The United States is facing economic disaster on a scale few nations have ever experienced. Most people are unaware of the easily observable signs of this emerging crisis. While we persist in our superpower mentality, we have quietly become a second-class country in many respects. We no longer manufacture what we need to sustain ourselves, we import much more than we export, and we are selling off our assets and taking on massive debts to sustain a standard of living we can no longer afford. Not only is this not the way America became a superpower but it is a sure way to lose this status. We are failing even to acknowledge predatory foreign trade practices undermining US industry. Instead we encourage US manufacturers to design, engineer, and produce in third world markets like Mexico and China. Reversing the Trend: Some Suggestions for Action Access to our markets must be conditioned on a strategic analysis of our own national needs first and foremost. As things stand, we have handed our sovereign rights to our domestic markets to international bodies like the World Trade Organization and are committed to disastrous one-way free trade agreements such as Value Added Tax regulations and NAFTA. We are in a dramatically different position from emerging low-wage markets. They have everything to gain, and we have everything to lose. Our policies should carefully protect our wealth and resources rather than simply provide the lowest consumer cost regardless of the impact on our industries and our workers. Promoting open markets and economic growth abroad will not alone rebalance Americas trade accounts and domestic industrial collapse. Our industries have been so disarmed and dismantled that we now lack the knowledge, capacity, and investment capital to facilitate self-sustaining production. Dramatic new direction is required. Key Solutions Drastic action is needed to restore our economic and financial independence and we must begin immediately to rebuild our industries. The first essential is that our government should ensure that it is once again profitable to produce most goods and services in American factories employing American workers. We must establish policies that prevent other countries from doing to us what they would never let us do to them. Specifically, We must halt the sale of key assets to foreign entities. We must also close opportunities for foreign corporations to compete unfairly against our home industries. We should move immediately to curb our out-of-control spending on unnecessary programs and initiatives that are being financed by foreign debt. We should institute policies to cut back our consumption, and particularly consumption of imported products. We should look to the way other nations have established industrial superiority over us and try to copy their best policies. We should not allow individuals and companies to profit by selling out the Unites States. No plan to revive our economic and industrial self-sufficiency will be pain-free. Because our industrial decline has already gone so far it has been proceeding rapidly for more than 30 years already restoring our industry to world-leading standards of competitiveness will require serious restrictions on trade and investment flows. Despite indisputable evidence that current policies have proved grossly inadequate or even counterproductive in the past, our leaders remain committed to a business-as-usual strategy that is doomed to failure. The stimulation for new policies must come directly from the broad American public. Voters must use all reasonable methods to pressure elected officials. Without direct and immediate action, there will soon be little left to save. Defense Our industries, assets, resources, and companies need to be protected from foreign countries and corporations seeking to gain control of key industrial processes and technologies. This would include preventing the sale of strategic US domestic companies to foreign companies and eliminating offshore outsourcing except in extreme circumstances. Fair Trade Our trade treaties should protect our country from predatory foreign countries and companies seeking to weaken or destroy American industry. To that end, tariffs should be erected where needed and where practical. Experience has shown that it is futile to expect other countries to adopt our policies on, for instance, fair and free competition. What we can do is control the impact of their policies on our economy. The most obvious tool we have is tariffs on their exports. No doubt our tariffs would set off retaliation abroad. We would also have to accept that demand for US debt would decrease. But in the long run, these negatives would be much more than offset by positive effects as American entrepreneurs and industrial executives enjoyed a massive incentive to renew our industrial base. Domestic Industry Competitiveness In addition to establishing protection for our industry and country, we should properly align our companies with the national interest by changing the incentive system within which they operate. The tax structure should be changed to encourage industrial revival, particularly in industries which have been hit worst by unfair foreign competition. One simple but highly effective measure would be to shorten the depreciation schedules on capital investment and research spending. Meanwhile capital gains taxes should be increased to discourage short-term thinking and reduce the incentive for entrepreneurs to cash out. Suggested Solutions to Americas Economic Problems The following suggestions should be considered as part of a new plan to recover American industry and economic health: Appoint an economic minister, a major cabinet post, to develop an industrial policy that would: 1. Create conditions to make manufacturing competitive and profitable through tax changes and subsidies where needed 2. Protect our economy from foreign predatory practices 3. Create an industrial research and development division similar to government sponsored National Institute of Health(NIH) in medicine or the Apollo project. Or, copy Japans very successful system conducted by their Ministry of International Trade & Industry (MITI) that focuses on needs and development procedures for their new and existing industries. Change the tax structure for select industries that are vital to strategic American interests steel, transportation, cement and others. Control the balance of trade deficit. The majority of this money leaves our economy and never returns. The money that does return is the means through which foreign companies are able to accumulate funds to purchase our best companies. Amend or get out of our agreement with the WTO. It places our domestic trade laws in the hands of an undemocratic organization whose decisions have been consistently and unfairly adjudicated. Eliminate the foreign Value Added Tax (VAT) discrepancy. It unjustifiably subsidizes foreign exports to us, while simultaneously penalizing our exports to them. Amend or get out of NAFTA. It incentivizes our companies to move productive facilities out of our country. We must analyze every international trade deal by considering if it benefits America; currently most deals do not. Use tariffs selectively to prevent the loss of strategic and endangered industries. Curtail subsidies foreign owned companies receive from state governments and discourage technology transfer and outsourcing manufacturing that results in the loss of industries. Prevent the sale of strategic companies or institutions to foreign ownership. Faster depreciation on capital equipment investment it will lessen the need to outsource manufacturing. Free trade has been a disaster. It must be replaced with intelligent trade that prevents foreign predatory practices and better serves U.S. interests. OTHER THINGS TO CONSIDER: We must strive to become competitive; otherwise America must exist on imports with more debt, American owned companies have lost their edge and, on balance, are not as productive or as protective as many other foreign companies. This must be corrected. It must be profitable to manufacture in America otherwise domestic companies will outsource their manufacturing. America is losing a major economics war by relinquishing management and control of the economy through effects of our balance of trade deficit, outsourcing, subsidized insourcing and foreign tax benefits. Consider the consequences of losing whole industries such as publishing, autos, movies, steel, electronics, clothing and how it impacts national security and living standards. We need to analyze and correct: 1. Negative effects of WTO rules and decisions regarding their impact on our economy. 2. Violations of WTO rules practiced by other countries to our detriment 3. Restrictions imposed by foreign governments on American exporting companies. The Evolving Global Economic Crisis by JACK RASMUS Much like a perfect storm at sea is the consequence of three converging bad weather fronts, three significant global economic trends have begun to intensify and converge in recent months: (1) a slowing of the China economy and a parallel growing financial instability in its shadow banking system; (2) a collapse in emerging markets currencies (India, Brazil, Turkey, South Africa, Indonesia, etc.) and their economic slowdown; (3) a continued drift toward deflation in the Eurozone economies, led by growing problems in Italy and economic stagnation now spreading to France, the Eurozones second largest economy. The problems in these three critical areas of the global economy, moreover, have begun to feed off of each other. Despite tens of trillions of dollars injected into the global economy since 2008 by central banks in the US, UK, Europe, and, most recently Japan, real job creating investment is slowing everywhere globally. The massive liquidity (money) injections by central banks have either flowed into global financial markets speculation (stocks, bonds, derivatives, futures, options, foreign exchange, funds and financial instruments of various kinds), hoarded as cash on bank and non-bank corporate balance sheets, hidden away in dozens of offshore tax shelters from Cayman islands to the Seychelles, or invested in emerging markets like China, India, Brazil, Indonesia, Turkey, and elsewhere. The primary beneficiaries of these central bank money creation policies have been global very high net worth investors, their financial institutions, and global corporations in general. According to a study in 2013 by Capgemini, a global business consultancy, Very High Net Worth Investors increased their investable wealth by $4 trillion in 2012 alone, with projected further asset growth of $4 trillion a year in the coming decade. The primary financial institutions which invest on their behalf, what are called shadow banks (i.e. hedge funds, private equity firms, asset management companies, and dozens of other globally unregulated financial institutions) more than doubled their total assets from 2008 to 2013, and now hold more than $71 trillion in investible assets globally. This massive accrual of wealth by global finance capitalists and their institutions occurred in speculating and investing in offshore financial and emerging market opportunitiesmade possible in the final analysis by the trillions of dollars, pounds, Euros, and Yen provided at little or no cost by central banks policies since 2008. That is, until 2014. That massive tens of trillions of dollars, diverted from the US, Europe and Japan to the so-called Emerging Markets and China is now beginning to flow back from the emerging markets to the west. Consequently in turn, the locus of the global crisis that first erupted in 2008 in the U.S., then shifted to Europe between 2010-early 2013, is now shifting again, a third time. Financial and economic instability is now emerging and deepening in offshore markets and economiesand growing increasingly likely in China as well. (The following analysis of China today is an excerpt from the authors forthcoming article The Emerging Global Economic Perfect Storm, that will appear in the March print issue of Z Magazine, where the Eurozone and Emerging Markets economies are assessed as well. For the complete article, see Z Magazine or the authors website,www.kyklosproductions.com/articles/html.) Chinas Growing Financial and Economic Instability Prior to the 2008 global financial crisis and recession, Chinas economy was growing at an annual rate of 14 percent. Today that rate is 7.5 percent, with the strong possibility of a still much slower rate of growth in 2014. China initially slowed economically in 2008 but quickly recovered and grew more rapidly by 2009unlike the U.S. and Europe. A massive fiscal stimulus of about 15 percent of its GDP, or 3 times the size of the comparable U.S. stimulus of 2009, was responsible for Chinas quick recovery. That fiscal stimulus focused on government- direct investmentin infrastructure, unlike the U.S. 2009 stimulus that largely focused on subsidies to states and tax cuts for business and investors. In 2007-08 China also had no shadow banking problem to speak of. So the expansionary monetary policies it introduced, along with its stimulus, further aided its rapid recovery by 2010. Since 2012, however, China has been encountering a growing problem with global shadow banks that have been destabilizing its housing and local government debt markets. At the same time, beginning in 2012, the China non-financial economy, including its manufacturing and export sectors, has been showing distinct signs of slowing as well. On the financial side, total debt (government and private) in China has risen from 130 percent of GDP in 2008 to 230 percent of GDP, with shadow banks share rising from 25 percent in 2008 to 90 percent of the totals by 2013. So shadow banks share of total debt has almost quadrupled and represents nearly all the debt as share of GDP increase since 2008. Shadow banks have thus been the driving force behind Chinas growing local debt problem and emerging financial fragility. Much of that debt increase has been directed into a local housing bubble and an accompanying local government debt bubble, as local governments have pushed housing, new enterprise lending, and local infrastructure projects to the limit. Local government debt was estimated in 2011 by China central government at $1.7 trillion. It has grown in just 2 years to more than $5 trillion by some estimates. Much of that debt is also short term. It is thus highly unstable, subject to unpredictable defaults, and could spread and destabilize a broader segment of the financial system in Chinamuch like subprime mortgages did in the U.S. before. A run-up in private sector debt is now approaching critical proportions in China. A major global instability event could easily erupt there, in the event of a default of a bank or a financial product. In some ways, Chinas situation today increasingly appears like the U.S. housing and U.S. state and local government debt markets circa 2006. China may, in other words, be approaching its own Lehman Moment. That, in fact, almost occurred a few months ago with financial trusts in China. Fearing a potential default by the China Credit Trust, and its spread, investorswere bailed out at the last moment by China central government. According to the Wall St. Journal, the event exposes the weakness of the shadow banking system that has sprung up since 2009. Growing financial instability in China in its local markets is thus a major potential problem for China, and for the global economy as well, as both China and the world economy begin to slow in 2014. Early in 2013, China policymakers recognized the growing problem of shadow banks and bubbles in its local housing and investment markets. Speculators had driven housing prices up by more than 20 percent in its major cities by 2013, from a more or less stable 3-5 percent annual housing market inflation rate in 2010. China leaders therefore attempted to rein in the shadow banks in May-June 2013 by reducing credit throughout the economy. But that provoked a serious slowdown of the rest of the economy in the spring of 2013. Politicians then returned on the money spigot quickly again by summer 2013 and added another mini-fiscal stimulus package to boost the faltering economy. That stimulus targeted government spending on transport infrastructure, on reducing costs of exports for businesses, and reducing taxes for smaller businesses. The economy recovered in the second half of 2013. By early 2014, the housing bubble has again appeared to gather steam, while the real economy shows signs once again of slowing as well. In early 2014 it appears once again that China policymakers intend to go after its shadow bank-housing bubble this spring 2014. That will most likely mean another policy-initiated slowing of the China economy, as occurred in the spring of 2013 a year earlier. But thats not all. Overlaid on the financial instability, and the economic slowdown that confronting that instability will provoke, are a number of other factors contributing to still further slowing of the China economy in 2014. Apart from the economys recent fiscal stimulus and its overheated housing markets, Chinas other major source of economic growth is its manufacturing sector, and manufacturing exports in particular. And that, too, is slowing. The reasons for the slowing in manufacturing and exports lie in both internal developments within the Chinese economy as well as problems growing in the Euro and Emerging market economies. China is experiencing rising wages and a worsening exchange rate for its currency, the Yuan. Both are raising its manufacturing costs of production and in turn making its exports less competitive. Rising costs of production are even leading to an exodus of global multinational corporations from China, headed for even cheaper cost economies like Vietnam, Thailand, and elsewhere. The majority of Chinas exports go to Europe and to emerging markets, not just to the U.S. And as emerging market economies slow, their demand for China manufactured goods and exports declines. Conversely, as China itself slows economically, it reduces its imports of commodities, semi-finished goods, and raw materials from the emerging market world (as well as from key markets like Australia and Korea). Similar trade-related effects exist between China and the Eurozone. China in fact is Germanys largest source for its exports, larger even than German exports to the rest of Europe. So if China slows, it will require fewer exports from Europe, which will slow the already stagnant Eurozone economies even further. Similarly, as Europe stagnates, it means less demand for China goodsand thus a further slowing of Chinas manufacturing. In other words, Chinas internal slowdown will exacerbate stagnation and deflation in Europe, as well as contribute to an even faster economic slowing now underway in the emerging marketworld. Slowing will result as well from government policies designed to structurally shift the economy to a more consumption driven focus. That shift to consumption will begin in earnest following the Community Partys March 2014 meeting. But consumption in China represents only 35% percent of the economy (unlike 70 percent in the U.S.), while China government investment is well over 40 percent of GDP. And it is not likely that consumption can grow faster enough to offset the reduction in investment, at least not initially. So a long list of imminent major developments and trends in China point to a slowing of growth in that key global economy of almost $10 trillion a year. What happens in China, the second largest economy in the world, has and will continue to have a major negative impact on an already slowing Emerging Markets and a chronically stagnant Eurozone. How the U.S. economy responds to the emerging global perfect storm will prove interesting, to say the least. But with evidence of US slowing in housing, manufacturing, job creation, auto and other retail sales, and with real family median income in decline and the real likelihood of further spikes in food and gasoline prices in the months immediately ahead, the perfect storm emerging offshore do not portend well for the still fragile US economy now in its fifth year of below average, stop-go economic recovery. Global Financial Crisis What caused it and how the world responded
Posted by Justine Davies on 11/04/2014 The credit crunch The global financial crisis (GFC) or global economic crisis is commonly believed to have begun in July 2007 with the credit crunch, when a loss of confidence by US investors in the value of sub- prime mortgages caused a liquidity crisis. This, in turn, resulted in the US Federal Bank injecting a large amount of capital into financial markets. By September 2008, the crisis had worsened as stock markets around the globe crashed and became highly volatile. Consumer confidence hit rock bottom as everyone tightened their belts in fear of what could lie ahead.
The sub-prime crisis and housing bubble The housing market in the United States suffered greatly as many home owners who had taken out sub-prime loansfound they were unable to meet their mortgage repayments. As the value of homes plummeted, the borrowers found themselves with negative equity. With a large number of borrowers defaulting on loans, banks were faced with a situation where the repossessed house and land was worth less on todays market than the bank had loaned out originally. The banks had a liquidity crisis on their hands, and giving and obtaining loans became increasingly difficult as the fallout from the sub-prime lending bubble burst. This is commonly referred to as the credit crunch. Although the housing collapse in the United States is commonly referred to as the trigger for the global financial crisis, some experts who have examined the events over the past few years, and indeed even politicians in the United States, may believe that the financial system was needed better regulation to discourage unscrupulous lending.
The global financial crisis entered a new phase The collapse of Lehman Brothers on September 14, 2008 marked the beginning of a new phase in the global financial crisis. Governments around the world struggled to rescue giant financial institutions as the fallout from the housing and stock market collapse worsened. Many financial institutions continued to face serious liquidity issues. The Australian government announced the first of its stimulus packages aimed to jump-start the slowing economy. The U.S. government proposed a $700 billion rescue plan, which subsequently failed to pass because some members of US Congress objected to the use of such a massive amount of taxpayer money being spent to bail out Wall Street investment bankers (who were believed by some to be one of the causes of the global financial crisis). By September and October of 2008, people began investing heavily in gold, bonds and US dollar or Euro currency as it was seen as a safer alternative to the ailing housing or stock market. In January of 2009 US President Obama proposed federal spending of around $1 trillion in an attempt to improve the state of the financial crisis. The Australian government also proposed another stimulus package, pledging to give cash handouts to tax payers, and spend more money on longer- term infrastructure projects.
Australias response to the global financial crisis the first stimulus package Australian then-Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, and then-Treasurer Wayne Swan delivered their first budget in response to the global financial crisis, with the main objective being to fight inflation a major problem in the local economy at the time. In October 2008 the Rudd government announced that it would guarantee bank deposits. With the economy facing a recession, an economic stimulus package worth $10.4 billion was announced. This included payments to seniors, carers and families. The payments were made in December 2008, just in time for Christmas spending, and retailers predominantly reported strong sales. The first home buyers grant was doubled to $14,000 for existing homes, and tripled to $21,000 for new homes. The automotive industry was also given a helping hand, as several major lenders had withdrawn from the market completely, leaving banks to fill the gaps in lending.
The crisis continued a second stimulus package was announced A second, even larger economic stimulus package was announced by the Australian government in February 2009, with $47 billion allocated to help boost the economy. This included: $14.7 billion for schools $6.6 billion for 20,000 new homes $3.9 billion to insulate 2.7 million homes $890 million for road repairs and infrastructure $2.7 billion in small business tax breaks $12.7 billion for cash bonuses: $950 for every Australian taxpayer who earned less than $80,000, to be paid out in March and April 2009 Australia in the years since the GFC began. Many experts had commented that the Australian economy was somewhat more insulated than other countries from the sub-prime issues surrounding the United States and Australia did not suffer as badly as some nations. Nevertheless, we were not immune. Click hereto read an analysis of Australia after the GFC. Related Posts Approved stock numbers creeping back up Australia after the GFC Relaxed borrowers risk losing out