Social and Economic roles of Immigrants in Toronto

Globalization has undoubtedly increased the interconnectedness of the world through the deterritorialization of social relationships and the decreased importance of distance between individuals. With this shift towards a new global reality, the opportunity for individuals to migrate and settle in countries other than their native lands dramatically increases. Toronto, often referred to as a world in a city (Anisef and Lanphier, 2005), is a testament to the increasing trend of globalization. Both the social and economic impacts of these immigrants in Toronto have shaped social diversity in the city and helped develop Torontos economic standing in its attempt to become a global city. However, immigration in Toronto has long been a question of equality with regards to historical occurrences, which have through social marginalization and economic exploitation, led to inquiry about the state of Canadian immigration policy. Although Torontos immigrant population has recently often been used as a marketing strategy, there remain questions associated with the current social and economic conditions immigrants experience. Through the analysis of historical immigration in Toronto, the debate wether Toronto promotes assimilation or social inclusion, as well as problems with the current immigration policy, this essay will illustrate the true implications of immigration in Toronto and demystify the social and economic roles they play. Historically, Toronto experienced a large, sudden influx of immigrants in the mid nineteenth and early twentieth centuries which continues today. Up until this point in time, Torontos population mainly consisted of people of British origin. In fact, in 1931, 81 per cent of the citys entire population claimed British ancestry, prompting it to be

referred to as the Belfast of Canada (Anisef, et all., 2003 p. 373). However, this pattern of immigration would take a dramatic change upon the citys major transformation during the industrial revolution which took place in the late nineteenth century. Due to new trade opportunities made possible through the inconvenience of Montreals St. Lawrence river during winter months, Toronto began to develop trade routes through the construction of railways. Originating in Ontario, these railways capitalized on all trade fronts and eventually expanded to connect with the Great Western Railway in the United States as well as the Grand Trunk Railway which connected Toronto to Montreal (Teelucksingh, Sept 15). This expansion of trade likewise led to great industrial change in Toronto. The industrial sector, which dealt with the production and manufacturing of goods, grew with the introduction of new trade routes and by the late 1800s was Torontos most important source of employment, employing over 86,000 people spanning over 932 industries which was a dramatic change considering that only ten years prior to this, the citys industrial sector employed 56,000 people (Teelucksingh, Sept 15). Torontos newly formed economic standing would not be established had this expansion of transportation and industry not taken place. However, before any of these massive changes could occur, an influx of new immigrants into Canada was necessary to facilitate the citys expansion. With an industrial revolution looming, the Canadian government was forced to adopt immigration policies in order to keep up with its economic expansion. It is crucial to understand that these immigration policies were strictly based on presumed economic benefits and were not at all aimed at multiculturalism or the social inclusion of new people immigrating into

the country (Goheen, 1977). In fact, immigration trends up until as recently as 1967 were based on privilege of a country of origin (Teelucksingh, Oct. 6) This highly radicalized national immigration policy implied that individuals pending entry into the country would be judged on racial grounds and not merit, with preference given to European immigrants (particularly those of British decent). As stated by Peter Goheen , this policy allowed for institutionalized racism against various cultural groups entering Canada, and specifically Toronto which was one of the countries most multicultural cities during the industrial revolution alongside Vancouver (Goheen, 1977). One of the most obvious examples of this racism and economic exploitation can be observed through the Chinese communities plight during the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway in the nineteenth century. These individuals, often men, were granted access into the country to construct the railway but were granted little rights, and at times, only a temporary workers stay (Goheen, 1977). Following the long and often dangerous construction of these railways, Canadian immigration policy imposed a head tax on all emigrating individuals of Chinese decent which at first charged 50 dollars per person, and eventually evolved into a 500 dollar head tax in an attempt to limit the Chinese communities influence on the Canadian identity and helped prevent further immigration of the workers families (Teelucksingh, Sept 15). In Toronto specifically, a discriminatory stance on immigration was well established into the early and mid twentieth century. With mass immigration of Irish, Italian, Jewish, Caribbean and Chinese immigrants, many citizens of Toronto viewed these newly landed people as a threat to a changing Torontonian identity (Tulchinsky,

1992). This was well documented in the words of Goldwin Smith, referred to by Tulchinsky as Canadas best known Jew-hater in the late nineteenth century (Tulchinsky, 1992). Smith, a professor at the University of Toronto, was often quoted for claiming Jews as Christ killers and people who only pursued wealth and Jewish domination (Anisef, et all., 2003 p. 379). Similar to Torontos early Jewish community, the Italian community experienced marginalization as well. Many were seen as a not the ideal candidate to enter Canada but were granted permission into the country on the basis that unmarried italian men could be very useful in performing high-intensity labour (Siemiatycki, et all., 2003 p. 387). This community, as well as most other immigrant communities in Toronto at the time, experienced tremendous hardships and discrimination which translated into the eventual backlash of these communities through the establishment of cultural and political institutions to lobby for acceptable employment opportunities and rights. What was once an immigration policy focused only on economic contribution essentially based on exploitation of human rights was now in a process of change, but only because of action against policy and not because of the free will of the government. Canadas transformation into a multinational state has not been without hardships experienced by immigrants who currently make up a large section of the countrys social and economic identity. In Canada, over 20 per cent of the population was born outside of the country (Nadeau, 2011, p. 2), with 46 per cent of Torontos population being foreign born as well (Murdie and Teixeira, 2008, p. 63). With this shift from a discriminatory, predominantly British - Protestant community to one of the worlds most

culturally diverse nations, many changes have been attributed to the adoption of the point system in 1967. This system used to determine entrance into Canada is based on examining the individuals credentials or merits based on three classes: independent/skilled worker class, family class, as well as refugee class. Aside from family and refugee class where points are not applied, those who apply for citizenship under the independent or business class are currently evaluated on a basis of 67 points to obtain entry into Canada. Many people point to this as a clear transition from a formerly discriminatory society to a modern, accepting and economically as well as socially fair country. More on the fairness of the system in the pages to follow. In an attempt to ensure future immigrant rights and to mend past injustices, the Multiculturalism policy which was introduced in 1871 upon one of the earliest waves of immigration into the country, was upgraded to an act, making it a permanent fixture in Canadian law (Teelucksingh, Sept 22). Although Canadas immigration policy has changed and developed since the nineteenth and twentieth centuries with a move from a change in mindset from you can come in to you are a valued member of our society (Teelucksingh, Sept 22), many individuals question whether Canada has truly changed from a country based on assimilation to one which operates through social inclusion. In Toronto, the issue of assimilation versus social inclusion is based on a variety of questions often involving, but not limited to: How do immigrant communities in the city adapt to their new life? How are these immigrants received by the existing Toronto population? Are there any unfair limits to what these newly landed immigrants can and cannot accomplish due to pre-existing institutionalized marginalization? The answers to

these questions can be approached from a variety of perspectives but ultimately must determine whether immigrants today face similar hardships and marginalization as was common in the past. The role of immigrant integration remains a key factor in this debate. Have immigrants in Toronto truly managed to live in harmony with dominant societal groups or is assimilation still alive and well in the city? Upon the implementation of the multiculturalist lens into Canadian society post 1967, an in-depth analysis of Torontos immigrants both socially and economically is crucial in determining the success of the act. To understand this, one must first understand the concepts of assimilation to have a basis on which to contrast aspects of multiculturalism against. Assimilation, in its basic form, attempts to coerce immigrants to adopt the morals, values and expectations of dominant values and institutions (Teelucksingh, Oct. 20). This entails the sacrifice of elements of a cultural group that make it unique in order to fit the criteria deemed acceptable by the dominant group. Interestingly enough, a key aspect of assimilation is when a minority group has civil representation in its new country. This entails the ultimate form of assimilation as it assumes that this community has fully immersed itself in the new, dominant culture (Teelucksingh, Oct. 20) The issue of civil representation is prominent in Jewish communities of the early to mid twentieth century, as these individuals joined left wing political parties and elected their own members into power (Siemiatycki, et, al., 2003 p. 371). This act is often seen as counter-assimilative and more inclusive, but essentially it is a conformation to the already existing social institutions which created institutionalized racism to begin with.

Contrarily, multiculturalism and social inclusion respond to immigration through a positive increase in diversity. This concept maintains that dominant and minority communities must change in order to live in social and economic fairness, defining social inclusion as minority groups having access to all rights and multiculturalism as more of an acceptance of all cultures (Teelucksingh, Oct. 20). Individuals who insist that Canada and Toronto are both positive representations of these concepts rely on the change in overall immigration policy and a general consensus that immigration is a positive aspect of life in the city. According to Jeffrey Reitz, Canadians have come to support mass, indiscriminate immigration over the years because of dumbfounded assertions that immigration will provide unprecedented positive economic benefits (Paquet, 2011, p.3). He argues this point with reference to the fact that even if economic benefits are not achieved though immigration, many Canadians have come to accept that immigration adds to the positive diversity aspect of the country (Paquet, 2011, p.3). In fact, when Canadians were polled in 1993 about whether the impact of immigration was positive, 40 percent of respondents replied with no. However, when polled with the same question in 2005, only 15 percent of Canadians replied with no (Paquet, 2011, p.7). This apparent shift in attitudes suggests a change in mentality by a large sample of Canadian citizens but this does not change the fact that immigrants still experience hardships upon entering the city. Although not as derogatory as in the past, immigrant communities in Toronto still experience a vast amount of inequality which is predominantly visible in communities which are new to the city. To achieve full emersion into a community, immigrant groups

strive for institutional completeness which is essentially the communitys ability to create its own institutions within the dominant cultures range (Teelucksingh, Oct. 20). This is an attempt to meet cultural needs internally and establish social capital. Communities which are just beginning to settle into new countries often find this incredibly difficult as it takes time to establish any of this completeness. Furthermore, it is easier for communities which resemble the dominant community in one aspect or another to achieve institutional completeness which undermines the fairness and acceptance of all cultures equally proposed by the Multiculturalism Act (Teelucksingh, Oct. 20) Despite the possibility of a more accepting Toronto population, immigrants experience a majority of their hardships and inequalities economically. Differential incorporation, which refers to the immigrant populations unequal treatment with regards to job opportunities, political opportunities, and social rewards often restricts an immigrants community to catch up (Teelucksingh, Oct. 6). A common argument regarding immigrants inability to reach the same level playing field as the dominant culture is racial discrimination which allows for inequality while immigrant status makes it much more difficult to become comfortable and accustom to the new culture. With globalization providing more competition globally and Torontos neo-liberal economic stance currently growing, immigrants find it more and more difficult to incorporate themselves economically into a post-fordist culture. Similarly, Torontos apparent Growth Machines Theory, which implies urban development funded by the elite, leads to tensions between community groups and these elites as their interests are often conflicting (Kipfer and Keil, 2002, p. 235). With this in mind, a study conducted on

countries which consist mainly of migrant populations, claims that most immigrants will acquire the dominant communitys nationality within 10 years of emigrating (International Migration Outlook, 2010). Furthermore, this study concluded that immigrants chose this course of action because it provides them with more favourable labour market outcomes (International Migration Outlook, 2010). Essentially, even though policy may claim that being part of an immigrant community is widely accepted in Toronto, individuals still maintain that it is much easier to conform to the dominant ideals of the dominant group which seems to resemble assimilation more than social inclusion. As previously mentioned, there are many categories of the Canadian immigration system which deal with the various types of individuals seeking citizenship or temporary work in Canada. Although these categories were designed to evaluate people based on merit and what they can contribute to Canada, problems have been identified with the system. One of the major questions that critics will raise with regards to the immigration program are the true intentions of the program itself. Since the point system is established and changed through federal law, major political leaders may find it advantageous to their cause and political standing if they prioritize immigration and add pro-immigrant policies to their political platform. Persuading the general population of how important immigration is to economic growth (whether this is always true or not) has become a priority in many platforms. Through this prioritizing, immigration flow has steadily increased regardless of economic conditions since the late twentieth century (Paquet, 2011, p. 8). This was well established in the recent 2011 federal election campaign when most major parties vowed to raise the influx of immigration levels even

higher than the previous years, which totaled 280,000 people as well as an equal amount of temporary workers (Paquet, 2011, p. 8). Although programs such as Canadas Foreign Investor Program help inject the economy with direct foreign funds through a minimum required amount of investment, programs such as the temporary workers program both marginalize people and exploit them for their services (Fortin, et, at., p. 31). Who pushes the idea of this migrant labour? As various political parties support the idea of indiscriminate immigration for personal gains, it is important to question the function of temporary workers in the city. Canadas conservative government can be cited as an example of such behaviour. The Conservative government, which would rather employ temporary workers who receive less pay on average than other workers in the same field, prefer this method over having to change immigration laws or even funding training and immigrant settlement programs (Valiani, 2006, p.4). In a 2006 interview with Canadian Issues magazine, former Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Monte Solberg, stated that the government prefers to increase the number of migrant workers rather than making changes to immigration law (Valiani, 2006, p.4). Similarly, Employers prefer temporary migrant workers than workers who have already obtained citizenship because it entails fewer training expenses and unfortunately allows for lower wages and worse, less socially acceptable working conditions (Valiani, 2006, p.4). The most striking aspect of this fact has to do with the involvement of unregulated recruitment agencies which are in place to identify labour

market needs and address them by providing employers with access to cheap labour using migrant workers (Valiani, 2006, p.4). In Ontario alone in 2006, over 56 percent of agricultural workers were identified as temporary, or migrants (Brem and Maxwell, 2006, p. 3). This growing trend poses serious questions to the immigration policy in general, in which the term a world in a city echos sentiments of injustice rather than a fair state. In essence, there are many lingering questions surround Canadas immigration policies as well as the social and economic role of immigrant communities in Toronto. Though globalization has led to the deterritorialization of social interactions and increased the possibility of migration, it has also led to the increase of marginalization and inequality within many countries with populations composed mainly of immigrants. There is no doubt that Canadas attitude towards immigration has dramatically changed since the industrial revolution, yet there still remains a resounding sense of inequality with regards to migrants through a covert assimilating policy and the true implications of immigration. Not only is there proof of this empirically, it is expressed through current immigrants facing issues of marginalization and inequality. In conclusion, the policy of immigration in this country must be revisited to ensure equality in Canadas most multicultural city, Toronto.

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