housing downtown for 10,000 new residents should include set-aside affordable housing, after negotiations with anti-gentrication activists. o None of the cities or communities studied had successfully unied new and old residents around a single community vision. Some did, however, have conict management efforts underway. For example, the arts community in the South of Market Area of San Francisco is working closely with the affordable housing community to nd common ground as artists and high-tech rms convert housing and manufacturing buildings into studio space and ofces. But community-building should both honor the neighborhoods past and create new institutions for the future.

I. Varying denitions of gentrication: 1) Process by which public policies and the owners of capital conspire to allow higher-income people to reap substantial prots from reinvestment. 2) Equivalent of urban revitalization any commercial
109
or residential improvements in urban neighborhoods. 3) Physical upgrading of low-income neighborhoods; renovation and upgrading of the housing stock. 4) Class and racial tensions that frequently accompany the arrival of new residents into a neighborhood. Authors dene gentrication as the process by which higherincome households displace lower-income residents of a neighborhood, changing the essential character and avor of that neighborhood. Gentrication frequently has a racial component, as higher-income white households replace lower-income minority households. This replacement often occurs in the same neighborhoods that experienced white ight and urban renewal in the 50s and 60s. II. Causes of gentrication: 1) Rapid Job Growth: Rapid job no longer must be concentrated in the heart of downtown to trigger gentrication. Job growth along a citys periphery can spur gentrication in the core. 2) Housing Market Dynamics: Various location specic pressures leave metropolitan housing prices high, real estate development lucrative, and housing in short supply compared to job growth. Gentrication may reect that previously unrecognized value in a neighborhoodquality housing stock, accessibility and proximity to downtown and/or other attractive neighborhoods is now being recognized. 3) Preference for City Amenities: Certain demographic groups (empty nesters, cultural creatives) prefer to live in urban neighborhoods with easy access to amenities vibrant culture and street life, ethnic and racial diversity, distinctive and often historic architectural styles, and close proximity to downtown entertainment and cultural venues. 4) Increased Trafc Congestion and Lengthening Commutes: As metropolitan populations rise and existing infrastructure ages, commutes lengthen, congestion increases, and overall quality of life declines. Gentrication may reect the desire to walk or take public transportation to work. 5) Targeted Public Sector Policies: Cities use a range of
policy levers to revitalize neighborhoods, which may yield gentrication. Some revitalization policies provide incentives for middle- and high-income families to move into distressed communities, or inducements for original residents to upgrade their homes. III. Consequences of gentrication: Consequences are very hard to categorize, and data are hard to secure and difcult to interpret. The consequence can have both positive and negative impacts, depending on the perspective of the stakeholder, and may include: o involuntary or voluntary displacement of renters, homeowners and local businesses; o increased housing and neighborhood values, which leads to greater equity for owners and increasing rents for renters and business owners; o increasing local and state tax revenue; o greater income mix and deconcentration of poverty; o changing street avor and new commercial activity;changing community leadership, power structure and institutions; o and conicts between old and new residents. One promising sign is the fact that the economic growth that frequently undergirds gentrication brings with it the nancial wherewithal to strike deals, invest in new public resources and social services, and develop solutions to the strains brought on by gentrication.
Applicability
The causes and consequences of gentrication identied in this article can greatly assist us in identifying key indicators for West Powelton. The case studies can also help us combine successful strategies into a comprehensive plan for equitable development.
Full Citation
Kennedy, Maureen and Leonard, Paul, Dealing with Neighborhood Change: A Primer on Gentrication and Policy Choices. A discussion paper prepared for the Brookings
110
Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy and PolicyLink, April 2001.
Ballinger Pub. Co.
Applicable Fields
Planning, Policy
Applicable Fields
Gentrication
Case Studies
San Francisco Cleveland. Bay area, Atlanta, Washington, D.C.,
Case Studies
One of the most interesting studies was of Philadelphias Bella Vista, a high density, rowhouse neighborhood comprised predominantly of families of Italian decent. Located between 6th and 11th Streets, South Street to Washington Avenue, the area is attractive because of the locale of Philadelphias open air market. The neighborhood successfully fought off urban renewal designations and therefore has no lowincome housing projects. Darlen Street is a small alley with housing dating back to 1885 (built for artisans in the area). It formerly housed only Italian families, but many black families moved in after WWII. In 1977, the rst shell on the corner block was sold to, and rehabilitated by, a schoolteacher. Other white middle class professionals carried out more rehabilitations, initially on abandoned structures. But by 1979, displacements began and by 1981, only 2 black families out of the original 7 had not yet been displaced. Over the course of 5 years, average monthly rents rose 587%, and the selling price for shells increased nearly 700%. Benets of gentrication: o Improved housing stock from sweat equity o Increased ow of taxable resources o Displacees often nd better living conditions Drawbacks of gentrication: o Fear and worry of displacees o Neighborhood resegregation o Displacees may have to move further and further away from the central business district Central Questions, Arguments, Findings I. Denition of gentrication: Term was coined to describe the immigration of middle-class people to inner city areas that were formerly dominated by working-class individuals. Studies have shown that

Looks at trends, causes and consequences of gentrication (dened as the process of neighborhood change that results in the replacement of lower income residents with higher income ones). Rapid job growth, tight housing markets, and targeted public sector policies (such as tax incentives) are seen as the main causes. Consequences include displacement, increased tax revenues, increased income mix, and changing street avor and local leadership.
Applicability
The paper outlines ten necessary steps to make equitable development a reality without displacement: 1) Knowing the context of the City and Region, 2) Increasing understanding of the dynamics of gentrication, 3) getting organized at city, regional and community levels, 4) developing a unied vision and plan, 5) implementing regulatory and policy changes as appropriate, 6) gaining control of public and private property assets to provide affordable housing, 7) improving resident understanding of legal rights and home sale strategies, 8) improving public education, 9) preparing parties to negotiate for more equitable development in the midst of gentrication, 10) creating forums to resolve conict and re-knit the community.
Full Citation
Lang, M. H. (1982). Gentrication amid urban decline: Strategies for Americas older cities. Cambridge, Mass.:
111
contrary to popular belief, gentriers are urbanites moving from other areas within the city, not suburbanites. Bruce London believes the term carries many false assumptions since there is no actual urban gentry at work (persons of aristocratic background). The term has British origins, and London argues that we should use a term that is not culturespecic. Author denes gentrication as essentially private capital induced development in formerly lower income areas that results in a pattern of higher rents, and land and house values. Secondary displacement occurs when a areas near public spending programs attract the eye of private market speculators and gentriers with the resultant displacement of the original residents. II. Position on gentrication: The book assesses gentrications importance in regard to other inner city trends. It also evaluates whether gentrications positive economic aspects are sufcient to encourage widespread urban revitalization. The authors position is that gentrication is a process with the potential to lead many urban areas back to economic health if it is handled correctly. The harmful effects must be controlled and gentrications positive effects must be accentuated.
Powelton.
Full Citation
Lees, L. (2000). A re-appraisal of gentrication: Towards a geography of gentrication. Progress in Human Geography, 24(3), 389-408.

Survey of discussion of gentrication in urban geography writings. Talks about the qualities of and struggles between gentriers rather than anything about the neighborhood they are moving into.
Full Citation
Ley, D. (1992). Gentrication in recession: social change in six Canadian inner-cities, 1981-1986. Urban Geography 13(3).230-256.
Applicable Fields
Indicators, Social Gentrication Geography, Spatial Patterning of
Applicability
The book offered a helpful decision making process regarding gentrication the Strategic Choice Process: continuous, informed problem solving that responds to and inuences the circumstances surrounding the problem. This approach lies between rational comprehensive planning and disjointed incrementalism. AIDA (analysis of interconnected decision areas) is the most important technique in this approach. It facilitates the consideration of alternative courses of action by presenting them as sets of possible choices in the array of decisions required to handle a problem. This process may help us overcome lingering feelings of animosity and competition in order to get to the root of the problem in West
Case Studies
Canadian Federal and Provincial Capitals

Economic downturns did not slow the pace of gentrication in Canadian inner-cities. In fact, this pace increased as real estate values decreased and public sector employment increased. Ley identies a group of attributes that are characteristic of gentrifying neighborhoods and calculates their correlation to gentrication in these cities. Finally, he presents three strategies of the spatial patterning of gentrication, and identies the type of people that are generally associated with each strategy.
112
Applicability
Based on the ndings of this paper, West Powelton stands in the way of gentrication because of its proximity to the elite neighborhoods of Powelton Village, Spruce Hill, and Garden Court; its proximity to major universities and hospitals; and its old housing stock. But on the other hand, the ethnic composition and signicant amount of public housing in the neighborhood can act as a deterrent to gentrication. If the real estate market remains strong, developers will be more willing to invest in a neighborhood such as West Powelton. Its proximity to gentrifying neighborhoods makes it a prime candidate for reinvestment (waves of reinvestment move sequentially, block by block throughout a neighborhood from an existing entry point, taking advantage of cheaper prices on the reinvestment frontier). If this is the case, new residents to the neighborhood are likely to be a part of the upper-middle class. But if the market goes into a downturn, investment will be considered more risky and adventurous. This will deter large-scale developers from entering the market. Instead, middle-class professionals are more likely to invest in the neighborhood by purchasing a home and xing it up with sweat equity. In such a real estate climate, you are also more likely to see a counterculture presence emerge in the neighborhood.
Reviews literature on migration and revitalization which demonstrates the relevance of studying trends in migration. The book than analyzes available data from the 1980 census to see if it supports the perception that cities have become more attractive during the 70s. Whether cities are attracting more upper-income migrants is the key factor studied. Nelson looks at migration and immigration in and out of cities as well data from the Annual Housing Survey that surveyed residents about desire to move. Nelsons main indicator for gentrication is above-average income growth in lower-income tracts. This book is a little outdated and makes use of fairly unsophisticated analysis. The literature reviews are comprehensive and two sections (Impact of Gentrication, & Location of Change within Cities, pp128-150) are particularly relevant to our studio. Key Findings: o Gentrifying tracts did not have higher rates of population loss than the cities in which they are located o above average relocation of the poor appeared to have occurred in cities with the most gentrication between 1970 & 1980 in most of 10 cities studied the location of poor population shifted more drastically than total population most notably in Boston
Full Citation Full Citation

Nelson, K. P. (1988). Gentrication and distressed cities: an assessment of trends in intrametropolitan migration. Madison, Wis., University of Wisconsin Press. Palen, J. and B. London (1984). Gentrication, Displacement and Neighborhood Revitalization. Albany, SUNY Press.
Applicable Fields
Sociology, Geography, Policy
Applicable Fields
Sociology, Policy

The book collects 11 essays by various contributors with introductory and concluding material by the editors. The chapters deserve to be evaluated in their own right, however
113
supercially: The collection displays the continuing and by now academically sterile (but popularly unresolved) tension over dening gentrication as a separate process from urban revitalization. Authors wrestle with the limits of the available data. In the end one of the few things the editors agree on is that gentrication is not a single monolithic and inevitable process. The essays are largely superseded by more recent work. The only signicant novelty is chapter six, which provides one of the few longitudinal qualitative survey results in the literature.
agencies in government on why this was important. Owners of hotels that want to switch have to pay a fee into the citys affordable-housing fund. If an action is inevitable, then harm must be mitigated. These correctives would be nanced by the very developers allegedly most responsible for the harm and most likely to prot by it. (Robinson, pg. 495) CEQA made the developers have to do an environmental impact report EIR if there is any substation adverse effects on human beings, either direct or indirect. They educated the residents on zoning.
Applicability
o Fees that would help to solve the problems that a developer creates by a certain type of development can be assessed. o Documents including newspapers created by and for residents should be encouraged. o Laws should be massaged to apply to the current situation
Full Citation
Robinson, T. (1995). Gentrication and grassroots resistance in San Franciscos tenderloin. Urban Affairs Review, 30, 483513.
Applicable Fields
City Planning, Activism
Full Citation Case Studies

San Francisco Tenderloin Rohe, William, and Stewart, Leslie. Homeownership and Neighborhood Stability. Housing Policy Debate 7 (1)

Activists caused San Francisco to change from focusing on tourist and commercial development in the tenderloin neighborhood to having a nonprot housing boom. This is about a very poor inner city next to a wealthy white collar downtown. A group of activists in the neighborhood created a document The Tenderloin Tomorrow that spoke for how the residents saw their neighborhood. This document described the social order of the existing neighborhood. NOMPC was that political advocacy group. They also published a community newspaper The Tenderloin Times. Activist wrote an ordinance to stop turning SRO hotels into tourist hotels and lobbied for moratorium on this and educated the
Applicable Fields
Economics, Planning, Policy

Looks at theoretical and empirical literature to see if the general held belief that home-ownership leads to neighborhood stability (property maintenance, longer tenure, and community participation). The authors created a database on homeownership and neighborhoods using 1980 and 1990 Census data to test the literature ndings. The literature review showed evidence that homeownership does lead to greater neighborhood stability, and the census data backs that up.
114
Applicability
The authors note that more research is necessary in this area, especially in lower-income neighborhoods. We could ass to this area of study by looking at property maintenance and tenure in relation to homeownership.
Full Citation
Schaffer, R., & Smith, N. (1986). The gentrication of Harlem? Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 76, 347-365.
Applicable Fields
Social Geography, Spatial Patterning of Gentrcation
transition. Causes are explained by changing lifestyles and demographics. Two indicators emerge from the census: income and rent levels. Housing market data also are a good indicator. Statistical indicators are not likely to yield early clues to middle-class reinvestment. But as gentrication matures, indicators are increasingly available. Black neighborhoods have been perceived as harder to gentrify. Furthermore, black gentrication rarely occurs because of a lack of upper-class blacks. If white gentrication is to occur, their perceptions of Harlem must change. Also, public subsidies will help to accelerate the process. One good way to examine the process is to compare sales data from Harlem with that of other gentrifying areas of Manhattan.
Applicability
The development of vacant land, as opposed to rehabilitation will ease the threat of displacement. In order to determine if gentrication is occurring, income levels are the best indicator to study, followed by rent levels. In order for large-scale reinvestment to occur, the perception that white gentriers have of the neighborhood must rst change. In addition, a strong real estate market and public subsidies (such as the 10 year tax abatement) will help to speed gentrication. Trends of gentrication in West Powelton should also be compared to those of already gentried neighborhoods such as Powelton Village and Spruce Hill.
Case Studies
Harlem

Gentrication is indeed taking place in Harlem and new white residents are displacing existing black residents. This has been determined by looking at a number of indicators. There are several potential limitations to the process. Signicance of Gentrication: It is a triumph that can potentially bring higher property tax returns and thereby enhance the economic vigor of the city. Effects of Gentrication: Reverses the economic and social decline of the inner cities. Do the benets of gentrication (higher tax revenues) exceed the costs (displacement)? Evidence suggests that as many 23 percent of departing residents are displaced. Is the improved housing stock worth the higher rental costs? Causes of Gentrication: A re-invasion of the zone of
Full Citation
Slater, T. (2004). North American Gentrication? Revanchist and Emancipatory Perspectives Explored. Environment and Planning A 36(7): 1191.
Applicable Fields
Geography
115
Slater contrasts the Canadian narrative of liberatory, diversity-enhancing gentrication with Neil Smiths recent image of gentrication as the revenge of the middle class in the U.S. He nds both inaccurate. Canadian gentrication has not succeeded in sustaining diversity. There is little evidence of a conscious strategy of revenge by gentriers in the US, even in New York, where housing pressure has climbed far up the income ladder. Slater suggests that, while the negative effects of gentrication are easy to grasp, if proponents wish to assert positives from gentrication they must specify exactly what those benets are and for whom they exist, without recourse to vague notions of the good of the city.
and denitions of the phenomenon. The consequences of gentrication are more often assumed or dened away rather than. They dene gentrication as nothing more or less than the class dimensions of neighborhood change; the production and consumption of space for classes above those living in an area. Squeamishness about the negative connotations of the term serves to deect criticism from the process.
Full Citation
Smith, Neil and Williams, Peter, eds. Gentrication and the City. Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1986. Cybriwsky, Ley, Western: The political and social construction of revitalized neighborhoods
Applicability
Slater makes the point that terminology and names matter. Control of the neighborhood names (think of the shifting boundaries of University City) is not merely a trivial real estate marketing ploy, or a question of ego and territorialism. It is both a symbol of and part of control over the neighborhood and the question of for whom that neighborhood exists.
Case Studies
Society Hill, Philadelphia

Signicant urban change depends on human agency within a structural context. In 1944 Young Turks convince city council to enhance role of city planning commission; Greater Philadelphia Movement and City Policy Committee were 2 civic groups with powerful and inuential members. Society Hill meant to bring elite (whites) back downtown, succeeded with lots of marketing and political help.
Full Citation
Slater, T., W. Curran and L. Lees (2004). Gentrication Research: New Directions and Critical Scholarship. Environment and Planning A 36(7): 1141.
Applicable Fields
Geography, Urban Studies
Full Citation
Smith, Neil and Williams, Peter, eds. Gentrication and the City. Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1986. Legates and Hartman: The Anatomy of Displacement in the U.S.

This introduction to a themed issue of Environment and Planning A seeks to restore an interest in social justice within gentrication scholarship. Slater and Curran suggest that research has moved from its critical and even radical social justice roots to a centrist study of middle class preference

Looks at several displacement studies from across the country, and nds the following trends: Inmovers: prior location= city (not suburb); age: young
116
adult, few elderly or children; race: white, high income. Outmovers (harder to track): More diverse age, income, and race. Tend to move close to previous neighborhood. This study found majority of outmovers to be white, but the study is nearly 20 years old, so not reliable for current effects.
market that all make pure preference models insufcient. The expression and power of preference differs by class.
Full Citation Applicability

The strategy of looking at several displacement studies probably wont work for us, but it is a good idea. Also, the indicators used could be helpful. Smith, N. (1987). Gentrication and the Rent-Gap. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 77(3): 462465.
Applicable Fields Full Citation

Smith, N. (1992). Blind Mans Buff, or Hamnetts Philosophical Individualism in Search of Gentrication? Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 17(1): 110-115. Geography, Economic Theory

Smith reiterates and renes his theory of the rent gap rst advanced in 1979 as a counterweight to canonical urban location theory and neoclassical economics both of which were being used to suggest that property values essentially followed a distance gradient from the urban core. Smith suggested that urban areas undergo cycles of investment and disinvestment that precipitate a mismatch between the value that can be realized from deteriorated improvements and the potential value of a location near the urban center. The rent gap is a temporary mismatch between assets in the space market (buildings) and in the location market (land), which places much of the responsibility of gentrication on the inter- and intra-urban investment patterns. Gentrication is in part made possible by the presence of a rent gap. Smith emphasizes that gentrication is a process that involves social class, changes in physical structures, and economic changes in the markets for labor and space. Some of its indicators are much easier to see than others, but should not lead observers to confuse the indicators with the complete process. Income is easier to measure than class but may mask changes in catalyzed by rst wave gentriers like artists or students.

Smith nds Hamnetts characterization of the gentrication debate out dated, overly dichotomized and sensationalistic, and too accepting of a simple additive, liberal individualism. Smith identies three main types of gentriers: professional developers, landlords, and occupier developers, but suggests that everyone involved, from bankers to reporters, should be considered a part of a complex gentrication process rather than treating individual renovators and residents as heroic gentrication pioneers with unique agency. Such an emphasis on preference itself conforms to the middle class self image, and gives weight to visible changes (people and houses) at the expense of invisible changes in investment and social relationships.
Applicability
Over emphasis on preferences and amenities in explaining gentrication obscures factors such as imperfect information, irrational prejudice, and the inelasticity of the housing
117
Applicability
Indicator: A simultaneous rise in income and rent levels in previously disinvested areas suggests gentrication or susceptibility to it and screens out in situ enrichment and simple speculation.
182.

This article serves a number of purposes, the rst of which is to actually come up with a denition of gentrication, which is as follows: private sector initiated residential and commercial investment in urban neighborhoods accompanied by inows of households with higher socioeconomic status than the neighborhoods initial evidence (p. 135). Vigdor goes on to show that displacement is neither necessary nor sufcient to harm the poor. Furthermore, he shows that there are potentially offsetting factors (theoretically increased tax revenues-moving costs-neighborhood quality-access to employment). He also, shows that most households do not remain in poverty for more than 3 years. Additionally, he shows that macroeconomic business cycles no longer necessarily correspond in magnitude with housing costs. As a result, the poor have had to increasing housing costs relative to income even during market corrections.
Full Citation
Taylor, M. (1992). Can you go home again? Black gentrication and the dilemma of difference. Berkeley Journal of Sociology, 37, 121-138.
Applicable Fields
Role of black middle class in gentrication
Case Studies
Interviews with eleven black-middle class professionals living in Harlem.

The author of this article interviewed eleven black middleclass professionals who made the choice to move into Harlem since 1975. It discusses their dual identity as they struggle with being different the race difference in the workplace and the class difference in the neighborhood they live in and how they nd a life balance through these choices. Many of these professionals feel a responsibility to the black community and seek a sense of communitas,
Full Citation
Warde, A. (1991). Gentrication as Consumption: Issues of Class and Gender. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 9: 223-232.
Applicable Fields
Geography, Urban Studies
Applicability
These interviews and the analysis of the author are interesting anecdotes that can be used a to generate ideas about the meaning of equitable development.

Warde denes gentrication as: 1. displacement by a higher status/class group that results in a new spatial segregation by class; 2. investment into housing emphasizing certain aesthetic qualities and supporting new service provision; 3. concentration of a new cluster of members of the higher status group, and; 4. extension of private ownership of domestic property and rising property values. He identies
Full Citation
Vigdor, J. L. (2002). Does gentrication harm the poor? Brookings-Wharton Papers on Urban Affairs, 2002(1), 133-
118
the cause as: 1. gentriers trading space for accessibility; 2 demographic shifts such as economic independence and longevity of empty nesters, socially acceptable gay couples, delayed child bearing, replacement of formerly female domestic work by purchased services; 3 aesthetic preference for urban over suburban living; 4 rise of a new professional service class for whom gentrication is an appropriate cultural expression; 5 cheap housing supply relative to reduced affordability elsewhere in the city with good proximity to downtown, and; 6 a rent gap between current and potential use of the land. He also suggests that the following attributes belong to gentriers: constitution of identity distinct from other fractions of the middle class through the pursuit of gentrication; greater proportional expenditure on services than for the working class or non gentrifying middle class; status and a measure of security gained from credentials and education rather than organizational position or simple ownership; residential mobility. Wardes main contention is that gentrication is not an inevitable, ahistorical, economic process. It is linked to changes in labor, domestic and gender roles for a portion of the middle class.
reporters said. Only might help if you wanted to look into what Philly reporters were saying about the neighborhood.
Applicability
oGentrication can be studied by looking into what reporters say about the area.
Full Citation
Wyly, E. K. and D. J. Hammel (2004). Gentrication, Segregation, and Discrimination in the American Urban System. Environment and Planning A 36(7): 1215.
Applicable Fields
Geography, Public Policy

Continuing their study of home mortgage disclosure act data Wyly and Hammel nd that mortgage investment is much vaster in the suburbs but grew much faster in the urban core of gentrifying cities even after adjusting for the low base levels of urban core investment. Gentrication affects a tiny minority of the real estate in the country and of the population but it is a leading edge process that indicates trends, and lingering biases. In 1993 1 in 94 mortgage applicants sought loans in gentrifying neighborhoods, in 2000 1 in 81. They nd that land market competition has not and probably does not lead to a rational desegregation of neighborhoods based on a desire to maximize prot. Innovation: The authors use a data set that directly addresses the differential levels of capital investment by location and put the scale of gentrication (using a conservative denition) into perspective without denying its importance. Indicators: Lending activity is a late indicator. Bank lenders follow developers, and developers follow developer-owners.
Applicability
Indicators: rising local education levels (complicated by student renters), dual income households without children, deferred marriage, late childbearing
Full Citation
Wilson, D., & Mueller, T. (2004). Representing neighborhood: Growth coalitions, newspaper reporting, and gentrication in St. Louis. The Professional Geographer, 56(2), 282-294. Central Questions, Arguments, Findings Reporters and how they talk about the neighborhood helps gentrify certain areas. It only looks at studying what the
119
Full Citation
Wyly, Elvin and Hammel, David, Islands of Decay in Seas of Renewal: Housing Policy and the Resurgence of Gentrication Housing Policy Debate 10 (4).
Applicable Fields
Policy, economics, statistics.
Case Studies
Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Milwaukee, MinneapolisSt. Paul, Philadelphia, Seattle, Washington DC.

This paper argues that there is a strong connection between housing policy and gentrication. It studies the effects of gentricationin this case as related to mortgage lending in order to better improve the situation. The authors looked at the number of individuals applying for mortgages in gentried neighborhoods as evidence of a resurgence of gentrication, and argue that private-market development is necessary to gentrication, but mortgage capital facilitates gentrication in ways it has not in the past. The new standardization of mortgages have produced powerful gentrication pressures.
Applicability
We may want to look into mortgage programs available in West Philly and make sure that current residents have equal access to them as non-residents.
120
Appendix D: Organizations
121
Social Support, Service, & Development Organizations in and around Mantua and West Powelton
catagory arts arts name District One Community Education Center Inc Ellen Powell Tiberino Memorial Museum of Contemporary Art address 3500 Lancaster Ave 3819 HAMILTON St phone 387-1911 385-2003 phone2 fax tty email cec@libertynet.org web http://www.libertynet.org/cec/ founded assets $88,965 income $200,727 Joseph Tiberino contact
arts arts arts arts business business business
Gwendolyn Bye Dance Center / Dancefusion Pennsylvania Pro Musica Philadelphia Dance Company Philadelphia Dance Projects 40th Street Area Business Association (40ABA) iPraxis Lancaster Avenue Business Association (Laba)
3611 LANCAStER AVE 225A S 42ND St 9 N Preston St 10 N Preston St 4000 Market St.
222-7633
inquiry@gbyedance.com
http://www.gbyedance.com/
$2,611 $6,462
$35,465 $15,346 $983,571 $59,762 Robert Christian Osiris Group Inc
387-8200 676-1540
387-8203 856-6974364 info@philadanceprojects.org
http://www.Philadanco.org http://philadanceprojects.org/index.php http://www.40thandmarketinphilly.com/history.php 1995
$629,746 $9,104
3701 MARKET St Suite 966-6121 340 3741 Walnut Street Box 441 386-5619
888-726-9052
ipraxix1@aol.com lancasteraveba@aol.com http://www.thelaba-cdc.org
business
Small Business Clinic, University of Pennsylvania Law School
3400 Sansom St
898-8044
http://www.smallbusinessclinic.org/
business business business
University City District (UCD) University City Science Center West Philadelphia Enterprise Center
3940-42 Chestnut St 3701 Market Street, 3rd Floor 4548 Market St
243-0555 966-6000 895-4000
243-0557
ucd@ucityphila.org info@sciencecenter.org
http://www.universitycitydistrict.org/ http://www.sciencecenter.org/index.asp http://www.theenterprisecenter.com/
3,702,959 $
5,078,271 Paul Steinke
895-4001
info@theenterprisecenter.com
business child care child care child care child care child care child care child care child care child care
Wharton Small Business Development Center Baring House H.O.P.E. Family Center Little Folks Care Center, Inc. Mantua Family Center @ Morton McMichael School Pleasant House Day Care Resources For Change Inc Saint Ignatius Day Care Center West Philadelphia Child Care Network (WPCCN) West Philadelphia Community Center/ Caring People Alliance
Vance Hall 3733 Spruce Street 3401 Baring St 766 N. 44th St. 3901 Market St 3543 Fairmount Ave Room 109 651 N 35th St 3500 LANCAStER AVE suite 105 636 N 43rd St 4117 LANCAStER AVE 3512 Haverford Ave
898-4861 386-0251 823-5710 662-5210 662-9520 386-1490 222-8090 222-2663 477-2244 386-4075 823-8297
898-1063
mail@sbdc.wharton.upenn.edu
http://whartonsbdc.wharton.upenn.edu/index.html http://www.ysiphila.org/crisis-care.html
823-5711 662-0336
hopefc@cbps.org mantua@cbps.org
http://www.hope.cbps.org/ http://www.mantua.cbps.org/ Iraina Salaam
222-8099
resourcesforchange@earthlink.net
$81,782
$241,394
267-531-5245 267-5315249 386-5044
http://pecc.info/content.php?id=3 http://www.caringpeoplealliance.org/west_phila.html 1932
$460,338 $20,421,685
$307,321 $52,138,665 Arlene F. Bell, Esq.
church
Apostolic Church of the True Yokefellow 4007-11 Lancaster Ave of Our Lord Jesus Christ
Elder James H. Lewis
catagory church
name Bible School Mission Pentacostal Church
address 4508 Lancaster Ave
phone 879-2628
phone2
fax
tty
email
web
founded
assets
income
contact Rev. Bertha Cockrell
church church church church church church church
Calvary Episcopal Church Church of Faith Church of God of Prophecy Church of New Hope & Faith Community Baptist Church Fellowship Bible Church
814 N 41st St 772 N 38th St 617 N 41st St 661-663 N 39th St 428 N. 40th St. 4107 Aspen St
222-2070 386-5139 382-4550 222-7672 222-1567 386-4610
222-5860
office.calvary@verizon.net
http://www.calvaryepiscopalnl.org/
D. Antonio Martin Pastor Claude R. Barnes Rev. David Henfield Bishop James Mcneal Jr. Rev. J. Robert Mccullough Deacon Reginald Fortgon $10,740,512 $1,288,149 Earl R Jefferson
First Episcopal District African Methodist 3801 MARKET St Suite 662-0506 Episcopal Church / First District Self300 Help Inc
church
First Resurrection Baptist Church
3820 Lancaster Ave
386-6440
Rev. W. R. Walthall
church
First United Baptist Church
3728-30 Haverford Ave
349-9113
Rev. Samuel B. Adkins
church church church church church
Gate To Heaven Ministry Inc Gates of Heaven Pentecostal Church Glory Baptist Church Grace Evangelical Lutheran Church Greater Faith Baptist Church
3415 HAVERFORD AVE 387-0779 869 BELMONT Ave 4128 Aspen St # 44 3529 Haverford Avenue 4031 BARING St 878-1193 382-1250 222-3570 243-1080 Rev. L.B. Taylor DD Rev. Margaret Stinnette
church
Highway Church of Christ \ Day Star Community Services Inc
3921 POWELTON AVE
<$25,000
Fred Grant
church church church church
Lombard Central Presbyterian Church Metropolitian Baptist Church Millcreek Baptist Church of Philadelphia Mount Ephraim Christian Church
4201 Powelton Ave 3500 BARING St 641 N Preston St 3812 Lancaster Ave
222-3044 222-9536 386-2989 386-8687
Rev. William Yates Rev. Jerald Lamont Thomas Rev. Dr. Dolores E. Lee McCabe Rev. Rachel Mccoy
church
Mount Olive Baptist Church & Youth Association
638 N 37th St
382-5552
222-5992 (youth association)
Catherine Easton / Catherine Hodges
catagory church church
name Mount Olivet Tabernacle Baptist Church Mount Pisgah A.M.E. Church /Greater Works CDC (uncertain status as of 2004)
address 649 N 42nd St 428 N 41st St
phone 386-5638 386-6181
phone2
fax
tty
email
web
founded
assets
income
contact Rev. Marshall L. Shepard Jr. Rev. Dr. Mickarl D. Thomas Sr.
church
Mount Pleasant Primitive Baptist Church 435-41 N 38th St of Philadelphia
386-4060
Pastor Elder Edwin Hawkins
church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church church
Mount Zion Holy Church
4110 Haverford Ave
349-6734 382-2975 222-1228 222-0164 382-3911 387-7136 386-7675 387-3917 386-8500 387-8365 222-7606 386-0302 382-1886 386-4719 222-5828
Rev. Gregory Standford Sr. Rev. Edward L. Long Rev. Thelma Bryant George Jackson Joshua Grove II Elder Albert Thompson Jr. Rev. Daniel Ousten Pastor Bishop C.R. Cummings Rev. Jacob Devine Jr Rev. Samuel AduAndoh Rev. Frederico A. Britto
Mount Zion Pentecostal Faith Church Inc 421 N PREStON St New Bethel Apostolic Church New Bethlehem Baptist Church New Hope Primitive Baptist Church Pleasant Grove Baptist Church of Philadelphia Prayer And Faith Temple Church of God in Christ Refuge Deliverance Holiness Church Revelation Baptist Church Robinson Chapel Baptist Church 4221 Aspen St 4036 Aspen St. 521 N 34th St 3909 Lancaster Ave 3959 Lancaster Ave 3419 Haverford Ave 3937 Haverford Ave 630 N 44th St
Saint Andrew And Saint Monica Episcopal 3600 Baring St Church Saint Ignatius of Covenant Saint Joseph Baptist Church Saint Jude Baptist Church 644 N. 43rd St. 125 S 40th St 632 N 38th St
Rev. Cleveland M. Edwards Jr
Saint Paul United Holy Church & Daycare 3832 HAVERFORD AVE 386-9319 Second Antioch Baptist Church Second Mount Zion Baptist Church St John's United Church of God Transfiguration Baptist Church 912-18 N 41st St 3814 PARRISH St 856 N 40th St 38th St. and Fairmount Ave 387-4660 382-1536 382-2982 387-5708 382-6140 222-5620 222-3677 387-4973 222-7992 Rev. S. Todd Townsend Sr Rev. James Moore Sr Mark A Ings Sr Rev. P.H. Smith Edward Gay Rev. Robert C. Wade Apostle H.L. Griner Rev. William Cross Jr Rev. Herman A Rhodes Rev Ricky Rivera
True Mission Holy Church Philadelphia Inc 3931 Lancaster Ave Tyree A.M.E. Church United House of Prayer For All People Victory Baptist Church Ward A.M.E. Church West Bethlehem Baptist Church Inc 3800 Hamilton St 4033 Haverford Ave 4238-40 Wallace St 728 N 43rd St.
3500 SPRING GARDEN 382-7155 St
catagory church development development development
name West Philadelphia Assembly For Christ Inc Belmont Improvement Association Inc / Greater Belmont CDC
address 3624 Harverford Ave 4087 Lancaster Ave
phone 387-6912 382-6107
phone2
fax
tty
email
web
founded
assets
income
contact Rev. Robert Thornton
387-6104
$32,902 $4,947,395
$105,500 $591,515
Gertrude Weaver
First District Economic Development And 3801 MARKET St Suite Enterprise Group 204 Mantua Community Improvement Committee Inc (MCIC) 3233 SPRING GARDEN St
Rick Young
development development development
Partnership CDC Peoples Emergency Center Peoples Emergency Center Community Development Corporation
4020 Market St Suite 100
662-1612
662-1703 386-6290
http://www.thepartnershipcdc.org http://www.pec-cares.org http://www.pec-cares.org $3,997,493 $7,507,171 $5,631,025 $1,664,146
3902 Spring Garden St 382-7523 326 N 39th St 382-7523
development devleopment
Showcase Community Services Inc Haverford Union Brandywine (HUB) Coalition Corporation
4255 Lancaster Ave 621 N 39th St front
386-5619
<$25,000 Stephen Hawkins
educational employment employment fire food government
Mantua Library Philadelphia Job Corps Center SECOND MILE CENTER Engine 44 / Field Medic Unit 34 Caring About Sharing Inc
3321 Haverford ave 4601 Market Street 214 S 45th St 3420 Haverford Avenue 500 N 39th St
823-7436 471-9693 662-1663 911 387-6363 662-5700 387-6655 823-4903 1993 $0 $0 Beverly Smith 747-8552 www.jobcorpsregion2.com $297,091 $531,595
Honorable Hardy Williams (D), District 8, 3801 Market St Suite Phila. County / Blacks Networking For 200 Progress Inc / Organized Anti-Crime Community Network
government government
Social Security Administration The Honorable Chaka Fattah (D), House of Representatives, 2nd District
3901 Market St, 2nd Floor 4104 Walnut St
800-7721213 387-6404 202-2255392
800-325-0778 http://www.house.gov/fattah
government health
The Honorable Jannie L. Blackwell, 3rd District
Room 408, City Hall
686-3418 386-3391
686-1933
jannie.blackwell@phila.gov esourcecenter@MOMobile.org
http://www.phila.gov/citycouncil/blackwell/ http://www.momobile.org/programs/west.html
Maternity Care Coalition Momobile West 4163 Lancaster Ave Philadelphia Resource Center
catagory health
name Philadelphia College of Osteopathic Medicine (PCOM) Healthcare Center Lancaster Avenue Division
address 4148 Lancaster Ave
phone 662-0119
phone2
fax 215-6625339
tty
email
web http://www.pcom.edu/General_Information/Community_He althcare_Centers_/Lancaster_Avenue_Center_/Lancaster_Av enue_Cen.html
founded
assets
income
contact
health
Philadelphia Health Care Center #4
4400 Haverford Ave
685-7600
386-4902
health health health health
Phoenix II Drug And Alcohol Recovery Inc 901 N 43RD St Presbyterian Medical Center of the University of Penna Health System Re-Enter Inc Saint Ignatius Nursing Home 51 N 39th St 3331 POWELTON AVE 4401 Haverford Ave 662-8000 222-2770 349-8800 http://www.hospital-data.com/hospitals/SAINT-IGNATIUSNURSING-HOME-PHILADEL266.html 1952
$50,254 $209,282,959 $110,251
$138,924 $227,088,934 $349,558 VANCE HUDSON
housing
Pinn Gardens Inc
908 BELMONT AVE
877-2422
$3,185,676
$248,986
media
West Philadelphia Educational Broadcasting (WPEB-FM)
3901 Market St Suite 7- 386-3800 B
1978
$181
$54,444
neighborhood neighborhood neighborhood
Coalition of Philadelphia Neighborhood Associations Holly Street Garden & Literary Association Mantua Community Planners, Inc. /Mantua Block Captains Association 871 N HOLLY ST 1ST FLR 3320-3350 Haverford Ave 387-3252 387-3398 382-5263
jcohen1642@aol.com HSBGG@PRODIGY.NET http://pages.prodigy.net/bferguson1/index.html 1990 $22 $5,085
Colleen Puckett
neighborhood
Mantua Haverford Community Center / Concerned Citizen's of Mantua / oncerned Women of Mantua
631-39 N 39TH
382-4591
382-5147
$12,908
$55,114
Danell Steed
neighborhood neighborhood
Mantua Scattered Sites Tenant Council Powelton Village Civic Association
3804 Mt Vernon St PO BOX 7616, Philadelphia, PA 19101
684-4920 http://www.swarthmore.edu/Humanities/langlab/powelton /pvca.html <$25,000
Peggy Jones
neighborhood
Saunders Park Neighbors Association (SPN)
3942 Baring St
386-6541
mitcheljean@aol.com
L. Jean Mitchell
catagory neighborhood
name Spruce Hill Community Association
address 257 S 45th St
phone 349-7825
phone2
fax
tty
email
web http://www.sprucehillca.org/
founded
assets
income
contact Joe Ruane
neighborhood
West Philadelphia Coalition of Neighborhoods And Businesses (WPCNB)
4601 Market St
476-0400
1987
Lee Tolbert
neighborhood
West Philadelphia Partnership
3901 Market St , PO Box 1948
386-5757
386-3220
http://www.westphilly.org
$531,489
$1,457,996
Joseph P. Blake
neighborhood
West Powelton Concerned Community Council (WPCCC)
4061 Filbert St
386-3078
1970
<$25,000
neighborhood
Westpark Tenants
300 N Busti Ave
Andrea Foster
other social service other social service other social service other social service other social service
Black Family Services Incorporated De La Salle Aftercare EDITH RUDOLPHY RESIDENCE FOR THE BLIND Elwyn Philadelphia Elwyn-Nevil Center for the Deaf and Hearing Impaired / Deaf And Hearing Impaired Senior Citzens of Delaware Valley
3801 Market St
662-0533 387-8666 1880 386-4436 895-5566 895-5567 Zwillingp@aol.com http://www.elwyn.org/contact_phila.html http://www.elwyn.org/contact_phila.html 1969 $1,035,667
<$25,000 Immaculata DiBenedetto $221,923
3509 SPRING GARDEN 387-0200 St 3827 POWELTON AVE 4040 Market St 4031 Ludlow St 386-1808 895-5500 895-5710
<$25,000
Tricia Dabrowski
other social service other social services
Youth Service, Inc. (runs Baring House)
410 N 34th St
222-3262 471-2200 471-2231 PhiladelphiaExt@psu.edu
http://www.ysiphila.org/ http://philadelphia.extension.psu.edu/
4601 Market St 2nd Penn State Cooperative Extension in Floor Philadelphia County, Urban Education Development Research & Retreat Center
other social services
West Park Respect Yourself
445 Holden St
Bernice Collins
police
16th Police District
3901 Lancaster Ave
686-3160
recreation
Clayborn and Lewis Playground
3800 Poplar Ave
685-7689
685-7654
Connie Summerow
catagory recreation
name James L. Wright (Mantua) Recreation Center
address 3320-3350 Haverford ave
phone 685-7686
phone2 685-7437
fax
tty
email
web
founded
assets
income
contact Donald Solomon
recreation recreation school school school school school school school school school school
Lee Recreation Center McAlpin Playground Belmont Charter School (W68) Drexel University Family Charter School (W08)
4328 Haverford Ave 732-766 n. 36th St 4030 Brown St 3201 ARCH St Suite 420 907 N 41st St
685-7655 685-7654 823-8208 895-2000 386-5768 387-7066 823-8203 387-2078 382-8205 823-8201 387-5100 $7.47 billion $3.24 billion 387-2122 ecmgii@aol.com http://mgenesis2.org http://www.phila.k12.pa.us/schools/mcmichael/ http://www.powel.phila.k12.pa.us/main.html 47,129 $313,387 386-5769 823-8209
Andrew McLaughlin Connie Summerow
Maritime Academy Charter School (W66) 3020 Market St Martha Washington School Montessori Genesis II, Inc. Morton Mcmichael School Samuel Powel Elementary School University City High School University of Pennsylvania 766 N. 44th St. 3510 Brandywine St 3543 Fairmount Ave 301 NORTH 36TH ST. 3601 Filbert Sts 3451 WALNUT ST RM 329

Planning For Equitable Development in West Powelton PA

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Planning For Equitable Development in West Powelton PA

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Planning for Equitable Development in West Powelton and its Environs

A Vision of Equitable Development in West Powelton and Mantua

The City of Philadelphia

The Study Area

Mass Transit in West Powelton

The University City Vicinity

Shops on Lancaster Ave.

The Consolidation of Philadelphia - 1854

Blockley Township - 1712

Source: Philadelphia City Archives

Source: Philadelphia City Archives

Lancaster Turnpike 1795 Source: US Dept. of Transportation

Railroad riots erupted in 1877. Source: Penn State University

Source: Penn State University

Presbyterian Hospital ca. 1886. Source: Philadelphia and Notable Philadelphians

The University City Science Center Urban Renewal Area

Source: Philadelphia City Planning Commission

Recent Investment: Institutional

Recent Investment: Public

University City District Boundaries

Interior and Exterior fo the Lucien E. Blackwell Homes.

Recent Investment: Private

Inll development adjacent to vacant buildings.

Brandywine Realty Trusts Cira Centre

Section I Neighborhood Indicators Report

Median Commuting Time 2000

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

Drive Times from the Study Area

Percent Change in Population 1990-2000

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

Percent Change in Black Population 1990-2000

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

Percent Change in White Population 1990-2000

Race as a Percent of Total Population 2000

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

The Elderly Population

Percent of Households Receiving Retirement Income 2000

Elderly Residents Living in Population Neighborhoods vs. City

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

Non-Family Households 2000

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

Stable Population Neighborhoods vs. City

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

Percent of Residents Participating in the Labor Force 2000

Percent of Residents in the Labor Force that are Unemployed 2000

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000

Police District 16 Boundaries

Data Source: Philadelphia Police Department PPDonline.org

Major Crimes in District 16 2003

Major Crimes in Philadelphia 2003

Data Source: Federal Bureau of Investigations Uniform Crime Reports

Data Source: Federal Bureau of Investigations Uniform Crime Reports

Violent Crimes by Neighborhood 2003

Vice Crimes by Neighborhood 2003

Data Source: Federal Bureau of Investigations Uniform Crime Reports

Data Source: Federal Bureau of Investigations Uniform Crime Reports

Property Crimes by Neighborhood 2003

Data Source: Federal Bureau of Investigations Uniform Crime Reports

Housing Unit Change in the Study Area

Data Source: U.S. Census 2000