Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Acknowledgements vi Chapter 6
Contributors vii Images in time: Advances in the dating of
Acronyms viii Maloti-Drakensberg rock art since the 1970s ...........................81
Publications by Patricia Vinnicombe relating to Africa ix Aron D Mazel
BOX 3. The Socio-politics of rock art 32 BOX 9. Can rock art conservation be legislated? 144
Shiona Moodley Janette Deacon
Chapter 4 Chapter 9
Originals and copies: Basotho oral knowledge:
A phenomenological difference....................................................43 The last Bushman inhabitants of the
Nessa Leibhammer Mashai District, Lesotho ...............................................................165
Patricia Vinnicombe (with additional notes by Peter Mitchell)
BOX 4. Vinnicombe’s tracing and colour
rendering technique 52 BOX 10. Protecting rock art in Lesotho 170
Justine Olofsson Peter Mitchell
Chapter 5 Chapter 10
Meaning then, meaning now: Changes in the Rereading People of the Eland ........................................................193
interpretative process in San rock art studies ............................61 David S Whitley
David Pearce, Catherine Namono and Lara Mallen
List of figures 204
BOX 5. The presentation of bushman rock art in the
Index 208
uKhahlamba-Drakensberg 62
Ndukuyakhe Ndlovu
BOX 6. Visitor attractions in the uKhahlamba-Drakensberg:
Main Caves, Kamberg and Didima 66
Aron D Mazel
CHAPTER ONE
Introducing
The Eland’s People
Figure 1.1
People of the Eland (1976), first edition, the
T
book that inspired this volume. he rock art produced by the hunter-gatherers of making profound contributions to our knowledge of the
southern Africa’s Maloti-Drakensberg Mountains southern African past. Hence, we set out the justification
Figure 1.2 is one of the aesthetically most impressive and for this book and for the simultaneous republication of
West Ilsley in the Underberg District, the historically most important legacies of the Bushmen (San) Pat’s epoch-making synthesis of the art, People of the Eland
farm where Patricia Vinnicombe grew up. who lived there for many thousands of years (see notes on (Vinnicombe 1976; Figure 1.1).
From RARI archive. names at the end of this chapter). In the last thousand or
more years, socio-political engagements between the San
Figure 1.3 and other groups impacted greatly on San identities and on Pat Vinnicombe: A biographical sketch
The mountains and their rock art formed the imagery painted in the rock art. Patricia (or, as she was
the backdrop of Pat’s farm upbringing. generally known, Pat) Vinnicombe was among the very first Born in 1932, Pat Vinnicombe grew up on the farm of West
From RARI archive. scholars to place the art within its socio-political context Ilsley in the Underberg District of what is now the KwaZulu-
and to raise the study of that art from the level of an amateur Natal Province of South Africa (Figure 1.2, 1.3). Her love
Figure 1.4a pursuit, interpreted in the light of naïve borrowings for the region sprang from her intimate acquaintance with
A young Pat Vinnicombe in a rock art site from Western views of art or simple empiricism, to a it from childhood. As a young woman, although trained
near West Ilsley. From RARI archive. methodologically and theoretically rigorous one capable of formally as an occupational therapist, she began to make
copies of some of the rock paintings near her parents’ farm she participated in the Ghanaian expedition to Sudan
and others close by (Figure 1.4a, b). She moved for a brief that excavated the medieval town of Debeira West ahead
period to the United Kingdom (1954–56) where reaction of the building of the Aswan High Dam. Moving next to
to an exhibition of her tracings at London’s then Imperial Cambridge, she found more time to devote to her passion
Institute (now part of Imperial College) encouraged her, for rock art.
with the support of Barend Malan of the South African By 1967 Pat had recorded over 8 000 individual images
Historical Monuments Commission, to develop a detailed using highly successful techniques of her own invention
recording method suitable for numerical analysis of the (Vinnicombe 1963; Leibhammer, Chapter 4 of this volume;
images she was copying. By this time, too, she had won for Olofsson, Chapter 2 of this volume; Figures 1.5, 1.6). She
herself sufficient recognition and credibility to start working had also begun work on their analysis (Vinnicombe 1967a,
full-time on the tracing of paintings in the uKhahlamba- 1967b), but realised that to move beyond mere numbers
Drakensberg Mountains of KwaZulu-Natal (Deacon 2003) and descriptive statistics she had to immerse herself much
and to begin publishing some of her work (Vinnicombe more fully in the history and ethnography of southern
1960a, 1960b, 1960c, 1961). She married Pat Carter, a Africa’s Bushmen. As she began to do this, she also returned
British archaeologist, in 1961 and went to live with him in to the field in a major way in a joint project with Pat Carter.
Ghana where he was chief technician in Legon University’s Together, they embarked on several seasons of fieldwork
newly established Department of Archaeology. While there, on both the South African and the Lesotho sides of the
2 Chapter 1
uKhahlamba-Drakensberg Escarpment, aiming to produce
a holistic and synergistic study of the region’s rock paintings
and its ‘dirt’ archaeology. David Lewis-Williams describes
in the following chapter the detailed evolution of Pat’s
thinking during these years (1969–74) when she not only
engaged in systematic survey work in highland Lesotho, but
also traced another extraordinarily large corpus of images,
all the while also taking part in the excavation side of the
research programme.
Pat’s work in southern Africa was interrupted when, in
1971, her husband was appointed the curator of what is
now the National Museum of Tanzania in Dar es Salaam.
Shortly before leaving England, she submitted a paper to
Africa (Vinnicombe 1972) that was to become a landmark in
tying together San ethnography and San art, and prefigured
the success of People of the Eland. Three years in Tanzania
delayed the writing up of her southern African work but
gave her valuable new experiences, allowing her to work on
rock art in Tanzania and Ethiopia (Figure 1.7).
As David Lewis-Williams makes clear, and as
Pat indicates in her own introduction to the volume
(Vinnicombe 1976: xvi), People of the Eland was long in
the making, and soon after it came out she and Pat Carter
separated, leaving unfulfilled her intention to develop a joint
publication of their research. People of the Eland on its own,
however, is a monumental piece of scholarship and one that
impacted massively on academic researchers and the public
alike (Lewis-Williams 2003: 46). It remains fundamental
to any understanding of the nineteenth century history of
the Bushmen of the Maloti-Drakensberg region, the rock
paintings left there by them and by previous generations
of hunter-gatherers, and the application of anthropological
theory and observations to making sense of that art. With
only 1 000 copies published and almost all of those secured
in private or institutional hands, it has become a collector’s
piece, now almost unobtainable. It is thus a privilege
for us to link publication of this tribute to Pat with the
republication of her original splendid monograph.
Following the appearance of People of the Eland in 1976
and her receipt of a doctorate from Cambridge University
in 1977, Pat’s life veered away from southern Africa for two
decades. A last field season in Lesotho in 1976 (Bousman
1988) had taken her to a hitherto unexplored area, the
Senqunyane Valley, but in 1978 she moved with her son
Gavin to Australia to embark on a new career. There, she was
employed initially by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal
Figure 1.7
A redrawing by Justine Olofsson of one of
Vinnicombe’s tracings from Ethiopia. From
RARI archive.
pursued. Instead, when discussing how best to pay tribute of understanding Bushman rock art through reference
to Pat, it seemed far more appropriate to leave her own to Bushman ethnography (Lewis-Williams 1981). In
landmark study untouched, but to make it available to a Chapter 2, David discusses how Pat first became interested
new generation of researchers and to a new South Africa in rock art and the nature of her relationships with, and
through its republication. However, as Pat herself was influence on, others working in the same field. A particular
aware, much new work, which she herself had encouraged, focus of the chapter is the gestation and ultimate delivery
had been undertaken in her old stamping grounds since (in more ways than one) of People of the Eland, as well as
the 1970s. We therefore felt that another suitable memorial David’s own assessment of the enduring legacy of her work.
would be to bring together, in a second volume, some of Lynn Meskell then discusses in Chapter 3 the social
those involved in that research. and political milieu within which People of the Eland
Initial plans were sketched out over breakfast during was written – the apartheid-dominated context of the
the 2004 meeting in Kimberley of the then Southern southern Africa of the 1960s and 1970s. At the same time,
African Association of Archaeologists (now the Association she examines how broader trends in African and world
of Professional Archaeologists of Southern Africa). We archaeology influenced Pat’s writing, showing how People
identified a series of researchers whom, we felt, could of the Eland was simultaneously a product of its time and
contextualise Pat’s work, and People of the Eland in a work that pushed and challenged existing political and
particular, within the framework of early twenty-first academic boundaries. Such challenges, some of them only
century archaeology. Those whom we approached were now beginning to enter the mainstream of archaeological
only too delighted to contribute and, while it has taken a research, included surprisingly sophisticated treatments of
little longer than we had first hoped, we trust that the final the human body and sexuality, and a deep commitment to
product is one of which Pat herself might have been proud. the writing of a social archaeology of the past.
We begin with a personal memoir of Pat’s life and work In Chapter 4, Nessa Leibhammer takes this concern
by David Lewis-Williams who, working at the same time with context further to analyse in detail one particular aspect
as Pat, took even further her insights into the necessity of Pat’s work, namely her copying technique. Situating Pat
6 Chapter 1
within a line that reaches back to the 1870s and extends framework of understanding that they established remains
forward into the present, Nessa considers how the nature of valid and how far it has changed since they finished their
various recording techniques has impacted on the way rock fieldwork. Looking at a range of topics (continuity in long-
art is understood, while stressing the specific values that Pat term settlement history; landscape use; interaction between
brought to the recording process. As she points out, each regions; the impact of farmer settlement), he underlines
of the various recording methods that has been employed the importance of the Maloti-Drakensberg record within
affects the nature of what is recorded and represented and southern African archaeology as a whole.
thus yields its own unique information. Gavin Whitelaw, too, works with excavated evidence
The interpretative process in which researchers engage as in Chapter 8, which examines the interactions between
they record and study rock art is carried further in Chapter 5, Bushmen and the Nguni-speaking peoples living to the east
written by a trio of rock art researchers from a new generation of the uKhahlamba-Drakensberg Escarpment. However,
of scholars: David Pearce, Catherine Namono and Lara his chapter also rightly emphasises the significance of
Mallen. Collectively, they focus on three of the interpretative drawing upon historical and ethnographic data, stressing
methods that Pat employed (quantification, ethnography and the necessity – all too obvious to Pat in People of the
history), discuss the degree to which her own contribution to Eland – of not seeing the San as isolated from precolonial
them remains valid, and examine the ways in which each has networks of contact and interaction. Discussing divination
developed since. In so doing, they also provide a real sense of and rainmaking, Gavin argues that Nguni classification of
many of the ways in which rock art research has grown since the San as ‘asocial beings’ constrained the roles that they
People of the Eland and the initial publication, and subsequent could play in Nguni society. Using archaeological methods
widespread acceptance, of the shamanistic paradigm first that are open to challenge by historians, he offers a path-
adumbrated by David Lewis-Williams (1981). They conclude breaking archaeological history of agropastoralist settlement
by emphasising that future rock art researchers should in the Maloti-Drakensberg region and considers the ways
increasingly concentrate on asking questions that are specific, in which San individuals and communities may have been
for instance why individual sites and images are painted or increasingly incorporated into farmer society.
engraved as they are, as well as others that examine spatial The long-standing connections between San and Bantu-
and temporal diversity within the art as a whole. speaking farmers have emerged as an important focus of
In Chapter 6, therefore, Aron Mazel reviews the enormous rock art research in the Maloti-Drakensberg region and
progress made since 1976 in the dating of southern African beyond in the decades since People of the Eland was first
rock art, a process in which he has been at the forefront. published. Pieter Jolly (1994, 1995, 1996, 2006a, 2006b),
Aron considers Pat’s own pioneering work in developing in particular, has argued that the scenes traced in 1873 in
a chronology of San paintings in the Maloti-Drakensberg highland Lesotho by Joseph Orpen (1874) and interpreted
region and then discusses the more recent work on this by his Bushman guide Qing are best explained as depictions
topic by Thembi Russell (2000), Joané Swart (2004) and of the rituals of Nguni or Sotho speakers. They would thus
others. As well as showing how our understanding of the art’s reflect the assimilation of the latter’s beliefs by the region’s
chronology has improved over the past 30 years, this chapter hunter-gatherers, rather than the shamanistic view of the
also emphasises the implications that this better chronology San cosmos as argued by Lewis-Williams (1981). Much as
holds for our understanding of the art as a whole. the archaeological record attests to interaction (Chapters 7
One of these implications, as Aron Mazel clearly points and 8), it is not, however, clear that the parallels that Jolly
out, is that a sound chronology is a prerequisite for drawing sees should be explained in this way. Hammond-Tooke
together the paintings and the archaeological record recovered (1998, 1999), for example, makes a powerful argument
through excavation. This was very much a concern that Pat for seeing them as the result of Nguni adoption of San
shared, and Peter Mitchell’s chapter (Chapter 7) examines ritual practices consequent upon a level of intermarriage
this issue as part of a broader synthesis of the hunter-gatherer (especially between San women and Nguni men) that is
archaeology of the Maloti-Drakensberg region obtained via quite obvious genetically (Richards et al. 2004).
survey and excavation. Emphasising Pat’s own contribution Chapter 9 presents important new evidence relevant
in this regard and that of Pat Carter, he asks how far the to the wider issues of interaction between Bushmen and
8 Chapter 1
community-based site management and tourism is surely an or closely related to those of southern Africa’s indigenous
objective of which Pat would have approved. herders!
No one volume can do full justice to the enormity of Clearly, neither of these terms is ideal and people of
Pat’s contribution to rock art research in general or to the hunter-gatherer origin in the Kalahari express different
history (in the broadest sense) of the Maloti-Drakensberg preferences. While Namibia’s Ju/’hoansi choose ‘Bushmen’
Bushmen in particular. We are conscious that some areas over ‘San’, some Botswanan groups use ‘Basarwa’, a term
remain unexamined here and regret, in particular, that other invented by the Botswanan government, while ‘San’
commitments prevented John Wright, Geoff Blundell, Siyakha and ‘Khoe’ also have their indigenous advocates (Lee &
Mguni and Frans Prins from contributing to this book. Some Hitchcock 1998; and cf. Moodley, Box 3 in this volume). In
of the work on which they would have touched can, however, this confused situation we have allowed authors to employ
be found by consulting Geoff’s doctoral thesis (Blundell either ‘San’ or ‘Bushmen’ as they see fit and have ourselves
2004), as well as the superb overview of the archaeology used both terms in this introductory chapter. They and we
and history of the KwaZulu-Natal part of Pat’s research area do so, of course, rejecting any derogatory connotations that
given by John Wright and Aron Mazel in their recent book either term may have. In spelling the names of individual
Tracks in a Mountain Range (Wright & Mazel 2007). We hope, Bushman groups we follow Barnard (1992), but use
nevertheless, that we have gathered together a sufficient range Ju/’hoansi, their own name for themselves, for the people
of chapters to both honour Pat and to provide a sense of the commonly referred to in the literature as the !Kung, a more
continuing dynamism of the work that she helped set in all-embracing, linguistic term (after Biesele 1993).
motion. Khoisan is another term that crops up occasionally
in the book. Schultze (1928) coined this as a collective
designation for all southern Africa’s indigenous herder and
A note on names and orthography hunter-gatherer peoples. Originally intended as a biological
label, it was soon also employed to reflect shared features
Bushmen, San and Khoisan of language and culture (Schapera 1930). An amalgam
More so than in many other parts of the world, the appropriate of the Nama words ‘Khoe’ and ‘San’, its literal meaning is
nomenclature for discussing the peoples of southern Africa ‘person-foragers’. Though not an aboriginal term, it retains
and their past is bedevilled by history. No one solution can be considerable popularity among scholars as a general cultural
acceptable to everyone, but hopefully the terms that we and and linguistic term for both Bushmen and Khoekhoen
our fellow authors have chosen to use offer least offence and peoples, though now sometimes spelt ‘Khoesan’ or
greatest clarity. ‘Khoesaan’. For reasons of familiarity and consistency with
The vocabularies of southern Africa’s indigenous hunter- our usage of ‘San’, here we retain the original spelling.
gatherers traditionally lacked inclusive names for themselves
larger than those of the linguistic unit to which they belonged. Maloti-Drakensberg
This creates a major difficulty for those who wish to talk Just like the hunter-gatherers who once inhabited them,
about them. ‘Bushman’ first appears in written form in the late the mountains where Pat Vinnicombe grew up and later
seventeenth century (as Bosjesmans) and came to be employed undertook so much of her academic work have multiple
by Europeans as a generic term for people subsisting primarily names. On the South African side of the border the Dutch-
from wild resources. However, it also acquired derogatory, derived name ‘Drakensberg’ has long been employed, and
pejorative (and, indeed, sexist) overtones, with the result remains the term with greatest international recognition.
that it began to be replaced in some academic writings from To the Zulu-speaking people who form the majority of
the 1960s with the supposedly more neutral and indigenous those living in the shadow of its escarpment, however, it
term ‘San’, a Nama word for their hunter-gatherer neighbours. is ‘uKhahlamba’, the ‘Barrier of Spears’, and this is reflected
Unfortunately, since this literally means ‘foragers’, implying in the name now used for the National Park and World
that those concerned are people of lower status too poor to Heritage Site that protect both the region’s natural beauty
own livestock, it too is not without problems, one of which and its outstanding rock paintings. Some of our colleagues
is that many forager groups actually speak languages identical therefore correctly refer to the region as the ‘uKhahlamba-
Orthography
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