When an individual fails l<i ;ict in :i crisis, the cir- cumstances thenisi'lvfs will blinrlly rL-solvu the problemand often not to the liking of that indi- vidual. This is a thought to keep in mind for the election. For it must be obvious to any thinking citizen that today's times are not ordinary times, and this will not be an ordinary election. Disunity, frustration, suspicion and fear per- meate the nation. It seems as if an air of unreality is settling over us all. For, very clearly, things are not what they had seemed two years ago. Then, a widespread concern over the possibility of an escalated Vietnam war had helped to de- feat the Republican candidate and to elect Presi- dent Johnson. Two years ago, the civil-rights movement had seemed to be making a historic breakthrough,with broad popular support. Sud- denly, insanely, outbreaks of racial violence began increasing In city after city, North and South. A possibility that had been regarded before as only a baleful threatthe "white backlash" has churned dangerously into the very center of almost every campaign. Comp(junding all these deeper emotional reac- tions are the bitter disagreements over the Admin- istration's spending programs. Basid&lly, the con- flict is over the priorities being given to guns over domestic needsthe spending for the escalating war in Vietnam in the face of the ever-more-insistent demands of the Great Society. The cost of living is up, the stock market is down, and everybody is unhappy over either one or both of these trends. All of these problems will, to some degree, affect the outcome of Tuesday's election. If Ronald Reagan wrests the California governorship from Pat Brown, it would be because the conservative movement put him across. The conservative strength would almost certainly be reflecting some part nf the backlash, and such a victory would put the fiiriner actor in an excellent jyjsition to lead the conservatives as a presidential candidate in 1968. If the segregationists and the conservatives all do well in the election, there is a very good possi- bility that Gov. George C. Wallace of Alabama will present himself as a third-party presidential candidate in 1968. Wallace entered three presiden- tial-primary contests in 1964, and won 43 percent of the votes in Maryland, 34 percent in Wisconsin, and 30 percent in Indiana. If backlash sentiment should run away with itself in the North, a mere plurality of the popular vote in a sufficient number of states tnight win him a majority in the Electoral College. It is conceivable that George Wallace could become President. S<_)mewhere on the hustings today, dozensof pres- idential aspirantb are in full cry. The issueslocal, national, internationalpose decisive turning points on every side, and the public will decide which way the country will tum. But we know, of course, that there is no such thing a^ "the public." There are only individuals. In a democracy the in- dividual citizens are supreme m their collective acts in the voting booths. The problems of our time are serious enough to demand action by all voters. Reaction in Georgia Everj' action has an equal and opposite reaction, and this is as true of politics as it is of physics. The reaction hit Georgia a few weeks ago, when the deafening snap of a white backlash produced Lester G. Maddox as the Democratic nominee for governor of Georgia, Mr. Maddox ran against Ellis G. Arnall, a distinguished moderate, and won a stunning victory in a runoff primary. Sometime before this, Mr. Maddox ran an agreeable and in- expensive chicken restaurant in Atlanta, where he got his political start by handing out ax handles to white customers to discourage black ones. What- ever one thinks of this sort of political activity, it is not adequate training for the highest office in the state. And it probably wouldn't have been for Maddox, except for an unexpected development in Atlantaa series of violent, senseless riots. Stokely Carmichael. head of S.N,C.C. and a noisy prop<jnent of black power, was a conspicuous figure in these riots. They fractured a cirefully constructed peace that had been painfully built over the years by local citizens of both colors, and may have dealt a fearsome blf)w to the Geor- gia Democratic Party, white reason and black power all at once. They may even have provided Georgia with its first Republican governor since 1871. This would be the G.O.P. nominee, Howard H. iBo) Callaway, a highly presentable young man with limited political experience, an attractive wife and the backing of a powerful and wealthy family. White reaction to the riots was to reject the moderate \-iew, thus leaving the voters a choice between an upstart young Republican and a dead- end segregationist. This confounds the Demo- cratic leadership (who will hold their noses and vote for Maddox); horrifies the Negroes; shatters the libenils; and pleases a broad scattering of Re- publican> and the extreme segregationistswho only a I'ew months ago seemed safely bypassed. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. said of the Maddox victory, "It is indicative of a deep and corroding cancer In Georgia's body politic." If so, the can- cer had been under control. And while Dr. King did not say so, it seems likelj' that the irritant which triggered the cancer was the man who professes to want to cure itStokely Cannichael. 4