The Status of Women: Concept ual and

Met hodol ogi cal Issues i n De mogr aphi c

Studi es
Karen Oppenhei m Mason
University of Michigan
This paper expl or es several concept ual pr obl ems in social demo-
graphi c st udi es of t he status of women, i ncl udi ng fai l ure t o r ec-
ogni ze t he mul t i di mensi onal i t y of women' s status and its vari at i on
across social "l ocat i ons, " t he conf oundi ng of gender and class
stratification systems, and t he conf oundi ng of access t o r es our ces
wi t h t hei r cont rol . Also di scussed are some gener i c pr obl ems in
t he meas ur ement of femal e status, such as t he sensi t i vi t y of par-
ticular i ndi cat ors t o social cont ext , and t he need t o sel ect consis-
t ent compar i sons whe n j udgi ng t he ext ent of gender inequality. "
I NTRODUCTI ON
This article aims t o clarify t he much- used but ill-defined t erm, "st at us
of women, " and t o discuss some pr obl ems i nher ent in its measure-
ment in demogr aphi c and ot her quantitative, macr osoci ol ogi cal studies.
As has been t r ue in many academi c disciplines, in demogr aphy t he sub-
j ect of women' s status was, unt i l r ecent l y, vi ewed as a "speci al " t opi c
r at her t han one cent r al t o mai nst r eam t heor i es of demogr aphi c change.
Although demographi c researchers somet i mes ment i oned women' s roles
and status (e.g., Ridley, 1968), many st at ement s about t he det er mi nant s
of fertility and mor t al i t y i gnor ed t hese variables. This per i pher al intel-
l ect ual status no doubt in par t r ef l ect ed t he funct i onal i st and famitistic
cast of t radi t i onal demogr aphi c t ransi t i on t heor y. As out l i ned by Coal e
( 1973) and ot hers, t radi t i onal demogr aphi c t ransi t i on t heol T t e nde d t o
focus on t he i nt erest s and const rai nt s of f ami l y units r at her t han t hose
of t he individuals wi t hi n t hem. Al t hough demogr aphi c t ransi t i on t he or y
r ecogni zed t hat women' s l abor f or ce par t i ci pat i on mi ght mot i vat e cou-
Thi s wor k was s uppor t e d by t he Popul at i on Sci ences Di vi si on of t he Rockef el l er Foun-
dation, wh o publ i s hed an earl i er ver si on i n a wor ki ng paper ent i t l ed "The St at us of Wo me n :
A Revi ew of It s Rel at i onshi ps t o Fert i l i t y a nd Mort al i t y. " I t ha nk t h e r e vi e we r s f or t hei r
e xc e l l e nt advi ce, Mar y Cl ai re To o me y f or wo r d pr oces s i ng, a nd Ka t hl e e n Duke for pr e-
par i ng t he fi gure.
1986 by The East er n Soci ol ogi cal Society. All r i ght s r es er ved.
0 8 8 4 - 8 9 7 1 / 8 6 / 0 1 0 2 - 0 2 8 4 $1. 50
284 SF Vol ume 1 Number 2
Status of Wome n
pies t o limit fertility, this effect was based on t he i mpl i cat i ons of wom-
en' s wor k for t he family' s budget , r at her t han on its i mpl i cat i ons f or
women' s f r eedom f r om t he cont r ol of mal e family member s. Even some
r ecent t heor i es of fert i l i t y behavi or (e.g., t he New Home Economi cs
appr oach) share t he assumpt i on t hat husbands and wi ves r each deci-
sions wi t hout confl i ct and t hat t he wi fe' s gainful empl oyment is a com-
ponent of t he family' s budget r at her t han a det er mi nant of her domest i c
power .
Of course, not all past demogr apher s i gnor ed t he t opi c of wome n' s
status. Beginning in t he 1960s, a small gr oup (e.g., Blake, 1965; Ridley,
1968; Dixon, 1975; Germain, 1975) ar gued t hat t he status of wo me n
has i mpor t ant demogr aphi c implications. Onl y in t he last five years,
however , has this i dea ent er ed t he mai nst r eam of demogr aphi c t hought .
Currently, t he status of wo me n - - o r some r el at ed aspect of gender in-
equal i t y- - pl ays an i mpor t ant r ol e in Caldwell' s ( 1982) t heor y of weal t h
flows, in Cain's ( 1982) ideas about risk i nsur ance and t he fert i l i t y tran-
sition, and in t he wor k of Dyson and Moor e ( 1983) , Safilios-Rothschild
(1980, 1982) and ot hers. Al t hough t he status of wo me n has not be c ome
t he cent ral variable in most t heor i es of t he fert i l i t y transition, it has at
least ent er ed t he mai nst r eam of social demogr aphy.
DE F I NI T I ONS OF T HE S T AT US OF WOME N
Despi t e i ncreased at t ent i on t o t he c onc e pt of femal e status, t he
meani ng of this c onc e pt has r emai ned uncl ear, and al t ernat i ve defini-
tions and t er ms have prol i ferat ed. Among t he t er ms used in t he social
demographic literature are not onl y "status of women" (e.g., Dixon, 1978),
but also "female aut onomy" (Dyson and Moore, 1983), "patriarchy" (Cain
et al., 1979), "rigidity of t he sex stratification syst em" (Safilios-Roth-
schild, 1980), "women' s ri ght s" ( Di xon, 1975) and "men' s situational
advantage" (Caldwell, 1981). All t hese t er ms refer, in part , t o some as-
pect of gender inequality. Beyond this c ommon f ocus on gender in-
equality, however , t her e are great variations in defi ni t i ons of "femal e
status" and r el at ed terms. Some aut hor s (e.g., Epstein, 1982) f ocus on
women' s prestige, t hat is, on t he r es pect or est eem ( or lack t her eof )
that is accor ded t o wo me n by vi r t ue of t hei r gender ( r at her t han f or
some ot her reason, such as t he social st andi ng of t hei r family). Ot her
aut hors (e.g., Dyson and Moore, 1983) f ocus on women' s powe r or free-
dom f r om cont r ol by ot hers, especi al l y wi t hi n t he family or househol d.
For exampl e, Cain et al. ( 1979: 406) defi ne "pat r i ar chy" as "a set of so-
cial rel at i ons wi t h a mat eri al base t hat enabl es me n t o domi nat e wo me n
. . pat r i ar chy descri bes a di st ri but i on of powe r and r es our ces wi t hi n
families such t hat me n mai nt ai n powe r and cont r ol of r esour ces, and
wome n are power l ess and dependent on men. "
285
Sociological Forum
Finally, as t he quot at i on f r om Cai n et al. suggests, many st udent s
of f emal e st at us also f ocus on wo me n ' s control of resources, ei t her ma-
terial or nonmat eri al . Thus, Di xon ( 1978: 6) , aft er not i ng t hat t he st at us
of wo me n is "an el usi ve concept , " defi nes it as "t he degr ee of wo me n ' s
access t o ( and cont r ol ove r ) mat er i al r es our ces ( i ncl udi ng food, in-
come, land, and ot her f or ms of weal t h) and t o soci al r es our ces ( i ncl ud-
ing knowl edge, power , and pr es t i ge) wi t hi n t he family, in t he com-
muni t y, and in t he soci et y at large. " Safilios-Rothschild ( 1 9 8 0 ) also
emphasi zes t he cont r ol of r esour ces.
Despi t e t he bewi l der i ng var i et y of speci fi c t er ms and defi ni t i ons,
cert ai n c o mmo n t hr eads can be seen. Most t er ms and defi ni t i ons r ef er
at l east in par t t o gender i nequal i t y; mos t also f ocus on one of t hr ee
basi c di mensi ons of gender i nequal i t y, ( 1 ) pr est i ge, ( 2 ) powe r , or ( 3 )
access t o or cont r ol over r esour ces. Unfort unat el y, r ecogni zi ng t hi s does
not cl ar @ all conf usi on about t he meani ng of f emal e st at us or ge nde r
inequality. As Di xon not es, t he c onc e pt r emai ns elusive.
SOURCES OF CONFUSI ON ABOUT THE MEANING OF THE
STATUS OF WOMEN
Ther e are good r easons for t he conf usi on t hat s ur r ounds t he con-
cept of f emal e status. Two gener al sour ces are: ( 1 ) t he i nher ent com-
pl exi t y of gender i nequal i t y, in part i cul ar, t he fact t hat t he sexes t ypi -
cally are unequal on mo r e t han one di mens i on and in mo r e t han one
social situation; and ( 2 ) a we a k grasp of st rat i fi cat i on t heor y by s ome
wr i t er s t hat has l ed t o a conf oundi ng of class and ge nde r st rat i fi cat i on
and t o conf usi on be t we e n access t o r es our ces and cont r ol of t h e m) I
discuss each of t hese pr obl e ms in t urn.
Mul t i di me ns i onal i t y
Ther e is mor e t han one di mens i on on whi ch it is t heor et i cal l y
possi bl e for t he sexes t o be unequal . Several di scussi ons of f emal e st at us
imply, however , t hat al t hough t he st at us of wo me n may be conceptually
divisible i nt o separ at e di mensi ons, it is empirically a single di mens i on
(e.g., Safilios-Rothschild, 1980). I n ot her wor ds, t he cor r el at i ons be-
t ween di fferent di mensi ons of gender i nequal i t y ma y be so s t r ong t hat
it makes sense t o t al k about "t he" st at us of wome n. Similarly, t her e ar e
many di fferent ki nds of r es our ces t hat ei t her me n or wo me n can con-
i Also to blame for the confusion surrounding the status of women is a third factor that
will be ignored here. This is the disagreement about stratification systems endemic in the
field of sociology, especially the disagreement bet ween the Marxist and functionalist tra-
ditions.
286
St at us of Wo me n
trol, h e n c e ma n y pos s i bl e s our c e s o f mal e- f emal e p o we r di f f er ences. I n
par t i cul ar hi st or i cal si t uat i ons, h o we v e r , t he c o n t r o l o f cer t ai n r e s o u r c e s
(e.g., p r o d u c t i v e r e s o u r c e s s uc h as l and and dr af t ani mal s ) ma y gi ve
t hos e wh o c o n t r o l t h e m so mu c h p o we r t hat t h e y ar e abl e t o gai n con-
t r ol of all o t h e r r es our ces .
For t unat el y, t he que s t i on o f wh e t h e r t he r e is any s uc h t hi ng as
" t he" st at us of wo me n has al r eady b e e n s t udi e d syst emat i cal l y. Pr oba bl y
t he mo s t exhaus t i ve s t udy wa s c o n d u c t e d b y Wh y t e ( 1 9 7 8 ) , wh o ex-
ami ned a s ampl e o f ni ne t y- t hr e e pr ei ndus t r i al c ul t ur e s f o u n d i n t he Hu-
ma n Rel at i ons Ar ea File. Wh y t e r e t u r n e d t o t he or i gi nal e t h n o g r a p h i c
s our ces and c o d e d e a c h c ul t ur e o n s ever al d o z e n pos s i bl e i ndi cat or s o f
f emal e status. He t he n t o o k t he f i f t y- t wo mo s t p r o mi s i n g i ndi cat or s and
c or r e l a t e d t h e m acr os s t he ni ne t y- t hr e e cul t ur es , p e r f o r mi n g a c l us t e r
analysis i n o r d e r t o as cer t ai n wh e t h e r mo r e t han o n e c l us t e r exi st ed.
The r es ul t was ni ne si gni f i cant and di s t i nct cl ust er s. I n o t h e r wor ds ,
soci et i es i n wh i c h wo me n we r e p o we r l e s s o r o f l o w st at us i n o n e ar ea
di d not neces s ar i l y s h o w wo me n t o be p o we r l e s s or of l o w st at us i n
ot he r areas. Wh y t e t hus c o n c l u d e d t hat t he r e is n o s u c h t hi ng as " t he "
st at us o f wo me n . Ge n d e r i nequal i t y is empi r i cal l y as wel l as c o n c e p -
t ual l y a mul t i di me ns i ona l p h e n o me n o n .
Whyt e ' s r esul t s al so fit wi t h i mpr es s i oni s t i c e v i d e n c e a b o u t t he
pos i t i on of wo me n i n di f f er ent soci et i es. For exampl e, t he hi s t or i cal lit-
er at ur e on t he ri se o f t he cul t o f d o me s t i c i t y i n ear l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y
Ame r i c a (e. g, , Smi t h, 1973; Degl er , 1 9 8 0 ) s ugges t s t hat t he c r e a t i o n o f
an i de ol ogy of s epar at e s phe r e s ma y ha ve i nc r e a s e d wo me n ' s e c o n o mi c
d e p e n d e n c y o n t hei r hus ba nds at t he s ame t i me t hat it i nc r e a s e d t hei r
pr es t i ge and d o me s t i c a ut hor i t y b y gi vi ng t h e m an ar ea o f c o mp e t e n c y
and e x p e r t i s e - - n a me l y , chi l dr ear i ng and t he mo r a l u p k e e p o f t he fam-
i l y - t h a t t h e y f o r me r l y l acked. A si mi l ar p i c t u r e o f g e n d e r i nequal i t y
varyi ng across di mensi ons emer ges i n descr i pt i ons of Wes t African wo me n ,
wh o ar e s ome t i me s c i t e d as be i ng unus ual f or t hei r e c o n o mi c i nde pe n-
dence, b u t wh o do n o t a ppe a r t o have pr e s t i ge o r l egal r i ght s ma r ke dl y
s uper i or t o t hos e o f Af r i can wo me n not e nga ge d i n i n d e p e n d e n t e c o-
n o mi c act i vi t i es ( War e, 1977; Saffl i os-Rot hschi l d, 1980) . 2
Fai l ure t o r e c o g n i z e t hat wo me n ' s p o we r , pr e s t i ge and we a l t h d o
not necessar i l y ri se and fall t o g e t h e r ma y expl ai n sever al c o n t r o v e r s i e s
2 Also consistent with the view that the status of women is multidimensional is Oppong's
(1983) framework for analyzing women's roles and fertility. Oppong suggests that women
in developing countries typically enact seven basic roles (maternal, conjugal, domestic,
kin, occupational, community and individual), the relative satisfactions and resources ac-
cluing to them via each of these roles potentially affecting their fertility. Although Oppong
focuses on roles, rather than on dimensions of gender inequality, her assertion that women
enact multiple roles with varying satisfactions and resources available from each rol e--
reinforces the point that gender inequality is multidimensional.
287
Sociological Forum
in the literature. For example, whet her the institution of purdah (female
seclusion) enhances or detracts from women' s status has been much
debated. Many scholars have argued that seclusion lowers women' s sta-
tus by depriving them of opportunities to engage in income-generating
activities (e.g., Youssef, 1982; Cain et al., 1979). Others, however, (Dixon,
1978; Epstein, 1982; Safilios-Rothschild, 1980) argue that
the often-discussed, so-called "greater freedom" of poor Muslim
women in being able to avoid seclusion and to work represents
nothing more than the husband' s (and the entire family' s) decision
that her contributions are needed so that the social status attached
to "purdah" has to be sacrificed (Safilios-Rothschild, 1980:193).
There are several possible explanations for these diametrically opposed
views, some of whi ch are discussed below. Relevant here, however, is
the difference bet ween purdah' s effects on prestige (whi ch are said by
some authors to be positive) and its effects on power or resources (ar-
gued by Youssef and others to be negative). 3
Although gender inequality is a multidimensional phenomenon, in
models of fertility or mortality determination only one aspect of gen-
der inequality may turn out to be important. This is in fact the view
implicit in several approaches to the demographic transition, including
Caldwell's (1979, 1981, 1983), Cain's (1982; Cain et al. 1979), Les-
thaeghe' s (1980), and Dyson and Moore' s (1983). In this view (illus-
trated in Figure 1 ), three central assumptions are made. First, the extent
of men' s control over women within the household is assumed to be
the immediate determinant of demographi c phenomena. The househol d
is the primary locus where decisions affecting fertility and mortality are
made, and in most agrarian societies, the househol d is where resources
are generated and redistributed, hence, where individual "life chances"
are determined.
Second, the control of women by male househol d members is it-
self assumed to reflect the sexes' relative cont rol of material and social
resources. The sexes' relative control of resources is in turn assumed
to reflect extra-familial economic and kinship institutions, especially norms
determining the sexual division of labor and the patterns of exchange
associated with marriage and death.
Third, this view treats prestige as epiphenomenal (e.g., Dyson and
3 Whether the prestige that accompanies the seclusion of women devolves primarily upon
the woman herself or instead upon her family is not entirely clear. If it is families who
benefit from women's seclusion rather than women per se, then Youssef and others may
be correct in emphasizing that greater gender inequality accompanies purdah. This is one
of several examples of possible confusion between class or caste status and gender status
to be found in the literature. This problem is discussed below.
288
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Soci ol ogi cal For um
Moore, 1983). Prest i ge may be i nf l uenced by t he mat er i al i nequal i t y of
t he sexes and may in t ur n r ei nf or ce this inequality, but it is not r egar ded
as an i mpor t ant cause of ei t her mat er i al or domes t i c i nequal i t y. 4
This vi ew t hus pr ovi des a c ohe r e nt mode l of h o w t he di fferent
di mensi ons of gender i nequal i t y are r el at ed t o each ot her and in t ur n
i nfl uence fert i l i t y and mort al i t y. Whi l e it does not deny t he exi s t ence
of di fferent di mensi ons of gender i nequal i t y, it ar gues f or a r ank- or der -
ing among t hem as det er mi nant s of fert i l i t y and mort al i t y. Al t hough dais
appr oach has consi der abl e appeal , whe t he r it is s uppor t e d empirically-
r emai ns t o be det er mi ned. Cont r ar y t o w-hat t hi s mode l argues, ki nshi p
i nst i t ut i ons may be onl y weakl y l i nked t o ge nde r i nequal i t y in t he con-
trol of material resources; cont rol of t hese r esour ces may be onl y weakl y
l i nked t o t he e xt e nt of wo me n ' s a ut onomy wi t hi n t he househol d; and
wome n' s hous ehol d a ut onomy may be onl y weakl y l i nked wi t h fert i l i t y
or mort al i t y. Studies t hat est i mat e t he st r engt h of t he links s hown i n
Figure i woul d be useful.
Multiple Locations
The c onc e pt of f emal e st at us is c ompl e x not onl y becaus e gender
i nequal i t y is mul t i di mensi onal , but also becaus e it oc c ur s in mo r e t han
one social "l ocat i on. " Gender i nequal i t y can var y across t he uni t s of
social organi zat i on in whi ch t he sexes i nt eract , such as t he househol d,
t he nei ghbor hood, t he communi t y, or t he vol unt ar y association. Just as
wome n' s power , pr est i ge or weal t h may be weakl y i nt er cor r el at ed, so,
t oo, t hei r p o we r or pr est i ge in t he hous ehol d may be weakl y r el at ed t o
t hei r powe r or pr est i ge in t he communi t y. I ndeed, t he et hnogr aphi c
l i t erat ure suggest s t hat wo me n wh o have little say in c ommuni t y or
nat i onal organi zat i ons of t en have mor e say in t he ne i ghbor hood or ki n
net work, and even mor e say wi t hi n t he hous ehol d ( al t hough t her e are
soci et i es whe r e wo me n ' s p o we r and pr est i ge are l ow in all spher es) .
This suggest s t hat it may make sense t o t al k about "t he" st at us of wo me n
onl y if a par t i cul ar t ype of soci al uni t is specified.
Anot her t ype of soci al l ocat i on acr oss whi ch t he degr ee of gender
i nequal i t y may var y is t he life cycl e. As has be e n f r equent l y not ed, es-
peci al l y wi t h r egar d t o Asian cul t ures, t he posi t i on of t he ne w br i de in
family politics t ends t o be quite different f r om t he posi t i on of her mot her -
in-law, t he new br i de t ypi cal l y bei ng power l ess, whi l e her mot her - i n-
l aw exer ci ses consi der abl e domes t i c cont r ol ove r ot her wo me n and
chi l dren. To be sure, whe t he r t he mot her - i n- l aw' s p o we r is "r eal " is
4 As will be obvious to many readers, this model follows Marxian rather than functionalist
assumptions. It thus deviates fundamentally from the traditional model of the demographic
transition, which is basically functionalist in character (see Lesthacghe, 1980).
290
St at us o f Wo me n
c o n t r o v e r s i a l ( e. g. , Saf i l i os - Rot hs chi l d, 1982 vs. Ca l dwe l l , 1981) . 5 Re-
ga r dl e s s o f t h e e x t e n t t o wh i c h o l d e r wo me n ' s d o me s t i c p o we r d e r i v e s
f r om d e l e g a t i o n , h o we v e r , i t a p p e a r s t o b e g r e a t e r t h a n t h e n e w b r i d e ' s .
I t ma y t hus b e n e c e s s a r y t o d i s t i n g u i s h wo me n ' s p o we r a c c o r d i n g t o
l i fe c y c l e s t a g e - - o r t o d i s t i n g u i s h s oc i a l s y s t e ms i n wh i c h wo me n h a v e
e qua l l y l i t t l e p o we r t h r o u g h o u t t h e l i f e s p a n f r o m t h o s e i n wh i c h t h e y
gai n p o we r as t h e y age.
T h e C o n f o u n d i n g o f Ge n d e r a n d Cl a s s
Mos t s o c i o l o g i s t s r e c o g n i z e t ha t c o mp l e x s o c i e t i e s a r e t y p i c a l l y
s t r u c t u r e d b y at l e a s t t wo i n d e p e n d e n t s y s t e ms o f s t r a t i f i c a t i on ( i . e. , i n-
s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s y s t e ms o f i n e q u a l i t y ) . 6 Th e s e a r e ( 1 ) a g e n d e r st r at i f i -
c a t i o n s ys t e m, t ha t is, a s y s t e m i n wh i c h wo me n a n d me n a r e a s s i g n e d
di s t i nc t r o l e s i n t h e s oc i a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r a n d i n c o n s e q u e n c e c o n t r o l
di f f e r e nt ki nds o r a mo u n t s o f r e s o u r c e s ; a n d ( 2 ) a cl as s o r c a s t e s ys t e m,
o n e i n wh i c h househol ds o c c u p y d i s t i n c t p o s i t i o n s i n t h e s oc i a l d i v i s i o n
of l a b o r a nd i n c o n s e q u e n c e e n j o y di f f e r e nt i a l c o n t r o l o v e r r e s o u r c e s . 7
The c o e x i s t e n c e o f mo r e t h a n o n e s t r a t i f i c a t i on s y s t e m i n a g i v e n so-
c i e t y me a n s t ha t t h e s o c i o e c o n o mi c p o s i t i o n o f a ny i n d i v i d u a l r e f l e c t s
hi s o r h e r p o s i t i o n i n each s ys t em. Thus, a wo ma n wh o i s p o o r ma y b e
p o o r b e c a u s e s he i s a wo ma n or b e c a u s e s he i s a me mb e r o f a l o we r -
cl ass h o u s e h o l d - - o r bot h.
I n mu c h o f t h e d e mo g r a p h i c l i t e r a t u r e f o c u s e d o n t h e s t a t us o f
wo me n , t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t we e n g e n d e r a n d cl as s s t r a t i f i c a t i on ha s un-
f o r t u n a t e l y b e e n i g n o r e d . Fe r t i l i t y o r mo r t a l i t y has b e e n l i n k e d n o t t o
t he e x t e n t o f g e n d e r i n e q u a l i t y and, s e pa r a t e l y, t o cl as s p o s i t i o n , b u t
r a t h e r t o wo me n ' s net l e ve l o f r e s o u r c e s , r e g a r d l e s s o f wh e t h e r t ha t
l evel r e f l e c t s t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n t he g e n d e r s t r a t i f i c a t i on s y s t e m o r i n t h e
cl ass s ys t em.
Thi s c o n f o u n d i n g o f g e n d e r a n d cl as s s t r a t i f i c a t i on t e n d s t o obf us -
c a t e t h e f o r c e s t ha t i n f l u e n c e f e r t i l i t y o r mor t a l i t y. Fo r e x a mp l e , c o n -
s i de r o n e i mp o r t a n t p r o x i ma t e d e t e r mi n a n t o f mo r t a l i t y l e ve l s i n Th i r d
Wo r l d c o u n t r i e s , n u t r i t i o n a l l evel . I n mo s t p e a s a n t c u l t u r e s , t h e e x t e n t
o f t h e f a mi l y' s l a n d h o l d i n g s - - a ba s i c ma r k o f t h e i r cl as s p o s i t i o n ha s
That this power is rarely exercised over men is taken by some authors to indicate that
it exists only so long as the men who delegate it continue to support the mother-in-law's
authority.
6 Most, perhaps all, societies also have a third stratification system, namely, one based on
age (see Riley et al., 1972).
7 Whether it is households or individuals who occupy- positions in the class stratification
system is in fact problematic, especially in industrial societies where, by definition, most
production is carried out by units other than households. In most Third World countries,
however, this is less problematic: economic production in these countries remains cen-
tered around households.
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Soc i ol ogi c al F o r u m
a st rong i nfl uence on t he average nut ri t i onal l evel of hous ehol d mem-
bers. More land t ypi cal l y means mor e f ood and hence bet t er average
nutrition. In cul t ur es whe r e t he gender syst em gives f eedi ng pr i or i t y t o
adult men, however , t he nut ri t i onal status of wo me n and chi l dr en in
relatively well-off peasant families may r emai n marginal because t hey
are f or ced t o cons ume what adul t mal e family member s l eave behi nd
once t hey have eat en t hei r fill (e.g., Katona-Apte, 1975; Chen et al., 1981).
In ot her wor ds, in t hese cases, class i n t e r a c t s wi t h gender in det er mi n-
ing nut ri t i onal and mor t al i t y levels.
The conf oundi ng of gender and class stratification is also unfor-
t unat e because it t ends t o obs cur e t he appr opr i at e l evel of analysis f or
st udyi ng t he i mpact of gender i nequal i t y on fert i l i t y or mort al i t y. Rec-
ognizing t hat women' s net s oci oeconomi c posi t i on refl ect s t hei r po-
sition in t wo syst ems of stratification emphasi zes t he need t o st udy gen-
der i nequal i t y at t he gr oup r at her t han individual level. Whi l e syst ems
of gender stratification may not be uni f or m wi t hi n par t i cul ar pol i t i cal
units such as nation-states, t hey can onl y be cal l ed syst ems insofar as
t hey are uni f or m for s o me aggregate. Under st andi ng t he i mpact of gen-
der i nequal i t y on fertility or mor t al i t y t her ef or e r equi r es an analysis t hat
compar es groups differing in t hei r gender stratification systems.
When women' s net s oci oeconomi c posi t i on be c ome s t he focus, it
is all t oo easy t o t hi nk in t er ms of compar i ng individual wo me n r at her
t han social aggregates. Yet analysis at this l evel fails t o make cl ear t he
i mpact of vari at i on in gender i nequal i t y on fert i l i t y and mort al i t y. For
this reason, it is pr ef er abl e t o mai nt ai n t he analytic di st i nct i on be t we e n
gender and class posi t i on whe n st udyi ng t he det er mi nant s of fert i l i t y or
mortality. In t he r emai nder of this discussion, I will use t he t er m "status
of wome n" t o r ef er onl y t o t he posi t i on of wo me n in t he gender strat-
ification system; in ot her words, t o r ef er t o t hei r posi t i on r e l a t i v e t o
men' s.
Access t o vs. Co n t r o l o f Re s o u r c e s
Anot her pr obl em in analysis of femal e status, fertility, and mort al -
ity involves t he di st i nct i on be t we e n access t o r es our ces and t he cont r ol
of t hem. Merel y havi ng acces s t o r esour ces, i.e., t he ri ght t o use or con-
sume t hem i f t hose wh o cont r ol t hem give t hei r permi ssi on, is insuffi-
ci ent t o gener at e cont r ol over one' s envi r onment . Cont r ol i mpl i es t he
ability t o di spose of t he r es our ce whi l e access implies onl y t he ri ght t o
use or cons ume it wi t h t he per mi ssi on of t hose hol di ng t he ri ght t o
di spose of it.
This di st i nct i on is especi al l y i mpor t ant whe n st udyi ng gender sys-
t ems because t he t ypi cal ar r angement be t we e n t he sexes, especi al l y in
agrarian and early industrial societies, is f or wo me n t o t rade cont r ol of
292
Status of Wo me n
r es our ces f or access t o t hem. I n ma ny Medi t er r anean, Asian, and Latin
Ameri can count ri es t oday t he enf or ced economi c dependency of wo me n
on mal e ki n ari ses f r om a s ys t em in whi c h me n cont r ol t he hous ehol d' s
r es our ces but gi ve wo me n access t o t hem ( t hough not necessar i l y as
muc h as t he me n t hems el ves have) . To say t hat wo me n have "hi gh sta-
t us" becaus e t hey have access t o a hi gh l evel of r es our ces can t her ef or e
be misleading. I f t he soci al syst em depr i ves t hem of r es our ce control,
t hen t hei r "st at us" is in fact l i kel y t o be l ow. I n t he l ong run, me n ar e
likely t o be bet t er off and have mo r e p o we r t han wo me n have.
Unfort unat el y, ma ny di scussi ons of f emal e st at us and fert i l i t y or
mor t al i t y have failed t o heed t he di st i nct i on be t we e n access and cont r ol
and have t her eby cont r i but ed t o t he conf usi on s ur r oundi ng t he st at us
of women. Cert ai n Thi r d Wor l d soci al i nst i t ut i ons, such as pur da h (fe-
mal e secl usi on) or t he l evi t at e ( r emar r i age of wi dows t o t he hus band' s
br ot her ) , are t ypi cal l y vi ewed by f emi ni st schol ar s as l ower i ng wo me n ' s
status, but ot her scholars vi ew t hem as enhanci ng the posi t i on of wo me n
or at l east not damagi ng it. For exampl e, Bur ch ( 1983: 951) ar gues t hat
in "mal e- domi nat ed" Wes t Afri can soci et i es, t he l evi rat e "pr ovi des eco-
nomi c s uppor t and soci al st andi ng for a wo ma n wh o ot her wi s e mi ght
have no accept abl e soci al rol e, " even t hough her ability t o de t e r mi ne
wh o m she ma r r i e s - - o r whe t he r she r emar r i es at a l l - - i s cl ear l y l i mi t ed
by this institution. What Bur ch s eems t o be sayi ng is t hat t he l evi r at e
hel ps wo me n by gi vi ng t he m access t o ne e de d r es our ces ( i ncl udi ng t he
status of wi fe). Thi s obvi ousl y is not t he s ame as argui ng t hat it gi ves
t hem cont rol of r esour ces, i.e., hel ps t o equal i ze t hei r p o we r wi t h men' s.
Ar gument s t hat pur dah pr ovi des physi cal pr ot e c t i on or pr est i ge are sim-
ilar. They usually do not cl ai m t hat wo me n gai n cont r ol of cri t i cal re-
sour ces by ent er i ng i nt o secl usi on, but r at her t hat t hey gai n access t o
r es our ces vi a mal e fami l y member s .
Because cont r ol of r es our ces ultimately- means t he ability t o de-
t er mi ne access, t he rel at i ve r es our ce cont r ol of wo me n and me n shoul d
be, in t he l ong run, mo r e cri t i cal t han is t hei r rel at i ve access at any gi ven
poi nt in time. Studies c onc e r ne d wi t h t he i mpact of wo me n ' s st at us on
demogr aphi c or soci al p h e n o me n a woul d be wi se t o f ocus on r es our ce
cont rol .
MEASURING FEMALE STATUS EMPIRICALLY
Nume r ous empi r i cal i ndi cat or s of f emal e st at us have be e n us ed or
suggest ed f or use in t he de mogr a phi c l i t erat ure. Tabl e 1 lists a sampl i ng
of t he mos t c o mmo n l y me nt i one d of t hese. I n t he abs ence of a speci fi c
hypot hesi s or r es ear ch quest i on about f emal e st at us and fert i l i t y or mor -
tality, speci fyi ng t he weaknes s es or st r engt hs of par t i cul ar empi r i cal
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Sociological Forum
measures is difficult, although t wo recent United Nations document s
have attempted to do just that (United Nations, 1984a and 1984b). 8
Consequently, we focus here on four general problems that are among
the most common that the measurement of female status entails.
The Pr obl e m of Measur i ng a Poor l y Def i ned Concept
The first of these problems reflects the concept ual ambiguity that
surrounds female status and the failure of many authors to adopt a clear
definition of the concept. For example, Javillonar and her colleagues
( 1979: 7- 11) assert that four measurable quantities indicate the status
of women in developing countries: ( 1) the extent to whi ch there is
early and universal female marriage, ( 2) the extent to whi ch husbands
have the arbitrary right to divorce a wife, ( 3) the extent to whi ch mar-
riages are arranged by the older generation, and, most important, they
say, (4) the extent to whi ch women participate in the labor force. Be-
cause Javillonar et al. offer no definition of female status, however, the
adequacy of these four indicators is unclear.
The Probl em of Context Dependency
The second probl em in measuring female status arises because a
given social practice or legal right may enhance women' s prestige or
autonomy in one context, but have the opposite effect in another. That
is, combinations of circumstances, rather than a society' s value on a
single variable, are often what determine the extent of men' s cont rol
over women or women' s prestige compared to men' s. Or, put differ-
ently, interaction effects tend to dominate main effects in the deter-
mination of gender inequality.
Instances in whi ch particular social institutions have alternative
meanings for gender inequality are rife. Take, for example, the institu-
tion of polygyny (multiple wives). Epstein ( 1982) describes Bangladeshi
wives as "dreading" the possibility" of their husband taking a second wife,
but says Ivory Coast wives tolerate or even look forward to this pros-
pect. In the Bangladeshi context, pol ygyny often means that a husband
transfers his affection and economi c support from the old wife to the
new. In the Ivory Coast, however, wher e women are largely self-sup-
porting, the arrival of a second wife often permits a division of labor
among wives that increases each woman' s ability to fulfill her economi c
and domestic goals. Thus, the meaning of this institution depends on
Although neither report attempts to define the status or situation of women in the ab-
stract, both present useful criticisms of existing social indicators on the situation of women
and data collection efforts; both also provide valuable suggestions as to how to best use
existing data and collect new data on women's situation.
294
Status of Wome n
TABLE 1. Indi cat ors of Femal e Status Commonl y Used or Ment i oned
i n t he Social Demogr aphi c Li t erat ure
Relationship to
Indicator of Female Status Female Status
DEMOGRAPHIC INDICATORS
Female Minus Male Mortality Rates
Female Age at Marriage +
Average Husband-Wife Age Difference
Parents' Preferences for Male Children
KINSHIP-FAMILY INDICATORS
Purdah (Female Seclusion) - (?)
Levirate (Enforced Marriage of Widows to
Husband's Brother) - (?)
Polygyny (Multiple Wives) ?
Conjugal Family Households + (?)
Emphasis on Lineage - (?)
Female Property Inheritance +
Village Exogamy of Females (Out-Marrying)
Patrilocal Post-Marital Residence
Dowry
Arranged Marriages
Cross-Cousin Marriages +
Emphasis on Virginity of Brides
Pre- or Post-Marital Sexual Double Standard
Emphasis on Women' s Sexuality, Youthfulness
Male Right to Divorce Wife Without Her Consent
Egalitarianness of the Husband-Wife Relationship +
Male Feeding Priority
Extended-Kin Support for Widows and Divorcees +
ECONOMIC INDICATORS
Female Employment "Opportunities" +
Female Labor Force Participation +
Exclusion of Women from Extra-Domestic Activities
Concentration of Women vs Men in Informal Economic
Sector
Occupational Segregation of the Sexes
Sex Differences in Wages or Earnings
Sex Differences in the Amount of Leisure Time
Female Education +
Female Underemployment or Unemployment Rates
Women' s Work "Commitment" (Measured Variously) +
Women' s Access to Credit +
Women' s Access to Non-Familial Supports +
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Sociological Forum
t he ext ent t o whi ch wi ves are economi cal l y i ndependent of t hei r hus-
bands as wel l as on cul t ural t radi t i ons about how husbands are t o di vi de
t hei r at t ent i on and suppor t among wives.
Among t he most commonl y used i ndi cat ors of femal e status, es-
pecially in st udi es of fertility, are measur es of wome n' s l abor-force par-
t i ci pat i on or ext r a- domest i c part i ci pat i on in e c onomi c pr oduct i on. Al-
t hough it is wi del y bel i eved t hat such part i ci pat i on enhances wome n' s
domest i c aut onomy by giving t hem an i ndependent s our ce of i ncome
(e.g., Cain et al., 1979), t he effect s de pe nd heavi l y on social cont ext .
For exampl e, accor di ng t o Cain et al. ( 1979) , Indian wo me n wh o par-
ticipate in i ncome- ear ni ng wor k seem t o have mor e domest i c a ut onomy
t han secl uded Bangladeshi wi ves have. However , accor di ng t o Jai n
1970: 46- 47) , overseas Indi an wome n wh o wor k as wage l abor er s on
Mai ~ ~ z i r ubber est at es have ver y little domest i c power , despi t e t hei r
empl oyment . Indeed, among t hese est at e wor ker s, t he t r adi t i on of mal e
domi nance is so st rong t hat wi ves mor e or less aut omat i cal l y t ur n over
all t hei r wages t o t he husband, t her eby giving hi m cont r ol of t he family' s
most important material resource. ~lae fact of women' s empl oyment does
not appear t o i ncrease t hei r aut onomy.
Anot her exampl e of cont ext de pe nde nc y i nvol ves t he combi na-
t i on of village exogamy, pat ri l ocal post -mari t al r esi dence, and t he main-
t enance of t he j oi nt househol d whi ch is said by several schol ars (e.g.,
Dyson and Moore, 1983) t o resul t in a loss of aut onomy f or wo me n
duri ng t he pr i me chi l dbeari ng years in settings such as Nor t h India and
China. In t hese settings, it is claimed, a newl y- mar r i ed woma n ent er s a
household of strangers wher e she is powerl ess and wi t hout allies. Among
t he Ijaw of Nigeria, however , a similar combi nat i on of village exogamy,
patrilocal resi dence, and t he non- nucl ear househol d has r esul t ed in t he
cr eat i on of women' s mut ual aid associations t hat have in t ur n gi ven
wome n consi der abl e domest i c and communi t y aut onomy (Leis, 1974).
Thus, even conditions that are wi del y- - and seemingly l ogi cal l y- - t hought
t o under mi ne women' s domest i c powe r can, in some situations, have
just t he opposi t e effect.
The Probl em o f an Appropriate Compari son
Whet her gender i nequal i t y is small or large obvi ousl y depends on
t he st andard bei ng used, t hat is, t o what a gi ven sex st rat i fi cat i on syst em
is bei ng compar ed. Variation i n t he compar i son i mpl i ci t l y used by dif-
f er ent aut hors is yet anot her r eason f or t he cont r over s y sur r oundi ng
such social institutions as pur dah and t he levirate. For exampl e, wh e n
wome n in Moslem soci et i es are compar ed wi t h wo me n in Wes t er n Eu-
r opean or Nor t h Ameri can societies, t he concl usi on of t en is t hat pur dah
depri ves wome n of aut onomy. On t he ot her hand, whe n t hese same
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Status of Wo me n
wo me n ar e c o mp a r e d wi t h wo me n in hi ghl y pat r i ar chal non- Mos l em
soci et i es, t he concl us i on of t en is t he r ever se: pur dah does not depr i ve
wo me n of a ut onomy any mo r e t han a n u mb e r of ot her pat r i ar chal in-
st i t ut i ons do and may even pr ovi de wo me n wi t h secur i t y or pr est i ge.
Dependi ng on t he poi nt of compar i s on chosen, a gi ven me a s ur e of fe-
mal e st at us can l ead t o di fferent concl usi ons.
Th e P r o b l e m o f Me a s u r e s wi t h Mu l t i p l e Me a n i n g s
The final gener i c p r o b l e m in meas ur i ng f emal e st at us i nvol ves t he
mul t i pl e meani ngs of cer t ai n wi del y avai l abl e and f r equent l y us ed in-
di cat ors of f emal e status, such as educat i onal at t ai nment level. Because
t hese i ndi cat or s of t en t ap f act or s ot her t han t he st at us of wo me n t hat
are likely t o i nfl uence fert i l i t y or mort al i t y, t hei r use can pr oduc e r esul t s
t hat are difficult t o i nt er pr et . For exampl e, does a hi gher l evel of f emal e
educat i on lead t o l ower fertility or infant mort al i t y because it gives wo me n
t he r es our ces t o st and up t o t hei r husbands or mot hers-i n-l aw? Or does
it have this effect becaus e it al l ows wo me n t o l earn about mo d e r n fer-
tility cont r ol me t hods or effect i ve heal t h care? Unfort unat el y, f or ma ny
f or ms of r esear ch, vari abl es t hat i ndi cat e mor e t han one under l yi ng con-
st r uct are of t en t he onl y or t he mos t rel i abl y meas ur ed i ndi cat or s of
f emal e st at us available. Thi s means t hat r es ear ch on f emal e st at us and
fertility or mor t al i t y of t en suffers f r om ambi guous meas ur ement .
CONCLUS I ONS
Thi s br i ef di scussi on of s ome of t he compl exi t i es s ur r oundi ng t he
defi ni t i on and me a s ur e me nt of t he st at us of wo me n shoul d make cl ear
t hat t he p h e n o me n o n of ge nde r i nequal i t y is i nher ent l y compl ex. Men
and wo me n are t ypi cal l y unequal in a n u mb e r of i mpor t ant r espect s,
and t he nat ur e or e xt e nt of t hei r i nequal i t y usual l y vari es acr oss t hese
di mensi ons and accor di ng t o soci al set t i ng and life cycl e stage. For t hi s
reason, at t empt s t o r el at e "t he" st at us of wo me n t o de mogr a phi c or
ot her social phenomena r un t he risk of seriously- distorting reality. Ther e
is mor e t han one aspect of f emal e status, and each as pect may" r el at e t o
fertility or mor t al i t y qui t e differently.
Earlier c o mme n t s have al ready suggest ed st rat egi es l i kel y t o im-
pr ove t he qual i t y of wor k on t he st at us of wo me n in r el at i on t o fert i l i t y
or mort al i t y. Some exampl es are: mai nt ai ni ng t he di st i nct i on b e t we e n
gender and class i nequal i t y; f ocusi ng on wo me n ' s vs. me n' s cont rol of
r esour ces; bei ng sensi t i ve t o t he di st i nct i ve i nt er pl ay of var i abl es in dif-
f er ent social cont ext s; and usi ng a consi st ent set of compar i sons.
Two addi t i onal st r at egi es may hel p clarify t he r el at i onshi p of gen-
der i nequal i t y t o de mogr a phi c p h e n o me n a in f ut ur e studies. The first is
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Sociological Forum
t o avoid using t he t er m "status of wome n" and t o speak i nst ead in t er ms
of gender inequality, or bet t er still, specific t ypes of gender i nequal i t y
(e.g., t he ext ent of men' s cont r ol over t hei r wi ves). The t er m "st at us of
women, " whe n used t o r ef er t o gender i nequal i t y (as it usually i s) pre-
sents a r egr et t abl y di st or t ed pi ct ur e of social reality, si nce it t reat s me n
as t he r ef er ence poi nt , and wo me n as t he " ot her " t hat devi at es f r om
this r ef er ence. "Gender i nequal i t y" pr ovi des a mor e even- handed and
accurat e descr i pt i on of t he di screpanci es in power , pr est i ge and cont r ol
of r esour ces be t we e n t he sexes t hat exi st in most human popul at i ons.
Terms such as "gender inequality" also are preferable because t hey avoid
t he pot ent i al conf usi on be t we e n gender and class or cast e st rat i fi cat i on
not ed earlier. "Status of wome n" c a n- - i nde e d, pr obabl y s houl d- - r e f e r
t o di fferences among wo me n in power , pr est i ge or r esour ces, r at her
t han t o i nequal i t T be t we e n t he sexes.
The ot her st rat egy likely t o i mpr ove our under st andi ng of gender
inequality in r el at i on t o fert i l i t y or mor t al i t y is t o r el at e such i nequal i t y
t o specific demogr aphi c variables, and devel op t heor i es t hat make cl ear
why and how gender i nequal i t y causes or is caused by t hese variables.
Focusing on a specific quest i on, such as how gender i nequal i t y influ-
ences femal e age at first marri age or infant and chi l d mort al i t y, is far
mor e likely t o i ndi cat e which aspect s of gender inequality, under whi ch
ci rcumst ances and in whi ch social settings, are likely t o be i mpor t ant
t han is a general di scussi on of t he nat ur e of gender i nequal i t y and its
i mpact on demogr aphi c behavi ors. This is pr eci sel y what Blake ( 1972) ,
Cain ( 1982) , Caldwell ( 1982) , Dyson and Moor e ( 1983) and ot her s
have at t empt ed t o do in r ecent years. Fur t her el abor at i on of t hei r ideas
is much needed, as are empi ri cal tests.
Ther e can be little quest i on t hat gender i nequal i t y is pot ent i al l y
i mport ant for demogr aphi c ( and ot her soci al ) phenomena. In a wor l d
wher e wome n bear chi l dr en and shoul der t he maj or responsi bi l i t y f or
reari ng t hem, t hei r aut onomy f r om mal e cont r ol dur i ng t he pr i me child-
beari ng years, t he r espect t hey are accor ded by vi r t ue of bei ng wome n,
and t he t ypes and amount s of r esour ces t hey cont r ol , shoul d be cri t i cal
for t hei r mot i ves and choi ces, hence, f or r epr oduct i ve pat t er ns and t he
det er mi nant s of mort al i t y among infants, chi l dr en and women. The de-
mographi c t ransi t i on has be e n descr i bed as a social r evol ut i on. It is hi gh
t i me we gave full r ecogni t i on t o t he r ol e of wo me n i n this and ot her
moder n revol ut i ons.
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