Professional Documents
Culture Documents
3
rd
Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN Secretary-General
with the Representative of Civil Society on Human Rights
DAy I
Jakarta, 2830 October 2012 |
27 Table of Contents
SESSION 2:
CSOs Meeting with the ASEAN Secretariat General
The 3
rd
Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN
Secretary-General with the Representatve
of Civil Society on Human Rights
(Transcribed from Dr Surins speech)
3
rd
Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN Secretary-General
with the Representative of Civil Society on Human Rights
DAy I
Jakarta, 2830 October 2012 |
28 Table of Contents
I dont know which modality I would follow,
Pak Hassan or Pak Rafendi? I guess the best
forward is to be myself and that is to be
direct as I can and to be as diplomatc as I
have to be.
Let me just say that I value this dialogue
between the SG of ASEAN and civil society
working on the issue of human rights very
much. The only other forum that would
this kind designaton is the annual dialogue
between SG of ASEAN and the Federaton
of Japanese Chambers of Commerce in
ASEAN, the other spectrum, private sector.
The background of this, the Ambassador
knows well, was my appeal to our friends,
our dialogue partners and our potental
development partners like Switzerland, that
there are issues within ASEAN on ASEAN
agenda that needs to be more understood
beter disseminated and creatng a coaliton
of the willing who agree and who want to
work some of these issues together and to
move the agenda forward within the process,
within the landscape of ASEAN. And this is
only one of it.
I think if we look back from the very beginning
early 1900. I believe in 1992, the Foreign
Ministers agreed to establish or to endorse
establishment of working group on human
rights. And I remember I was one of the
ASEAN ministers at the ASEAN Ministerial
Meetng who would be open for this
engagement, many others were reluctant.
And I have to commend your predecessors
those who work in this agenda within that
working group designaton. Pak Marzuki was
very very commited and very very passion
and very much focused, never let the ball fall.
And there are others who may come and go
within the ASEAN member states. You have,
we have promoted the agenda the ASEAN
human rights from a marginal issue.
Issues that member states used to think that
these are of low priority. We dont need
to pay much atenton to it; we have other
priorites to an issue that is very much high
on the agenda front centre and very very
focused among all of us. I dont think we can
dismiss that achievement and I dont claim it
for myself and I certainly dont think that it
is anybodys credit. It is a collectve work of
all of us to carry this issue forward up untl
where we are.
The leaders agreed to establish, frst of all,
its in the charter and then the leader agreed
that it has to be established and it is in the
politcal security work plan or blueprints.
And then it is established and a lot of people
are not very happy about it. It is not a
perfect insttuton. Every tme it talks about
protecton, it also talks about promoton.
It could not give absolute guarantee for
protecton and it doesnt give much room
for protecton of individual cases. So form
your perspectve, its probably the real of
abstracton, not quite concrete not quite solid
and not quite clear delineaton of the role
of the human rights mechanism or human
rights intergovernmental commission.
I had had a debate since before I came into
this. I said when they were drafing it, I said
yes it could be intergovernmental, but I hope
the individuals who are nominated will be
on their own, will have their own space,
will be free of any government instructons
or any government control. I was dreaming.
But those who were drafing the charter
3
rd
Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN Secretary-General
with the Representative of Civil Society on Human Rights
DAy I
Jakarta, 2830 October 2012 |
29 Table of Contents
and the human rights TOR frst were saying
if it is an intergovernmental commission if
it is nominated by government, it cannot be
independent, it cannot be free, it has to have
that linkage.
But within that limitaton some member
states have been able to select and to
send individual through open recruitment.
Another words not a government ofcial, not
individuals that government would approve,
but let it be an open process recruitng
someone relevant, commited, passionate
about the issue. Im not going to menton
countries, but I want to say that within the
limitatons, some member states who have
made, have created a process that would
guarantee members of that commission,
the intergovernmental but stll recruited
or identfed, or selected from an open
process.
So we are where we are.
I think you have to look at it against that
background of hesitaton, background of
uncertainty and in some cases background
of sceptcism. That this would serve member
states of ASEAN well in our social politcal
and economic progress, but we have it.
And we are now working very slowly, very
inclusively and very patently on some of the
major instruments that we want to establish
in order to make sure that this agenda is
addressed and addressed well at the level
that is comfortable, that is acceptable, that
is a product of consensus and compromise.
Right now it is that declaraton, a regional
declaraton. That is a vocal point of
contenton, Yuyun and others. That it is
not up to the standard, that it is below the
mark, and that it is not quite what we should
expect. We want more that from ASEAN.
3
rd
Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN Secretary-General
with the Representative of Civil Society on Human Rights
DAy I
Jakarta, 2830 October 2012 |
30 Table of Contents
I understand the sentment, I understand the
feeling very very well, but I also appreciate,
am I speaking as the SG or? But I also
appreciate the constraint, the reluctant and
thesceptcismthat they have. Let me put
this observaton for you. Any country, any
government that is stll involved in state
building, state constructon, power and
legitmacy of the state is not fully established.
Throughout its territory, in every area and
in every feld will always feel jealous of its
power and its based and its sovereignty. This
is true in any undertaking in internatonal
arena. This is true about attude toward
new concept like human security. This is true
about the new concept like Dr. Praneehas
worked on the responsibility to protect. It
is going to diminish, it is going to afect, it
is going to make an advanced in road to the
absolute power of the state.
And ASEAN member are in that process, a lot
of it, a lot of us, either in the process of state
building or in the process of making sure that
the power the state has acquired is saved, is
secure, and will not be challenged. In the
face of tension, confrontaton, negotaton
with the rest of the world, internatonal
community, they want to make sure that we
are confdent and certain about what we are
trying to do.
I once described the foreign policy of Malaysia
and Indonesia as a foreign policy of deviance
in my lecture to the ofcials here in Foreign
Ministry in front of Pak Ali. And he asked me,
Where did you get that idea? How did you
come up with that phrase? I said, Well two
of you are leading in the third world, two of
you are leading in the group of 66. And you
have staked your claim of this leadership
based on your own struggle against your
own colonial background. You had to devise
something to come into being.
And he said what are some the others
and I said Thailand. Its a foreign policy
of accommodaton; just accommodate
everything, willing to absorb, willing to play,
willing to go along, willing to adapt, willing
to compromise because Thailand doesnt
have anything to prove to itself. So it became
a foreign policy of trying to accommodate
confictng interest outside. The rest of the
ASEAN are somewhere in between, either
policy of deviance or policy of trying to pick
and choose to accommodate issues that they
are comfortable with, that they think they
will beneft from.
So the overall result of this landscape is
frst to be sceptcal of anything universal.
We have our own norms, we have our own
experience, we have our own way to move
forward, later on its the ASEAN way. The very
creaton of ASEAN is to create its small forum
and state for ourselves that we dont lose
3
rd
Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN Secretary-General
with the Representative of Civil Society on Human Rights
DAy I
Jakarta, 2830 October 2012 |
31 Table of Contents
our own identtes. ASEAN in 1967, it is ten
eleven years afer 56 Bandung Conference.
When the major personalites of the third
world came together and the ASEAN
member states leaders felt it was too big for
us. We will lose our identty. So we call it this
thing called ASEAN. Thats the background of
a lot of hesitaton, restraint but claimed to
be unique, diferent. We have our own way,
ASEAN way. Thats the background of it.
Some countries are more advanced that
some others. And I would say that some
personalites in some countries are even
more advanced than some in the same
county depending on the training, depending
on the experiences, depending on the
ideological commitment and experiences
that they have gone through educaton.
Mine has always been trying to push the
envelope, pragmatc, but always try to push
the parameter. You remember when all the
ASEAN were constructve engagement, well
the experiences of the frst crisis told me
as a Foreign Minister of Thailand that we
have nothing to bark in the world because
we were down on our knees because of the
fnancial crisis.
The only thing that Thailand hadat that tme
was democracy and human rights. And it
is for the frst tme that human rights and
democracy became part of the foreign policy.
And it was that inspiraton that led me to talk
and think about that fexible engagement.
And Pak Ali said that I know where you
3
rd
Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN Secretary-General
with the Representative of Civil Society on Human Rights
DAy I
Jakarta, 2830 October 2012 |
32 Table of Contents
came from, but it sounds too aggressive. Let
us call it, he said an enhanced engagement
between us and among us. the fexible
engagement was meant just, you know, if
some countries have some problems with
democracy and human rights, dont expect
a country like Thailand to go out and defend
you. Because thats the only thing we have,
Ambassador, human rights and democracy at
that tme. Because it was no longer atractve
economically to invest to trade nothing,
everything failed. Because you were saying
let them fail.
Now you are saying some companies are
too big to fail. You are saying maintain
your surplus budget, you were telling us
keep the interest high. All the prescripton
that you gave to us, not you, IMF, are now
reversed what you are dealing with the US.
There was no bargaining power. I was trying
to push the envelope. And indeed we won
support from the internatonal community.
But that created problem within the ASEAN
community. So coming from that background
with my appreciaton of our depth of history,
I know what is possible and I know what the
risk is. I was willing to take some risk, but
not too much risk. And that is pushing the
envelope, trying to expand the parameter,
trying to create the space for all this kind of
issue to be able to be on the agenda. And
here we are. So I appreciate this dialogue.
We have made progress and I think we have
a long distance to go, but it doesnt mean we
have not achieved anything. I have seen the
communicaton between the civil society and
the ASEAN Foreign Minister just during the
meetng in New York. A lot of these issues
are below standard.
You can subsume human rights to the right
society or the law or the morality or the
peace of society. Human rights have to be
absolute thats one mission, one standard.
But look at that again the background of
what I have described to you from the very
beginning, you would appreciate that we
have come also a long distance and we have
a long distance to cover. But at least we have
look at it and that progression rather than
statc, no achievement, unacceptable. Were
not moving anywhere. Its not true. I think
we have to accept that there is dynamic
within these human rights community within
ASEAN. And I think we have to work together
in order to advance this further. And I think I
believe in the momentum of the democracy
and human rights. Once you begin to talk
democracy and human rights, the agenda
will have a life of its own and you cant stop
it. Whether it is in Myanmar or Cambodia
or anywhere, you can always appeal to the
sacred document that they have commited
in your name that these are the things that
we will do together. And I will relate to you.
3
rd
Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN Secretary-General
with the Representative of Civil Society on Human Rights
DAy I
Jakarta, 2830 October 2012 |
33 Table of Contents
I think I have done that before. But one more
tme since this is my last tme with you. Hillary
came to me in early 2009 and asked me,
Do I have that green book, the charter? Oh
okay, you show it. But Ill tell the story. How
much do you mean Mr. Secretary General to
implement this green book of yours?
And I know exactly why she phrased the
queston that way. Because the general
percepton of ASEAN is we come to the
meetng, we come in, we sign, we go back
home, we forget. But this is a contractual,
this is the sacred internatonal treaty among
us, the positve of the UN, ourselves, all of
you and the internatonal community. All
stakeholder players can call us against that
piece of paper.
So I must gather my courage and I said
Madam Secretary, we aspired to make a
living document, much like your Declaraton
of Independence, and much like your
consttuton. When they were issued, they
were inspiratonal. But they were sacred
principles in there that every generaton of
your people, whether its Lincoln, its Martn
Luther King, whether its the great society
during the tme of Mr. Johnson, Mr. Kennedy,
every successive generaton of American
people try to appeal to this document. And
try to expand their space, to expand their
freedom, try to pursue, in the pursuit of
happiness in the framework of consttuton
and the Declaraton of Independence.
I said that when Thomas Jeferson ended that
famous phrase All men are created equal
endowed with certain inalienable rights to
life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.I
said He didnt mean the Indians, he didnt
include the black slaves, he didnt even
include white men without propriety.And
I said, He didnt even include woman. But
now Mr. Obama in the White House, you
are Secretary of States. Every successive
of generaton in America hold on to that
document.
We want our people to hold on to this
document and you can help. Thats what you
are doing. Youre trying to make true whatever
its being said there. We are commited to the
principles of democracy and human rights.
And theres a space for you. WhenI fnished
my presentaton, she said, Yes, Professor,
andchanged the subject.
My message is it cant be done
the frst time around; my message is
if we are committed together, we will
get there together. We have made
the way, other generation behind
will have to live with that document.
So if you look at it this way, you wont
be hopeless. If you look at it this way,
youll continue to work and to be
inspired, that at least they are rules
and principles and doctrines in there
that we are together into a larger
space for our future generation.
And that is what Ive been trying
to do in the past 5 years.
3
rd
Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN Secretary-General
with the Representative of Civil Society on Human Rights
DAy I
Jakarta, 2830 October 2012 |
34 Table of Contents
My message is it cant be done the frst tme
around; my message is if we are commited
together, we will get there together. We have
made the way, other generaton behind will
have to live with that document. So if you
look at it this way, you wont be hopeless.
If you look at it this way, youll contnue to
work and to be inspired, that at least they are
rules and principles and doctrines in there
that we are together into a larger space for
our future generaton. And that is what Ive
been trying to do in the past 5 years. Many
initatves, many undertakings, and many
many actvites pushing the parameters and
the envelope.
The frst tme Pak Rafendi and Pak Marzuki
were trying to have that internatonal ASEAN
Human Rights Conference, I was asked not
to come to you by ACPR, by members of
the CPR who said the SG cant be ahead of
us. We have not decided to engage the civil
society. I said, Look at the Charter. If you are
not ready at least give me a space because
we cant keep them out. Now I met them
this morning and I said, Im sorry I cant be
with you too long because I have to atend
human rights meetng and they dont have
anything to say. It is recognized that this is
the space, the row. For that, I think you have
to be grateful. And it is my privilege to be
part of the journey with you.
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Section III: Annexes
1990s, about the importance for ASEAN to
have the ASEAN human rights commissions
or mechanism. He really did it with passion,
so he is not only, you know, one of those
agendas of Indonesia policy, but he did it
with passion. We all look forward later on to
listen to Pak Hassans view where we are now
and what are the challenges that we face and
how we can actually move to the future.
I would also like to use this opportunity
to thank Swiss Government, especially
Ambassador Worker for his support for the
actvites that we already started 2 or 3 years
ago with Pak SurinPitsuwan, the Secretary
General of ASEAN, in trying to bring together
all of us, those who are actually actve in
human rights promoton and some of us also
actve in human rights protecton to come
together to Jakarta to share our views and
also to try to encourage further the progress
in strengthening the ASEAN human rights
architecture.
I would also like to thank Pak Rafendi Djamin
who has been instrumental in Indonesia
atempt to push this idea and agenda
within the ASEAN context. I think he is the
only NGO person who actually serves as
the commissioner in ASEAN human rights
commissions. And in fact, because of his
being elected three years ago to be the
commissioner, now that we know NGO
stands for Next Government Ofcials. So
again thanks for being here, so probably I
will pass the microphone again to Yuyun and
also of course thanks to Yuyun and Lina who
made this meetng possible. Thank you.
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Annex #1: Speeches
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Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Allow me to commend the Centre for
Strategic and Internatonal Studies (CSIS),
the Embassy of Switzerlandand the Human
Rights Working Group for co-sponsoring the
Jakarta Human Rights Dialogue.
The promoton and protecton of human
rights is a relatvely new agenda in ASEAN that
was frst brought up in the 2008 ASEAN
Charter. ASEANs progress on human rights
are stll in its inital stage, and it has not
been moving as fast as we all want to see.
We cannot just simply leave the process
to ASEAN governments; civil societes in
ASEAN countries must also play their roles.
Building a politcal and human rights culture
in ASEAN is an important element in building
a future architecture for human rights in
ASEAN.
Let me briefy explore to the Historical
Background to the Architecture of Human
Rights in ASEAN.Civil societes throughout
ASEAN frst started to promote and protect
human rights in the 1970s, three decades
earlier than their ofcial counterparts--
ASEAN governments. However, policies
to promote and protect human rights
vary among ASEAN member countries.
The respectve governments capacity to
respond to demands for greater promoton
and protecton of human rights relates to
the degree of openness and adherence
to democracy, as the two are closely
interrelated.
The Philippines was the frst country in the
region to establish a Commission on Human
Rights. Manila was also the frst to sponsor the
frst Asia Pacifc Workshop on Human Rights
in 1990, which was held with the full support
and actve partcipaton from Philippine
civil society. Philippines democracy which
was critcized by Lee Kuan Yew as lacking
in discipline and enjoying low economic
growth was an important factor behind the
Philippines human rights movement.
In Indonesia, the then military dominated
administraton of President Suharto began to
ofcially address the demand for promoton
and protecton of human rights in January
1991, when the Foreign Ministry organized
the frst natonal workshop on human
rights. The Natonal Seminar presented 3
recommendatons to the Government of
Indonesia:
a. the establishment of an inter-agency
working groups on human rights;
b. to play an actve role in the regional/
internatonal discourse on human rights;
c. to establish a natonal commission on
human rights.
Keynote Speech by
H.E. Dr. N. Hassan Wirajuda
former Minister of Foreign Afairs
of Indonesia
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The frst two recommendatons were
immediately implemented. They were
notably followed up in 1990, as Indonesia
joined the UN Commission on Human Rights
that year which is the frst in our history.
However, the Dili incident on 12 November
1991 gravely set back our policy. The process
of developing an adequate policy on human
rights, partcularly in regard to the third
recommendaton, was halted. To generate
new momentum, we hosted the Asia Pacifc
Workshop on Human Rights in January
1993. During the opening of the workshop,
which was held at the Presidental Palace,
President Suharto announced that Indonesia
would establish the Indonesian Natonal
Commission on Human Rights, we call it
Komnas HAM, which he founded six months
later on 7 June 1993 a week before the
opening of the Second World Conference on
Human Rights in Vienna. It was an irony that
while Indonesia was ofen defensive about
its human rights record to the internatonal
community, President Suhartos New Order
Government approached domestc concerns
about Indonesias human rights situaton in a
positve manner.
Although the Natonal Commission on Human
Rights (Komnas HAM) was established by
a Presidental Decree, it had a balanced
mandate between its promotonal and
protecton functons. Therefore, when
Komnas HAM began to work in 1993, 10
December 1993, it was relatvely well
equipped to address gross human rights
violatons which occurred in diferent
parts of Indonesia. The mandate also
enabled Komnas HAM to gradually erode
the monopoly on truth by the most powerful
group in our society. Komnas HAMs work also
sowed the seeds of democracy in Indonesia
in the last decade of the 20
th
century.
At the internatonal level, by mid 1993,
internatonal discourse on human rights
moved to a positve trend. As bloc politcs
were immediately dissipated, the 2
nd
World
Conference (on Human Rights) setled
the debate on the substantve content
of human rights, namely that both civil
and politcal rights, as well as social and
economic rights, are indivisible. The
conference also stpulated that the approach
on protecton and human rights should be
less politcized and less fnger-pointng, and
setled the diferences of approach through
dialogue. And I should add that an important
part of the consensus was that gross violaton
of human rights are issues of internatonal
concern, although the obligaton to address
it remains those of respectve natonal
governments.
In the wake of the Second World Conference
on Human Rights, the ASEAN 5 ofcially began
to address human rights policy defciencies
for the frst tme. During a Foreign Ministers
Meetng in Singapore in 1993, it was 3 months
afer the Vienna Conference, the ASEAN
5 agreed to consider the establishment of
an ASEAN human rights mechanism this is
refected in paragraph 18 of the Singapore
Final Statement).
ASEAN did not pull out of the commitment
it made in Singapore. In 1996, I helped
establish a Working Group on ASEAN
Human Rights Mechanism chaired by
MarzukiDarusman, which was based on civil
society. The Group managed to establish
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a degree of communicaton with ASEAN
Foreign Ministers, albeit a limited one.
But in practce it only had limited infuence
in changing ASEANs policy responses
on human rights. The 1997-1998 East
Asian monetary crisis that struck ASEANs
major members, and the expansion of ASEAN
from 6 to 10 member states weakened
and complicated the organizatons human
rights policy response on human rights. The
drafing of the ASEAN Charter, partcularly
on a provision enabling an ASEAN human
rights body, was revisited following an earlier
atempt to establish an ASEAN human rights
mechanism, which was sidelined for 14 years
since 1993.
Obstacles to the Development of a Politcal
and Human Rights Culture in ASEAN. There
are 4 major obstacles:
a. Lack of democracy
The internatonal community has a
universally accepted understanding that
there is a strong correlaton between
democracy and human rights. In the
absence of democracy, we cannot expect
that all human rights (in its indivisibility
between civil and politcal rights, as well
as economic, social and cultural rights)
will be respected, for in the absence
of checks and balances, a monopoly of
power by an authoritarian government
will lead to a monopoly of truth, which
in turn perpetuates gross violatons of
human rights and a culture of impunity.
Furthermore, the lack of respect for civil
and politcal rights are an obstacle to
democracy.
In terms of procedural democracy, all
ASEAN countries regularly hold electons,
but they are not genuine. Prerequisites
to genuine electons --or electons with
integrity-- are respect for civil and politcal
rights, freedoms such as the rights to
organize or assemble, the rights to vote
and be nominated as candidates, freedom
of assembly, as well as freedoms of opinion
and speech. Without the guarantees of
such rights, electons can be regular but
are not necessarily genuine, free, fair
and democratc. Therefore we cannot
talk about the promoton and protecton
of human rights without addressing the
defcit of democracy in ASEAN.
b. Imbalanced development concepts
and the Asian tigers
In East Asia, including the South East Asian
sub-regions, development was defned
in terms of economic development,
while politcal development has been
neglected for so long. When ASEAN was
expanded from six to ten members, we
discussed about the development gap in
ASEAN, by which we meant nothing else
but the economic development gap. The
conventonal wisdom back then was that
ASEAN needed an ASEAN Community
to improve the organizatons collectve
economic compettveness, and
simultaneously address the economic
development gap that existed between
the ASEAN 6 and its 4 new members.
The economic community concept
has its merits, provided that it is
balanced. However, it would have not
been balanced if we did not admit and
address ASEANs politcal development
gap. Therefore, Indonesia submited
an ASEAN Security Community concept
in 2002, which laid the groundwork
for the ASEAN Politcal and Security
Community. We strongly believed that
ASEAN cannot develop into a strong
and cohesive organizaton if we do not
address our politcal development gap.
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This gulf is constantly refected in the
existng gap of our politcal orientaton
that divided ASEANs ten countries
into democracies, half democracies (which
hold regular but not genuine electons),
and, on the other extreme, authoritarian
states. Freedom House for example
categorized the ten ASEAN countries into
countries that are free, countries that are
partly free, and the rest meaning 50% as
not free.
That is why the promoton of democracy,
respect for human rights, good governance,
and peaceful confict resoluton are the
core values behind this politcal and
security pillar. This is a lesson that we can
learn from Indonesias experience. The
imbalanced concept of development that
we adopted for so long for 32 years under
the new order of governmenturned the
1997-1998 monetary crisis into a mult
dimensional crisis that almost brought
Indonesia to collapse, as also the case
of the current Arab Spring sweeping the
Middle East. It was also a lesson to learn
for ASEAN, as it was ofen divided over
the lack of democracy and human rights
in Myanmar untl 2010.
East Asia successfully evaded the wave
of democratzaton sweeping the world
following the fall of the Berlin wall
in September 1989, an event, which
marked the end of the Cold War. East
Asias countries managed to successfully
develop their economies, some of them
rising to become Asian Tigers, though
they retained an imbalanced concept of
development. It is interestng to note that
the status of Asian tgers were achieved
by authoritarian governments, hence
reducing their need for democratzaton.
Look at the achievement of South Korea
under authoritarian rule of President Park
Chung-hee, Malaysia under Mahathir
Mohammad, Singapore under Lee Kuan
Yew and Indonesia under President
Suharto.
On the other hand, democratc countries
like the Philippines and India experienced
slow economic growth at least untl mid
1990s.
Chinas spectacular rise as an economic
power under the countrys authoritarian
single party system creates a new model
of economic development, which in a way
bolsters the arguments against the need
to promote democracy.
c. excessive notion of non interference
in domestic affairs
While ASEAN views the principle of non-
interference as a sacrosanct principle,
the organizaton, at least some members,
overlooked the fact that it is one of
the UN Charters principles (Artcle 2
para. 7). Over the past 67 years, the
principle is generally seen as a dynamic
concept. On the other hand, ASEAN stll
clings to this concept in a statc manner.
In purely legal terms, interference is
not just columns of tanks crossing the
border into another territory. Raising
a certain issue in a bilateral, regional or
internatonal forum and consequently
adoptng a resoluton on the mater, may
also consttute interference in a countrys
domestc afairs.
These sorts of issues are ofen raised
and discussed in ASEAN forums. The
country in queston would be tacitly or
overtly involved in the discussion, only
to suddenly reject a resoluton adopted
by the forum, citng non-interference
of domestc afairs. However, the statc
view of the non interference principle is
no longer applicable to gross violatons
of human rights, which under the Vienna
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Consensus 1993 is a mater of internatonal
concern. So while all ASEAN countries are
part of the Vienna Consensus, in practce
we stll heard the arguments of certain
members of ASEAN that crossed violaton
of human rights that occurredin their
countries is a mater of domestc afairs
and for that mater reject any expressions
of concerns from others.
I have been arguing about the need to
approach the sensitve subject mater, in
which the country in queston can easily
invoke the principle of non interference
from a diferent angle, namely from
the perspectve of an ASEAN Community.
In a way, the ASEAN community is a family
of a small group of natons (only 10). In
ASEAN, we strived to create a feeling of
togetherness, as well as to think and act as
part of an ASEAN family where we care of
each other. As with a family, one member
can ask his or her sibling about how they
are faring, with the sincere intenton
to help if needed. Surely this should
not to be seen as interfering. Like other
families, members should be more open
to each other and this is not yet the case.
d. Asian Values
ASEANs member countries atribute the
organizatons conservatve attude to
its argument of Asian values. The debate
between human rights as universal
values on one hand, and as a regional
partcularity on the other hand, reached
its peak during the Second World
Conference on Human Rights in 1993. In
his book Development as Freedom, Prof.
AmartyaSen dismissed Asian values as
nothing but authoritarian values. I
would strengthen his argument against
the premise of Asian values based on non-
derogable human rights. Can you defend
arbitrary detenton, violaton to rights
to life, torture, unfair trial and extreme
poverty from the perspectve of Asian
values?This is something that I expressed
in the ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meetng
when we debated for ASEAN to establish
a human rights policy including ASEAN
Human Rights Commissions.
What I just mentoned are obstacles to
the creaton of a politcal culture to
foster respect for human rights. A human
rights culture will not grow in ASEAN
if we do not address those four issues.
Those are the reasons behind the slow
progress of human rights in ASEAN,
despite the adopton of the ASEAN
Charter and the establishment of the
ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on
Human Rights (AICHR) ... Frankly, I always
have difculty to pronounce this AICHR,
simply because from the very beginning
I didnt like it. Why to inject the noton
of intergovernmental? So I argued in
HuaHin2009, call it simply ASEAN Human
Rights Commissions. This is the reason
why, as a Foreign Minister, I pointed Pak
RafendiDjamin, an NGO leader, to sit as
Indonesian Commissioner to the AICHR
to show that it is not the monopoly of
government and it should not be the
monopoly of government. So frankly untl
today I have the difcultes to pronounce
this AICHR.
Despite the politcal acceptance of
Declaraton of the Bali Concord II
in which ASEAN leaders agreed to
promote the ASEAN community. The
ensuing discussions on the promoton
of democracy and human rights were
heated and uneasy. Had artcle 14 of the
ASEAN Charter (the enabling provision on
the ASEAN human rights body) had been
brought to a vote, it could have been
easily vetoed by if its not one against
nine or at least eight against two, but the
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Philippines being chaired and it didnt
speak much, so on the foor it relies on
the Foreign Minister of Indonesia. Placed
in that perspectve, it was a monumental
achievement for ASEAN that the agenda
to promote and protect human rights,
including artcle 14, was enshrined in the
ASEAN Charter.
The ensuing process of drafing the
Term of Reference (TOR) of the ASEAN
Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)
was another difcult batle. As SOM failed
to agree on a draf for the TOR, it was
brought up during the Foreign Ministers
Meetng in HuaHin in July 2009. It was
already endorsed by 9 countries except
Indonesia, which declined to join the
consensus for a number of reasons:
a. The mandates, in our view, contained
in the draf TOR were not balanced,
especially between its functons
to promote human rights and
the protecton of those rights. Even the
promoton mandates as the primary
mandate of the ASEAN Commission
on Human Rights were of the lowest
common denominator. For example,
it lacked a mandate to disseminate
internatonal human rights norms and
standards; it also lacked studies of
internatonal instruments to encourage
ratfcaton by ASEAN member states,
but at least in the past 3 years its not
been done by the commissions.
b. The overall mandates were below
internatonal standards for natonal
as well as regional human rights
insttutons. It was also below the
standards set by the mandates for
the Indonesian Natonal Commission
of Human rights (Komnas HAM)
when it was established in 1993 by
presidental decree.
c. As of 1993, when Indonesias military
dominated government was at the peak
of its power, the mandates for Komnas
HAM were of the highest common
denominator. Its strong mandates on
the protecton of human rights enables
Komnas HAM to receive complaints,
investgate cases on violaton of
human rights, establish fact fnding
mechanism, and publish its fndings
and recommendatons. The Komnas
HAM mandate was strengthened
afer the legal basis to establishment
Komnas HAM was raised to a law in
2003. This law also gave Komnas HAM
the power to subpoena.
Therefore, when ASEAN... The reason why
Indonesia then had difcultes to agree on
the Term of Reference of the AICHR. As a
mater of compromise, I said that we can
go long with the consensus provided that
when ASEAN reviewed the TOR, 5 years from
2009, meaning in 2014, we agreed from the
very beginning in Bangkok, in 2009, that
the revised TOR would contain a balanced
functon namely that functon on the
promoton of human rights as well as functon
of the commission on the protecton of
human rights. Based on this understanding,
then Indonesia joined the consensus, but
something that we keep in our mind and
watch closely what to happen between now
untl 2014 with the view that the process will
lead to a more balanced mandate of AICHR.
Although the promoton of democracy and
human rights are now an ofcial agenda
as mandated by the ASEAN Charter, its
translaton to ASEAN Blueprint on Politcal
and Security Community is relatvely weak
as compared with the ASEAN Blueprint on
Economic Community. Despite the politcal
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and legal commitments stpulated in artcle
14 of the ASEAN Charter, the mandate of
AICHR was also half-hearted and weak.
This explains why the works of the AICHR in
the past 3 years did not progressing as well
as we expected. The AICHR sufers from
a lack of directon and focus. In additon,
the contnuing debate on the AICHR TOR
characterizes the diferent politcal and
human rights cultures of ASEANs member
states. It is therefore surprising to me that
AICHR has focused its work on drafing the
highly politcal and controversial ASEAN
Declaraton on Human Rights (ADHR),
rather than dealing with practcal eforts to
strengthen its insttutonal capacity.
It is ideal to have a declaraton that would
be at par with internatonal standards.A
partcular example is the absence of
reference to Internatonal Bill of Rights,
which comprises of a Universal Declaraton
of Human Rights and its two covenants (on
civil and politcal rights as well as economic,
social and cultural rights).
The fact is that ASEAN member countries
record on ratfcaton of internatonal
instruments is relatvely low, especially on
both covenants. Even a member who ratfed
them like Cambodia which did so when
it was stll under the UNs Administraton
has litle efect in its adherence to the
covenant of civil and politcal rights. So it was
typical work of United Natons when it is a
temporary administer a country in transiton,
like Cambodia and later on Timor Leste.
They ratfed all instruments and it is kind of
a good record for them. But while later on, it
was ignored by the successive government,
it is no longer the business of UN.It is
not surprise that the current draf of the
ADHR only made a reference to the UDHR
1948, not the Internatonal Bill of Rights
which I said contains also the two covenants
which was entered into force in 1967. Thats
a big gap 1948 to 1967, thats why to pick
only elements of the UDHR and not to make
reference to Bill of Rights, ASEAN again chose
the lowest common denominator.
In my view, it would be beter for ASEAN to
postpone the adopton of ADHR if it is stll below
internatonal standards, untl the margin
of diferences to the adherence among
ASEAN member countries to politcal and
human rights culture and their internatonal
standards are at their lowest level. This
can be measured, among others, by the
level of ratfcaton of internatonal human
rights instruments, while the promoton
of democracy in ASEAN made substantal
progress.
In the meantme, the AICHR should focus
on strengthening its own mandate. This
situaton is similar to that faced by Komnas
HAM in its inital stage, whereby no natonal
consensus on human rights were visibly
clear. There were gross violatons of human
rights which occurred in diferent parts of
Indonesia to deal with; so instead of Komnas
HAM drafed Indonesian Charter on human
rights, it focused on the human wrongs and
began to redress them. Indonesia adopted
a law on human rights and amended the
1945 Consttuton by insertng a whole new
chapter on human rights which actually in
short translaton from the provision of UN
Declaraton of Human Rights and the two
covenants, which of course is commensurate
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to internatonal human rights standards in
the wake of Reformasi. So it took some ten
years that again we had an adequate human
rights charter, a consttuton which was a
mandate to insert a new whole paragraph
on human rights. Of course the tme was
right because in the wake of Reformasi, the
promoton and protecton of human rights is
an important pillar of Reformasi.
So there is a danger for us to draf an ASEAN
declaraton on human rights while theres
big divergence in our orientaton, our views
on human rights in the regions. And thats
what was transpired in the discussion on the
ASEAN draf declaraton on human rights.
I fully understand if ASEAN civil societes
are disappointed with the dismal record of
the organizatons work on human rights. At
this stage I would not recommend a review
of the ASEAN Charter with a view to amend
it. Amending the Charter every tme we
encounter problems is too risky. It is possible
because it is man-made, but I would say
that it is not politcally feasible at this stage.
Therefore, here are the available and feasible
optons:
a. To strengthen the mandate of the
TOR of AICHR. In 2009, ASEAN leaders
recognized that the TOR of the AICHR
shall be reviewed every fve years afer
its entry into force to strengthen the
mandate and functons of the AICHR, in
order to develop mechanisms on both
the protecton and promoton of human
rights. This mandate is due for a review
in 2014.
b. Another feasible step is a review of the
ASEAN Blueprint for a Politcal and Security
Community, which to my impression is
inferior compared to the ASEAN Blueprint
for the Economic Community. Or at least
for ASEAN draf a new plan of acton as a
translaton of the ASEAN Blueprint of the
politcal and security community.
c. Above all, we need to address defciencies
in ASEANs politcal and human rights
culture, which are the four points that
I elaborated above. This is a duty of all
ASEAN governments, civil societes and
peopleof ASEAN at large.
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Date Name of Newspaper Titles
Oct 29 Jakarta Post Rights dialogue to discuss ASEAN Charter
Oct 30 Kompas Rohingya Rentan Radikalisasi
Oct 30 Berita Satu Sekjen ASEAN Anggap Masalah Rohingya Bukan Persoalan Agama
Oct 26 Zambo Times Building a Culture of Engagement in ASEAN through Jakarta Human
Rights Dialogue
Oct 26 Blog Building a Culture of Engagement in ASEAN through Jakarta Human
Rights Dialogue
THE JAKARTA POST:
Rights dialogue
to discuss ASEAN Charter
The Jakarta Post | World | Mon, October 29
2012, 9:34 AM | Paper Editon | Page: 10,
htp://www.thejakartapost.com/
news/2012/10/29/rights-dialogue-discuss-
asean-charter.html
A half-day discussion called Jakarta Human
Rights Dialogue will be held on Monday at
the Aryaduta Hotel in Jakarta prior to the
planned review of the ASEAN Charter next
year.
The dialogue will address issues such as
engaging civil society groups, respectng
human rights, promotng democracy and
good governance in ASEANs high-level
statements and documents all themes
that have discussed since the adopton of the
charter in 2008.
Titled The Review of the ASEAN Charter
and Its Implicatons for a Regional Human
Rights Architecture, the discussion will
showcase former foreign minister Hassan
Wirajuda as its keynote speaker; along with
Indonesias representatve to the ASEAN
Intergovernmental Commission on Human
Rights, Rafendi Djamin; The Jakarta Posts
editor-in-chief Meidyatama Suryodiningrat;
and Herman J. Kraf, a lecturer from the
University of Philippines, as discussants.
A third informal dialogue between ASEANs
secretary-general with representatves of civil
society and human rights groups will be held
afer the dialogue on Monday. More than
30 partcipants from all 10 ASEAN member
natons will meet with ASEAN Secretary-
General Surin Pitsuwan to discuss issues
related to human rights and community
building. ***
BERITA SATU:
Sekjen ASEAN Anggap Masalah
Rohingya Bukan Persoalan Agama
Untuk pemerintah Myanmar, harus mampu
menyelesaikan permasalahan keamanan,
politk, demokrasi dan HAM.
Selasa, 30 Oktober 2012,
htp://www.beritasatu.com/mobile/
dunia/80248-sekjen-asean-anggap-masalah-
rohingya-bukan-persoalan-agama.html
Kekerasan yang terjadi terhadap Muslim
Rohingya di Myanmar bukanlah kekerasan
karena permasalahan agama, melainkan
kekerasan yang terjadi akibat adanya
permasalahan politk, demokrasi dan Hak
Asasi Manusia (HAM) di salah satu negara
anggota ASEAN tersebut.
Setdaknya, hal tersebut diutarakan oleh
Sekretaris Jenderal (Sekjen) ASEAN, Surin
Pitsuwan, dalam dialog internal yang digelar
oleh Human Rights Working Group (HRWG)
Annex #2: News Coverages
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bersama dengan the Centre for Strategic
and Internatonal Studies (CSIS), dengan
tema The Review of ASEAN Charter and
its implicatons to regional human rights
architecture, di Hotel Aryaduta, Jakarta,
Senin (29/10).
Dengan banyaknya spekulasi yang
menyebutkan bahwa masalah Muslim
Rohingya adalah karena permasalahan
agama, Surin mengaku khawatr akan
terjadi radikalisasi massal terhadap 1,4 juta
penduduk Rohingya tersebut.
Mereka berada di dalam tekanan,
penderitaan, dan kesulitan yang sangat dalam.
Saya khawatr mereka akan diradikalisasikan,
apabila kita tdak melakukan apapun
untuk menolong mereka, kata Surin, usai
digelarnya dialog tertutup tersebut.
Untuk itu, Surin pun berharap komunitas
internasional termasuk di dalamnya ASEAN,
untuk dapat segera mengeluarkan kebijakan
berdasarkan kesepakatan untuk segera
melepaskan penderitaan para Muslim
Rohingya ini. Pasalnya menurutnya, apabila
hal tersebut tdak segera dilaksanakan, maka
yang terjadi adalah seluruh wilayah ASEAN
akan mengalami dampaknya, termasuk juga
Selat Malaka.
Menurut saya, posisi ASEAN dalam
hal ini adalah untuk melaksanakan apa
yang telah kita laksanakan (strategy and
security implicaton). Yang perlu dilakukan
adalah dengan pendekatan kemanusiaan,
untuk melepaskan mereka dari belenggu
kemiskinan, dislokasi, serta pemindahan
secara paksa, sambung Surin.
Surin mengaku optmists, dengan melakukan
pendekatan kemanusiaan sebagaimana
telah sering dilakukan oleh ASEAN dalam
menyelesaikan beberapa konfik, maka tdak
hanya Muslim Rohingya saja yang terbantu,
melainkan juga seluruh pihak lain yang ada
di sekitarnya, yang mengalami penderitaan
serupa sepert kekurangan makanan, sanitasi
dan kelayakan tempat perlindungan.
Dan untuk pemerintah Myanmar, juga
harus mampu menyelesaikan permasalahan
keamanan, politk, demokrasi dan HAM, di
negaranya sendiri, tegasnya.
Yuyun Wahyuningrum, Perwakilan
Masyarakat Sipil ASEAN, juga secara tegas
mengimbau ASEAN untuk dapat segera
menyelesaikan permasalahan Muslim
Rohingya ini. Memang kita sulit untuk
mencapai kesempurnaan. Akan tetapi, kita
harus dapat memberikan informasi apa
yang telah berhasil kita capai selama ini,
katanya.
Yuyun pun mengaku sepakat bahwa apabila
masalah Muslim Rohingya tdak segera
diselesaikan, maka akan berdampak kepada
Selat Malaka dan juga negara-negara lain
yang bergantung di sana, tempat di mana
aktvitas perdagangan dan perekonomian
besar terjadi.
Penulis: Ronna Nirmala/Teddy Kurniawan
KOMPAS:
Rohingya Rentan Radikalisasi
Selasa, 30 Oktober 2012 | 07:54 WIB,
htp://internasional.kompas.com/
read/2012/10/30/07543018/Rohingya.
Rentan.Radikalisasi
JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com - Sekretaris Jenderal
ASEAN Surin Pitsuwan memperingatkan
implikasi serius yang sangat mungkin
terjadi jika komunitas internasional,
termasuk ASEAN, gagal meringankan beban
penderitaan warga etnis minoritas Rohingya
di Myanmar.
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Menurut Surin, dalam kondisi sangat tertekan
dan menderita sepert sekarang, warga
Rohingya bisa dengan mudah teradikalisasi.
Jika sampai terjadi, hal itu akan sangat
berbahaya karena dapat memengaruhi
stabilitas kawasan Asia Tenggara, termasuk
Selat Malaka.
Peringatan tersebut disampaikan Surin,
Senin (29/10), seusai menghadiri The Jakarta
Human Rights Dialogue. Sepert diwartakan,
konfik sektarian antara warga minoritas
Rohingya dan warga etnis Arakan, penduduk
asli Negara Bagian Rakhine, Myanmar,
kembali terjadi.
Saya sangat khawatr orang- orang ini akan
teradikalisasi jika tak ada upaya apa pun
yang dilakukan segera untuk membantu dan
meringankan beban mereka. Saat ini orang-
orang Rohingya itu tengah berada dalam
tekanan dan penderitaan yang luar biasa,
ujar Surin.
Dalam kesempatan tersebut sejumlah
perwakilan masyarakat sipil ASEAN
menyayangkan keberadaan Komisi HAM
Antar-pemerintah ASEAN (AICHR), yang
dinilai tdak punya strategi jelas dalam
menghadapi persoalan-persoalan besar
sepert yang terjadi di Myanmar ini.
Yuyun Wahyuningrum dari Human Right
Working Groups mengatakan, sebenarnya
para komisioner AICHR punya kemampuan,
setdaknya untuk mengeluarkan pernyataan
sikap bersama terkait suatu kejadian atau
masalah.
Sayang AICHR tdak punya posisi apa pun,
baik dalam posisi kemanusiaan maupun
terkait pelanggaran hak asasi manusia.
Bahkan, terkait data Freedom House soal
maraknya pembunuhan para jurnalis mereka
tdak pernah mengeluarkan sikap apa pun
tentang itu. Padahal, minimal mereka bisa
mengeluarkan pernyataan prihatn, ujar
Yuyun.
Lina Alexandra dari Centre for Strategic
and Internatonal Studies menyebut AICHR
merupakan insttusi yang kerjanya sebatas
pada negosiasi politk daripada benar-benar
mempromosikan dan melindungi HAM.
Kalau melihat komposisi komisionernya,
sebagian besar berlatar pejabat pemerintah.
Sulit menyandingkan isu kepentngan
nasional dengan perlindungan prinsip HAM,
ujar Lina.
Kecam pemerintah
Dari Sitwe, ibu kota Rakhine, pemerintah
setempat merilis jumlah resmi sementara
korban tewas akibat kerusuhan berdarah yang
terjadi pekan lalu. Sebanyak 88 orang tewas,
terdiri dari 49 laki-laki dan 39 perempuan.
Selain itu, sedikitnya 26.000 warga terpaksa
mengungsi.
Kerusuhan berdarah pekan lalu itu adalah
insiden kedua yang terjadi di Rakhine, yang
dikenal sebagai salah satu basis warga
Rohingya di Myanmar.Kerusuhan serupa
sebelumnya pecah Juni lalu di sejumlah
distrik dan kotapraja di Rakhine. Jumlah total
korban tewas dari dua insiden itu mencapai
180 orang.
Warga korban kerusuhan berdarah ini
mengecam keras Pemerintah Myanmar yang
mereka nilai tdak becus dan tdak mampu
mencegah kerusuhan berulang. Warga marah
karena aparat keamanan dan pemerintah
yang seharusnya melindungi mereka sama
sekali tdak melakukan kewajiban.
Pemerintah sama sekali tdak menuntaskan
persoalan, sedangkan tentara sama sekali
tdak membela kami. Saya merasa seolah
berada di neraka.Tak ada satu pun yang
melindungi kami.Kami tak punya tempat
berlindung dan sekarang kami kehilangan
pekerjaan untuk menghidupi keluarga kami,
kecam Kyaw Myint, salah seorang pengungsi
dari warga Rohingya.
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Kyaw terpaksa mengungsi di kamp
pengungsian Thechaung di luar Sitwe,
setelah rumahnya yang terletak di Pauktaw
terbakar akibat kerusuhan.
Kemarahan juga diungkapkan Maung Than
Naing (37), seorang pedagang asal Desa
Kyauktaw, yang usahanya juga hancur akibat
kerusuhan.Pemerintah, menurut dia, tdak
becus menuntaskan persoalan dari akarnya.
Dia juga mengaku tak mau lagi hidup
berdampingan dengan warga Rohingya.
Juru bicara pemerintahan Rakhine, Myo
Thant, mengaku situasi dan keamanan di
wilayah konfik kembali normal sejak Sabtu.
Untuk menjaga keamanan, aparat kepolisian
dan tentara tetap disiagakan di lokasi
kerusuhan. (AFP/DWA)
Building a Culture
of Engagement in ASEAN through
Jakarta Human Rights Dialogue
Friday, October 26. 2012, by ASEAN Nesk
Desk, htp://www.zambotmes.com/
archives/55196-Building-a-Culture-of-
Engagement-in-ASEAN-through-Jakarta-
Human-Rights-Dialogue.html
[Jakarta, 25 October 2012] Since the
adopton of ASEAN Charter in 2008, much was
said about engaging civil society, respectng
human rights, promotng democracy and
about good governance in ASEANs high-level
statements and documents.
As the Charter will be reviewed in 2013,
Human Rights Working Group (HRWG) and
the Centre for Strategic and Internatonal
Studies (CSIS) will organize a half-day public
discussion called Jakarta Human Rights
Dialogue (JHRD) with the topic on the
Review of ASEAN Charter and its implicatons
to regional human rights architecture on 29
October 2012, at 09:00-14:00 in Aryaduta
Hotel, Jakarta.
Former Minister of Foreign Afairs of the
Republic of Indonesia, H.E. Hassan N.
Wirajuda will be the keynote speaker in JHRD
along with H.E. Rafendi Djamin (Indonesias
Representatve to AICHR), Mr. Herman J. Kraf
(Lecturer of the University of Philippines)
and Mr. Meidyatama Suryodiningrat (Editor
in Chief of The Jakarta Post) as discussants.
JHRD aims at providing a venue for
democratc dialogue among stakeholders,
including civil society, government ofcials,
diplomats, ASEAN Secretariat stafs, media
practtoners and related human rights
insttutons in ASEAN to exchange views on
the progress, challenges and possibilites
toward the evoluton process of the human
rights systems in ASEAN region.
The Third Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN
Secretary General with Representatves
of Civil Society on Human Rights (The
Dialogue) will be organized right afer JHRD.
More than 30 partcipants from ten ASEAN
member countries will have a dialogue with
H.E. Surin Pitsuwan on issues related to
human rights and community building. It is
expected that practcing the engagement
among stakeholders of the ASEAN Community
will insttutonalize the culture of democratc
dialogue in ASEAN.
The events were made possible through
the fnancial support of the Swiss Federal
Department of Foreign Afairs (FDFA).
Also in this blog:
htp://nayheak.wordpress.com/2012/10/25/
building-a-culture-of-engagement-in-asean-
through-jakarta-human-rights-dialogue/
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Press Release
Building a Culture of Engagement in ASEAN
through Jakarta Human Rights Dialogue
the progress, challenges and possibilites
toward the evoluton process of the human
rights systems in ASEAN region.
The Third Informal Dialogue of the ASEAN
Secretary General with Representatves
of Civil Society on Human Rights (The
Dialogue) will be organized right afer JHRD.
More than 30 partcipants from ten ASEAN
member countries will have a dialogue with
H.E. Surin Pitsuwan on issues related to
human rights and community building. It is
expected that practcing the engagement
among stakeholders of the ASEAN Community
will insttutonalize the culture of democratc
dialogue in ASEAN.
The events were made possible through
the fnancial support of the Swiss Federal
Department of Foreign Afairs (FDFA).
Contact Person:
Yuyun Wahyuningrum,
Senior Advisor on ASEAN
and Human Rights, HRWG,
Mobile +62 815 1054 3290,
Email: wahyuningrum@gmail.com