Children's Voices: Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

Children's Voices: Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France Author(s): Kate van Orden Source: Early Music History,
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25. C Cambridge Press EarlyMusic History(2006) Volume University in the UnitedKingdom doi:10.1017/S0261127906000179 Printed
KATE VAN ORDEN
CHILDREN'S VOICES: SINGING AND LITERACY IN SIXTEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE

Around 1600, students in France learnt to read with printed primers.' They began with the letters of the alphabet, learning them by playing with little wooden or cardboard tablets or picking them out of books, and then moved on to syllables, which were learnt from syllabaries printed in large letters and containing the Pater AveMaria, Credo, and the Benedicite. When they began noster, Confiteor to spell out whole words, children moved on to another syllabary the Nunc Dimittis,SalveRegina,the Seven containing the Magnificat, Penitential Psalms and the litanies of the Saints, all of them common a prayers. Two pages fromJacques Cossard's Methodes pourapprendre a chanter le et can us lire, escripre, plain chant, compter (Paris, 1633) give some idea of what these early modern primers looked like (see is broken Figures 1-2).2 In the first lesson the text of the Paternoster into syllables,whereas in the second lesson the students must discern the syllables of the AveMaria themselves, a task aided by the small numbers Cossard has placed beneath the text to show how many letters should be read together as a syllable.
Earlierversionsof this essaywere presentedat the sessionon 'Music and the Culturesof Print in the Renaissance'at the AnnualMeeting of the AmericanMusicologicalSociety in Houston, Texas, November 2003, and in colloquia at All Souls College, Oxford, the University of California, Berkeley, and King's College, London. I would especially like to thank Jane Bernstein,Cristle CollinsJudd, Anthony Newcomb andJessie Ann Owens, who collaborated on the AMS session.For theirreadingof subsequentdrafts,I am gratefulto Bonnie Blackburn, Marie-AlexisColin, Sean Curran,FrankDobbins, Iain Fenlon,Joseph Kerman and Katelijne Schiltz. The researchfor this articlewas conducted during an unforgettableresidencyat the Centre d'Etudes Supbrieuresde la Renaissance in Tours, France, with the support of the StudiumFellowship,PhilippeVendrix, and the wonderfulteam of the ProgrammeRicercar. and Writing: in Francefrom Calvin toJulesFerry Literacy (Cambridge, 1 F. FuretandJ. Ozouf, Reading 1982), pp. 74-8. I paraphrasep. 75. Also see R. Chartier, D. Julia and M.-M. Compere, enFrance L'ducation duXVIeau XVIIIesilcle(Paris, 1976). For a full bibliographyof textbooks see F. Buisson, Ripertoire desouvrages duXVIesiecle pidagogiques (Paris, 1887). 2 Cossard'stext, as can be observedfrom the directionsin small type meant for the instructor, did double duty as a teacher'smanual and a syllabaryfrom which the examplesin largerfonts could be read by students.At over 350 pages, it was not itself a book for beginners.
209
Kate van Orden
a lire, a escripre, pour apprendre Figure 1 'Pater noster', in Jacques Cossard, Methodes chanterle plain chant, et compter (Paris, 1633), p. 101. Photo courtesy of the Bibliothique nationale de France
Thus children were taught to read Latin first, and only later - if ever - progressed to reading French. One reason induction into vernacular letters was delayed was because pedagogues believed
210
Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France
Figure 2
a lire,p. 103. Photo 'Ave Maria', in Cossard,Methodes pourapprendre courtesy of the Bibliothdquenationale de France
that children vocalised truer sounds from Latin syllabaries. Far more orderly than vernacular tongues, Latin texts were believed to project regular patterns of letters and words into the mind and onto Such attention to the physiology of the brain's sensuscommunis. 211
Kate van Orden reading and how the form of written signs encoded meaning contributed to the fundamental connection between learning to read and lessons in manners, for reading and repetition were believed to inculcate the tamed, artificial passions in children that were the essence of good habits.3 Primer texts were designed to discipline reading, limiting sensual perceptions and avoiding the irregular excitement of the body's passions. Progressto the vernacular makes the connection between reading and the body explicit, for this second step towards literacy was accomplished with the aid of a 'civility' or book of manners. Many of these books were translations of Erasmus's manual on manners for children, De civilitatemorum pueriliumlibellus(Basel, 1530), or Baldassar Castiglione's II cortegiano (1528), two books that contributed to the long-standing courtly preoccupation with manners a textual apparatus that, by the end of the century, sustained an educational agenda vesting physical habit with social import.4 Erasmus had envisaged the regularisation of manners throughout Europe as a great equaliser that would smooth interaction among people from different countries and social spheres - a common physical currency for cross-culturalexchange - whereas the Italian strain of civility promoted manners as a means of distinction. Yet in spite of these differences, both Erasmian and Italian courtesy used the book as an agent. These texts became primers of a second order, intertwining the processes of learning to read and write with socialisation. Civilities printed in France often used a typeface approximating French script, the idea being that each language should be printed in its appropriate written form. Roman type was used for Latin, italics for Italian, and a font called caractires de civilitefor French. Thus the upright characters of Latin syllabariescontrasted with the elegant type of vernacular civility books, hinting at the lessons in social grace contained therein. When the student could read civility
See A. Johns, The Print andKnowledge Nature in the of theBook: Making (Chicago, 1998),ch. 6, 'The of Reading: Print and the Passions'. Physiology 4 See R. Chartier, 'From Texts to Manners: A Concept and its Books: Civilitibetween Aristocratic Distinctionand PopularAppropriation', in TheCultural inEarly UsesofPrint Modem trans. L. G. Cochrane (Princeton, 1987), pp. 71-109, and J. Revel, 'The Uses of France, trans. A. Goldhammer,vol. 3 of A Civility', in R. Chartier (ed.), Passions of theRenaissance, of Private Life,gen. eds. P. Aries and G. Duby (Cambridge,Mass. and London, 1989), History pp. 167-205.
212
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century type fluently, the time had come for lessons in writing. In this way, civility texts not only taught good behaviour - they laid a visual foundation for the writing lessons that counted among the student's first experiences of physical discipline.5 The segregation of reading and writing meant that many students left school barely able to sound out printed Latin prayers they already knew by heart; others could read print but not write, and still others were fully literate, being able to read various sorts of type and script as well as being able to write. Some primers even taught students to read musical notation and numbers. Cossard's treatise, as the title indicates, was a 'Method for Teaching Reading, Writing, Singing Plainchant, and Counting', and it took the student through a series of lessons beginning, as we saw, with syllabicating in Latin; then came lessons in reading vernacular texts printed in a cursive typeface - including writing exercises such as model letters from a schoolboy to his father - and it concluded with the Guidonian hand, the gamut, clefs, chant notation, an introduction to white mensural notation, and a brief section on numbers, counting, and rudimentary arithmetic. Musical literacy was, for many, part of a good education. And singing, as we shall see, played its role in learning to read, something hinted at by catechisms containing music, broadsides with moralising ABCs meant to be sung to memorised timbres, and collections containing four-voice homophonic settings of the Latin primer texts, often in vernacular translations. The diverse kinds and levels of literacy resulting from these educational programmes complicate our understanding of what literature and music was destined for whom. After all, Latin prayers filled the role that Dick andJane primers do today, whereas little collections of French poetry might have been beyond those same readers; children whose Sunday school catechisms contained Latin songs they sang in processions might not have been able to read the The fact that some Latin pieces were superiuspart of Tantquevivray. for illiterates blurs the stylistic distinctions between high (mass), middle (motet) and low (chanson) that music historians have elaborated based in part on the definitions in Johannes Tinctoris's
5
Renaissance Matter: FromtheHandsof theEnglish See J. Goldberg, Writing (Stanford,1990).
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Kate van Orden Terminorum These generic divisions have born musicae difinitorium.6 directly upon our understanding of the cultures in which music circulated in the sixteenth century, framing it in terms of a highly literate tradition of church composers that reached its fullest expression in the large-scale forms of the cyclic mass, a middling para-liturgical culture of ritual and devotion in which motets were employed (again, by literati), and a popular culture of the chanson that intersected with oral traditions, memorised timbres, dance music and the repertories of illiterate minstrels. By studying the process by which people learnt to read, I hope to revise our notions of the cleavages between oral and literate practices, where they fell, and what music straddled them. Yet I shall not concentrate solely on textual analysis. Rather, I follow the lead of historians of the book - scholars such as Henri-Jean Martin, Roger Chartier, D. F. Mackenzie and AdrianJohns - in suggesting that we pair textual analysis and cultural history with a thorough consideration of the material forms in which those same texts circulated.7Study of the choice of typefaces, layout and format used for these texts can help us discover their intended audience. Books and music for less accomplished readers made up the broadest market for print, and in the broadsheets, pamphlets and books designed to appeal to them, we can see how authors and printers attracted new readers for their wares by accommodating texts to the reading practices of the marginally literate. These are prints that appeal to oral culture. Their recognisable style caught the eyes of readers who depended on memory and familiarity in order to decipher new material, a style that implies specific ways of
" Available in facsimile, Terminorum musicaedfi/nitorium(Documenta musicologica, Erste Reihe,
37; Kassel, 1983). On Tinctoris and the stylisticconcepts of high, medium and low that he
most recently A. W. Atlas, Renaissance I 400-1600 (New York, Music: Musicin Western Europe, History 1998),pp. 86-8, and R. Taruskin,TheOxfbrd Music,6 vols. (New York,2005), of Western i, pp. 459-60.
7
borrowed from Cicero's Rhetorica see M. R. Erviti, 'The Motet as a Representation of Sociocultural Value Circa 1500' (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1997). Finally, for several textbook definitions of the motet that take Tinctoris as a guide, see
(London, 1984); H.-J. Martin and R. Chartier, Histoirede l'idition franfaise,4 vols. (Paris, Usesof Print; and D. F. McKenzie, Bibliography andtheSociology 1982-6); Chartier, TheCultural of Texts (The Panizzi Lectures, 1985; London, 1986). The many studiesthat followed on from these are too numerousto list here, though I must mention one magisterial work:A.Johns, The Nature of theBook.
The now-classic studies are L. Febvre and H.-J. Martin, Lapparitiondu livre(Paris, 1958, 1971), available in English as The Comingof theBook: The Impactof Printing1450 1800, trans. D. Gerard
214
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century reading that can be recovered from the verbal codes, visual patterns and standardised forms printers imposed on the texts that they replicated.8 My concern with novice readers also has a musical dimension. Studying music prints designed for broad diffusion reveals that many employ the same strategies used by those who printed poetry collections, little devotional texts, and other sorts of ephemeral material pitched to a grandpublic.The marginally literate seem to have relied to a significant degree on musical memory when 'reading', something evident from the primers that prompted students to SalveReginaand other prayers syllabicate the AveMaria, Paternoster, We know that children who could knew as songs. they already barely talk sang the AveMariain their homes and the streets and that huge numbers of the faithful sang litanies, the SalveRegina,hymns and Marian antiphons during processions.9Boys led antiphons, girls sang the AveMariain alternation with men and women, and whole groups of pilgrims sang the Te Deum 'with great devotion and joy' when they arrived at their destinations.10Hubert Meurier, a canon of Reims Cathedral, tells us that many laypersons - including women and small children - 'knew most of the office of the sacrament as if they had been brought up from the start among ecclesiastics'.ll And indeed, primers usually included the responses
See especially R. Chartier, 'Communities of Readers', in The Order Authors,and of Books:Readers,
in Europe andEighteenth between theFourteenth trans. L. G. Cochrane (Stanford, Libraries Centuries, 1-23. 1994), pp. 9 See H. et vray des tantordinaires, Meurier, Traictdel'institution qui usage processions qu'extraordinaires, de de ce quis'estpassipourceregard en la Province contenant discours sefonten l'Eglise Catholique, ample au 25. d'Octobre, 1583 (Reims, 1584), esp. fols. 28' and le 22. deJuilletjusques Champaigne, depuis 41v. 10 See N. memorable d'aulcuns cas advenus depuis Riquier, Recueil l'an du salut 1573 tant8 Beauvais et duBeauvaisis a l'histoire deBeauvais ed. V. Leblond, vol. 2 of Documents au qu'ailleurs, pourservir XVIesiicle(Parisand Beauvais, 1909), p. 13. Also see the detailed descriptionsof the singing in deChateau-Thierry A.-E. Poquet, Histoire , 2 vols. (Chiteau-Thierry,1839),i, pp. 354-9;J. Pussot, enla Couture deReims, ed. E. Henry (Reims, deJeanPussot, MaitreCharpentier oumimoires Journmalier discours des lesfrontires grandes quisefontdepuis [sic] 1856),p. 18; and the pamphletLevray processions ala France, & comme sera vous n'en dontjamais plusamplement d'Allemagnejusques futfaictedesemblable, monstri dansle discours (Paris, 1583). fol. 43r. 'Car non seulement les gens et vrayusage desprocessions, 11 Meurier, Traictide l'institution
d'Eglise & de Religion l'ont ador& [the host] teste nue & pieds nuds, & ont chanth infinies louanges & de jour & de nuit, & A toute heure: mais aussi les personnes seculieres de toute qualit6, jusques aux femmes, & petits enfans, qui sgavent la plus part de l'office du Sacrement, comme s'ils avoient esth tousjours nourris entre les Ecclesiastiques.
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Kate van Orden
A-ve Ma-ri
gra-ti- a ple-na
do-mi-nus te-cum
Be-ne-di-cta tu
in mu-li - er- i - bus
Example 1 'Ave Maria', Second antiphon of Second Vespers for the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 25 March, rhythmicised as in Certon's setting
of the Mass, as one English source put it, 'To helpe a prest to
synge'.12
More recollection than true discovery, reading catechistic texts activated a matrix of background knowledge stored in musical forms. Let us take the AveMaria chant as an example (see Example 1). The opening of this mode 1 antiphon is striking, both for its sudden drop to the c' below the final d' and the leap to the reciting tone a', which is stressed with a plangent ornament on the b ' a semitone above.13 It is memorable in the way that the openings of so many well-loved hymns and antiphons were - one need only think of the Pangelingua, Avemaris stellaand the Salve to see that Regina the aural hooks of their extraordinary incipits gave them strong identities. From there, the melody unfolds with greater ease, dominated by conjunct motion and articulating a tonal move up and away from the final that is common to many hymns and monophonic songs reaching back to the troubadours: the second phrase circles around the reciting note, where the firstphrase ended, matching the assonance of 'Ma-ri-a' and 'ple-na' with a musical rhyme on a'. The third phrase moves from a' down to the final, and the fourth begins ambiguously on g', moving on to press upon the e' above the final before settling upon d'. In this example, I preserve the rhythmic values and text underlay from Pierre Certon's polyphonic setting of the chant since they can give us some idea of the
1
See Horae Eboracenses,The Pymer of Hours of the Blessed VirginMary, Accordingto the Use of the with Other Devotionsas They were Used by the Lay-Folk in theNorthern Province IllustriousChurch of 'York in the XVth and XVIth Centuries (Durham and London, 1920), p. 26. " Second antiphon of Second Vespers for the Annuciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 25 March. The version I provide here is from the polyphonic setting by Pierre Certon discussed
below. It varies slightly from the Roman version of the chant given in printed antiphoners,
which contain more repeated notes and passing notes as ornaments and which begins on g instead of f (though continues similarly). See, for example, Antiphonarium proprium(Venice, Romanum ad Ritum Breviarii, ex decretoSacros. Concilii Tridentini 1523), fol. 68 and Antiphonarium restituti(Venice, 1614), fol. 128". Certon's setting does have the same interval content as the intonation given in the setting by Richafort in Liberoctavus.xx. musicalesmotetos quatuor quinquevel sex vocummoduloshabet (Paris, 1534), fol. 2' of the superius part. The chant is transposed up a fourth. All transcriptions are my own.
216
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century stress that was considered appropriate. Nonetheless, in most cases the melodic contour of the chant, with its high points on 'Ma-RI-a', 'DO-mi-nus TE-cum', 'Be-ne-DI-cta tu', better serves the cause of good declamation than rhythm. Accent is keyed to a logical melody, one constructed of aphoristic phrases that were memorable enough to stick in the mind. Such melodies helped children keep their place in the dizzying jumble of letters and syllablesthat confronted them as they laboured The ebb and flow of through the Latin prayers in their abecddaires. the melody gave order to the letters printed in syllabaries such as Cossard's, where words are broken apart and often hyphenated at the ends of lines (see above, Figures 1 and 2). Indeed, the only visual devices that gave the phrases profile are the punctuation and accents that - happily - correspond to the comely lines of the chant. If prayers and hymns made apt aides-memoires for children who were learning to sound out written texts, it was surely owing to the fact that their words and melodies had been conditioned by oral practices.'4 We might almost say that those children who left school only able to read their syllabary had not really learnt to read at all, in the sense of deciphering meaning from letters on a page, for their entire experience of the written was inflected by oral experience. Michel de Certeau captured this essential quality of reading - the oral source of its 'authority' - with an important definition that distinguishes reading from writing and deciphering written texts, a distinction particularly relevant to the sixteenth century, when reading and writing were learnt sequentially. Certeau maintains that the construction of meaning was linked to oral transmission. Students did not learn to read meaning by learning to decipher letters; rather, reading enlisted the authority of oral culture in the deciphering of a written text. Deciphering - sounding out, putting letters together, and syllabicating in the ways taught by Cossard might be learnt in tandem with reading, but reading was 'preceded and made possible by oral communication'.15 'In other words, cultural memory (acquired through listening, through oral tradition) alone makes possible and gradually enriches the strategies of
14
168. 15Ibid.,
M. de Certeau, ThePractice ofEveyday Life,trans. S. Rendall (Berkeleyand Los Angeles, 1984), pp. 165-76.
217
Kate van Orden semantic questioning whose expectations the deciphering of a written text refines, clarifies, or corrects.'16Certeau argues that all reading mobilises expectations first shaped by oral culture, and here we need only think of the catechism lessons that preceded a child's first encounter with the Latin prayers in his or her abicidaire. Against the belief that texts shaped and 'imprinted' readers with their messages, Certeau offers a new way of understanding reading that credits oral culture with greater power, which is of particular relevance to this study.I7For the relationship between oral authority and scriptural authority examined by Certeau first began to be renegotiated during the sixteenth century with the acceleration of printing and the Reformation and Catholic Reform. As we know, Protestants encouraged direct access to Scripture, which brought with it a rise in literacy and the increasing production of texts, not only verbal but musical.'8 In Lyon and nearby Geneva, for example, the sheer number of vernacular translations of the Bible, catechisms, psalters and other books designed to support religious instruction and private devotion vastly outweighs the proportion of Huguenots in the general population, which historians have estimated at around 10 per cent during the peak years of the 1560s.'9 In response, Catholics produced their own catechisms, vernacular paraphrases of hymns and post-Tridentine editions of the book of hours. But despite their response in kind to the material dimension of Reformation ideology (spearheaded by the Jesuits), it would appear that on the whole, Catholics were nervous about placing sacred texts into the hands of children. As a result, they continued their long-standing traditions of oral instruction, and it is this insistence on the spoken word and its deep history, reaching back into the fifteenth century and forward into the seventeenth, that is
I Ibid.
C7 hartier is one of the foremost scholars to build upon Certcau's work. See The Orderof Books,
pp. 1-23.
I" Among the many studies on literacy, see especially N. Z. Davis, 'Printing and the People', in
in Early Modern France andCulture (Stanford,1975), pp. 189 226 and, more recently, J.-F. Society andtheBook,trans. K. Maag (Aldershotand Brookfield,Vt., 1998). Gilmont, TheRefbrmation " See the Warsof Religion, 1562-1629 (Cambridge, 1995), summary in M. P. Holt, TheFrench
30-3. For music, one can get a general overview by comparing the output of Parisian presses spirituelles (Attaingnant, Du Chcmin, and Le Roy & Ballard) with the large number of chansons
and harmonisedpsaltersbrought out in Lyon and Geneva. See S. F. Pogue, Jacques Moderne: MusicPrinter theSixteenth Lyons (Geneva, 1969) and especially L. Guillo, Les iditions Century qf
musicalesde la Renaissancelonnaise (Paris, 1991).
218
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century relevant here. Indeed, we might even see in Catholic educational programmes, which began with Latin prayers and only later moved to vernacular texts and instruction in writing, a desire to maintain a divide between reading and writing, between the passive consumption of Latin primers and the active production of knowledge in French. One outcome of such ambivalence towards literacy was greater exclusion - in the seventeenth century, Jesuit educators closed down their ABC classes for local children whenever possible, and government officials tried to reserve literacy for those born into the higher social orders.20 My larger intention, then, is not only to introduce singing and musical literacy in the history of reading in sixteenth-century France, but also to elucidate the doctrinal and social struggles in which music became embroiled when Catholics bound it more firmly to catechistic instruction. That is to say, a new history of literacy and music bears upon the broader history of Catholic indoctrination and upper-class socialisation in France, not least because singing remained an oral practice. Such a history of music restores to the history of scriptural authority triumphant a dimension of orality and draws our attention to an autonomous vocal culture that was not effaced by literacy. Restoring the continuing importance of orality also counters erroneous theories of print culture developed by historians such as Robert Mandrou, who declared pamphlet literature to be the instrument of a victorious process of acculturation, and of Elisabeth Eisenstein, who insisted that the press imposed a new culture on humanity that transcended historical circumstances.21Eisenstein's notion of print culture as monolithic and timeless has been particularlyinfluential in Anglophone scholarship, and only recently has that influence been contested, most dramatically by the work of Adrian Johns.22 In this essay, I hope - in the same vein as Johns to elaborate the ways in which print permitted multiple readings,
20 See G. Huppert, Public Schools in Renaissance France (Urbana and Chicago, 1984), p. 117. 21 E. L. Eisenstein,The Press as anAgent Communications andCultural Printing of Change: Transformations
22
in EarlyModem 2 vols. (Cambridgeand New York, 1979). Europe, In additionto A. Johns, TheNature see the exchanges in the American Historical Review of theBook, Forum organised and introduced by A. Grafton: 'How Revolutionary Was the Print Historical Revolution?',American Review,107 (2002), pp. 84-6, followed by A. Johns, 'How to Acknowledge a Revolution', pp. 106-25, and E. L. Eisenstein, 'An Unacknowledged Revolution Revisited', pp. 87-105, 126-8.
219
Kate van Orden how musical texts met their readers halfway between the oral and the written, and how print was feared as an agent of piracy and unauthorised reading practices. Indeed, upon close examination it becomes clear that it was not the printing press that promised the standardisation of knowledge and imposition of moral behaviour, but the human technologies of the classroom, which relied on singing and speaking texts aloud. Singing and recitation gave texts body and - in the same way that civility disciplined the body enabled educators to discipline reading itself.
LATIN PRIMERS
The rudiments of reading had long been taught using sacred texts found in the Psalter and books of hours, the latter by far the most ubiquitous book of the sixteenth century. Parisian presses churned - at least 395 editions were published out vast quantities of Heures between 1501 and 1535, which meant that around 400,000 copies were produced in a city with a population of approximately 300,000.23 Paris served the European market with hours designed for local usage (Paris, Rome, Rouen, Verdun and so forth). They were printed in Latin, sometimes with French prayers at the end, or in side-by-side translations.Although it is difficult to be certain who bought these books and when and how they used them, the small formats in which they often appeared suggest the broadest possible audience, as do estate inventories, which show the prevalence of Heuresamong the belongings of merchants and artisans. Even if And people owned no other books, they often had a book of hours.24 far from diminishing in popularity as the century wore on, production continued apace. For example, between 1555 and 1589, Christopher Plantin published sixty-three editions of hours, most in smaller formats such as 120, 24' and even 320, presumably in large print runs of well over 1,000 copies.25 The connection between basic literacy and the Horaeis evident in the word 'primer' itself, which some believe derives from the
23
andProduction Books Illustration of Hours: (Nieuwkoop, 1997), pp. 41-52 and A. Labarre,Le livre dansla vieamihnoise siicle(Louvainand Paris, 1971). du seiziime Plantin's Books of Hours. 25 See Bowen, Christopher
see K. L. Bowen, Christopher Plantin's 24 For an account of books of hours in inventaires aprisdi?es,
See J.-P. Babelon, Parisau XVIesiicle(Paris, 1986), pp. 159-66.
220
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century canonical hour of Prime.26Whether or not this etymology is correct, it is certainly the case that sixteenth-century books of hours often included the ABCs.27That ABCs and the Heures deNotre Damewent in the a is clear from well-known sixteenthcolporteur'scry together century woodcut: 'Beaulx ABC, Belles Heures' (see Figure 3). His basket undoubtedly included pamphlets like the 'Croix de par Dieu' in Figure 4 that began with the cross (hence the name), the alphabet, AveMariaand Credo, the Paternoster, and continued with a traditional Latin grace, prayers and responses for Mass, and then a series of French texts: translations of the Paternoster, AveMariaand Credo, the last often in the rhyming quatrains that were a longtime favourite of pedagogues. The Ten Commandments and the Commandments of the Church usually appeared in similar form. Alphabets and these catechistic prayers were printed in little eight-folio pamphlets many of which survive bound into books of hours at or near the beginning.28 These little catechisms were the parents of syllabaries, which began the same way and contained many of the same Latin texts. Thus although they were largely in Latin, Horaepromoted both Catholic piety and general literacy, at least enough to sound out the Word of God. Like an ABC song, the melodies of the Paternoster and AveMaria were among the first ones a child learnt; conversely, these 'songs' were just as closely associated with the alphabet as were the 'Croix de par Dieu' or the alphabetic series of moralising quatrains that children regularly learnt to recite and sing.29 The pride of place given to these two prayers in books of hours, catechisms, abecedaires
26 Though this has not been proved. See Horae Eboracenses, pp. xxxvii-xliv.
27
28 See P. Lacombe, Livres au XVe et au XVIe siicle conservis dans les bibliothiques d'heures imprimds
On English hours see ibid.,pp. xliii-xliv, 25.
de Paris(Paris, 1906). The consistency of the material included in these pamphlets publiques
across a span of fifty years is quite impressive. Among the hours I examined in Parisian (Paris: Jacques Kerver, 1581), Bibliotheque nationale de France (hereafter BNF) B-27833,
deNostre Damea l'usage de Chartres libraries,such ABC pamphletscan be found bound in Heures deNostre deParis(Paris: Dame,a l'usage Lacombe, Livres d'heures, Jacques Kerver, p. 471; Heures a 1575), Bibliothbquehistorique de la ville de Paris, Res. 550542, Lacombe, p. 468; Heures deRome l'usage (Paris:Thielman Kerver, 1539), BibliothequeSainte-Genevieve,Res. BB-1492, Inv. 1650, Lacombe, p. 412; [Heuresa l'usagede Paris] [Paris:Jacques Kerver, 1572?], de Nostre Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevibve,R&s.BB-1516. Inv. 1669, Lacombe, p. 465; Heures deAmyens Dame,a l'usage (Paris:Guillaumede La Noue, 1589),BNF B-27949, Lacombe,p. 492. PrintandPopular See the examples in T. Watt, Cheap Piety,1550-1640 (Cambridge,1991) and the moralisingrecueils de l'honneste mis en nouvellement amour, by Y. Rouspeau, Quatrains spirituels lesStances del'honneste avec des lumiere amour, (Paris: spirituels pourJean Houze, 1584) and Quatrains de Philippes du saintmariage louanges (Pons:T. Portau, 1593). Desportes opposis celles
29
221
Kate van Orden
Figure 3 Engraving of a colporteur from the series entitled Les cris de Paris (16th c.), Arsenal Estampes Res. 24, fol. I'. Photo courtesy of the Bibliotheique nationale de France
222
Figure 4 'Le ABC des Chrestiens', bound into Heures de NostreDame a l'usagede Chartres (Paris, 1581), sig. Ci'. Photo courtesy of the Bibliothdque nationale de France
and syllabaries seems to have inspired composers and printers to place them at the beginning of music books as well. To mention just a few prints, Adrian Willaert's first book of motets for four voices 223
Kate van Orden opens with a charming Avethat sets the chant most clearly in the top voice (Scotto, 1539), and his first book of motets for six voices and an Ave Maria, both (Gardane, 1542) begins with a Paternoster based on the chant melodies. Jacques Moderne's third book of MottetidelFiorefor four voices opened with a Paternoster and an Ave Maria by Francesco de Layolle in its 1539 edition; Pierre Certon Puerorum ... modulorum editio began his Institutoris Symphoniacorum a in with six-voice the which canonic Paternoster (Attaingnant, 1542) quinta and sexta parts contain the Ave Maria chant cited above; Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina opened his third book of motets and an AveMaria for five (Venice: Scotto, 1575) with a Paternoster voices that paraphrase the chant melodies, and Pietro Cerone opened his music theory treatise, El melopeo y maestro (Naples:Juan Bautista Gargano y Lucrecio Nucci, 1613), with a magnificent engraving of the Virgin surrounded by the parts to a canonic Ave Maria for twenty voices. For the best example of all, we need only turn to Ottaviano Petrucci's Odhecaton, for the very first book of a AveMariaby de Orto, its with four-voice printed polyphony begins text underlaid in all the voices."' One can imagine that the familiar texts and melodies of all of these settings enticed more than a few shoppers to purchase these collections as they scanned the opening folios. At the very least, their place of honour in printed books of polyphony reflected their primacy in the other books and lay culture de generally. Indeed, Petrucci's second motet print, Motetti depassione, de sacramento, de beatavirgine B of 1503 clearly seems et huiusmodi cruce, to have taken the Horaeas a model. Loosely organised to reflect a suite of votive services, it mirrors the standard cycle of offices that gave the book of hours its name the Hours for the feasts of the
opening the Motteti delfiore :" Other examples include Willaert's four-voice Paler noster/AveMalaria Maria in that composer's (Lyon: Moderne, 1537);Jacquet of Mantua's flive-voice Paternoster/Ave Primo libro de i motettia cinque voci (Venice: Scotto, 1539); Claude Goudimel's Pater nosterthat opens the Modulorumternisvocibus. . . volumen primum(Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, 1565); Antoine de Mornable's Paler nosterat the opening of MAodulorum ternisvocibus. .. volumen secundum (Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, 1565); the Ave Maria byJacquet of Mantua that fcllows it in that print,Jacob de Kerle's four-voice Pater nosterin his Libermodulorum quaternis,quinis, et senis vocibus(Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, 1572); and the Pater nostersettings a 4 and a 6 that open Orlande de Lassus, ... primapars-(Munich: Adam Berg, 1573) and id., CanticaSacra Patrocinium musices. . . cantionum sex et octo vocibus(Munich: Adam Berg, 1585) respectively. For a full list of Pater nosterand Ave Maria settings from the time, see D. E. Freeman, 'On the Origins of the Pater noster-Ave Maria ofJosquin des Prez', Musica Disciplina, 45 (1991), pp. 169-219. On the economic dimension of Petrucci's decisions, seeJ. Kmetz, 'Petrucci's Alphabet Series: The ABC's of Music, Memory, and Marketing', BaslerJahrbuchfir historische Musikpraxis, 25 (2001), pp. 127-42.
224
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century Blessed Virgin, the Cross, and the Holy Spirit.3' In similar fashion, the 'ABC' designations Petrucci gave his Motettiand Cantivolumes associated them with other sorts of primers. The foundational nature of the Paternoster and AveMariainvite the of of these texts might have been how question polyphonic settings intended as musical primers. For the moment, let us leave aside the motets I have just cited (to which we shall return) and turn instead to a polyphonic primer explicitly designed for catechism classes, the des Hymneset Cantiques Jesuit Father Michel Coyssard's Paraphrase la Doctrine chrestienne spirituelz pourchanter avecque (Lyon:Jean Pillehotte, served as rector at Le Puy and Tournon, 1592). Coyssard (b. 1547) in in and died while 1623 Vienne, vice-provincial Lyon.32 The renowned for its of Tournon was college music-making, in especially which Coyssard surely had a hand. Students there participated in liturgical services, sang 'figured' music, performed in lavish plays and the occasional entry, and probably also studied the lute and other instruments.33 As the title indicates, the Paraphrase des Hymnescontains French the Christian to 'with Doctrine', and, indeed, the sing paraphrases texts it glosses are precisely those of the catechism:
Le Credo Le Paternoster L'Ave Maria Le VeniCreator Sancte Veni Spiritus Vexilla Regis
Le Salve Regina
L'Ave Marisstella
StabatMater
Lescommandemens deDieu Les commandemens de l'Eglise Conditor almesiderum

31 See especiallyH. M. Brown, 'The Mirrorof Man's Salvation:Music in Devotional Life about
43 (1990), pp. 744-73, at p. 764, where he argues that all of 1500', Renaissance Quarterly,
Petrucci's motet anthologies 'might almost be described as the musical equivalent of one of
these devotional books' (i.e. a book of hours). 32 On his life and works see D. Launay, La musique a 1804 en France de Trente du Concile religieuse du catichisme moderne lespremiers d'apris (Paris, 1993), pp. 119-36. Also see J.-C. Dhotel, Origines manuels en France (Paris:Aubier-Montaigne,1967), pp. 133-36, 142-4. imprimis and Arms in Early ModemFrance(Chicago, 2005), 33 See Kate van Orden, Music, Discipline, pp. 224-5; T. F. Kennedy, Jesuits and Music: Reconsideringthe Early Years', Studimusicali, 17 (1988), pp. 71-100, and T. Culley, 'Musical Activity in Some Sixteenth-Century Jesuit
Colleges, with Special Reference to the Venerable English College in Rome from 1579 to
19 (1980), pp. 1-29. 1589', Analecta Musicologica,
225
Kate van Orden

Pangelingua gloriosi Te Deumlaudamus Kyrie pro litaniis
Coyssard's polyphonic catechism was not meant to replace the Latin one, but supplemented it with French paraphrases of the articles of faith that children learnt by rote. This turn to the vernacular was less radical than it might seem given the strong Catholic resistance to the Huguenot psalter, for the Jesuits had a substantial tradition of proselytising with vernacular songs. Francis Xavier taught his congregations in Ternate to sing the Credo, Pater Ave and the Maria, Confiteor Commandments, perhaps in Joster, Malay, though probably in Portuguese, and he composed in verse a drawn from the Spiritual long Portuguese explanation of the Credo Exercises of Loyola, which he taught the Portuguese and natives to sing by heart.34In Brazil as well, Jesuit converts sang a catechism in Tupi (1577).35 With tuneful melodies, familiar language and the charm of rhyme, missionaries 'spiced up' the catechism and made it more palatable for children, whose souls would thereby receive the imprint of the doctrine more readily.36 These missionary efforts were not so different from the (controversial) methods of the Jesuits in France, who hoped that French translations of hymns and other chants could be used as a 'contrepoison' to the spread of heresy via the Huguenot psalter. At the outset of the firstWar of Religion in 1563, Edmond Auger wrote from Lyon to his general in Rome to recommend that Pierre de in French to quench the psalms of Ronsard write chansons spirituelles which had taken over the city. The idea was to Clement Marot, faithful Catholics with a provide repertoire they could sing 'at home, in shops, and while traveling'.37'For the French love singing very much', Auger said, 'and with this would be a battle like that in the time of St Chrysostom against the songs of the Arians.' Ronsard wrote a paraphrase of the Te Deum, which he dedicated to Jean de
34 See G. Xavier: His Life,his Times, trans. M. J. Costelloe, 4 vols. (Rome, Schurhammer,Francis
31
31
1973-82), iii, pp. 31, 153. See P. Castagna, 'The Jesuits, Music, and Conversion in Brazil' in J. W. O'Malley, SJ et al. and theArts, 1540-1773 (Toronto, 1999), pp. 641-58, at Sciences, (eds.), TheJesuits:Cultures, p. 649. duprofit Personne tiredechanter enla Doctrine & I gloss Michel Coyssard,Traicti Chrestienne, quetoute LesHymnes, & Chansons envulgaire: & duMal qu'apportent lesLascives, & Heretiques ailleurs, spirituelles (Lyon:Jean Pillehotte, 1608), pp. 20, 38-40.
37 Cited in Kennedy, 'Jesuits and Music', p. 82.
226
Monluc, Bishop of Valence, 'pour chanter en son 6glise', and the French delegation to the Council of Trent even proposed that Catholics sing vernacular canticles during Mass.38But the Council rejected the idea, and it was abandoned until the end of the century. Inside the Jesuit colleges, music was used early on in a variety of ways. The best-known accounts are of the splendid year-end ceremonies, at which motets were sung, and the annual cycle of theatrical events on Twelfth Night, Carnival, SaintJohn's Night and other feast days during which the students performed plays larded with song and dance.39 But in the very lowest classes, too, students learning their ABCs were taught to sing antiphons and prayers. This last form of music-making was hardly unique to the Jesuits, for singing sacred song in the classroom was nothing other than a continuation of the traditional Latin schooling originally intended for choirboys. Already in the fifteenth century, the average grammar school employed one master to teach singing and the rudiments of grammar and a second one to teach the liberal arts, and into the seventeenth century, music maintained its role in elementary schooling in even the smaller villages, where schoolmasters regularly doubled as choirmaster of the local church.40Much has been made of Luther's insistence that a schoolmaster must know how to sing, but, in fact, singing was a regular part of Catholic education as well. Whether we are talking about Sunday school classes (in which the poorest children were taught a small catechism by rote and learnt to (where local children sing responses at Mass), the ecolesprimaires learnt a little church Latin, to sing their Paternoster and AveMariaand to sound them out from a book of hours or syllabary such as classes Cossard's, which included musical notation), or the abicidaire in later the the sixteenth Jesuits managed by century, singing in Latin was part of elementary education.41 Moreover, Huguenot
38
On Monluc and this proposition,see M. Jeanneret, Poisieet tradition auXVIesiicle(Paris, biblique 1969), pp. 201-3.
not allowed, but in Lyon and Tournon it was preserved during a review in 1571, because it had become a tradition in those colleges. See Culley, 'Musical Activity in Some Sixteenth-Century
39 On music and ballet in the colleges of La Flkche and Tournon (where Coyssard was rector),
see van Orden, Music,Discipline, andArms, ch. 5. In manyJesuit colleges, liturgicalsingingwas
Jesuit Colleges', p. 6, and on Jesuit attitudestowardstraining studentsto sing liturgicalmusic

40
see Kennedy, Jesuits and Music', pp. 73-81.
41 On the differentsortsof schoolingavailableto childrenat the time see especiallyibid.; Huppert,
See P. Ariis, L'enfant et la viefamiliale sousl'Ancien Rigime (Paris, 1960), p. 7.
in Renaissance C. Cappliez, L'icoledominicale siicle PublicSchools de Valenciennes au seiziime France;
227
Kate van Orden children in France often ended up being instructed by Jesuits, who were in some places required to accept students of the Protestant faith.42This was especially true in those places where they had been brought in as hired hands to take over local colleges formerly managed by civic authorities.43 What the Jesuits did was to furnish such educational programmes with musical texts. Coyssard was at the centre of efforts to enlist song in Christian education, and his books would be reprinted until as late as 1657.44The Paraphrase desHymnes, published by the Jesuit in in of was re-edited 1623 and 1655. 1592, 1600, press Lyon it a it contains is only songs, really supplement to the Latin Although in an format octavo that was very uncommon for catechism, upright French music prints but perfect for binding with a catechism manual. Given that the Latin prosody translated badly into French, it was difficult to retain the original chant melodies in the settings, so the paraphrased texts are set to newly composed melodies that were probably written and harmonised for four voices by Virgile Le Blanc.45The tunes, as the title page advertises,were written in such a way that those who did not wish to sing the songs in four parts could sing the Superius alone ('Qui ne les voudra chanter iaquatre parties se pourra servir du Superius seul'). The Te Deum paraphrase is shown in Figure 5. It is not hard to imagine that this memorable tune would please the young pupils in Coyssard's
Latin song was certainly used in du catichisme moderne. (Geneva, 1971); and Dhotel, Origines
German schools as well, even under Luther. See B. A. Bellingham, 'The Bicinium in the Lutheran Latin Schools during the Reformation Period' (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1971), as well as the music associated with German grammarians written by Ludwig Senfl (among others) and published by Georg Rhau and, in the earlier period, Petrus Tritonius. In Tournon, for example, the college was forced to accept Huguenot students in 1576, at the
12
de la Compagnie deJfsus en France des height of the religious wars. See H. Fouqueray, Histoire a la suppression, 1528-1762, 5 vols. (Paris, 1910-25), ii, p. 31. origines Schools in Renaissance France, pp. 104-15. 1.1 See Huppert, Public * In additionto the desHymnes, et Odes sacrez Coyssard'spublicationsinclude LesHymnes Paraphrase et aprisla lefondu catichisme devant, J. Trognese, 1600);Sommaire spirituelles pourchanter (Antwerp: & dela doctrine misenvers & Odes chante AveclesHymnes, chrestienne, devant, spirituelles, qu'on Franfois. which is followed by the Traicti duprofit Personne tirede chanter en la aprisla lefond'icelle, quetoute Doctrine mentioned above (1608);AirssurlesHymnes etNoilspourchanter Chrestienne Odes au sacrez, et cantiques catichisme (Paris:Pierre Ballard, 1623);and - among the many re-editions, Chansons ... (Fribourg:David Irrbisch, 1657). For a full bibliography see Launay, Musique spirituels en France, religieuse pp. 131-2. 15
Only the 'Conditor alme siderum' ('O des astres grand cr6ateur Divine clart6 des croyants') employs the metre of the original Latin.
228
229
Kate van Orden
charge. The triple time is catchy and the changes of metre break
each five-line strophe into small segments. Parsed thus, the melody
is especially aphoristic. It is easy to memorise, and it has a certain eloquence: the alternation of triple and duple metre suggests a
pairing of dance and procession, or even of the great joy and
reverence expressed by the Te Deum text, in which opening cries of

praise lead on to the eucharistic Sanctus. But no matter how one
interprets them, the rhythms are very vivid. They attract the attention, much like the delightful triple metre and cadential hemiolas of galliards that many of the same children would have learnt in their dance lessons, which also began around the age of 5. du profitque toute Coyssard explained his designs in the Traictd tirede chanter Personne en la DoctrineChristienne, published in 1608.46 he St that Basil, says Quoting spiritual song imprints itself more on the profoundly spirit ('celle s'imprime plus profondement en l'esprit'). 'For it is natural', he continues, 'that that which one has learnt by force ... is quickly forgotten, where, to the contrary I know not how- that which is insinuated by a pleasant delectation ... is captured more strongly in the memory.'47 True to this theory of musical pleasure, Coyssard's collections are full of heterometric verse and strong metres, as though he believed that rhythm initiated a pleasant form of cognitive conditioning. Classes could march through the texts in simultaneous declamation, the basic technique of verbatim memorisation. And, like the water that softens the paper before it is run through the press, music helped words, like ink, adhere to the memory. For singing externalised reading, subjected it to surveillance, and rhythmically imposed song texts upon students. Singing incorporated texts, enticing students with musical pleasures and the physicality of music, which initiated an irresistible form of education beginning in the muscles and the breath. Singing before and after catechism was a double-impression
46 See J.-M. Vaccaro, 'Le livre d'airs spirituels d'Anthoine de Bertrand', Revuede musicologie, 56
(1970),pp. 35 53, at pp. 43-4, and G. Pau, 'DI)e par lesJesuites l'usagede la chanson spirituelle
au temps de la contrc-r6forme', inJ.-M. Vaccaro (ed.), La chansonaI la Renaissance (Tours, 1981),
pp. 15-34.
47 Coyssard,
Traicti du profit, p. 21. 'Parce que celle, qui est comprinse en vers & Poemes Musicaux, s'imprime plus profondement en l'esprit. Car nous voyons que c'est une chose naturelle, que ce qu'on A apprins par force, & contre son gre, ne dure guiere, mais s'oublie incontinent; oui au contraire je ne sgay comment s'arreste plus fort en la memoire, ce que par une plaisante delectation & grace s'insinue, ou glisse en nostre esprit.'
230
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century method that reinforced memorised Latin prayers with French paraphrases and used music to help students learn to read long printed texts. Thus music was part of an educational technology linking print, sacred texts, reading and memory. In some sense, those students who sang submitted to a form of indoctrination that was more suited to the goals of Counter-Reformation orthodoxy than books that tried to preserve scriptural authority in a world of rampant piracy, printed heresy and misreading. Coyssard was not alone in his pedagogical efforts. In Valenciennes, the Jesuit Father Guillaume Marci abandoned the Tridentine catechism because 'these sweet little idiots are not capable of such a large catechism'.48Rather, he taught them to sing, 'some simply, some in music' (polyphony), and says that 'some time later I found it good to have them sing the Pater,Ave, Credo and the commandments of God and the Church; this took up all the time with things that the catechist should teach - it is the work of the schoolmasters and mistresses to teach these little things to their students that I call catechistic rudiments or firmiumartis.'49 That is, catechism lessons were taken up with song. Shortly thereafter, Marci developed and had printed a small catechism in dialogue format that was distributed for free and in quantity throughout the town, a catechism that the children found so delightful that they reportedly amused themselves with it night and day.50 But here we should also note that Marci's plans backfired. Not only were local book vendors unhappy that he undercut their sales of primers by distributing them for free, when the conflict moved
48 See C. Cappliez, L'cole dominicale de Valenciennes, p. 55: 'Ces petits idiots ne sont pas capables
de si grand catechisme comme est celui de Parme.' Edmond Auger was another early
supporterof a small catechismin France. For a bibliographyof French catechisms(Huguenot and Catholic) from Calvin to Bellarmine and a good history of the subject, see Dhotel, Les du catichisme moderne, origins esp. pp. 98-148. Marci subsequentlyissued a song collection titled Lesrossignols spirituels (Valenciennes:J.Vervliet, 1616), on which see M. Desmet, 'La paraphrase l'histoiredu psautier frangaisde Henry IV et de Louis XIII (1593-1643)', 4 vols. (Ph.D diss., Tours, 1994), ii, pp. 424-32. 49 Cappliez,L'coledominicale, pp. 54-5: 'Ce fut alorsqueje tiraitous les registresde mon industrie, tant6t en formant des chansons spirituelles, tant6t repr6sentant quelque actionnette. Je les commandementsde Dieu et de l'Eglise, Ave,Credo, je trouvaisbon de faire chanterle Pater,
mais cela emportait tout le temps en choses que le catechiste doit exposer, c'est le fait des maitres et des maitresses d'enseigner ces petites choses A leurs escoliers que j'appelle rudiments m'estudiais A former aucuns A chanter simplement, aucuns en musique. Quelque temps apris, des psaumes de Philippe Desportes et ses diff6rentes versions musicales: Contribution A
cat6chistiquesou firmium artis.' 50 Ibid.,p. 56.
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Kate van Orden
from the courts to the Bishop of Cambrai, the bishop objected as well. For the catechism was meant to be taught orally, not in tandem with reading, and these little books subverted the process, placing the written word of God into the hands of children deemed not yet ready to receive it:
One finds it good that one teaches no one to read and write and that one gives no book of any sort to schoolchildren who do not first know the beliefs, the points of the faith and the obligations of a Christian. One finds it good that the schoolchildren know by heart the little catechism and should by this know the things necessary for salvation,
fearing that these artisansshould go running about (as they often do) and working
without knowing that which is necessary.51
In these two points of the acts drawn up by the magistrates and approved by the bishop, we find spelled out quite clearly the priority of oral instruction in the face of Marci's successful printed primers, which he was ordered to burn. We should not underestimate the importance of the booksellers' privileges in this matter, but more was at stake. For by giving direct access to the text of the catechism, Marci's chapbooks subverted oral instruction, circumvented the physicality of simultaneous declamation in class and, we might posit, removed the catechism from the context of classes in which the Jesuits oversaw the comportment of the children, their acts, words and deeds. They threatened a scriptural culture protective of its fixed texts and authority, in which priests were the guardians and exegetes of the Word of God. Classroom performances, by contrast, were understood to regulate the inner life of the children, who, with books in hand, might otherwise end up running through the streets (likethe artisans),playing with the articles of the faith day and night.
THE CATECHISTS AND THE CANONS
The culture of oral indoctrination makes itself felt in Coyssard's desHymnes with its detachable Superius part, which could Paraphrase have been taught by rote to the children, and also in the strophic form and the page layout, in which subsequent strophes of lengthy texts are on the pages following the music. Much if not all of this
5 Ibid.,p. 58. 'On trouve bon qu'on enseigne personne Alire et A6crireet qu'on ne donne livre quelconque aux 6coliers qui ne sachent premibrementles cr6ances, les points de foi et les devoirsd'un chr6tien.On trouve bon que les 6colierssachent par coeur le petit catbchismeet soient par ainsi pourvus des choses necessairesau salut, craignant que ces artisansne s'en aillent courir les champs (comme ils font souvent)et travaillersans connaitre l'obligatoire.'
232
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century might have been learnt by ear in classes that operated using the dialogic methods typical of catechistic teaching: succinct questions, memorised responses and oral instruction. Like the sung responses at Mass that all children were expected to learn, these songs seem designed to be taught by rote and sung from memory. At the same time, we also know that many texts werebeing put into the hands of children. Reading was being taught as well. Though they were not always happy to be involved in the business which taught basic reading and writing to children of the primaires, classes. The of lesser means, the Jesuit colleges did run abecidaire and not between oral written was complete, separation practices and, just like the catechisms they accompanied, books such as were perfect primers from which to desHymnes Coyssard's Paraphrase learn read in duple or triple time and out notes to to sing, pick wrestle with rhythmic values. They led towards more complex forms of musical notation and more complex music. They also offer clues as to how students learnt to read music. The leap from Coyssard's homophonic Te Deum to Palestrina's six-voice Pater nosterseems vast, but we do have some written evidence of how it was made. Figure 6 reproduces a page from the des Hymnesat the Bibliotheque exemplar of Coyssard's Paraphrase nationale de France, Res Vmd 14. This folio (21') contains a printed canon for four high voices at the unison that sets a paraphrase of the Commandments of the Church, and on the empty staves below it, a sure hand has written out a canon for seven voices at the unison. Canons might seem fairly advanced for schoolchildren who could not yet read music - it would seem that readers had trouble resolving the canons in Petrucci's Cantiseries, for example - yet imitation canons at the unison are nothing more than 'rounds', and a surprising number of musical primers contain them.52 In one of the first polyphonic catechisms, Mattheus Le Maistre's Catechesis
52 See B.J. Blackburn, 'Canonic Conundrums: The Singer's Petrucci', BaslerJahrbuchfiirhistorische
25 (2001), pp. 53-69;James Haar likewiseobservesthat in Petrucci'sCanti Musikpraxis, prints,

the canons are not resolved. On that basis, he argues that the audience for the chanson
pp. 155-74. For a discussion of the didactic purpose of some canons, see R. Lorenz, 'Canon
anthologieswas largely professionalmusicians.See J. Haar, 'Petruccias Bookman',in Giulio e la stampa musicale Cattin and PatriziaDalla Vecchia (eds.), Venezia 1501: Petrucci (Venice, 2005), as a PedagogicalTool: Applicationsfrom Sixteenth-Century Review, Wittenberg',Indiana Theosy 16 (1995), pp. 83-104. Many German theory treatisesfor childrencontain canons; see Cristle CollinsJudd, Reading MusicHistory: Renaissance withtheEyes(Cambridge,2000), p. 95. Hearing
233
Kate van Orden
desHymnes et Cantiques fol. 21V.Photo courtesy of the Bibliothdque Paraphrase spirituelz,

nationale de France
Figure 6
Four-voice canon on the Commandments of the Church, in Coyssard,
musicis inclusa numeris (Nuremberg:Montanus and Neuber, 1559), we find homophonic settings for high voices of the Ten Commandments, the Apostle's Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and so forth - though not the Ave Maria - paired with canonic settings of two traditional 234
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century mealtime prayers originating in Catholic usage.53 These last two include canons for the high ranges that suggest children's voices the first is at the unison in the middle voice and the second is at the lower fifth in the middle voice - with the parts resolved in the print. And in a Parisian catechism from 1589, Bref sommaire de la doctrine we find, among others, a little three-voice canon meant to chrestienne, be sung at the end of catechism lessons, Te coelitum parens.54 Finally, the Jesuit collection Amphion sacre (Lyons:Louis Muguet, 1615) is full of imbecilic canons at the unison that use catchy Parisian chanson rhythms and repeat ad infinitum brief morals such as 'Qui bien fait bien trouvera' ('Who does good will find goodness'), 'Tout avecque le temps' ('Everything with time') and 'L'experience apprend plusieurs choses' ('Experience teaches many things'). In short, canons at the unison are children's 'rounds' by which they could sing their first imitative polyphony. And for this reason, here we should also note how many of the motets setting the Paternoster and AveMaria employ canons (the Certon cited above and Richafort's Paternoster a 5) or arecanons (Layolle'sthree-voice AveMaria,a canon at the unison published in the Contrapunctus [Lyon: Bernard Garnier et Guillaume Gobert pour Etienne Gueynard, 1528], an eight-infour canonic Ave Maria by Prioris published in the Motettinovi e franciosea quatro sopradoi [Antico, 1520], and the Cerone chanzoni Ave Maria canonic cited above).55 twenty-part
numeris musicis inclusa(Nuremberg:Montanus and Neuber, 53 Mattheus Le Maistre, Catechesis and Gesenge, ed. D. Gresch (Recent Researches in the Music 1559); modern edition in Catechesis of the Renaissance, 39; Madison, 1982). The texts of the catechism set here - in Latin - are
not those of the orthodox Lutheran catechism, but are Philippist. See the introduction, ibid.
54 Brefsommaire de la doctrine chrestienne (Paris:Marc Locqueneulx, 1589), fol. 33r. Locqueneulx seems to have made a speciality of prints that included monophonic musical notation. His a l'usage deParis,notties, canoniales etaugmenties denouveau, revues, output also includesHeures corrigies en beaucoup deplusieurs entiennes from 1582 (Lacombe, solennelles d'endroicts, [sic] et Messes suffrages, he published a large collection d'heures, p. 472), and in the year before the Brefsommaire Livres titledLerecueil des etexcellentes chansons devoix deville,tiresdedivers autheurs & Poetes plusbelles enforme tant anciens in content, with the que modernes (Paris, 1588), a fairly standard recueil Franfois,
exception that, as the subtitle indicates, the book included musical notation: 'Ausquelles a estb nouvellement adapt6 la Musique de leur chant commun, A fin que chacun les puisse chanter en tout endroit qu'il se trouvera, tant de voix que sur les instruments.' Significantly, each of notation for the Brefsommaire(as shown in Figure 7), and white mensural notation in smaller
these prints uses a differentstyle of notation - black neumes for the Heures, white mensural note values for Le recueil et excellentes desplus belles chansons.
5 This list is not exhaustive. The Prioris had been believed to be a four-in-two canon (Heartz was
workingwith a fragment at Eichstatt- see his 'A New AttaingnantBook and the Beginnings of FrenchMusic Printing',Journal American 14 (1961), pp. 9-23 - and of the Society, Musicological Ludwig Finscheris unspecificabout the nature of the canon in his article 'Attaingnantdrucke
235
Kate van Orden Of all the polyphonic texts left to us, the Briefsommaire dela doctrine chrestienne is probably the best witness to the kinds of singing that went on in Sunday school classes and the abc~daires. As its full title makes clear - Briefsommaire de la doctrine chrestienne: Ensemble les Prieres & oraisons & les Letanies esprocessions Reveu quel'onchante par lesEglises, & augmenti de plusieurs le tout mis en chantsde Hymnes,& Antiennes, Musique- it is a small catechism (twelve folios in question-andanswer form) to which is appended a polyphonic supplement of the most useful prayers, litanies, hymns and antiphons ('Musique' indicates 'figured music' or polyphony). Printed in a tiny in-24 format, its material form situates it with post-Tridentine texts of the broadest diffusion, such as the diminutive Horaeprinted by Plantin. It contains a number of plainchant melodies for 'Letanies romaines et du concile de Trente' (in mensural notation);four-voice fauxbourdon timbres for the penitential psalms 'Miserere mei, Deus' and 'De profundis clamavi', as well as one for the Litany of the Virgin, 'Regina Virginum'; canonic litanies for three voices at the unison such as another Litany of the Virgin, 'O Sancta Maria, O dei genetrix precare pro nobis'; and a four-voice canonic timbre for singing any octosyllabic hymn followed by a year's worth of texts (see Figure 7). Monophonic tunes, fauxbourdon harmonisationsand canons at the unison share the pages of this primer, verifying not only that polyphony was a fundament of catechism classes, but that imitative counterpoint remained part of the alphabet of Catholic practices learnt by the devout in the post-Tridentine era. For, as the book makes clear, these are pieces for processions and should be learnt while a child. Here, then, we have the stock repertoirefor the great general processions in which Catholics participated on the feasts of the Purification, Palm Sunday, Easter, Corpus Christi, Saint Mark and Rogation Days. The pieces, furthermore, match those sung during the penitential fervour of the 1580s, when pilgrims crisscrossedthe countryside of northern France in processions blanches designed to rid the country of heresy.56For the children, the
zum 60. Geburtstag (Tutzing, 1995), pp. 33-42). But the canon was also KlausHortschansky publishedby Georg Rhau in 1545. See the criticaledition in Georg Rhau, Bicinia Latina, gallica,
germanica, Tomus I, II, 1545, ed. B. Bellingham (Musikdrucke aus den Jahren 1538-1545 in aus einer schlesischen Adelsbibliothek', in Axel Beer and Laurenz Lutteken (cds.), Festschrift
praktischerNeuausgabe, 6; Kassel, 1980), pp. 342-7. 56 See the list of pieces sung by the pilgrimsin the appendix 'Ensuiventles litanies, hymnes' in de l'institution et vrayusage desprocessions. Meurier, Traicti
236
de la doctrine Figure 7 Advent hymn 'Conditor alme siderum'in Brefsommaire chrestienne (Paris, 1589), fol. 34'. Photo courtesy of the Bibliothdquenationale de France
237
Kate van Orden recommends that the catechism classes process in front Brefsommaire of the clergy on ordinary days, lining up two by two and singing 'modestly' in groups of twelve lead by a 'douzinier'.57Their visible participation in Sunday Mass promoted good behaviour and displayed the self-discipline that would prove so key to Catholic ideology in the seventeenth century. We have already observed that the special status of the AveMaria chants as primer texts often gave them pride of place and Paternoster de la in motet prints. By correlating the settings in the Brefsommaire chrestienne with those in motet prints, we can add to this doctrine repertoire another set of pieces that enjoyed similar prominence in both catechisms and motet collections: those setting the words includes this 'Sancta Maria ... ora pro nobis'. The Bref sommaire refrain in several litanies to the Virgin, and it is set as a self-standing litany as well, the canonic 'O Sancta Maria' cited above. Coyssard's pro litaniis,a fourpolyphonic catechism ends with a similar Kyrie voice homophonic timbre with the text 'Kyrie eleison, Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis'. Such Marian litanies appear in other prints as well, often at the end, where they stand as a closing prayer.58For sex xxiij'.trium, quinque, quatuor, example, Attaingnant's Liberseptimus. eo modulos adventus eiusac sanctorum tempore dominici vevocum nativitatisque habetof 1534 ends with a slight three-voice Sancta occurrentium Maria, in the which one Maistre Gosse ora nobis mater Dei, Superius pro by part could not be simpler- it opens in imitation of the contratenor at the unison, virtually every phrase begins on c', and all the cadences are on a, the last of which are formulaic suspension cadences typical of the Parisian chanson.5"Similarly, Attaingnant's habetmodulos of 1535 ends with an Liberdecimustertius. xvii'. musicales ora mater Sancta Dei, Maria, pro peccatisnostrisfor four anonymous
fol. 13'. de la doctrine chrestienne, '7 Brefsommaire * The list I give is not exhaustive, but only those settings that are canonic or placed at the ends of prints. Among the very many other settings, a few deserve mention here, namely
in Laude Mariaora libro secondo BartolomeoTromboncino and Marchetto Cara, Sancta pronobis,
to the secular repertoire (it is only twenty likewise deserves mention, if only to place lines 'Sancta Maria, mater Dei, Ora pro to the Ave Maria. See Freeman, 'On the
et modode cantar versilatinie capituli, libroquarto (Petrucci:Venice, 1505). The f/ottole,sonetti,

contrafact shows how close these little motets were breves long). And Monteverdi's very famous setting it in a tradition with extremely popular roots. The nobis peccatoribus. Amen' were also often joined
ode, (Petrucci: Venice, 1508), which reappears with the text 'Me stesso incolpo' in Strambotti,
en 1534 et 1535, ed. A. PierreAttaingnant "' For a modern edition see Treizelivresde motelsparus (chez Smijers and A. T. Merritt, 13 vols. (Monaco, 1934 63), vii, pp. 194 5.
Maria',pp. 187 fl Origins of the Paternoster-Ave
238
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century voices in canon.60 The posthumously published Magnum Opus Musicum of Orlande de Lassus, moreover, includes three four-in-two canons on SanctaMaria, orapro nobisat the end of the section of four-voice motets.61 In the first two settings, not only are the two parts from which the canons are generated virtually identical, the two settings are themselves variations on the same themes. At just seventeen and thirteen breves respectively, they are little 'extras'like the anonymous canon Attaingnant stuck in at the end of his Liber the sort of piece that just as often probably did not decimustertius, make it into print at all. Over a century later, this litany had lost none of its allure, for Giovanni Battista Martini published a four-in-one canon SanctaMaria orapro nobis on the title page of Litaniae Mariae,op. 1 (Bologna: Laelii atque antiphonae finalesB. Virginis a Vulpe, 1734). These works are one step along from canons at the unison, and they point the way towards the more firmly textoriented music represented by the other motets in the collections containing them. Taken together, settings of these little prayers delineate the range of musical means by which students took their first steps towards learning to read written polyphony.
POLYPHONY
FOR
CHILDREN
Now we can return to the large number of polyphonic AveMariaand Paternoster settings introduced earlier in this article with a greater appreciation of how they might have functioned as musical primers. For if these two prayers were songs that children knew by heart, and singing canons was a regular part of catechism classes even before reading was, then canons for high voices based on these tunes may well have been sung by young children, even those who could barely read music. The didactic potential of even the largest polyphonic settings is beautifully illustrated by a collection from 1542, Pierre Certon's Institutoris ... modulorum editio puerorum Symphoniacorum (Paris: Pierre Attaingnant, 1542). Certon directed the school for the choirboys at the Sainte-Chapelle, and it is surely with his charges in
60
61 Lassus,Magnum Musicum Opus (Munich:Nicolai Henrici, 1604), sig. K4 in the cantus book.
Grove attributes this setting to Sermisy.
239
Kate van Orden mind that he composed the pieces in this book.62My attention was first drawn to this print by its title and the series of five trios at its end, including an AveMaria in the high clefs indicating soprano or children's voices (g2, g2, c 1l).This trio. I thought, would certainly have been a real beginner's piece, and indeed it is faithful to the chant melody the children would have known so well, particularlyin the top part (see Example 2). But each phrase of the chant is elaborated at its end, which demanded real reading from the singers, not just recollection. That is to say, the trio glosses the Ave Maria in the literate style typical of church polyphony. It has some hallmarks of music for novices, for example the use of the familiar melody and its epigrammatic disposition phrase by phrase. Even the elaborations could be construed in the context of music education, for we know that writing exercises for students of polyphony usually began by constructing points of imitation based on well-known tunes or composing out phrases of polyphony using the work of others or a cantus priusfactus as a starting point.63 But these trios nonetheless direct the student towards the world of polyphonic literacy that was the common coin for church musicians. The real beginner's piece in the collection, however, is the first for six voices, in which the second and third one, the big Paternoster voices sing an AveMaria in canon (these are the Quinta and Sexta pars, cleffed c2 and, when realised, in the ranges bb-bb' andf-f') (see Example 3 and Figure 8). The canon is based on an almost literal presentation of the Ave Maria melody, divided into phrases separated by rests of three to five breves in length. Indeed, counting the rests would have presented a far greater problem for the children than singing their parts, but they could have been cued in by one of the other singers, who were used to giving each other visual and tactile indications during performances, not only of the beat but, for example, of where to sing musicaficta, which they cued by tapping on their colleagues' shoulders. Most beginners' canons are at the unison, which might make this one at the lower fifth seem more difficult until we consider that this
"2 On Certon's appointment see C. Cazaux, La musique a la courde Francois ler (Paris, 2002), pp. 152, 154, 156. For a discussion and transcription of some of the motets see S. van Solkema, 63 See H. M. Brown, 'Emulation, Competition, and Homage: Imitation and Theories of
'The LiturgicalMusic of Pierre Certon', 2 vols. (Ph.D diss., Universityof Michigan, 1962).
Imitation in the Renaissance',Journalof theAmerican 35 (1982), pp. 1-48. Musicological Society,
240

Superius
Contratenor
A
Bassus
A vce Ma
ve
-
Ma
ri - a
ve Aw F :j ri
Ma
ri
ve
Ma
ri - a
gra -
gra
ti
pie
a_
gra
ti
pe
na
gra
ti-
pie
- na
do
nus
te
curm
Example 2
Pierre Certon, Ave Maria, in Institutoris ... modulorum editio(Paris, 1542),
bb. 1-20
is a canon that works by the ear sooner than by the eye. The singers of the sexta pars take their pitch from the quinta pars in order to sing a part they may hardly have 'read' at all. What the examples of the catechisms and Certon's Paternoster/Ave Mariashow is that the spheres of the monophonic and imitative, of 241
Kate van Orden

Superius
Pa ter pa ter
Quinta pars
Sexta pars
Contratenor
Pa tcr no - stcr
Bassus
Pa
ter
no
ster
qui
es
in
Pa
ter
no
ster
qui
no
in ster ui
ce es
lis
.S.
ce
lis
qui
es
__
in
ce
lis,
sanc-
ti - fi -
es
in
ce
is
Example 3
Pierre Certon, Pater noster/AveMaria, in Institutoris . . . modulorum editio (Paris, 1542), bb. 1-16
oral and textual, or, to use Tinctoris's distinctions, of low and middle styles are not so distant from one another. Children might participate in a six-voice motet without being able to read much music at all. Certainly such motets allowed the most junior members of the maitriseto sing along with the rest of the Sainte-Chapelle and the chapelledu roi when, as in the procession against heresy of 1535, these massed forces turned out to sing polyphonic motets in the streets of Paris.64 But I would also argue that Certon composed his
64 On the procession seeJ. T. Brobeck, 'Musical Patronage in the Royal Chapel of France under Francis I (r. 1515-1547)', Journal of the American MusicologicalSociety,48 (1995), pp. 187-239, at
242

11
sanc
ti
fl
ce
-ti fi -ce tur
11o
- ce - tur
meen tu ..
110
um
sanc
ti
fi
cc
tur
no
14 A
-tur 110 -lllell 1 tu u1
ry
llmen
tu
um
Ad
ve
Ad
ve
ni
Inc
tut
Example 3
continued
Figure 8
Pater noster/AveMaria, Quinta and Sexta Pars, in Pierre Certon, Institutoris editio(Paris, 1542), Contratenor, fol. 2r ... modulorum
i la cour p. 220; on the processionand the childrenin the royal chapel see Cazaux, La musique deFranfois ler, pp. 88-92, 175-9.
243
Kate van Orden AveMariafor children everywhere, for in both the three-voice setting and the Paternoster/Ave Mariaa 6 he chose to set the most common version of the chant, the one everyone learnt. The choirboys, by contrast, would have known another 'Ave Maria', one with the text 'Ave Maria, gratia dei plena per secula', which they were expected to sing in polyphony after Matins. So, for example, Antoine Brumel, master of the choirboys at Notre Dame from 1498 to 1500, set this liturgical chant, and when Jean Mouton, Jean Prioris and Claudin de Sermisy wrote 'Ave Maria' settings, they also used this versicle from the sequence Hac claradie.65Sermisy, who was a clerk at the Sainte-Chapelle early in his career, scored his motet for three high voices, just as Brumel had done. But Certon, who served as master of the children at the Sainte-Chapelle, nonetheless chose to publish settings of the 'popular' prayer. Despite the false advertising by which prints so often recommended themselves to buyers, in this case I believe we should take the prominence of Certon's title - as significant, hinting at the Institutoris Symphoniacorum puerorum potential of the collection to aid in teaching children polyphony. When, in the early years of the century, printing separated motets from their frequent context in manuscript anthologies of Vespers music, it liberated the motet from its paraliturgical moorings and gave it - in the form of such printed anthologies - the potential to become a genre of broad diffusion as cantiones sacrae.66 Motets would soon be joined by chansons and polyphonic settings of spirituelles Marot's psalms- indeed, Certon was one of the first to set the French psalter (Attaingnant, 1546)67- but for their time, motets seem to have been popular as musical primers. In sum, then, the precious accounts we have of choirboys participating in the ceremonies of cathedral and chapel mirror the activities of children in catechism classes, who sang litanies to the Virgin in plainchant or simple canons while marching in penitential
1" See C. Wright, Music and Ceremony at NotreDame of Paris, 500-1500 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 185-9. Mouton's motet a 4 appears to have been scored for boys on the upper three parts and their master on the lowest; Prioris's setting, according to Wright, is designed for adults alone. " On Vespers anthologies in manuscript see J. E. Cumming, The Motet in the Age of Du Fay
67
(Cambridge,1999). More recently,she has argued that the motet anthology is a phenomenon of print ('FromChapel Choirbookto Print Partbookand Back Again', paper presentedat the Thirtieth Annual Medieval and RenaissanceMusic Conference, Tours, France,July 2005). See Daniel Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, RoyalPrinter of Music:A Historical StudyandBibliographic Catalogue (Berkeleyand Los Angeles, 1969), pp. 346-7.
244
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century processions, parish rituals, feast-day processions and in processions of their catechism classes. If reading itself doubled as education in manners and learning to sing was part of this basic education, then it was also in singing that the outward signs of civility and the moral elevation it was designed to produce came together. And while homophonic songs taught children to speak together in time and constrained their diction to the norms, canons taught them to hold their place in more complex circumstances, to concentrate, and to contribute a unique voice to the harmony.
MOTETS AND BROAD READERSHIP
Our investigation of Latin syllabaries, singing in catechism classes, and 'primer'pieces such as Certon's has cast the motet repertoire in a significantlydifferentlight, suggesting that we should see motets as music of the broadest consumption. Yet how closely do the material forms of motet prints approximate those of the vernacular genres we public? usually take to be examples of polyphony for a grand Pierre Attaingnant, whose chanson prints represent the first large-scale marketing of polyphony, chose identical formats for his very first motet prints. They were anthologies with French titles, sixteen folios in length and in the same octavo format as his chansonniers. Indeed, one of the first prints to come off his presses encanon that contains the AveMaria was the book of Chansons et motetz 'in diapenthe' cited above. It was an affordable octavo print that mixed the two genres together in just one volume.68 Nor was Attaingnant alone in conceiving of the motet as a genre with the diverse appeal of chansons and other vernacular songs. Indeed, the Chansons et motetz en canon was copied from an Antico print of 1520, e the Motettinovi chanzoni franciosea quatro sopradoi.69Other prints likewise mixed chansons and motets; a number of titles from those years attributed to Antico and Giunta have the same complexion.70 musices Moreover, Petrucci's first chanson anthologies, Harmonice B Canti A numero and C. No. Canti B. Odhecaton (1501), cinquanta (1502) centi cinquanta (1504) each included a few Latin-texted numbers, are placed at the opening of the volume or begin the of which many
68
69 70
Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, catalogue no. 3; id., 'A New AttaingnantBook'.

See Finscher, 'Attaingnantdrucke'.
RISM [1521]6, [c.1521]7, [c.1526]5.
245
Kate van Orden section of trios in the middle of the book." Like the little canonic motets Attaingnant and Antico mixed together with chansons, the well-known Latin prayers and Marian antiphons in Petrucci's chansonniers show that such pieces were in some sense part of the vernacular repertoire.72 In a similar spirit, Scotto and Gardano often titled their motet prints in the vernacular- Primolibrode i Motettidel Frutto, AMotetti delLaberinto and so forth - or added Motetti, the formula 'vulgo motecta nuncupatur' parenthetically to their Latin titles. How were all these distinctions received by the public for printed polyphony? One source of information is binder's volumes (books comprised of several editions bound together in sets of partbooks according to voice type). They reveal the collecting habits of bibliophiles and institutional libraries, how they organised their books and whether they separated parts according to genre for binding.7 Oftentimes collectors followed the lead of publishers, buying and binding according to publisher's series and keeping genres apart. This is certainly true for binder's volumes that preserve music printed in Paris and Lyon, where printers such as Attaingnant, Moderne, Du Chemin and Le Roy & Ballard preferred distinctive formats for masses, motets and chansons. But just as often, when formats permitted, like-sized partbooks were bound together no matter what the genre. The binder's volumes that mix motets and chansons are far too numerous to list here, but in order to limit our survey, we can take as an example the binder's volumes containing surviving copies of Attaingnant's first motet prints cited above (see App. 1), which, as we noted, were of the same size and format as the chansonniers he was printing at the time. (This would
opens with de Orto's Ave Maria and the first trio is Brumel's Materpatris; CantiB 7 The Odhecaton opens with Josquin's L'hommeanni followed by Compare's Virgocelestiand the trios begin with celorum.On the style of the pieces in the (Cantiseries, including these motets, see D. Fallows,
AveAncilla trinitatis (Obrecht);CantiC opens with Obrecht'sAveRegina (Brumel)and Si sumpsero
25 'Petrucci'sCantiVolumes: Scope and Repertory', Basler fir historische Jahrbuch Musikpraxis, (2001), pp. 39-52. mater 72 CantiC also includes an anonymousAlmaRedemptoris setting. 7 See the binder's volumes listed, for example, in J. A. Bernstein, Music Printingin Renaissance TheScotto Venice: Venetian Press,1539-1572 (New York, 1998) and M. S. Lewis, Antonio Gardano, Music Printer, 1538-1569: A Descriptive and Historical Bibliography Study,3 vols. (New York, Print 1988-2005) and the discussionof earlycollectorsof printedpolyphonyin I. Fenlon,Music, and Culture in EarlySixteenth-Century Italy(The Panizzi Lectures, 1994; London, 1995).
246
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century change, as he switched to a two-in-one or all-in-one layout for his
chansonniers in 1536.74)
The largest volume listed, in Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, was first owned by Henry of Castell (1525-95), who purchased it in Paris in 1539.75 Like the Contratenor partbook in Eichstatt and the set of partbooks in Wolfenbiittel, it combines most of what Attaingnant had for sale at the time of purchase in roughly the order the prints came off the presses, with the exception that the motets are grouped at the end of the volumes. These prints seem either to have been sold bound or bound immediately upon purchase, and they preserve a sense of order and genre close to that of the print shop. Of a more idiosyncratic nature are the books now at Versailles and Munich, the latter once owned by the great sixteenth-century bibliophile Hans Heinrich Herwart, whose music library forms the core of that at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. The Versailles volume is faithful to Attaingnant, but binds a Superius-Tenor partbook printed in a two-in-one layout with the de maistreClement Janequinand the Superius parts of the Chansons both of nouvellement which were composez, printed in four Motetz volumes. Unlike the 'pret t porter' binder's volumes in Eichstatt, Wolfenbtittel and Paris, the Versailles book evinces more directly the habits of its owner, who mixed chansons and motets and added a couple of chansons by hand at the end.76 Herwart's volumes also reveal something of his personal sense of order - chansons, madrigals and motets are all bound together in volumes that mixed the publications of Attaingnant with those of Gardano and Scotto. International in style and provenance, they situate the four-voice motets being printed by Attaingnant close to the Parisian chanson and the first wave of madrigals (predominately a 4) by Verdelot, Festa and Willaert.77 Binder's volumes are of interest not only because they confirm the freedom with which collectorsjumbled together chanson and motet
75 Ibid.,pp. 133-4. 76 Although the binding appears to date from the eighteenth century, I believe it is safe to assume that the partbooks were purchased as a set and that the manuscript additions are contemporary ones. The paper used for the manuscript gathering is similar to that of the prints, as is the style 77 In this respect, they resemble the Newberry partbooks (presentedto Henry VIII c. 1527-9)
74 See Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, pp. 73-6.
of the chansons (Je suis desheritie, for instance, was first published by Attaingnantin 1534). andMotets(Chicago, [1972]). studied by H. C. Slim; see A Giftof Madrigals
247
Kate van Orden prints, but because - as we have already seen- they sometimes preserve a gathering or two of music in manuscript. Even more telling than binder's volumes, the manuscript additions in early printed books occasionally cross the generic boundaries established by the print or prints they accompany. In Appendix 2 I list a few volumes with manuscript additions that help advance my claim that Latin-texted pieces made fine music for beginners. The firstvolume on the list, Paris BNF Res. 419-421, contains three books of chansons printed in Lyon. On the blank staves of the last page of is a brief fauxbourdon a 4 setting the Le II livreduJardin de musique text 'Et cum spiritu tuo, Amen' ('And with Thy spirit, Amen'). Written in a sure hand, this was one of the formulaic responses for singing at Mass that children would have learnt in their Sunday school classes. It is a pedagogical text, a Latin primer piece in which the essential musical practices that went along with catechism happened to be written into a book of chansons. That one owner of the book was just learning to read and write music is further witnessed by the shaky additions on the endpaper at the back of the book: ruled rather badly with three staves, it includes just five ill-penned notes following a rather elegant C-clef on the second line. Did the teacher plan a homework assignment here like those Christoph Piperinus gave to the young Basilius Amerbach in Basel?78Amerbach's education commenced with writing exercises, with copying out pieces into partbooks he was instructed to make himself, and with learning solmisation syllables. Though far more fleeting than these music lessons studied by John Kmetz, BNF Res. 419-421 shows evidence of a common phenomenon - a Superius partbook being used for added instruction, literally 'on the side'. Many are the volumes that include the gamut or other teaching aids on a flyleaf or even the cover.79
Of an equally didactic nature are the manuscript additions to
Paris BNF Res. 623-623bis. On a blank folio at the end of this Quintus book is written out what appears to be the Superiuspart of
17 79
See J. Kmetz, 'The Piperinus-Amerbach Partbooks: Six Months of Music Lessons in RenaissanceBasle', in id. (ed.).Musicin theGerman Renaissance (Cambridge,1994),pp. 215-34. To mention just one such volume, see BNF R6s. Vmf 13 (1-17), owned by the royal harpsichordist under Henry II, Louis Cramoisy. This well-worn volume contains the Superius
parts of Le Roy & Ballard'sfirstto fifteenthbooks of chansons,bound in plain vellum.Into the flyleafof the back bindingwas copied a hexachordchartthat suggestsCramoisyused the book
for tutoring.
248
a fauxbourdon setting of Psalm 116, 'Laudate Dominum omnes gentes', its psalm tone in F replete with doxology. If there is any doubt that this was a teaching piece, we need only turn the page on the last folio of endpapers is written a four-in-one canon for high voices at the unison and the soft hexachord onf' with mnemonics for the solmisation syllables (see App. 2). Here we might note that 'Laudate Dominum' elsewhere inspired Sixt Dietrich to construct a canon that could be resolved four different ways and have it printed on a broadside (Augsburg:Philippus Ulhardus, 1547).80It is one of the precious few surviving musical broadsides from the time destined for the classroom, and it serves to remind us that even the most ephemeral forms of print - arguably those with the broadest reach - were part of the system by which Latin motets reached their audiences. Finally, the Mazarine chansonnier - a volume otherwise containing only chansons - includes a motet among the chansons and dances in manuscript tucked in at its end. It is a setting by Sermisy Scholars Deus omnipotens.81 or Arcadelt of a morning prayer, Domine have argued it is the duo arrangements of precisely the sort of Parisian chansons contained in the Mazarine chansonnier that constituted the era's musical primers.82In fact, some canny marketeers of the time even declared collections of vernacular duos to be
8o See M. H. Lamla, 'MusicalCanons on ArtisticPrintsfrom the 16th to the 18th Centuries',in
81
82
andEurope inAntwerp MusicPrinting AltaCapella; in the LowCountries; andManuscripts MusicFragments in the16thCentury (Yearbookof the AlamireFoundation,2; Leuven, 1997),pp. 479-510 and T. R6der, 'ArtisticMessages:Canons from Augsburg',forthcomingin K. Schiltz, B.J. Blackburn 14th-16thCentury: andCanonic and I. Bossuyt(eds.),Canons Proceedings of theInternational Techniques, I am also gratefulto KatelijneSchiltz 4-6 October 2005 (Leuven,forthcoming). Leuven, Conference, for sharing with me her copies of a collection of early canonic broadsidesin the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek 2 Mus.pr. 156).Another broadsidethat should be mentioned here (signature: a lire,p. 266 (depictingthe is the one reproducingJacques Cossard'sMethodes pourapprendre Guidonianhand, note values, the gamut and solmisationexercises),bound into the manuscript BNF n.a.f. 4671, fol. 51. de Sermisy, Nova & Prima This piece is attributedto Sermisy in Claudii regiisacelliSubmagistri, cantus editio motettorum (vocum quatuor) (Paris:Attaingnant, 1542), but to Arcadelt in Liber triginta Musarum motetos novem habet... (Ferrara: (Louvain:Phalhse, J. de Buglhat, 1538) and Hortus 1552); Grove assignsit to Arcadelt on the basis of style. See I. Cazeaux and J. T. Brobeck, II, xxiii, p. 133. 'Sermisy, Claudin de', New Grove a duevoce For example,Antonio Gardane, Canzonifrancese (Venice:Gardane, 1539) and Tielman a deuxou a troix livredeschansons (Antwerp:Susato, 1544) and Tierslivre Susato, Premier parties a deuxou a trois(Antwerp:Susato, 1552). For the secondary Chansons xxx nouvelles contenant literature see, among others, D. Heartz, '"Au pres de vous": Claudin's Chanson and the 24 (1971), Commerce of Publishers'Arrangements', Musicological Society, of theAmerican Journal pp. 193-225, and L. F. Bernstein,'FrenchDuos in the FirstHalf of the Sixteenth Century',in E. Albrecht in Honor in Musicology (Kassel, 1980), pp. 43-87. of Otto J. W. Hill (ed.), Studies
249
Kate van Orden an 'alphabet in music'.83Yet without denying the didactic potential of duos, I should like to suggest that four-voice works stood alongside duos as primer pieces, not just chansons a 4, but motets as well. Prints such as Tylman Susato's Premier livre deschansons a deuxou a troixparties(Antwerp, 1544) might have pitched themselves to readers with avertissements claiming that they were designed for 'amateurs de la science de musique', but, after all, it was motet prints a 4 that actually bore titles such as the best-known example, Symphoniae Jucundae (Wittenberg:Georg Rhau, 1538), the print that included Luther's famous preface on music.84Modest motets such as Domine Deus omnipotens were written in the SATB harmonies we find time and again in the catechisms, and their imitative textures would have been familiar to rank beginners from singing canons. Indeed, I would argue that it is precisely the fairly schematic imitation of duos that recommended them, and not necessarilytheir smaller scoring, for it was in this respect that they advanced the student gently 'ad Parnassum' from the little canonic motets like Conditor almesiderum sung in catechism classes. The material and musical evidence situates at least some motets much further down the scale of artistic hierarchy than many scholars have imagined. And why not? If children learnt to vocalise nonsense Latin syllables as their first exercises in reading, why shouldn't they later sing a motet quite happily? Even if they set the texts of the Bible - the fundamental text of literate culture in the West - motets are not fully part of written culture. Rather, the oral practices I have recovered here reveal that Catholic culture was still largely vocal at the time. The Word was learnt by ear; it was something spoken and heard, and even large-scale polyphonic works did not wholly depend on writing for meaning, but relied on the authority of the ear, the voice and the memory. All this having been said, a fuller understanding of literacy has not been the only obstacle to identifying motets as a repertoire with the broad appeal of vernacular song. Print itself has been one culprit. Publishing formulae, mass marketing and the stylistic genericism that went along with the transformation of music into an object of
83 Agostino Licino, Secondo librodi duocromatici (Venice: Gardano, 1546). 84 See the
introductionto Georg Rhau, Symphoniae ed. H. Albrecht (Musikdrucke aus Jucundae, denJahren 1538-1545 in praktischerNeuausgabe, 3; Kassel, 1959).
250
France Singingand Literacyin Sixteenth-Century commercial exchange all contradict the Romantic value of individuality inherited by modern musicology. One result is that - with the exception of research into vernacular genres - historians of Renaissance music have evinced ambivalence towards printed sources. Following the lead of early modern composers, who griped that printers mangled their work and printing devalued it, source studies privileged manuscripts over prints. Moreover, manuscript studies- especially of the high-art genre of the cyclic mass in the large folio choirbooks that came into style in the late fifteenth century - better sustained prevailing notions of the masterwork. Studies of the motet have tended, likewise, to frame analysis in the terms established by cyclic masses and their forms of musical elaboration. To take but two examples, John Brobeck defined sixteenth-century French 'liturgical motets' as '"motetlike" in the sense that they are contrapuntally complex works of moderate length that make use of such standard compositional techniques as canon, cantusfirmus, and melodic imitation'; and Anthony M. Cummings, in his foundational study of Italian motets, concluded that 'the use of complex polyphonic procedures inappropriate to some liturgical contexts' was one of the defining hallmarks of the genre.85 Yet printing added another dimension outside matters of liturgical context that have preoccupied scholars. For print made of the motet a new genre responsive to a greater variety of readers. The material likeness of motet prints to books of hours and chansonniers argues that many sixteenth-century readers did not consider motets to be exclusively paraliturgical. Rather, they were publicbegan part of a culture of print in which the tastes of a grand
85
J. T. Brobeck, 'Some "Liturgical Motets" for the French Royal Court: A Reconsideration of
48 (1993), pp. 123-57, at p. 142. Genre in the Sixteenth-CenturyMotet', MusicaDisciplina,

Brobeck is describing a repertoire of contrapuntally complex pieces designed to substitute for
plainchant in the liturgy. He responds here to Anthony M. Cummings, who used ritual
function as a means of discerning two distinct sorts of motets c. 1500: liturgical pieces in a simple fauxbourdon style and the more elaborate non- or paraliturgical motets used by the Communion. See A. M. Cummings, 'Toward an Interpretation of the Sixteenth-Century
Papal Chapel for ceremonies and moments in the liturgy such as the Elevation and
34 (1981), pp. 43-59. Thus Brobeck argues Motet', Journal of theAmerican Musicological Society, that the pieces he is consideringmight be termed 'liturgicalmotets', using 'motet' to mean a
work of some contrapuntal complexity. Howard Mayer Brown also concentrated on the matter of liturgical use for Petrucci's motet prints, even while observing the similarity of Petrucci's Motetti books to books of hours. See his 'The Mirror of Man's Salvation'. On whether motets
in the Cathedral should be consideredliturgicalat all, see BonnieJ. Blackburn,Music for Treviso LateSixteenth A Reconstruction 29 and30 (Royal MusicalAssociation Centu~: of theLostManuscripts Monographs, 3; London, 1987), pp. 19-33.
251
Kate van Orden to shape the cultural objects it consumed. Furthermore, the fact that canons had such a firm place in the curriculum of the schoolroom and catechism classes likewise suggests that motets had the broadest appeal. According to the motet the same stylistic priorities that defined polyphonic mass cycles may have preserved the motet from the filthy ink of the press and the more popular cultural spheres into which print delivered written works, but in the process some of its history was lost, and with it a valuable perspective on who enjoyed this so-called middling genre during the first age of music printing. University of California, Berkeley
APPENDIX
Binder's Volumes Containing Attaingnant Motet Prints from before 1534 The volumes in Eichstatt,Wolfenbtittel and Paris - each of which contains most of what Attaingnant had for sale in the early 1530s - were all in Germany in the sixteenth century. Whether or not they were bound in Paris or abroad, they appear to have been sold in similar sets.1
EICHSTATT,
STAATLICHE
BIBLIOTHEK,
LIT
O NO.
38,
CONTRATENOR
Sixteenth-century leather-covered boards, stamped in gold: 'Contratenor'. Music printed in oblong octavo, 15 x 10 cm. et motets Chansons en canona quatre partiessur Paris: Attaingnant, [1528] deux(fragment) de maistre Paris: Attaingnant, [1528] Clement Chansons Janequin Trente et quatre Paris: Attaingnant, [153 1?] chansons musicales Trente et cinqchansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] et deuxchansons Trente musicales Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] Trente chansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] Trente et septchansons Paris: Attaingnant, 1532 musicales Trente et unechanson Paris: Attaingnant, 1529 musicales Trente et huytchansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, 1530
On the relationships among the volumes see Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, pp. 133-5, and L. Finscher, 'Attaingnantdrucke', pp. 37-9.
252
Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France Six Gaillardes et six Pavanes avecTrezechansons musicales et neufchansons musicales Vingt Trente et six chansons musicales deuxbranles Aeuf bassesdances vingtet cinq Pavennes . .. Trente et troys chansons nouvelles en musique et huitchansons nouvelles en musique Vingt composez Motetznouvellement xii Motetz
VERSAILLES,
Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 Paris: Attaingnant, Paris: Attaingnant, Paris: Attaingnant, Paris: Attaingnant,
FONDS
1532 1532 [1529] 1529
MUNICIPALE, BIBLIOTHEQUE 8 32 SUPERIUS
GOUJET,
Eighteenth-century brown calfskin binding with gold tooling and 'chansons tres ancien 1525' on spine. First page signed and dated 1690. Manuscript additions contemporary with prints. Music printed in oblong octavo, 15 x 10 cm. Chansons nouvelles en musique Paris, Attaingnant, 1528 (Altus [i.e. Superius]-Tenor) Chansons de maistre Clement Paris: Attaingnant, [1528] Janequin(S) nouvellement Paris: composez (S) Attaingnant, [1529] Motetz 3 folios of music in manuscript containing the Superius to the chansons a maintsand Je suis desheritie Quantj'estoys (untexted).
MUNICH, BAYERISCHE STAATSBIBLIOTHEK, PRACTICA 40/1-8 MUSICA
Formerly in the collection of Hans Heinrich Herwart. Listed in Herwart's catalogue as bound in white vellum.2 Music printed in oblong octavo, 15 x 10 cm. Del secondo librode Madrigalide Verdelotto a Venice: Scotto, 1538 vocz cinque librode Madrigalide Verdelotto ... [Venice: Scotto], 1537 I1 secondo Adriano ... Festa Venice: Scotto, 1537 Il terzolibrodi Madrigalide Verdelotto Francesi a voci di Venice, Gardano, [1538] Vinticinque quatro Canzoni Clement Jannequin
2 See H. C. Slim, 'The Music 7 (1977), Libraryof Hans Heinrich Herwart',Annales musicologiques, pp. 67-79.
253
Kate van Orden xii Motetz nouvelles et huit chansons Vingt chansons musicales et Vingt huyt Trente chansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, Paris: Attaingnant, Paris: Attaingnant, Paris: Attaingnant, 1529 1532 1534 1534
WERNIGERODE, (OLIM DE FRANCE LAUSANNE,
PARIS,
NATIONALE BIBLIOTHIQUE THEN A. CORTOT), SUCCESSION
SUPERIUS
Signed inside the cover H[einrich] G[raf] u[nd] H[err] zu Castell, dated 1539. Music printed in oblong octavo, 15 x 10 cm. Paris: Attaingnant, [153 1?] musicales Trente et quatre chansons Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] et cinqchansons musicales Trente Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] musicales Trente et deuxchansons Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] musicales Trente chansons Paris: Attaingnant, 1532 musicales Trente et septchansons Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 musicales Trente et huytchansons avec chansons Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 et six Pavanes Six Gaillardes Treze musicales musicales Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 et neufchansons Vingt Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 musicales et six chansons Trente Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 deuxbranles vingtet cing Neuf bassesdances . .. Pavennes Paris: Attaingnant, 1532 Trente et troyschansons nouvelles en musique Paris: Attaingnant, 1532 en musique et huit chansons nouvelles Vingt Paris: Attaingnant, 1533 chansons et musicales Vingt quatre Paris: Attaingnant, 1533 musicales Chansons Paris: Attaingnant, 1533 musicales et septchansons Vingt Paris: Attaingnant, 1534 chansons musicales Trente Paris: Attaingnant, 1534 et huytchansons musicales Vingt Paris: et chansons musicales Trente une Attaingnant, 1534 Paris: et musicalles Attaingnant, 1534 Vingt huytchansons Paris: musicales et chansons six Attaingnant, 1535 Vingt Paris: Attaingnant, 1535 et unechansons a troys musicales Trente parties Paris: Attaingnant, 1529 xii Motetz 2 folios of music in manuscript in the Superius volume containing the Superius parts of a pavane, three gaillardes, and 'Trium. Vray dieu d'aimer'.
254

WOLFENBUTTEL, FROM THE HERZOG PRIVATE AUGUST BIBLIOTHEK, OF GRAF ON LOAN COLLECTION (SATB SCHWEINITZ
Q)
Bound in leather with gold stamping, 16th-c." Music printed in oblong octavo, 15 x 10 cm. Chansons et motets en canona quatre Paris: Attaingnant, [1528] partiessur deux(in A only) et deuxchansons musicales a troys Quarante parties Paris: Attaingnant, 1529 (in STB only) Chansons de maistre Clement Paris: Attaingnant, [1528] Janequin Trente et quatre chansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, 1529 et cinqchansons Trente musicales Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] et deuxchansons Trente musicales Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] Trente chansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] Trente et septchansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] Trente et unechanson musicales Paris: Attaingnant, 1529 Trente et huytchansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 Six Gaillardes et six Pavanes avecTrezechansons Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 musicales et neufchansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 Vingt Trente et six chansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, 1530 nouvellement Paris: Attaingnant, [1529] composez Motetz Paris: Attaingnant, 1529 xii Motetz Manuscript addition on three blank staves of the xii Motetz (fol. xiV), untexted composition for three voices, transcribed in Ludwig Finscher, 'Attaingnantdrucke',p. 37. APPENDIX Sixteenth-Century 2
Prints with Manuscript Additions

NATIONALE 419-421 (S) DE
PARIS,
BIBLIOTHEQUE RES.
FRANCE,
Binding refurbished in brown vellum. Lafleur de chansons premier livre Lafleur de chansons livre second Le IIe livreduJardin de musique
Lyon: Jean Bavent, 1574 Lyon: Jean Bavent, 1574 Lyon: Jean de Tournes, 1579
3 See the full bibliographicdescriptionin Finscher, 'Attaingnantdrucke', pp. 35-6.
255
Kate van Orden Manuscript 'Et cum spiritu tuo, Amen' in four-voice fauxbourdon, Le IIe livre,fol. 50v.
PARIS, BIBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE DE FRANCE, RES.
623-623BIS
(Q)
Binding refurbished in white vellum. du mdlange Lassus, Continuation a5 Lassus, Livrede chansons
Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, 1596 Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, 1599 Two folios with manuscript additions on endpapers (contemporary with dominum omnes gentes (Ps. 116), prints). Fol. 1: staves ruled by hand, Laudate a four-voice fauxbourdon setting, including doxology; fol. 2: a four-in-one canonic chanson at the unison for high voices Viensbelleand soft hexachord with mnemonic terms for solmisation syllables ('utiliter, realiter, mirabiliter, familiariter, solemniter, lacrimabiliter').
PARIS, BIBLIOTHEQUE MAZARINE, ONE VOLUME) RES. 30345 A (SATB IN
Eighteenth-century red leather binding with gold stamping. Paris: Attaingnant, 1536 Chansons musicales Paris: Attaingnant, 1536 chansons contenant xxix. Livre premier Paris: chansons livrecontenant Second xxv. Attaingnant, 1536 Paris: xxxi. chansons Premier contenant livre Attaingnant, 1536 Paris: Attaingnant, 1536 xxxi. chansons livrecontenant Second Paris: Attaingnant, 1536 xxi. Chansons Tierslivrecontenant Twelve fols. of printed music paper with eight chansons, one pavane and the motet DomineDeus omnipotens.
A full descriptionof the manuscriptadditionscan be found in Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, p. 286.
256

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Children's Voices: Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France Author(s): Kate van Orden Source: Early Music History,

KATE VAN ORDEN

CHILDREN'S VOICES: SINGING AND LITERACY IN SIXTEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE

Kate van Orden

Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

Renaissance Matter: FromtheHandsof theEnglish See J. Goldberg, Writing (Stanford,1990).

See especially R. Chartier, 'Communities of Readers', in The Order Authors,and of Books:Readers,

Kate van Orden

in mu-li - er- i - bus

See J.-P. Babelon, Parisau XVIesiicle(Paris, 1986), pp. 159-66.

On English hours see ibid.,pp. xliii-xliv, 25.

Kate van Orden

Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

Lescommandemens deDieu Les commandemens de l'Eglise Conditor almesiderum

19 (1980), pp. 1-29. 1589', Analecta Musicologica,

Kate van Orden

37 Cited in Kennedy, 'Jesuits and Music', p. 82.

Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

see van Orden, Music,Discipline, andArms, ch. 5. In manyJesuit colleges, liturgicalsingingwas

Jesuit Colleges', p. 6, and on Jesuit attitudestowardstraining studentsto sing liturgicalmusic

see Kennedy, Jesuits and Music', pp. 73-81.

41 On the differentsortsof schoolingavailableto childrenat the time see especiallyibid.; Huppert,

See P. Ariis, L'enfant et la viefamiliale sousl'Ancien Rigime (Paris, 1960), p. 7.

in Renaissance C. Cappliez, L'icoledominicale siicle PublicSchools de Valenciennes au seiziime France;

Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

Kate van Orden

reverence expressed by the Te Deum text, in which opening cries of

au temps de la contrc-r6forme', inJ.-M. Vaccaro (ed.), La chansonaI la Renaissance (Tours, 1981),

cat6chistiquesou firmium artis.' 50 Ibid.,p. 56.

Kate van Orden

25 (2001), pp. 53-69;James Haar likewiseobservesthat in Petrucci'sCanti Musikpraxis, prints,

Kate van Orden

desHymnes et Cantiques fol. 21V.Photo courtesy of the Bibliothdque Paraphrase spirituelz,

Four-voice canon on the Commandments of the Church, in Coyssard,

Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

et modode cantar versilatinie capituli, libroquarto (Petrucci:Venice, 1505). The f/ottole,sonetti,

Maria',pp. 187 fl Origins of the Paternoster-Ave

Grove attributes this setting to Sermisy.

Imitation in the Renaissance',Journalof theAmerican 35 (1982), pp. 1-48. Musicological Society,

Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

Pierre Certon, Ave Maria, in Institutoris ... modulorum editio(Paris, 1542),

Kate van Orden

Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

-ti fi -ce tur

Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, catalogue no. 3; id., 'A New AttaingnantBook'.

RISM [1521]6, [c.1521]7, [c.1526]5.

AveAncilla trinitatis (Obrecht);CantiC opens with Obrecht'sAveRegina (Brumel)and Si sumpsero

74 See Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, pp. 73-6.

Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

48 (1993), pp. 123-57, at p. 142. Genre in the Sixteenth-CenturyMotet', MusicaDisciplina,

1532 1532 [1529] 1529

MUNICIPALE, BIBLIOTHEQUE 8 32 SUPERIUS

WERNIGERODE, (OLIM DE FRANCE LAUSANNE,

NATIONALE BIBLIOTHIQUE THEN A. CORTOT), SUCCESSION

Singing and Literacy in Sixteenth-Century France

Prints with Manuscript Additions

3 See the full bibliographicdescriptionin Finscher, 'Attaingnantdrucke', pp. 35-6.

A full descriptionof the manuscriptadditionscan be found in Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, p. 286.

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