General Theory in the Study of Migration: Current Needs and Difficulties Author(s): J. J. Mangalam and Harry K.

Schwarzweller Reviewed work(s): Source: International Migration Review, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Autumn, 1968), pp. 3-18 Published by: The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3002178 . Accessed: 26/01/2012 11:49
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General Current

Theory Needs

in and

the

Study

of

Migration:

Difficulties1 and Harry K. Schwarzweller*

by J. J. Mangalam

The need for a more comprehensive, general theoretical approach to the study of migration is widely recognized by sociologists and other behavioral scientists.At present, no major syn? thesizing effort,directly relevant to the con* cerns of sociologists, exists. Against a back* ground of recent trends and lines of inquiry in migration research, drawn from an extensive review of the current literature,probable rea? sons are suggested for this "lag" in general theory-building.In addition to a number of misconceptions about the nature of migration, stem? which continue to prevail, and difficulties ming from the sources of migrationdata, which reinforce those misconceptions, the study of migration has sufferedfrom a lack of concern on the part of our leading sociological the? orists. The need for a general theory, systematic in its approach and rele? vant to the concerns of behavioral scientists, that offers useful guidelines for research dealing with and delving into the complex phenomena of mi? gration, is expressed in various ways by many contemporary scholars.

Some, enthusiastically blunt and optimistically direct, call for a multidisciplinary reorientation in the study of migration.2 Other scholars,

1. This is one of a series of papers from the Beech Creek Study sponsored by the National Institute of Mental Health in cooperation with the Kentucky Agri? cultural Experiment Station. The authors gratefullyacknowledge the suggestions of our colleague, James S. Brown, and the patient work of our able assistant, Mrs. Cornelia Morgan, Sociology Department, University of Kentucky. 2. See, e.g., George L. Wilber, "Determinants of Migration Research and Their Consequences," Population Research and Administrative Planning, Conference Series No. 10, State College: Mississippi State University,Division of Sociology and Rural Life, pp. 52-61. * J. J. Mangalam, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Guelph, Guelph, Ontario, Canada; Harry K. Schwarzweller, Department of So? ciology, West Virginia University, Morgantown, West Virginia. There

THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW a

somewhat more discreet in their choice of foci of interest, advocate broadening of theoretical perspectives but within their disciplines.3

More often, however, the need for a general explanatory svstem to help organize, i.e. to make sense out of the steadily accumulating mass of migration data and, further, to help orient new research toward problems that are strategically important for the elaboration and verifica? tion of knowledge about migration, is manifested in what scholars do and are doing relevant to that goal. Efforts at model-building to study various aspects of migration4 for example, and the numerous attempts to con? struct typologies of migration,5 indicate an existing need for a more

general, systematic approach. Indeed, there appears to be considerable agreement among scholars from various disciplines that continued prog? in the ress in migration study is hampered by serious inadequacies theories of migration; that migration theory tends to be time-bound, that, as a social phenomenon, culture-bound, and discipline-bound; in or practical terrn^ without understood be cannot meaningful migration a comprehensive grasp of the dynamic interplay among demographic, economic, social, psychological, and other relevant factors and dimen? sions that converge in the process

of migration and in the act of mi?

grating. As a preliminary, albeit necessary, step toward correcting this situa? tion and toward fostering the difficult task of building a general theoretical framework that can efficiently interpret migration data of diverge kinds and weld them into a useful explanatory system, one must take into ac3. See, e.g., Rupert B. Vance, "Is Theory for Demographers?" no. 88-90 and Philin M. Hauser, "Present Status and Prospects of Research in Population." pp. 70-85, in Joseph J. Spengler and Otis Dudley Duncan (Eds.), Population Theory and PnJirv.Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1956. 4. Albert F. Anderson, "Theoretical Considerations in the Analysis of Miration," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,Towa State Universityof Science and Technology, 1962; John K. Folger, "Models in Migration," in Selected Studies of Migration Since World War Two, Proceedings of the 3^th Annual Conference of the Milbank Memorial Fund, New York: Milbank Memorial Fund, 1957, pp. 155164; Harold Frank Goldsmith, "The Meaning of Migration: A Study of the Migration Expectations of High School Students," Unpublished Ph.D. disserta? tion, Michigan State University, 1962: Eleanor Noble Nishiura, "Internal Migra? Purdue University,1959; Ronald tion in Indiana," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Taft, "A Psychological Model for the Study of Social Assimilation," Human Relations, 10 (May, 1957), pp. 141-156. 5. Otis D. Duncan, "The Theory and Consequences of Mobility of Farm Popula? tion," in Spengler and Duncan, op. cit., pp. 417-434; Ajit Das Gupta, "Types and Measure of Internal Migration," International Population Conference Proceedings, Vienna: International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, 1959, pp. 619-624; Rudolf Heberle, "Types of Migration," Southwest Social Science Quar? terly 36 (June, 1955), pp. 65-70; William Petersen, "A General Tvpology of Migration,"American Sociological Review, 23 (June, 1958), pp. 256-266; William Petersen, "The General Determinants of Migration," in the author's Population, New York: MacMillan Company, 1961, pp. 592-621.

GENERAL THEORY IN MIGRATION

count the current state of migration theory and research, and attempt to provide a rationale for the presumed "lag" in general theory-building. Those are the aims of this paper. Our appraisal of current migration theories and theory-building research activity is based upon a systematic search of the contemporary migration literature; i.e. since 1955, instigated in conjunction with the design of an empirical research study dealing with the social and psy? chological adjustments of rural migrants in urban industrial settings. This search brought to our attention a vast amount of relevant literature from sundry sources. Focusing, in the main, on the major sociological and the appropriate demographic journals, but drawing into our review as many of the recent books, dissertations, and special reports on the sub? ject as possible, we prepared and analyzed an elaborate catalog of ab? stracts.6 These materials are being published separately, as an annotated

bibliography and over-view of current migration literature.7 The present paper summarizes our impressions, derived from an orderly gleaning of the literature selected for review, supported by documentary references whenever possible, but, of course, molded by and formulated vis-a-vis our own sociological perspectives. Let it be understood, at the outset, that our leaning is toward a functional approach to the study of social organization within an action framework. RECENT TRENDS AND

LINES

OF INQUIRY

Our discussion about the reasons for the current paucity of general theory in the study of migration should be prefaced by a thorough, sensitizing review of the recent migration literature. Since this is not possible, given 6. This systematicreview included all articles on migration published from 1955 through 1962 in the following journals: American Journal of Sociology, American Sociological Review, Human Relations, Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, Population Studies, Rural Sociology, Social Forces, Social Problems, Sociology and Social Research, Southwestern Social Science Quarterly. Further materials were located, such as books, monographs, dissertations,and reports,from general referencesources such as, Agricultural Index, Dissertation Abstracts, Sociological Abstracts,and the like. In addition, various bibliographic sources were consulted, such as: Gunther Beijer, Rural Migrants in Urban Setting,The Hague: Martinus 1963; Hope T. Eldridge, The Materials of Demography: A Selected and Nijhorr", Annotated Bibliography, New York: Columbia University Press, 1959; and others. For purposes of the present paper, some of the more recent articles and books on migration,i.e. since 1962, were reviewed and considered in our ponderings. A brief mention should be made of the method of abstraction. Abstracters were instructedto indicate the following: universe and sample studied, general foci of the study,hypotheses,major variables, measurement techniques employed, and general conclusions ventured. Each abstract was typed on a 5x8 Unisort Analysis Card, coded, and subjected to analysis as part of the currentmigration literature. 7. J. J. Mangalam, Human Migration: A Guide to Migration Literature in English During 1955-1962, to be published by University of Kentucky Press.

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the spatial dimensions of a journal article, we shall merely indicate by some brief remarks the tone of research activity in this field of inquiry and by means of illustration the progress being made in sociological thought and general theory-building on this subject. Not only has there been a steady increase during the past decade in the number of publications added to the burgeoning literature on migration but, more important, current research reports evidence a greater sophisti? cation in the techniques used for collecting and processing migration data, a greater diversification in the variables employed to study the phenomenon, and a growing concern with theoretical aspects in the approach to migration research. Furthermore, an increasing awareness of

the utility for social planning of factual information and general knowl? edge derived from migration studies, which in turn stimulates in? creased support for such research activity, is not solely a North Ameri? can and European trend. As the nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America press toward economic from the reallocation of labor

development and encounter difficulties and relocation of families, the prac? tical importance of being able to understand, predict, and explain this population movement and the forces of social change unleashed in the process, becomes more obvious. Indeed, migration is recognized now not only as a problem-creating phenomenon, but also as a problemsolving social process.8 The current state of interest in migration, par? ticularly rural to urban migration within the emerging nations,9 is such that one can safely predict a rapid proliferation of migration research

in the years ahead.10 A considerable improvement has been made in the measurement of 8. Jaffeeand Wolfbein, for example, call migration "a necessary, if not sufficient condition to the attainment of full employment in the post-war period." A. J. Jaffeeand Seymour Wolfbein, "Internal Migration and Full Employment in the U. S.," Journal of the American Statistical Association, 40 (September, 1945), pp. 351-363. Whereas the processes and effectsof internal migration in the United States are not necessarily applicable as such to other nations, it is generally agreed that both in technologically developing and developed nations, migration plays an importantpart in their economic growth. 9. As examples of this concern, see Janet Abu-Lughod, "Migrant Adjustment to City Life: The Egyptian Case," American Journal of Sociology, 67 (January, 1962), pp. 22-32; Stig Anderson and D. Banerji, "Report on a Study of Migration in Four Taluks of Bangalore District," Population Review, 6 (January, 1962), pp. 69-77; Kunniparampil C. Zachariah, "Historical Study of Internal Migration in the Indian Sub-Continent, 1901-1931," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,Uni? versityof Pennsylvania, 1962. 10. Indeed, in seeking a solution to world's population problem, at least one student of migrationhas turned his thoughtstoward outer space. Gilbert Hardin, "Interstellar Migration and the Population Problem," Journal of Heredity, 50 (March-April, 1959), pp. 68-70.

GENERAL THEORY IN MIGRATION

the demographer's recognition of migration as fundamental dimension in the study of population and its changes, their respect for and excellent training in the use of statistics, and, of course, the amenability of demo? Though demographers graphic variables to statistical manipulation. advocate still better methods of analysis11 and still more improvement of primary data-collection techniques,12 great technical strides have been made in recent years and there is, in the contemporary literature, a satisfying operational elegance and mathematical neatness in the manner

internal migration as a demographic phenomenon. To some extent, this is a function of the sheer numerical increase of demographicaUy-oriented social scientists. However, one must also give a great deal of credit to

migration has been underway for some time.13 Yet, by the same token, these improvements in the techniques of demographic analyses have not been matched by similar progress in methodological strategies. Migration studies for the most part continue to be based upon data derived from secondary sources and, too often, the availability of data sources dictates the specification of problems and formulation of research hypotheses. Another development in the study of migration, paralleling that in the social sciences as a whole, is the greater diversity of variables used in researches dealing with this complex phenomenon. This is especially true in studies on the selectivity of migration. In addition to such "tradi? tional"

by which the demographic dimensions of migration are studied. The development of mathematical models for computer simulation studies of

variables as age, sex, distance (i.e. demographically-relevant) travelled, race or ethnic origins, education, occupation, income, and the like, recent studies reveal an expansion of interest in attitudes, aspira?

tions, motivations, values, community identification, institutional influ? factors intrinsic to an ences, and other social and sociopsychological to ex? adequate explanation of migration. Furthermore, in the attempt plain the dynamics of migration and their linkages with population and social change, greater effort is being made to explore the complex inter? relationships, for example, among sociological and demographic variables

11. C. Horace Hamilton, "Some Problems of Method in Internal Migration Research," Population Index, 27 (October, 1961), pp. 297-307. 12. Karl E. Taeuber, "Duration-of-Residence Analysis of Internal Migration in the United States," Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, 39 (January, 1961), pp. 116-131; James D. Tarver, "Bureau of the Census Data on the Selectivity of Migration from Farms," Rural Sociology, 22 (June, 1957), pp. 162-163. 13. See, e.g., Daniel O. Price, "A Mathematical Model for Migration Suitable for Simulation on an Electronic Computer," The International Population Con? ference Proceedings, Vienna: International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, 1959, pp. 665-673.

THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

(long after Durkheim's suggestions for charting the morphological struc? ture of society).14 What are the major themes or lines of inquiry emphasized by cur? rent research on migration? As a basis for reflection one should recall Thomas and Znaniecki's considered a classic Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1927), in sociological theory, research, and writing, and one of the most important studies of migration ever pub?

undoubtedly lished.15 They argue, in a now famous "Methodological Note," that a fundamental problem in the study of migration?one which should re? ceive high priority in the design of research?is how values act upon the preexisting attitudes of the migrant. Furthermore, through their own research, by actually studying the conditions and characteristics of the social organizations in which migrants were involved, they demonstrated the need to understand migrants and their problems in terms of both

their areas of origin and destination. The latter theme is repeated by Dorothy Thomas in her oft-quoted research memorandum of 1938.16 Yet, in spite of the relevance of these recommendations for migration research, there is little evidence explicit in the recent literature that con? temporary students have benefited from or built upon those suggested

lines of inquiry. The more strictly demographic studies continue to focus, in large measure, on research determining the characteristics of migrants, the reasons for their spatial mobility or the factors responsible for migration, the direction of migration, and the description (in economic or demo? graphic terms) of the areas of destination. Explicitly or implicitly, the "push-pull" hypothesis dominates the mode of thinking about migration. Behavioral scientists, on the other hand, tend to emphasize the "social problems" aspects of migration, spanning a wide range from the migrants' lack of participation in formal social organizations through the problems of family disorganization in migrant labor camps. Indeed, the one theme on which more researches of general theoretical import have

been done is the problem of assimilation of migrants into the host society. Hence, an examination of this area of migration research may be useful to illustrate contemporary advances in general theory-building.

14. See, e.g., James D. Tarver, "Predicting Migration," Social Forces 39 (March, 1961), pp. 207-214; Wilbert Moore "Sociology and Demography" in Philip M. Hauser and Otis Dudley Duncan (Eds.), The Study of Population, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1959; Kingsley Davis, Human Society, New York: MacMillan Company, 1949. 15. W. I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, Polish Peasant in Europe and America, New York: Alfred Knopf, 1927. Second revised edition reprinted by Dover Publications, Inc. 1958. 16. Dorothy Swaine Thomas, Research Memorandum on Migration Differentials, New York: Social Science Research Council, 1938.

GENERAL THEORY IN MIGRATION

In the more than a dozen or so of these recent studies that have as? similation as the central focus, there is none that is formulated within an explicitly sociological frame of reference. Excellent as these studies are within the limits imposed by their problems and data, they have either frames of reference,17 or set up ad hoc sociopsychological 18 or on the basis of available hypotheses knowledge, attempted to do both in combination.19 Where sociopsychological frames of reference employed

are used, the emphasis is on migrants as individuals; in the case of ad hoc hypotheses, the concern is with finding immediate solutions to pressing problems. Without taking issue with the relevance and comparative

utility of these approaches, we wish to suggest that, in either case, the net result is a highly segmented view of a complex phenomenon and a rather limited perspective of its various dimensions. For exanple. one would sav that Eisenstadt's studv of the absorption of Tewich immigrants into the state of Tsrael comes close to being couched within a framework of. what we wonld c^ll. a general sociological theory of migration 20 Eisenstadt focuses on "the immigrants' basic motivations and role-expectations, as developed throughout the migratory process, and the various demands made upon and facilities offered to them in

the country of absorption."21 This point of view, to be sure, has a great deal to contribute toward a more general theory of migration. Yet, let it be noted that Eisenstadt himself is more concerned about "the sociopsycholoeical nature of the processes of immigration" than in developing a more comprehensive a pproach to the study of migration phenomena.22 Jones, in a constructively critical review of Eisenstadt's study, points nature inherent in that approach and, in turn, out the sociop^vcholodcal related two suggests sociological approaches for the study of the mi-

17. See, e.g., Dudley E. DeGroot. "The Assimilation of Postwar Immigrants in Atlanta, Georgia," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,Ohio State University, 1957; Samuel N. Eisenstadt, The Absorption of Immigrants, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955. 18. See, e.g., Nancy M Krueger, "Assimilation and Adjustment of Postwar Im? migrants in Franklin County, Ohio," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 1955; Bertram Hu*chinson, "Some Evidence Related to Matri? monial Selection and Immigrant Assimilation in Brazil," Population Studies, 11 (November, 1957), pp. 149-156; Alan Richardson, "The Assimilation of British Immigrants in Australia," Human Relations, 10 (May, 1957), pp. 157-166. 19. See, e.g., Melvin DeFleur and Chang-Soo Cho, "Assimilation of JapaneseBorn Women in an American City," Social Problems, 4 (January, 1957), pp. 244-256. 20. Eisenstadt, op. cit. 21. Ibid., p. 10. 22. We are not objecting to a sociopsychological framework per se, but to the fact that such an approach seems to exclude equally important aspects of the migrationphenomenon. The same criticismcan be raised with respect to Thomas and Znaniecki's approach in The Polish Peasant.

10

THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

grants' adjustment.23 One suggestion is to treat adjustment within the context of socialization; the other is "to study the significance of new members to a social system with emphasis on the relation of the system's functional requirements to its methods of dealing with new members."24 Though the Jones article appeared in 1955, to our knowledge no research follow-up on those suggestions has been reported.

To sum up: Our brief review of trends and lines of inquiry in con? temporary research on migration, and our remarks about the theoretical perspectives employed in pursuing one important aspect of migration study, are intended to establish the tone of the current situation and the

context of the theory-building problems toward which this paper is ad? dressed. On the one hand, we find a heightened awareness of the im? portance of migration study, an intensification of research activity, and an expansion of technical competencies in researching this phenomenon. On the other hand, we see a fragmented approach to the study of migra? tion, a lack of concern for developing a general, viz. sociological, theory of migration, and, indeed, a paucity of theoretical activity and interest. To be sure, references to many excellent researches in the recent litera? ture, which possess considerable theoretical import, have been omitted from our discussion.25 Suffice it to note that none of these studies provide an overall general theoretical point of view to aid in making sen^e out of the ever-increasing number of empirical and quasi-empirical researches

dealing with the various aspects of migration.26 As Wilber suggests, these studies, detached and isolated as they are in making conceptual and methodological advances, ought to be regarded as an interim phase in building toward a more comprehensive theory of migration. At present,

no major synthesizing effort exists. The current lack of generalized theories of migration, given the obvious exigencies for a more compre? hensive approach, demands a consideration of the probable reasons for this "lag" in theory-building. SOME The mode MISCONCEPTIONS IN THE STUDY OF MIGRATION

of abstracting a phenomenon affects, in various ways, its and, consequently, the approach to inquiry.27 Most of conceptualization 23. F. E. Jones, "Sociological Perspective on Immigrant Adjustment," Social Forces, 35 (October, 1956), pp. 39-47. 24. Ibid., p. 45. 25. Those, for example, by Leonard Blumberg and Robert Bell, "Urban Migration and Kinship Ties," Social Problems, (Spring, 1959), pp. 328-333; Eugene Litwak, "Geographic Mobility and Extended Family Cohesion," American Sociological Review, 25 (June, 1960), pp. 385-394. 26. Wilber, op. cit. 27. The distinction drawn here between the abstraction of a phenomenon and its conceptualization is a simple but necessary one for our present purposes.

GENERAL THEORY IN MIGRATION

11

judgement,

ized research activity (i.e., narrow and highly discipline-bound), and a theoretical Let examine of mis? us some these fragmented development. and their loci. conceptions Randomness of Migration

the migration studies reported in the recent literature reveal, in our serious inadequacies in the manner that migration, as a phenomenon, is abstracted. This, in turn, leads to misconceptions about the nature of migration and, hence, to definitional difficulties, segmental-

from empirical studies utilizing sophisticated measures of a diversity of variables which, taken in total, support the view that some kind of bases for selectivity exist or probably exist in almost all instances of migra? tion.30

or situational "accident," and that prediction of migration is, at best, of a low order. Sorokin, in an early work, contended that, although migrants were predominantly young adults and females, net urban selection was, in the main, a chance selection.28 Some scholars, today, follow this line of reasoning in spite of mounting evidence to the contrary;29 i.e., evidence

The notions still persist, though no longer widely favored by contem? porary scholars, that migration is a random phenomenon, that the deci? sion to migrate is a unique individual response to a social interactional

Abstraction implies what Lazarsfeld calls "originating observations." Paul F. Lazarsfeld, "Problems in Methodology," in Robert K. Merton, Leonard Broom, and Leonard Cottrell (Eds.), Sociology Today, New York: Basic Books, 1959, pp. 39-78. Abstracting, in this sense, means drawing that part of the phenomenon which is sociological or sociologically-relevant from 'the concrete reality of specifics and considering it as a general object for study apart from special circumstances.By conceptualization we mean translatingthis original imagery to communicable words in the form of a workable definitionnot necessarily operationalized. Abstracting and conceptualizing, therefore,are inextricablybound to? gether in the theory-building process. 28. Pitirim Sorokin, Carle C. Zimmerman and Charles J. Galpin, A Systematic Source Book in Rural Sociology, Volume 3, Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 1932, p. 507. 29. Petersen, for example, talks about the random movements of millions of persons in the United States. He wisely notes, however, that these movements are random only because we lack data and skill to order them into meaningful patterns. William Petersen, "Internal Migration," in the author's op. cit., pp. 153-178. 30. In some cases, migration is found to be selective of young people; Yoshiko Kasahara, "The Influx and Exodus of Migrants Among the 47 Perfectures in Japan, 1920-1935," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1958; Joe Allen Martin, "The Impact of Industrialization upon Agriculture: A Study of Off-FarmMigration and Agricultural Development in Weakley County, Tennessee," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1955. In some cases, propensity to migrate is negatively correlated with level of living; Walter B. Watson, "Metropolitan Migration in the U. S. 1949-1950," Unpublished Ph.D. disseration, University of Wisconsin, 1959. In other cases, single females

12

THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

To point out, also, how and why this lingering notion runs counter to the spirit of scientific inquiry should not be necessary.31 Scientific theory can only be formulated on the bases of recurring and patterned events. Hence, if migration is random behavior, the question of building

a scientific theory of migration does not arise. It is sheer speculation to assess how this misconception about the nature of migration has affected the development of general theory for the study of migration. But, that such a notion may obstruct general theory-building is clear. Reductionism A more serious misconception, implicit in many approaches to migration research, is that migration phenomena must be reduced to and concep? tualized in physical and biological terms. This notion is related to an

inadequate abstraction of data from studies attempting to explain and predict direction and volume of migration on the bases of physical and biological variables. outstanding examples of physical reductionism in migration studies are the variables of distance and age. Stouffer's attempt to sub? stitute the commonly utilized variable "distance travelled" with the more Two general, behavioristically-meaningful concept "intervening opportunities," illustrates the awareness of some sociologists about the theory-building problems stemmnig from reductionism.32 Attempts to replace the chron?

ological age variable with a variable more directly relevant to behavior have been less successful, though an excellent illustration is found in the work of Yaukey on "stage in the life cycle."33 The most prevalent influence of biological reductionism is exem? plified by the use of "sex of migrant" as an explanatory and predictive variable. One seldom, if ever, finds the concept "sex role" alluded to in the design of, and conclusions from, a migration study. are more likely to migrate; Edmund de S. Brunner, "Population Research," in the author's The Growth of a Science: A Half-Century of Rural Sociological Research in the U. S., New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957, pp. 42-63. 31. Bogue, nevertheless, patiently calls attention to some of the consequences that would ensue if migrationwere suddenly to become random. Donald J. Bogue, The Population of the United States, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1959, p. 348. 32. Samuel A. Stouffer,"Intervening Opportunities: A Theory Relating Mobility and Distance," American Sociological Review, 5 (December, 1940), pp. 845-857. See, also Theodore R. Anderson "IntermetropolitanMigration: A Comparison of the Hypotheses of Zipf and Stouffer"American Sociological Review, 20 (June, 1955), pp. 287-291. 33. David W. Yaukey, "A Comparison of Distribution by Classes of Migrants Within the State of Washington, 1940-50," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,Uni? versityof Washington, 1956.

GENERAL THEORY IN MIGRATION iables

13

a general theory or behavioral interpretation without indicating its socio? logical or behavioral "sense" (which, of course, is quite different from its demographic, biological, ecological, etc. "sense").34 In the past, as Bogue remarks, "some of us have approached human migration as one would approach the study of migration of birds or the dispersion of in? source. Others have likened migration to the of descriptive mechanics, gravitation, or electrosta? tics."35 This misconception still tends to stand in the way of a more ade? quate theoretical treatment and synthesis of the vast amount of data fundamental laws available from migration studies. sects from a common

The point to note is a rather simple one, namely, that some var? such as age and sex can be interpreted as physical, biological, or sociological datum. But, a sociologist, viz. behavioral scientist, is in serious error if he incorporates a physical or biological observation into

Migration as Individual

Behavior

In most migration studies the unit of analysis is the individual, and this methodological strategy, in turn, through the process of abstraction, leads toward a conception of migration as individual behavior. That migration tends to be viewed as individual behavior, different from inter-individual

or social behavior, is evidenced, for example, by the many psychological studies of migration employing such variables and sociopsychological as individual attitudes, motives, and aspirations. This approach tends to omit the human interactional element from migration and, consequently, to concentrate on individual characteristics in a more or less atomistic manner. Most of the better known studies of migration are couched these terms. It is not necessarily incorrect, of course, to think of migration as an individual behavior; for some purposes, to be sure, it may be useful. However, as requisite for building a general behavioristic theory, a concerted research emphasis on the individual is much too narrow an of migration as individual behavior is approach; a conceptualization much too truncated a view. From a behavioral standpoint, collectivity and interaction are the very heart of the phenomenon.

in

34. One might posit a similar argument with respect to the use of economic "observations" as sociological datum. Variables such as income and employment status on the farm, for example, can be subsumed under tenure status, a variable more relevant to sociological concerns. See C. Harold Brown, "Personal and Social CharacteristicsAssociated with Migrant Status Among Young Adult Males from Rural Pennsylvania," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Pennsylvania State University,1960; also Martin, op. cit. 35. Bogue, op. cit., p. 505.

14

THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW Uniqueness of Each Migration

Implicitly, if not explicitly, researches on migration appear to treat each study situation as a unique case. In many studies, for example, the deriva? tion of hypotheses and selection of variables is accomplished in an ad hoc fashion as though previous research bore no relevance to the particular

case in question. One reason, of course, is that useful, general theories are not available and formulating a theoretical framework for a specific study design?by systematically abstracting relevant findings from the mass and maze of migration literature that is available?is a difficult,

highly specialized, time-consuming task.36 Furthermore, internal migration is perceived as basically different from international migration, intermetropolitan migration as different from rural to urban migration, Asian migration as different from Euro? pean migration, and so on. That there are truths in such distinctions can? not be denied. To take into account the distinctive features and circum? stances of a case in the process of any inquiry is simply a good scientific

procedure. But, to emphasize "superficial" differences at the expense of detracting from the pursuit of basic structural similarities in effect tends to circumvent an essential priority in the development of more useful, general theory. DATA SOURCES AND THEORY-BUILDING TROUBLES

Another difficulty plaguing the development of a general theory for the study of migration stems from the nature of data used to research this phenomenon. A majority of the studies reported in the recent literature draw upon data from official governmental censuses and vital statistics records. Others derive data from such secondary sources as telephone directories, gas and electric company records, medical records, and, in

the case

of international migration, from port-of-entry statistics, land frontier statistics, passport statistics, police register statistics, transport contract statistics, and the like. These sources are of varying degrees of accuracy. The inherent technical weaknesses of such statistics, even for demographic analyses, and the pressing need for supplementary informa? tion to enhance scholars.37 sociological, their scientific utility have been stressed by many

Data of this kind, for the most part, are inadequate for meaningful i.e. behavioral, analyses. Because, by their very nature, they

36. In spite of the effortsof scholars like Heberle, op. cit. and Petersen, op. cit. to set up typologies of migration, very little attention has been paid to using them as conceptual tools. 37. Donald J. Bogue, "Internal Migration," in Hauser and Duncan, op. cit.; Tarver, op. cit.

GENERAL THEORY IN MIGRATION

15

they offer little promise in the quest for general knowledge about mi? gration.38 Migration theory will remain under-developed as long as data from secondary sources dominate the wellsprings for empirical conclu? sions about the nature of this phenomenon. LINES OF DISCIPLINE AVOIDANCE AND SOCIOLOGICAL

are unable to reflect the interactional dimensions of migration, they can? not and do not touch upon the basic social processes involved, hence,

BEHAVIOR

A further quandary in the development of a general theory for the study of migration can be traced to the more or less strict discipline-aligned orientations of scholars engaged in such study. As noted, migration stud? ies, for the most part, draw primary data from secondary sources such as

occupied with collecting discrete data, operationalizing demographic variables, and building mathematical models is critically noted by scholars who, themselves, are eminent demographers.39 Labor economists too are an important category of scholars engaged in contributing to the study of migration. Sophisticated in the use of quantitative analytical techniques and statistics, they, like demographers, seem to draw upon secondary sources for data, though, to be sure, not

census reports, and researchers using these data, for the most part, happen to be demographers. Demographers, even those with sociological train? ing as in the United States, are not especially distinguished by their inter? est in theory-building in general. That demographers tend to be pre?

exclusively. Their concerns with the phenomena of migration are or? ganized vis-a-vis such highly specialized economic problems as labor mobility and economic growth, aggregate demand and under-employment, and other aspects of the larger problem of manpower reallocation. Indeed, much of the research by labor economists is directed toward questions which are relevant to and have their locus in, basic economic policy issues. Rarely alluded to are the interactional dimensions of mi? gration; i.e., from the behavioral point-of-view. More often than not, generalizations derived from these studies are elaborations or modifica? tions of the well-known dictums that "labor moves in the direction of higher wages," and "migration is closely related to economic adjust-

38. Some attemptsto build relatively general theoretical frameworksfor migra? tion studies have been less than successful, in our judgement, because the re? searcher-theorists were depending upon existingcensus data. See Anderson, op. cit; Nishiura, op. cit.; Mohamed Nasrat, "Conceptual Variable Analysis of Rural Migration in Iowa," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,Iowa State University, 1958. 39. See, epecially, the articles by Hauser and Vance in Spengler and Duncan, op, cit.

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ment and growth."40 If one is searching for generalizations, hypotheses and insights that are applicable toward building a comprehensive be? havioral explanation of migration, there is little to be gleaned from the numerous studies reported, for example, in die two journals published by the International Labor Office.41 Sociologists, with the notable exception of demograohically-oriented sociologists, on the whole follow a sociopsychological point-of-view in their approach to the study of migration. This is illustrated in the works

of Eisenstadt, Zubrzycki, Beijer, Thomas and Znaniecki and other wellknown scholars.42 A sociopsychological perspective, of course, is necessa? ry if one wishes to grasp at the basic dimensions of the decision-making process proceeding "migration." and the adiustment phase which inevitaably follows in its wake. Yet, the heavy emphasis in the sociological literature upon the individual's subjective responses (which, as noted earlier, leads to a basic misconception about the nature of migration) to the virtual exclusion of research and theory-building activity directed toward a more comprehensive sociological treatment of migration is difficult to understand given the vast amount of thought and effort ex? pended, in recent years, on the development of general theory.

This apparent avoidance by research sociologists of things sociologi? cal in the study of migration may be fostered by a neglect on the part of contemporary sociological theorists to concern themselves with popu? lation and its three components of change, namely, fertility, mortality, and migration. Indeed, since Emile Durkheim's On the Division of Labor which relates population growth to social organization, no (1933), major work of any comparable theoretical stature has appeared on the scene to offer reasoned thought consistent with current empirical knowledge about this fundamental, sociological problem. Students of population, who for one reason or another have a sociological bent, find no better source of theoretical insight than the early writings of Durkheim for guidelines on the articulation of social theory with one of the major contingent conditions for any society, namely, population. Contemporary sociological theorists such as Talcott Parsons, Robert K. Merton, Robin M. Williams, George Romans, and Howard Becker, for whatever reasons, do not address themselves to this problem, except in a passing manner.

40. For a summary of various economic theories of migration, see Brinley Thomas, Migration and Economic Growth, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954. 41. These journals are The International Labor Review and Industry and Labor. 42. Eisenstadt, op. cit.; JerzyZubrzycki,Settlers of the Latrobe Valley, Canberra: The Australian National University, 1964; Gunther Beijer, Rural Migrants in Urban Setting, The Hague: Martinus NijhorT, 1963; Thomas and Znaniecki, op. cit.

GENERAL THEORY IN MIGRATION One notable

17

exception is found in the work of Kingsley Davis. he indicates some of the problems in? Society (1949) volved in the study of migration and, though not intended as a theoretical framework, he presents a rather useful typology. Nevertheless, in a later work, The Population of India and Pakistan (1951), perhaps because of the nature of his data which are derived from official Indian cen? In his Human suses, he reverts to a traditional, demographic treatment of migration.43 It is our contention that, if contemporary sociological theories (i.e. general, systematic, behavioristic theories) were brought to bear on the

study of migration phenomena, both the study of migration phenomena and the development of general sociological theory would be enhanced. To date, as our commentary on the state of migration theory attempts to make clear, the study of migration has not been an object of concern for our leading sociological theorists, nor has the enormous mass of find? ings produced by researchers in the field been incorporated into the evolving body of general theory. As a consequence, our current knowl? edge about migration and phenomena concomitant with migration tends For those of to be fragmentary, noncumulative, and non-sociological. us engaged in migration research, the exigencies for general theory in the study of migration are obvious.

Resume Le besoin d'aborder 1'etude des migrations humaines d'un point de vue theo etique plus general et comprehensif est largement reconnu en sociologie comme dans les autres science sociales. A present, il n'existe aucun effort important de synthese directement pertinent aux interets des sociologues. Un exam en comprehensif des tendances recentes et des lignes d'enquete dans le champ de recherche des migrations suggerent des raisons pro? bables de ce retard dans la construction d'une theorie generate. En plus de nombreux malentendus sur la nature des migrations, qui continuent a prevaloir, et les difficultes qui decoulent des sources des donnees sur les mi? grations, qui renforcent ces malentendus, l'etude des migrations a souffert d'un manque d'interet de la part de nos marquants theoriciens en sociologie.

Resumen La mayoria de los sociologos y especialistas de las ciencias sociales estan de acuerdo sobre la necesidad de un enfoque teorico y comprensivo del 43. Kingsley Davis, Human Society, New York: MacMillan Company, 1949; and The Population of India and Pakistan, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951.

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proceso que llamamos "migracion". Hasta el presente, no se ha logrado una sintesis que satisfaga a los sociologos y su orientacion especifica. El presente articulo, basandose en una extensa revision de las publicaciones recientes sobre la migracion con sus nuevos enfoques y tendencias en la investigation actual, ofrece algunas explicaciones sobre este vacio o "retraso" en la elaboration de una teoria general. Sin contar una serie de concepciones equivocadas y todavia en boga sobre la naturaleza de la migra? cion y las dificultades inherentes a las fuentes de los datos e information sobre este proceso, el estudio de la migracion ha sufrido de la falta de in? terns por parte de nuestros teoricos de la sociologia mas importantes.

Zusammenfassung Die Notwendigkeit einer umfassenderen allgemeinen Theorie des Studiums der Migration wird weithin von Soziologen und anderen Wissenschaftlern der Verhaltenswissenschaften anerkannt. Gegenwartig gibt es kein grosseres synthetisierendes Bemiihen, das direkt in Bezug stiinde zu den Bemiihugen der Soziologen. Gegen den 'background' jungster Tendenzen und den Forschungsbemiihungen um die Migration, die aus einem weiten t)berblick aber die laufende Literatur gewonnen werden, werden plausible Griinde fiir diesen Mangel an einer Schaflung einer allgemeinen Theorie dargelegt. Zusatzlich zur Zahl der Misskonzeptionen iiber die Natur der Mi? gration, welche weiterhin das Feld beherrschen, und zu den Schwierigkeiten, die aus den Daten der Migration selbst stammen und somit diese Misskonzeption noch verstarken, litt das Studium der Migration unter dem Mangel an Interesse von Seiten unserer fiihrenden soziologischen Theoretiker.