This document appears to be a collection of articles from the fascist newspaper "The Blackshirt" published in 1933 in London by the British Union of Fascists. The articles discuss various political topics from a fascist perspective, such as criticizing the previous generation for World War I and the current political system, promoting fascist ideals, and arguing that fascism will soon rise to power in Britain led by the new generation.
This document appears to be a collection of articles from the fascist newspaper "The Blackshirt" published in 1933 in London by the British Union of Fascists. The articles discuss various political topics from a fascist perspective, such as criticizing the previous generation for World War I and the current political system, promoting fascist ideals, and arguing that fascism will soon rise to power in Britain led by the new generation.
This document appears to be a collection of articles from the fascist newspaper "The Blackshirt" published in 1933 in London by the British Union of Fascists. The articles discuss various political topics from a fascist perspective, such as criticizing the previous generation for World War I and the current political system, promoting fascist ideals, and arguing that fascism will soon rise to power in Britain led by the new generation.
Rtprillted fr()m " The BlticRslJirt," September 16-22, 1933. YOUTH IN FLAMES WHAT DID YOU DO FOR US IN THE GREAT WAR. DADDIES I The Leiters of .. L,ICJ!cr," I T has become a cornmonplaC(! of " bourgeois" thought during the post-war period to combine with an obsequious lip-service to " manual labour" a verbal cult of youth, In abdicating responsibility for the future on behalf of his own generation, )'lr, Stanley Baldwin, that high-light of the" banale," has gone so far as to shift the onus of the next war- which to the" bourgeois" mind must be 3n inevitable outcome of their capitalistic economics- on to the shoulders of the new s.eneration, This was the implication of his Messalinian dirge on air-warfare before the present House 01 Commons, the members of which had so recently proclaimed themselves as the men destined to save the country. As the young men thus addressed by our cider statesmen, we may, therefore. wen ask oUfJ,Clves what is Youth and also what is the destiny which we are invited to look after for ourselves. Youth is in this crisis of history a corporate entity-aU over Europc--such as it has never been before, And for this reason. that there is a generation missing now, whieh would, in a normal phase. have linked us with those elders, who now find themselves. through their own faulty navigation, cast up out of the sea of a world war and stranded upon the rocks of an uncharted future. The generation who would normally have stood between the men of fifty and the men of thirty those men who might have sympathised with the old and have understood the yonng lie rotting in fifteen million graves, or are scattered, broken, blinded. crippled or insane over ball tbe world from Ireland to the Urals . TJwse mM, telw might hal-'e filled the gap lhe old 111m and the youuC, have filled (I JlwUSQlld gaps upo" a lumdrui of yOM fronls, alld lhey are 110 10llger th<re 10 sm.'e YOU-Y0II old me" WM sllltdder for yo"r world . 3 WI,.t did you do for us in the Great W . r I ar, Daddies P 'rom 1 H.' school they st'nt me to tl be and half or them WCfe III th If ys went out, '\. (lll US If) old IIINI lilat }he y had lcrt. '::;:', " t'liS II {!,rcal. drstillY to die, ami (l (. .'''' t lilt SQ hkt' tiS It.'o hll1ulrrd miles IIt"(I , 1 0 Wll h girls "ou s.1.id was bad' to ru J' b I I I J , ", n a ayonct t lroug 1 til' ... tomach of m all that was" Ille . I I I ' I .. , " . ng 1 t ling to (0. So great was" home ". thc British home- that \'un sent u ... to bomb other homes thcn crash II I I' '. I "ft lTOUgltlC aIr ourse \"cs- ammg youth" we were indeed. while we starved upon the streets. you stuck to the honour your bond"; and cut a Uf wages down and pushed us Ul the gutter to drag our bones around the " buroos " and spit our lungs away, that you might hold on high the plighted word of Bankers, and pay forever five per cent. on all the shells that had been used to blow our limbs off, Yes, we a re a different generation. We are bad-as bad a!'o you a re good. We stare at you across the corpse of the )lissi ng Gl'nerat ion that might have saved you and have guided us. We challenge all your standards, we despise you for your values: we Jaugh at your beliefs; we thank you for the one great tnuh you have taught us-that you are awful fools. We arc what you have made us-hard and cold and ruthless of all the things that you hold dear. HoPCl' .. be, yet we have the men; faithl ess you can think liS, but ,ve ourselves; reckless you believe us, reckless you have made us; restless you may find us, but we have. t1U!; t superb serenity that grows out of the stones of old JlJuslons. We do not jear Ihe ti'ar Ihal yOIl are so ajraid oj. jor )'0/1 "m'e lallght us June to die, U'C may to muJ U'c may rely Olt you, thai ij we lIVe, lhere tnll be lIo/hlllg to have iit'elJ jor. We u'il jor YOII to opell liP 'he rsella/s, jor VOlt hal'e /(mghl liS, Daddies. how to lise I[,e gmts. .\11 over Europe are rising up the genera. hon of the men who were bred so well in war; with liquid fU""c for mother:s milk and bombs (or cricket -balls. They know only thClr own ' unity, and thcy have only their.owl1 belief in !he disciplined of thei r generat Ion-the generation that musl break and build. In the coulltrie. .. that hht (arne to III Italy, in Germany, and for that matter, in Ru ...... ia the neW gcne:ra- tion has marched to power through the smoke of great street battlcs. I n the countries economically victorious in the War in Britain, France and America- the old men of the old systems are still staggering towards the recovery of all these old ideas and these old methods that must now be swept away, In the victorious the battle of the new Fascist generation will be longer, harder and more severe because of the very fact that the tJld were not so sc\ercly shaken. But it is well that the struggle should have fallen on the toughest nation' of the three; for of thl'SC victorious nations it in Britain that the Fa.<;eist H:evolution has gained lhe greatest impetus. And the victory of Fascism in Britain will be the victory of World Fascism. To that degree the immense responsi- bility, the alternative for all the West. of Fascist Revolu- tion or Democratic Decay rests upon the Fascist Youth of Britain, Repri11ted from" The Blackshirt," OckJbc, 14-20, 1933. THE TORY INTERNATIONALE A BANKERS' BEANO The Letters of " Lucifcr." rr is a plea....;...1.nt old of English country life for the squire to give a "Servants' Ball" once a year, at which the gamekeeper ur the butler or the land-steward makes an appropriate !!Ipcech of loyalty and devotion. "The Cit)' "-always anxious to prove them:;,el\'es as English as possible-have copied this custom. Once a year there is a lavi sh "bankers' dinner" at which the tinancial gamekeepers, butlers and land-stewards of the existing" govcnllllent " are entertained by their masters, on the best luxuries which money can import. Caviare from Lhe Volga. from Hungary, the lusciolls wines of Champagne and the Rhine. the oldest brandies. 5 ,till' mat un' ports and tl md\u."\.' in the gUl'sls k lCO llIost gargantuan dgars lTIal\";Sl' III rl':!! min '.lIt which the lory Part\' ('onl'r \: l.S stlmlllatmg tea-cuI" of . . . '. l l'Un'. " I h(\. jdf could Id flumul. eh,lmb,'"",,, (wd hi's pret/at'SS \I it'S both .H,. Nn:ilfr Jlk"y NSf 10 f/rt IM3/ of 1/,. b r ,)II1ISIOII Clmrc/rill, liS of 1.olldmJ, .\/, lJOtlltJ I" til: Irs "1f !IIUrllatl/S oj/he City ledl ll'ith h;'s "ddrh etty of Lo"Jo,J "1<.\' U't"YC It"r:(/y ", 'he mltl Iht' I'X-Olllllrdior (If Ihe l' j> mltl 'lit mftdr-l.i 'he atmosphcye, ory (lrly It'ere wt:'rc no industrialists croaking for hi her no 51.upld old colonels dissati!'fied because Stile posillon of Bnhsh olTiccrs in India could only be " . f _ five years 11,0, petulant women or and lra..",clblc I he l ory leaders beside the Lord )fayor were baskmg III the tolerant light of a world of pellucid intellect. "They were largely mternahonal - these good-humoured, weU-fed men L..1.zards with their dark luminous eyes; omniscient: opaque Oppe.nhehners; opulent void Oppcnheirns; and H.odocanachis, radiant and restless with tlicir ri ch Rhodian blood; smoothly smiling amuels; modish monocled Montagues ; shrewd Schroders; s..1.pient 5..1.hnons and romantic, rollicking Raphaels; clever, clean-limbed Kleinwarts; stately, studious Stems; jubilant Joels and beaming Bcits; sauve Schwabs and cool collected Cohens; lonely lop-eared L.1.mings and expansive ; easy, elegant Erlangers and ceremonious Seligmans; vivacious virile Vandenbcrgs; shy, sedate Sassoons and brisk, beatific Behrcnscs; gleeful, "gHicklich" Gluck- steins; neat knowledgeable 'ctlm::lllns; reserved and " facti .. Rothschilds, who had pulled the strings of history. "They could not look cast nor We!il," in the words of Mr. Nonnan, from the salt-pans of the Dead Sea to the tin-mines of the Andes, without wondering at the vast intcmational sweep of their all-pervadillg power. And they sat, the great International, in thcir proud eas<' and their calm luxury, in the symbolic st ronghold of Ihe inhabitants of the Capital of England, listening with friendly tolerance to the :lfter-dim.lcr sp<.'Cchc.: of their good henchmen who ruled the Par/mmcnt of hllg/aml. Three days later Mr. Baldwin, at Birmingham, in " The old English garden" of the Party Conference was to hose the delegates with a light patriotic douche. to We that grow here have that root, that produceth in us a stalk of English juice which is not to be changed by grafting a foreign infusion." But )1r. Neville Chamhcrlain, at the Banker.;' Dinner, was among friends, not followers. There was no call for the patriotic peroration. In fact" it would not have gone down." There were" four major objects that we might seck for, which, if we can attam them, would carry us a long way towards our goal." The fll'St "major object" was t. a in wholesale prices." In this connection thc Chancellor did not con- sider it desirable nor ncecs...'<U)' to refer to any question of raising purchasing power to meet the risc in wholesale prices. In fact he looked rather to a "control of produc- tion," or reslricli(nI, to solve the financier's problem, if not the .. poverty problem." His second object was the ., removal or lowering of excessive trade barriers." In other words, Mr. Chamberlain proposes the restoration of those conditions of " frCt.'<.iom of Capital .. which make it possible for the fmancier to invt.'St in those countries where labour is cheapest, without the inconvenience of having his goods kept out of countries which are trying to protect their wage standards. Thirdly, Mr. ChamberL.1in mentioned, amidst vociferous applause, the return to the Gold Standard as being among the .. major objects." Round the flower-decked tables, gold tccth flashed with pleasure, and paunches heaved in sympathy behind the emerald and ruby studs, as the lords of the Gilt-Edged market drew at their long Havanas. "Lastly, I would mention the resumption of inter- national lending." .. With tidings of great joy" the Chancellor ha.d come. That slightly nauwated exprC50.sion which gives Mr. Chamberlain the air of a sanitary inspector was succeeded by a look of pallid exaltation, which communicated itself to his audience. }\ny suspicions which they might hav(' had that the Tory Party intended to adhere indefinitely to a. national policy were finally allayed. .. FruJQlIl of tlm.emall for Capilal " sliU rttm,i,1S lht basis of a Consen'alit'e POUcy, whirh is preparrd as e1"(r 10 sacrifice 'he j"leresls of I/'e prOOllc" tlnd Ihe u:age-t'arncr 7 1(1 lIu ,'!,It-Y(sls III tile ji"tmria F "._ of ill'''! . rom (hma to Pl'fU" Q Inl'lll Wl'r' -I' . , upt.'n to the t.'conomic :marchi"ts .' to be \,ho dcspl!'>t' it nation whicl" r.hre.ldllcedh. Strt.'tt. lise fvr Britishl'f!.; is to Ii;.;: a. nd whose only 1)"lYIllt.'1l1 of the I>fuli!s "h I ",)Ollcts which enloret.' the . 'lei tiC JondOJ I . PU.I':SUl'S from Hne l'nd of the I - I ntcrnatlOnaJ z:ht Tory P",,)' iIJ Britain is the OII,ICr. , It IS mOTe tltmgt:roliS IIum II, C J!,leNlaluma!Jst Purly. morc: it is '''(' Bn/lsh lJrtlllr/J of lite r ' . or) J arty IS tncrdy rOll/ro/lt'd from Wall Sirert Jutcm<!liol/(ll, u-llirh is from ,1[QUOti'. as tit Omm'"J1sl hllrTl/a/jollal . Fm;cism oPPOS(s Tur)'ism (I' r III I ' (.ommlmism, altd Dilly / ' I (S5), as, ,II Opposes a"d ;lklllSI,,'al prodllcers ,,""/ flSCfS m ,Call BY/lis" jarml'TS P olie 0"" B ./ . F ' t .jorcc (I ('OlllwIIO"S (I"d 'J "(un -"51." , Rtprilllcd jn"" .. TIlt: Blackshirt," .llay 18, 1933. THE WASHINGTON WASHER. WOMEN .. SLINKING HENCHMEN' OF A BANKERS' CONSPIRACY Ily ,. LUCI!a," A s crisis in Western Civilisation approaches pcak- , heIghts the between the national-revolu_ tlonary, and the attitudes to the IS laid bare for all to. sec. bourgeois part) of .\menca dellied or ignored till' eXIstence of a cnsls in capitalism until, in 1931 p..1.flIC-screants of. all the Stock Exchanges at last them that thtngs were not really going well. The patient had to reach delirium before the doctors could even agree that he was ill. It has taken these gentlemen two more years to discover symptoms which they now mistake I , for c.1.U')('!'>. War..<febts, tariff!'>, cUf-rt'nc)" !-il\'l'r -dr, they really imagine that these comp;tratively trivial incidentals to the capitali!-t sy!'>tem have any rdatirm tn the funda mentals of the vast problem of rcadju)tment with which each nation is confronted) The bland who has been elected President of the United States may actually believe it. lie has introduced 31 per cent. of alcohol into Americ.1.n beverages and that is pTlJbably just about the of his realism, But what flf Herriot, the (at " Red" )[ayor of Lyons, and what c)f our l}wn )racDonald? These men werc )Iarxists, and so, when all is said and done, must be aUowcd to have had an education in economics somewhat more scil!ntific than that usually accorded to an American business-man, But it is not without signiftc.1.ncc that these former \\'ar..<fcfcatisb find themselves in power as the defeatists of aU forms of Revo- lution. The Noble who is a notable mine- owner in and around the Prime )1inister's constituency, went to sec him off at Victoria, "It is very. very nice of you to have turned up, Charlie," said the ),Iarxist to the ;\larquess. This pitiable little anecdote is only worth repeating because it illuminates the whole devastating psychology of thcs.c quondam re\olutionaries, these pseudo- Socialists who havc sobbed their way to power over the backs of hundrl.'<is of thou'iands of credulous and confiding workers, A Cons id orod Conspirac.y ,\nd so we watch at \Vashington one busincs:..-man who will not sec and two Socialists who did not darc, c\,oh'ing solutions that will not work to a problem they will not admit. l3ut the Washington arc something more than a rather tedious comedy; something more than another insincere attempt to ameliorate the more immediate symptoms of the \\'orld economic crisis, The IV asllill<1{oll com'CTsaliolls are a dclibaale ,"Iempt 10 sabaillge the de1.'ciopmctll oj Nafiollal SMia/isi Slal(s. It is I' car(- fully collsidaed co,.spiracy to r(slore al fill)' eos/ Ihal Fret M"rktt tclticlJ is so t,j/(l/ 10 I"e optra/ioft oj Fillm.,i,,1 Capitalism, , The emphasis of the Washington Conversations are primarily on tariff-reductions, But what relevance. we may well ask, has tariff reduction!) to an economic problem 9 \, hidl i .. prinMrily Olll' uC Tariff n' lion .. , \II,h lt'f Plt'Sl'llt t,'mu!ition" fan onl _ dU 1 a 1'l'\'t'f:-'lUn tn thl' wor ... t nlluliliuns of ""'CO'II' II )1 HUp Y t' I . . - n l'( lIlh'r l,lHU .\nwril';m "ulx r-pruduction will fUll \\ It:-. \\.\f \nth Ihl' sWc,.'ah'd lJr<><-luct ion of J F \ t 'r Fl' . . ap .. 'l ll and ",'" I . anan.' 11(" .condulClIIS of dumping will 1)(, h) ,l of wagcwtting in all the IIUlustllid (OUntnl'S l hl' I'("SIIII' of !a,,' f[ , 1 " , " 1 . .. '" IC< \Ie 1011 \ .In 0 )l' anwhorah.'d, pcrhap" temporarily by ' lit e1'1 inflation (disguised as \\Iurh camouflage wage fl'tIue- lions, while prort . . . frum llulhollS to billions. I S rise Anarchic Capitalism LL"tly, '.Var. Debt concessions arc to be utilised as a means of rt\,t.'t mg the dictatorship oC the Amcrican Banks on t!IC of all GovCrnll!l' nt s of Europc. Treaty 0,hlig.lttons ",iii depnvc the natIOnal ICgislatures of thc to or vary thcir own fiscal systems. I he \\ Conversations arc, in fact, thc prelude to a plan, evolved by thc financia l mastcrs of Bntaln. I-rance and America. to restore the old Free :\I arkct . t.o those anarchic conditions o{ world III alone thc Capitalist I ntcOlational can and revIve. 1:hosc evil, lively and apprchensive brams composltc consciousness finds its ncrve Ul \\ St rcct, TllIcadneedlc St reet, the BouTSCs of I ans, Bl' rhn and Amstcrdam ; t hose hidden cliques of gn..'l'lly who havc playt'(! so long with the livcs and gambled I,ll deaths of all the pcoplcs know the iron H'rror o { diSCIplined Revolution which threatcns all of them . In Italy, tl' n years.of Fascism has brought order IIldust ry, subordmat ed thc Banks and drilled the In, Germany, new Socialist Government Iron that \\'1 11 beat out of a corrupt and broken (apltah!'m: of a Corporate State. Thcse yt'ars of cnSIS, dunng which the peoples arc being driven' on will produce a world of States. III which the old capitalism will have been mel,ted, and !lloulded IIlt o the economic structurcs of natIons wIll !nastcrs of their own dcstinies. And so willie these slm,k ms henchmcn of it dyi.ng system ;\lacDonald and lIernot--crcep of( to gct tht'lr master's 10 orders, IN u:; hold in mimi that Brit' lin onl\' -'J.ve (Jut of her own str"ngth, and that the grt.ll duty of our gellcmtiol1 is to clean out (Jur (Jwn country, and t(J Sl't tllC example and to al low the freedom to othlr CfJulltri('s to do lh<.' s.1.mc cleaning in their scver;ll RepTi,tled from . The lJlat.;ks/Jirt, " July 1 7, 1933. THE LAST ULTIMATE NICARAGUA SEES ASCOT AND DANCES By .. '- /leila .. , , , CONGRESS T HE Press, in a praiseworthy effort to stimulate the intcrest of the public in the dreary proceedings in the Gcological )rU5Cum, have from lhe first turned their attent ion to .. the human side" of the World Economic Conference. .. The night-life of London should be wonder. fully brilliant this week." wrote the Daily .Hail on the first day of the Confcrcnce, .. with sixty-si.x nations anxious to sam pic it. Pcrhaps it is on the night-clubs and not on the hotcls that the brunt of difficult catcring will {aU ." and thc corrcspondcnt proceeds to quote an exultant manager. who has unwittingly created thc watch word {or this last grcat jamboree or the democratic worM - " They are trying everythi" g the mellu." A combination 01 irresponsible futility, platitudinous rhetoric and shallow vulgarity has ebaraeterised all these post-.war conferences where the politicians have gathered while the bankers have acted. We will not dwell on the nauseating comedy which is lnid before the eyes of the discriminating observer. The rcpresentatives o{ thc three rcvolutionary nations o{ thc post-war world- Italy. Gcrmany and Russia- may watch the proceedings with cynical rcserve. It is for the leadcrs of thc c."lpitalist dcmocracics o{ thc \ Vest to writhe in the hopelessness of thc formulre and theories in which I o thl,.')' have for so long the r which Ow)' arc now slowl)' c),ok,",," I) I peoples, and in ) ' ) . . . g ICIllS(.'ivcs 'I ') )' Itt l' and satc-lIit".s all the wa r { . '. ,11 e rOUI\t1 .t!ll:m in piddling panic. rom H,nh to Slam I. ',lt:' l){.h,ltcJ:\I\S of the principal Coulltries rc r . :laH bt.-c11 In constant contact and comlllullic.lti! f, .. "'''it, (oufteen years, without achieving through .. Ie natlo:ml CO-?Ilt'fation " any action which has not tard) that result has been to accelerate dctcriorat" rather than to effect amelioration. IOn What objects call be achieved by the present conference other to aHord. Nicarnguans and Paraguayans an of attelldmg a Royal Ascot is beyond the wit of ordinary man to conceive. )'Ir .. Hull has found it ncccss..1.ry to cross the Atlantic III order to state with superb American self. that "in. this modern age the economic II1tcrcsts III all countnes arc reciproc..'l. l. . . ." )'lacI?::mald, o( course, is morc intelligent. The" Lossie loon ? nce trod the s treets where all men tread, and dim memones of the ache a nd growl of millions that have grown old on hopes may yel penetrate to the of Londonderry House. I-rom Ius who presided, " wrote Dati), Mad, . could sec, as It were, na tion talking nation at ?6 camatlon-<lecked tables arranged in rows til front of hlln. The scene was unique. The breast s of delegates were ablaze with decorations of all kinds. . . . The whole was vivid, arresting, and, above all, a happy one. Out of the fear that !)tirs his heart, :\lacDonald statcd lamely the bald tnlth. .. Unemployment has mounted up until the whole figure, issued by the International Labour 30,000,000. This cannot go on. The world IS bcmg dnven on to a state of things which may well bring it face to face once again- for it has happened on scales of varying extent before now with a time in which liCc revolts against hardship and the gains of the past arc "wept away by the forces of despair." But even as he states the truth, he shies away (rom its implicat ions. 1n the next sentence he is talking of War Oebts - a tri vial side issue of the great problems of economic and political readjustmenl which each 12 and every great and little country (If the world. He is talking of "international co.apcration," and rd('rring pallidly to the International L'lbour Office, where six months ago the representatives of Great Britain and France refu<.;<:d even to consider the Italian Fa'i.cisl for the compulsory of an International <to-hour Working Wcck. Tbe fact is that this Babel of Democrats is no more capable of adjusting its corporate intelligence to the con- sideration of modem problems along the modem revo- lutionary lines which are essential to national and inter- national reconstruction. than the Council 01 Nicrea would have been capable 01 ezamining the Einstein Theory. These delegates of all the democracies - ." abla7'(: with decorations of all kinds "-these flatulent fumblers out of the past, arc the ghosts of a dead system, who lisp a language and think in shadow-tenns which the youth of a renascent Europe docs not understand. Only the iron rc.'l.lity of Fascist discipline can rC(a"t the model o( our economic life, and only the comradc:-hip of Fascist youth can unite the great nations of in a common friendly culture. The rebuilding of Europe will be a long job. which will be sweating the blood out of a new Fascist generation long after Mr. Ramsay MacDonald has passed to the Housa of Lords or to Westminster Abbey. So we may well leave the delegates of this last "bourgeois" Babel. belching their platitudes oyer their 56 camatian-decked tables. while grim and hard and silent, the yonng black- shirts of Britain prepare the streets lor their tough way to power. 13 02 R,'/I,i"tc',l jrtlW .. TA< Bllfckshirl," July 1522, 19.\], CLEANSING ENGLAND I LITERARY EXCESSES MUST STOP Th( J.tl/as of .. Lucifrr." Opi um for the Peopl e T H E )hzi govenUllent of Germany has rectnlly inslitutl'd a literary Ct.'man>hip. It is an ordinary sc.lwnging measure. ncc('!'..sury to the mental ht.,\Ith of thl' people. A similnr ct'll!':()rship has been in (orce in l rdand for yean>, without having a noticeably ddt.terious dYect on the production of the vcry linc stuff which is at being published in lrclnnd. The I rish censorship is din.--ctoo merdy ngaim.l pornographic intellectuali,, ", and the more sordid cxces...;,cs of the English Sunday Press. Jtaly has had the same sort of censorship during a period which hn.;: witnessed a remarkable revival in Italian intellectual life. And. of course, darling of the supcr intclh.'ctuals of the West- has bv far the mOst r igorous in the world. . .. Uberty of the Individual" Claptrap . We are, however, not surprised to fllld the more precious IIl tcUectuals of London. Pari s and New York , twitt ering with indignation at this latest German attack on " the tibert y of t he individual." ntis" IiOOrl y of t he individual" is not hing more than one of the claptmp phrases which covers that a narchy in the social body, and that licence of the privileged classes which is a feature cOlllmon to nil capitalist-liberal phases of SOCiety. LiberaUsm meaDS liberty to exploit, whether in the crudely economic field or in the sphere 01 thought nnd sensation. The Press-Lords gather ill their millions of pennies by titillating the curiosity and nourishing the meaner instincts which lie in human nature. They drag to light every unhappy detail and every grotesQUe exaggeration of society. Decadence i n Litaraturc rn le intcllectuah;- who form the nuclei o( decadence in the Capitals of the gn'at industrial societies.- picaS<' their 14 own morbid mentalities (and inci{it'ntnlly fIll their pockets) by a propaganda of filth which engulfs an increasing proportion of the youth o( each g(.' lIcTalion . To these decadents of the decadent phase of Capitalist culture. all forms of sens..'l. tion become a method of livi ng; and suicide is idealised as a romantic end of life. While the yelps of Bloomsbury arc mingled with the twitt er and squeaks of the Universities over the German censorship. it is quite typical tha t our intellectual deca- dents should be falling into a frcnl.y of hysteric..'\1 glee about the latest production of the Parisian lit erary underworld. J ean Cocteau , .. that st range modern genius," has recently produced a charming work , already translated into English under the title" Opium the Diary of:lon Addict. " "Tise book," we read in an English review, .. is a pas/iel,e of idens, epigrams, cot/elusions alld impnssiotls. They IJJtrr WN'Ue1' liltrj'Jg Ihe lime when the (1IIt/,or tl'nS iPl II dillie. ruOt'tNng from tile effects of opium smokitJg. JUs ".i"d teas, therefort, j,. a p(culiarJy rdu((i conditio,. . lie slatlds tiP for Ihe dr"c. separating t't from (lJI other t/YIIgs, as gold lies apart f rom all otht r mrlals." Cleaning Ihe Sewers This is a t ypical product of that int ellectual li berty idealised in the bourgeoiscapitalist world. Mr. Stanley l3aldwin, the non-Conformist conscicnce and the Parlia- mentary prig!) so adept at ki ssing b .. 'l.bics, arc the declared or tacit protagonist s of this liberty. This so-callt>dlibcrt y is in fact a spiritual war which is inherent in the body of the Capitali st state. While the Nnzis are cleaning out the sewers of the Kurfurstendamm and burning the productions of German iutellectual decadence, the "enlightened H government of Pnrliamontnry Englo.nd n.l.lows pandbooks on opium- smoking to circulate among the YOWlg generntion of our country. It is high time that Fascism applied the stomach-pump of common sense to the unclean stomach of English intellectualism. H our intellectuals are still seeking new sensations we h:\\' e something original {or them. BOTTOMLEY, MORGAN AND OTHERS MAKING A BANKER'S HOLIDAY T OW,\l{1> thl' end of )lay, tilt.' ;Ist'ing that hOld OI,lCt' ht't'l\ ",l omtio Bottumlt,y I.l\' dying in a London Dunng tho:,l' J ohn Pierpont ;"Iorgan t!le. t o give him his dynastic numeral ," \\'a" un ordi,narr l',lIle-backcd chair" faCing tht, St.'n.th' lommlttl'e wlult, there wa.." unfolded before Ulll'<l'y and cmbarm. ....... ed gl'ntlemcn thc most damning lll{l!ctmt.nt of modern dCIll()cr:ttic methods which has yet bet'n rt'w,lled to the peOpll' wt'ar\' with the national talc of corruption, ineptitude and criticism.
A certain comedy of values wlderlies the timing 01 these two events- the pathos of Bottom1ey's death, and the gentlemanly discomfiture of the omnipotent, impassive Morgan. From time to time "it is good that one man shall die for the Capitalists II and Hatry, Kreuger, Bottomley and many lesser fish have in their day been sacrificed "to make a banker's holiday." These sacri. tioes serve their purpose. Ther at and penalise those hardy spirits who ha.w smnt'(i agalllst the system. The samc nemesis awaits those who ovcrride thc rules of the Stock Exchange em-mo, as attends those who commit offence in the card rooms of London Clubs. But thcse sacrifices serve the further and more important purpose of causing the thought- less multitude to think that social ju::;ticc docs in fact exist. Thus the "hammcring ,. of a few" outsiders" I!' :tn ordinary phenomenon of Capitalist method and a nOt unimportant part of thc big" bourgeois" bluff of" justice .. and" phtring the game" upon which is ba<.:.ed thc whole complica.tl'd system of pOlar Ihrough credit 1JUmip"Jalio1l ..... hich i.s in fact the Capitalist System. Bottomley was a poor, emotional, careless erenture- the ideal meat for Capitalist iustice. and the ideal butt for the Capitalist Press. At one time the War Cabinet 16 had used his great oratorial powers to stir the ultimate depths 01 War hysteria. and with that vulgar cynicism 01 which only the bourgeois mind is capable. newspapers now controlled by the owners 01 the " Daily Herald." had styled the armies in France. " Bottomley' s Boys." But Bottomley had long ceased to have any other use when they fed him to the judges ; and the Press Lords who had 4runk his champagne made their last pennies out of printing the details of his misery on the front pages of their Sunday papers. Those wcrc easy days and early days. But when it comes to dragging ;"Ir. ;"!organ and a lot of his private papers into the light, we mUSt at last admit the gravity of the spiritual crisis in the capitalist world. Objects sometimcs have a significance in history out of all pro- portioll to their intrinsic and "the ordinary, hard cane-backed chair" which supported the imposing - we might almost say sacred proboscis of Mr. )l organ has a significance as great a., the block which await(.'<i the unhappy neck of Charles I. We are vcry near to revolution when the representatives of the people-however Ull- willingly- arc required to investigate the private affairs of private bankers. In gencral, we havc long been aware of the" heads I win, tails you lose .. role of international finance, and it did not rcquire the long lbt of ;"!organ's profitable trans- actions to drive home the fact that national economics are but the roulettc-board o( the great fmance honscs who handle the counters of productivc indust ry. \\"c had long suspected intricatc connection between these great masters of iinance and the politicians and nominal leaders of democracies, who prctend to din.'ct the policies of their countries in the interests of the credulous mas..'<Cs who arc supposed to have elected them. But .it .must have come as a surprise evcn to the most sophisticated observcr of dcmocratic methods when )Iorgan's .. preferred list" was published, . Thc ,. preferred list" cont:tincd the of .\mencan politicians, prominent in both the old partlcs who carry on the game of contcnding for power in Americ.'l.. Gcntlc- men privilcgcd t o figure on thi, ,. preferred list" \\:crc permittcd to acquire sharcs throngl.l ;"Iorgan's at pr,lccs at which thcse shares were not available to the public. 17 In other. words, '8 allowed a substantial nke oH on thelt own profits 10 their lriends who happen 10 he responsible for lile administration 01 tbe allain 01 the Uniled Slales 01 America. Capitalist Pn.'s-s in Great Britain reported the pr(}- of the Inquiry with unwonted discretion, and :so Car as to symp..1.thisc with the unfortunate Mr Morgan in the humiliation which the" O.G.P,Ij, ml,thod,, of the Inquiry impost'd upon him. What the British Press faill'(l \.'ither to "dmit or to indic.1. te was Ihe comp/tlt morallhmkrllplcy oj . 1 matti." demmcy which was reveak-d 11\ the COliN! of the Inquiry. We do not hesitate to extend the parallt'l to England, and to proclaim that in the Parlia- mentary the leaders produced by the system with few individual exceptions- -psychologicaUr lOcap.1.ble of either simplicity of living (which implies an t'Col\omic independence of its own) or of singlene!'s of purpo:'C. The :Marconi scandal, and the repeall'd .. Honours" scandals are, of course, only straws which show the way the wind of silent and impudent" influence' 1" always blowing_ Fascist :'tlinisters in Italy are p.1.id wdl 1.000 a year and their private means an.d expcnchture are always subject to examination, It IS only by Fascist methods that Government can be cleansed the corrupti on revealed by the :'tlorgan Inquiry, and it only the spirit that can produce a ruling type I.mmune from the seductions of the money-magnates, Immune by the very (act that the men of the Fascist State will c.1.rry out their work in an atmosphere which will prohibit the futiliti es and hypocrisies of inflated private expenditure., As for the Bottomleys and the Morgans of Fascist Italy, they share with their opposite numbers the democratic politicians of the pre-FaSCist period, the climate of the Lipari Islands. A Fascist Government in Britain might more appro- priately relegate our own sensitive " Reds " to the SciUy Islands where they would be quite happy nmOllg the daffodils. The financiers, on the other hand, might find their spiritual borne in the Faroe Islands, where in the cutting 01 peat, they would at last have nn oPpOrtunity of doing Ulat work of " national utility" for which they have so often proclaimed their own aptitude. 18
Repriflfed from" The Blackshirt," July 22, 1933. SHUDDERING CISSIES SEE RED The Letters of It LuciJer." T HE recent revolution in Germany has produced a wail of hysterical lamentations from our inteUectual Socialists, who have for SO long been discussing revolution at the Countess of Warwick's summer schools, and the cocktail parties of Bloomsbury and Montmartre. Sylvia Pankhurst writes on .. The Filth that is Fascism" in the "Socialist Ret/iaD": while little Harold Laski gibbers about " Bully Goering, " and our old friend John Strachey has come out with a neat red-cloth volume entitled .. The :'tlenace of Fascism." The" New Siaiesmau "-organ of all that is most gentlemanly in Social Democracy-warns its readers that" an active Fascist movement, SCient ifically modelled on the German pattern, is to-day being permitted to develop in England." .\trocity-mongering is, of course, in full swing. Strachey devotes the first 27 pages of his book to extract::; from the Capitalist Press on "The Brown Terror," and the Frcnch Socialists, with that combination of realism and porno- graphy which always characterises their polemics, have brought out a little volume of photographs of sections of the posterior anatomy of their German colleagues, iUus- trating the Nazi's practicc of applying the penalties of the school-room to those who do not agree with them. Strachey quotes the II JI a"c/tcslu Guardiat." to the effect that . the Brown Terror is, both for the number of the victims and for the inhumanity of the methods used, one of the most frightful atrocities of modern times, and in no way comparable with the Red Terror of revolutionary Russia." Two pages previously, he has a1rea.dy quoted the same organ of Liberal big bm,incss, that the number of people who " have been systemat ic.1.lly beaten by Brown Shirts since the last election ,. is 20,000. Really big John a.nd little Harold ought to steady up. or they will begin to look as ridiculous as their Germnll friends who have been lucky to escape with a sound spanking as the punishment for misleading and exploit ing the Gennan workers for the last fourteen years,
n StrRc1ley really imagines that Ule I' Red Terror II is lighter than the II Brown," he sbould consult with Lady Snowden and Mr. Kerenski and a few other Social who bave written quite authoritatively 011 RuSSIa. lIt' might l'wn rdt'r to tilt' IXbt repor ts of t he &:cond Intl'nl,Hil)nal, in which Ow Socialist Pa nics of the West Innwnt the l'xtinction of their fcllows within the Soviet Unillil. Two million t'xt'cut ions in the Rcd Terror wO\lld lx- l11'ar till' mark to sl't the 20,000 of the "Brown Tl'rror." Pos. ... ibly our Laskis and Strachcys prdl'r t he tiring squad!'. of till' 0, G, p, U" and the guillot inc of the French 'l\'rror, to the effective but lcs-'l harmful pt..'ll1litic-s of the rod and the castor oil boltle. It is, of COllrst', ralha difficult Jor (til i"lel/eelllnl lo en,,), th,- rrou'" of martyrdom Ihe sclll oj his trousers. But we arc not conccrnoo here with the relat ive degrees of atrocitic:-. .\ trodtics are characteristic of periods in which the anger of the people has been inflamed by misery and exaspcmtt .. 'd by the continued corrupt ion, incompe tence and of the political class, Each nation carries througb its vengeance in its own way. whether it be through the bestinl savagery of the Slav. the boyish brutality of the YOlmg Nazi, or the oynical humour of the sophisticated Italinn. The English, a nautical race, have sometimes seemed inclined to tar or duckings, but we bope that they will always maintain that good-humoured tolernnee in victory whicb is so characteristic of them. We are concerned rather to expose and to hold up to the ridicule of the normal young men and women of Britai n, the hysterical psychology of t hese inteUec- tuaL ... -whose prescnt ludicrous terror is only paralleled by their past overbearing impudence. Both characteristics are typical of the Wlbaianced mind which several generations of life in cities nnd universities, detacbed from all reality, bave produced in this class of mental eunuchs. These miserable pedantic intellectuals, who skulked in throughout t he \-Var, have now discovered that Germans can commit at rocities. 20
rllt'Jlllt oj It (;amltll trmla, like hrml/"Q'Kkr, enll JII(1)e to tt'himp,.,illg 'he erelllllTtS lL11Q lisped llI rir il/credlllf'l)' oj the CTlItsomt' i"ridnlls of Ihe (;e",um of Belgilllll. They chos/.! to ignore till' I'Xl"CUliull of Xur:'>t fa\"dl, yet they twittt'r with execration bccauM: " at Worms a number of Jews were arrested, shut up in a pig!'>ty, and b.'akn Oil thl' buttocks,., and tlwn to hit anI' anuther," The real truth i!; that thl ...e mell gt.'lI ing frig-httned. JU!'j t as economic anarchy i..; the direct product of Liberal Capitali!>m, !iO is political and intelll.'Ctual anarchy its counterpart in the social lifl' uf the country, .\11 sorts of little odditits sprout and spout in those hot-housc!') of Democracy which arc so richly manured by tilt' people's misery, When the spoilt body of capitalbm is put into the of the Slate, th(.'!'>c little of the politic..1.l system which Capitalism h:Ls made )lOS!>ible will, of COUl'S<:, be cleaned up too. If Fascism threatens the liberty of the (Capitalist) Prcss which employs }. lr. Laski, it threatcns also" the fn_'Cdom of .. 'Cch " of )l r. l.a.ski himself. Under Fascism in Britain, these little men will not be but also they will not be heard. 21 Rrprillltd from Of Tlte BIClcks/lirt," . t "gust 19, 1933, ROME BURNS
h;\\'c all story or how, when ]{Ollll' was
III namt.>s, the hmperor Wl'nt on the roof of his p .. 1.!an' and plaYl'<i to himM."'lf on hi:; fiddle. This was bad enough. But, after nil, 1 cro did not pretend to be anything mort' than a cynical and irresponsible degenerate, He did not St.'t out to be a prophet of Empire, a religiolls tub. thumper, and a moral scntimcntalbt. Nero might have been pleased to employ a coloured band at several hw)(lred pow)(1s n night to stimulate the vulgar emotions of his sycophantic guests, but he would not, at the same time, have had the effrontery to hire James Douglas, at a rather lesser wage, to sob out great chunks of Nonconfonnist indignation every Sunday in the Pross. . Nero, of course, was typical of the worst in a mllch Simpler age. Lord Bcavcrbrook is a much cleverer man, all the deceits and hypocrisies of a more complex to gratify the vanities and the vulgarities of the mfimtely more decadent society in which it is his Lordship's pleasure to wallow. The penny patriotism of his front--page. the ponderous snob-stuH of Lord CastJerosse. the nauseating sob-stuH 01 Mr. Douglas, and all the rest of his mob-sInH goes to manure the hot--house atmosphere of Stornaway House where his parasites bask in the hot breath of his favour. \ Vc have recently noticed a p .-ca n of delight over Lord latest orgy of hospitality. .. who IS. employed to nose out aU the dirty little secrets of l\!ayfalr ,yalets . for benefit of readers of the .. Daily Exprr-ss, conSiders It to have been the best p..'lrty of a Season. already made memorable by the extravagant entertamment of the polyglot crush of delegates to the " orld. Ecc;>nomic Conferencc. .. swelegaut "- was the enthUSiastic comment of Duke Ellington Lord Beaver. brook's highly paid jazzmaster, whom " Dragoman" had taken out to lunch" in order to break down a colour prejudicc" (although he docs not say against which of them the colour prejllclicc was directed). .. Mariegold," 22
in the II Sketch" waxes rcally hy:stcrical on the :.ubjcct. " As a ma/ler oj fact," she squeaJs, .. trOW thai I've calmed dOlOn a hit, I realise Ilu'lt I am at Siornaway /Jollse, and in l"e middle oj WIJtlL "lily tft'" Qut to be the Party oj the Senso" ... Masses of /knDers wide bowls ... lashings of clu""pagm; .. . bit/leis b, every spare comer . .. two ba,uts, Duke Ellitlgtou's mId 'he Embassy . .. and a of two million appare,/tty-I'm Ihillking of the dellse crowd aroulld me! ... the oddest mixtllre of people. Joe COytte, fJlinstoIJ and RalJdolph ClmrcMIl, Ala Wallgll, Evely" Laye ... Richllrd Law--BoI,ar Law's and el.'t'fi .lfr. Neville Clu"lIberlajn." This was all a few nights after Lord Beaverbrook bad stated in the "Daily Express 11 that the rise in the price of bread did not worry him. .. TMs evening. before J arrived," shrills" )Iariegold," " there has bem a dimu:r-parly 117;th the A listen ChamberlaitlS. . .. buffet supper 1S tmusually ddicious. Botels of yellow roses allentate with C1)CJt more allractit'e bou:ls of caviare . .. and sillce ollly about 150 pecple have bee" there i s room for olle to breathe. , .. So that atlotJu-r Sllrcessful . " evemllg . , , Observing tbis vortex: of hysterical seU-indWgenee with that grim humour which is the coldest form of anger. the Fascist man or woman may say that these creatures are not typical of II all that is best in English Society " - they are the froth- the vulgarians who have swum to the top during a period of disturbance. We agree. The symptoms of decay in a!lY. given society manifest themselves In dIfferent forms wltlun the different strata of that society. The more and cultured sections do not relapse into a vulgarity and licence which is inherently distasteful to them. Their moral and int ellect ual c1ass-decay develops into other forms-an atrophy of the will, which takes the form of the" surrcnder complex" and a desire ahv:ays to to the" lesser evil"; a serVile reaction from their former arrogancc, which leads them into playing monkey to the democratic organ; an idiot childishness of personal con- ducl, which al once underlines their loss of all individual dignity and is a pathetic indiC-:1.tion of the stage of class senility to which they have attamed . 23 n Empire.building family, like the Coeds,. Identified WIth aU kinds of u1tra-democrati fantasies. and n IIOwer-graspiug Whig house like the collnpsing in pnroxysms of In what they fondly imagine to be H the SPlllt of Age," they dissolve the already deba,ed metal of thm class. Til\' trait of chlldishul's..." of conduct, which we ha\'e am;ady to be a sure !-o ign of and ,,:luch was p..1.rhcularly evident in the :;ocial history of the l'lghtl'cnth Cl' ntury F".lncc, .is well illustratl'<i by a quotation one of who arc from day to day the epitaph of the wealthy " bourgeois" class in Bntam. It rcfen:- to the Londondcrrys-the compara- ti\'e1r .. old" family a century :lgo succeeded in no mean contnbution to our history. The same l'<;liuon Of ... the " Dnily TdcCr(lPh," which records the epic fhght General Balho's F:lscist Armada to Chicago, gi\'c.s us an lIlt el'CSt ing insight into the mentality of the of Londonderry, . the Sccrctary for Air in the National at present pretends to govern Great DIplomats alia politicians (lmltlreir wives," we ('lUlU- to L"d)' Londonderry's /rollse for the uwkly It dance (tMch this Icadi1lC politicat hostess gitlCS, Iwd !ws camed the fWme of ' au "rk party.' It is ali. ays to about 200 ptople. Lady L01ldolldr"y i's liS (. tire E1Ichalltress, alld Lord Lo"dolldrrn as CJllrrit e, !hc- u ..ith l-a,;olls otlrer tJI'ckllames for a'l'I'),- body. /'or mstmlce, Lady Cwuml is tire Call ar)" Sir 101m Lat'.a)" Dory. Lord. /Jllgh Cccil, the Ly"X, alld tlJ(se lUck"um('s arc all Oil the bedroom doors of ,,""ell fI!e)' VISIt olml SICtl'art." . \ e apoll?gtsc tlus quotation, for Fascists arc sc..1.rccl r tnt erested tn wlucll names are inscribed on the bedroom doors at. Stewart. It is, however. necessary for us to .conslder. p.."l.. ...... io!' the characteristics of till' society, winch It IS our dcstll1Y both to overthrow and to replace. These people are neiUt8r powcrful nor so dangerous as Utey One Qutte soon, they will wake up from theu early monnog champagne suppers nnd U10ir gnmes of zoological peCI)Mbo, to lind Umt the pOWer they thought that they still enjoyed has been wrested from them. 24 Nt'prittled from ,. Blackshirt," .-I ugusl 26, 1933. DR. DOLITTLE DAWDLES ON D un. ING August Bank Holiday I have had occasion to read a little to some children. We have been reading about Doctor Dolitlle. During the same period I have been reading Doctor Dalton to mysclf. Doctor Dolitue is the more interesting because he can talk to animals. Doctor Dalton was merely talking to members of the Fabian Society, but it was thought worth while to reprint his talk in a symposium of modem Socialist which has been published under the title I. Where Stands Socia/ism To-day? H To the extent that one c..1..n penetrate the cloud of verbiage which always envelopes an authori tative declara- tion produced to di5g1..lise the lack of any direct object ive in the policy of the Socialist Party. it would appear that Sociruism stands first on one leg and then on the other, and occasionally on its head, as it has been accu!'tomed to stand {or the last fliteen years. The only rays of vitality which seem to have permeated the policy of the Socialist party since the Leicester Conference arise from a piecemeal adoption of parts of the policy issued two-aud-a-haU years ago by Sir Oswald Mosley at the time when the New Party was launched. Thus there is brave talk of a planning committcc of the Cabinet, of the regional redistribution of industry on a planned l>.1..5is, and of an oil-lrom-co.1.1 scheme-which incidentally has already been appropriated by the National Government. TI.e NCUJ Party programme TellS a policy produced 10 mat tire immi!ditlle crisis i" lire i"iti,,1 stage of 1931, allli from tlrnt embryo Fascism Britain IJllS tlOW tlc1Jclojml thc fuli blast of lts revolutionary i"terztiolls for tire rcbt/i{dittC of tIre u'lwlc slrttcJure of /Jritish eco"om;c "Je. But it is int eresting to observe that even the leisurely Doctor Dalton manages to dnwcUe along in the rearguard of these ideas. " III tire life of lIre i"dividual," he admits, " 'wd of the c01,.,mmil)'. it is beller to Ph", Ihm' Itollo plan." 25 liquIdity of Outlook As Under-Secretary for Affairs, Doctor Hugh Dalton wa. ... a figure of SOIne prommencc in the last Labour Government. His aHabl if somewhat feline- personalily, and bis ingratiating manners, combined with a certain liquidity of ouUook, secured his popularity in the genteel ranks of Parliamentary Labour. He wa.. ... a .. don" of some kind or other. the SOil of a Dean of " 'indsor and a scholar of Eton College, and a high destiny ::>l'('med to await him, when" in the ordinary course of t.'Wllh .. a wave of proletarian enthusia.."m should deposit him nn the Front Bench of the British Empire-to carry together with the Buxtons and the Trevelyans, ihe Cnppses and the Stracheys, a further deferment of ihe Britbh Hc\"olution. Beside Morrison, .. the man of the people," and the resJ>Cctable ).1r. Greenwood, Hugh Dalton would stand as the eternal representative of the lily-white consciencl.' of the English governing class. This was, of COttf'Sl', all before the crisis of 1931, which gave t he last jerk to the neck of the Parliamentary idea in Britain. Doctor Dalton may regard himself as lucky if he manages to keep hi .. " chair" at whichever University he decorates; he i!, hardly likely to find a seat in a future British Cabinet. But in this we must sympathise with bim, for he is only an ordinary politician following an ordinary tradi- tion, and " in the ordinary course of events," he would have had the ordinary " career, " to which his ordinary abilities entiUed him. He rema.ins an mirror of "bourgeois" Socialist mentality, and I have to confess that it was with a certain amount of curiosity that T turned to his paper on .. Financial Institutions in the Transition." I was dis- appointed, however, to fmd that there is really very little about finance in the twenty-seven pages which Doctor Dalton contributes to :' H'h!'re Sflmds Socialism To-day," There arc a.few platitudes on Death Duties. which might have been enutted by any rather dashing Liberal. For lhe rest we arc referred to the resolutions of the Leicester Conference, and we know very well that the whole object of Labour leadership is to evade the implications of resolu- at Labour Conferences; so that to rdcr us to 26 the Leicester Conference docs not really give Us any guide as to what a future Labour Government proposes to do. should it have the power to act on its programme. There are, however, three specific proposals that Doctor Dalton has to make. The first is the raising of the school- leaving age. .. JUSl wIry," he protests. "the lale Labour Goverllllle"t made sue!, a mC$s of thai very simple initial bit of policy I do 110t k1low. ft slwuUl have been ill the first Killg's Speech; Qlzd it should have bcm dotle in tile first Parliamentary Sessioll." How is it that Doctor Dalton docs not know-since he was one of the members of the late L..'l.bour Government-he simply docs not state. These secret reasons of state are not for Fabians. Doctor Dalton'.s second suggestion is for pension.s-particularly for miners- at sixty years of age. This seems to take us back to Sir Oswald )'[osley's carly ).Jcmorandum on Unemployment, before he resigned from the Labour Govcrnment, because of their refusal to adopt any of the emergency proposals embodied thcrein. The third of Doctor Dalton's proposals is really the most enlightening, and we shall proceed therefore to quote it in full . .. TJu'rdly," he says, .. still this enlegory of ideas. Ihue u'as drafted 101lg, 10llg ago, a1J ins/rument called the Washi"g/oll COllvClJtiolJ, which prooitlcd that the Iwurs of labour should be limited tt) forty-eight a TCUk. Ji'e always used 10 say tltat lhe Lab(mr GfJVemmet/t lCOlild ratify tile /Joltrs COllvclllion. B1I1 it was not rallfsed whe" last teC tcere il1 office. 1,zlematio1lal agrecment might citable liS 10 go still fllrlher in tile rctiuclion of hOllrs. But al allY ralc 'he forty-eight hOllr week of the C01lVellIt'01l seems to me the l'cry least that ought to be al/aitted al a t'ery earl)' slage." Comment on this passage is really superfluous. We will only recall to our readers the fact that last year the Government of which Doctor Dalton's former associates. Messrs. Ramsay MacDonald and Thomas, are members. secured the rejection, at Geneva, of the Italian Fascist Government's proposals for a compulsory international Forty.Hour Week. Even the purely capitalist adminis tration of Mr. Roosevelt has already gone far further than Doetor Dalton hopes that the next Labour Govenl- ment (if ever there is one) will go H at a very early stage, " 27 D Not Socllllilit Mellisures Doctor Dalton concludes with the view that" raising the age, providing earlier pensions and ing hours of work are none of them Socialist measures," but he docs not go on to propound any measures which he can dt,scribc as such. In spite of the fact that his essay is devoted to future Socialist fmancial policy, he makes no attempt to define the new attitude of the Socialist Party to fiscal questions; although he declares himself in favour of taxing oil imports in the interest of developing a product ion of oil from coal. That is at any rate something, but there are other parties in the state who are prepared to do that far more effectively and far more wholeheartedly than Doctor Dalton's. But short as his essay is, Doctor Dalton can hardly complain of lack of adequate space in which to develop his ideas since he devotes five pages to an irrelevant eulogy o( the Soviet Union. Doctor Dalton concludes his examinat ion of .. lV/un Stands Socialism with the just observation that .. het air and cold fut halle often gOtle fogether." The Socialist Party certainly had cold (eet in 1931, but to-day they have no feet to stand on at aU. "The of this country," says the Doct or, .. 11110 a plmmed Soei'alist Commolltl'Cnlth is a job which is much too big for SkYles." 1t is, and even the achievement of the mild ameliorations of working-class condit ions outlined by Doctor Dalton, c.."lnnot be attained within the framework of the state. Doctor Dalton is clever enough to realise this, but he is too good a Parliamentarian to admit it. Only through the stIait-iacket 01 Fascist discipline can the anarchic elements in Capitalism be brought to order, and tbis discipline can be imposed, not by the pallid debates 01 the Fabian Society, but by the grim Fascist March to Power. 2S Reprjllted from" The Blackshirt," 8eptember 2, 1933. DOPING THE DOWN AND OUT Y ESTERDAY I happened along a street which I know pretty well in one of our great industrial cities. They say that even to..day there is an average of three e:rservice men in each of its poor hOllses. Certainly, after one of the big Flanders baWes, they had to mourn a man in almost every one of them. There are many men along that street who have not had a chance of work for the last eleven years. Whell Liley ask YOIl itJSide ally of those holtses, ),011 will filld lessly In many of them they have portraits of King, polished bits of shell and German helmets, or their medals pinned over the mantelpiece. But there is hardly a stick of decent furniture in any of these houses, and th.e walls are peeling !rom the damp. Rickets and tuberculosIs play havoc among the children of these old heroes of the Somme. Half.a.mile away is a brand new public building upon whieh over a million powuis bas been spent during the last few years for the comfort and ease of the local representatives of the city. The with all the cynical cruelty of e:xploiters, know well enough that if any news will make these men part with their last 5C."lI'ce pennies, it is any news of any chance of a job. Lord Bcavcrbrook, as he has recent ly told his readers, is away on his palatial yacht, studying the . trade conditions" of the French Colonial Empire, in the salubrious and sunlit-but also very expensive-holiday resorts of North ACric..1 . Meantime, the circulation of the .. Daily Express" must be maintained, and of best ways of scUing that rag to the unemployed 15 to stir in their broken hearts the false glimmers of the hope of work. And so we fmd, on this hot September day, in this street of little hope, the waUs placarded with " BlllTAlN'S NEW TllADE This is the consolation that the limping veteran of the War, just entering on his second ten years of 29 2 may read in exchange for the penny which he could -.c) Itt til' spare .. Britain is spending more money. The wave of confidence which is sweeping the country back 10 prosperity has resulted in at least one industry experiencing a boom at a period which is usually its leanest. It is in the building and decorating trade that history is being made. " The above is all in heavy black type, and that is about all there is to it. The article continues, in les..'i impres..<;ivc type, .. M ore thou l ,OOO,OOO has already bee" spew by hOllse- owners througlrout the country 011 redecoratillg during the SlItlimer mOlltlrs." It may here be interpolated that the expenditure of 1.000,000 is generally estimated t o give employment to 2,000 men for one year, and it may also be asked whether this is the fll'St time that people have ever had their houses done up. .. Tire moue),," continues the" Daily Express." " is being laid Old i" per",alletrt1mprovemlmls 10 British Ir omes ill tOWI! aPld .country. Woodwork has butt repainled aud brickwork repo'Hlted. Moderll boilers are replacillg o/d-Jaslriollcd kitchen Bll/hrooms alld plumbing fixtures have been modern- ISed. Garages Irave beell added to small subltrbau dwelliugs." Then we go back to the heavy type. " No domestic revolution on such a scale has ever been known in Britain before." "The gmeral verdict oj thousands," comments the .. Express," .. i s Slimmed up in the phrase There i s 1I10re money about litis slimmer '." ' !h?SC are, of being fmanced by the bUlldlllg soclettes on terms winch show them a considerable investment (or their superfluous funds, and which put thousands of househol?ers their dcbt at a very rate of IIlterest . Chalrman of one building society IS very pleased about It, and expresses himself in that in which capitalists. have learnt to wrap glllger of ,profit III of philanthropy. The sclteme, he s.1.ys, rs deflmlely (t suecess and wilt IOZdOllbtedly help to solve the 1I1Iemploymeut problem j" lite bui/dillg (HId trades. A"d property owllers realise 30 mId approve of jacl that sftml their property a/so ,educes IUremploymcII(." This gentleman is an almost perfect mirror of the complacency of the bourgeois mind. How kind it i<; of him to give some small pan of his valued attention to the unemployment problem. Such a philanthropist deserves to accumulate st ill greater profits for his building society. but as the profits become greater, still greater will become the problem of their profitable reinvestment. Another gentleman in the same line of business is even more daring than the first in his claims to philanthropic merit. After stating that he has had more than 600 requests for loans from householders, he slates: .. I t is a de/illite help toward.s solvillg fI12cmploymelzt." Cn the same st reet of which I was talking. the unemployed man, for the expenditure of an extra 2d. might aJso purchase" Pearson's J1/ukly," which had out posters adver- tising an article by the Right Hon. J. R. Clynes, in which he explains" What Ilh;tJk oj -'Iosley." ) rr. Clynes is a bit shakyon his history. He states: ., Ir is jusllhis-diclatorship is 0111 oj in England. . .. lVilhi1l tu:d!.Je years Charles was led 10 a IVltilehall scaJJold-mtd diclatorslzip in Engla"d died luilh him." We seem to remember that il was the of Oliver Cromwell which occupied the next twelve years- a period during which were laid the foundations of Britain's world power. We also recall the memorable order-" away that ballble," with which Cromwell dissolved a Parliament in al most the samc terms which ) !ussolini used in 1922, when he said that" oj lhat grey, gloomy HOllse he could hal'e made the bivouac oJltis Black Shirls." Xot SO very out of date. Mr. Clynes. is the idea of dictatorship, and it s simple methods appear to remain very much the same. But let us return to the main chunk of Clynes' dope. " Tme," says he, .. are mOlly people in lhis coulliry who do "at t,iew him (Mosley) as a J!lIssolini or tval a Hiller , but who are lIevertheless afraid Ihal may rise to power 011 the UJave oj FasCtsm that is sweepi1lg Ettrope. ital.'f' mId Germany, Polmld mId HUllgary, are already submerged. Will it be Ellg/mld's tllm next? .. Didalorship, wlldhcr FasC1sl or Commrmjst, is the ehild of ehaos. . .. But 1101 olle of these measures U'ould be pos$1ble itt this c()u1Ilry u'ithc)JIt tilt support of the majon'ly oif Ii, proplt." ,is perfectly right. Fascism docs not create chaos, hut It a movement that arises as the reaction of the people the hopeless !)tntc of a capitalist chaO!s- a chaos IS made permanent by the conditions of a democratic system, which simply functions as the" political department" of CapitaJism. And when it comes Fascism I... ill \\;th .. the support of the majority of people." and Mr. Clyncs fmd it necessary to mamtam a condition of capitalist democratic chaos and to explain it away. The methods they lISC arc to work on the hopes and fears of the people and they contribute to stoke up the smoke-screen of Capitalism, every day and every week of every year. But it is becoming more and more difficult (or thcm to the hopes o( the unemployed with the prospect of rep..1.tntlllg woodwork" and . repointing brickwork," or to rouse their enthusiasm for a system of government which keeps them living in forced idleness in the utmost condi lions of misery and want. It will take something more than a revival in the decorating trade to preserve lor Lon! Beaverbrook his profits and lor Mr. J. R. Clynes his prospects 01 O<C1Ipying once more H an offiee of profit under the Crown." 32 Reprinted from" The Blacks"",t," September 8. 1933. .. DICKIE MOUSE M : STAFFORD EXPLAINS THE LITTLE LAWYER NIBBLES STRONG CHEESE I T would require the genius 01 Mr. Walt Disney to delineate the hazardous adventures of mousy litUe lawyer CriPPS in pUl'Sltit of the strong cheese of Dictatorship. When the Socialists were picking themselves up after the catast rophic landslide of the last Election, they found themselves looking for a new policy to talk about in place of the last, which, after thirty ycars of propaganda, had been successful only in placing" Gentlcman Mac" at the head of the Tory Party. Sir Stafford Cripps, although only a recent recruit to " the Party," saw at once the need, not only for a new Socialist policy, but (or a new Socialist leader. L1bour is peculiar in that it is always as willing to accept new men at their own valuation as it is loth to accept a new policy at any valuatjon. Little Cripps was very new. Until be bobbed up on the Front Bench to fill a legal vacancy at 8,000 per annum with "perks," o()eOoe had really heard much about him. But like most lawyers. he could talk the hind-leg oU a donkey, and he soon jumped 00 to the back of the big donkey 01 organised Labour. Ril ing In Spah Peoplc always admire what they haven't gOl themselves, and this has made tbe success of a lot of bourgeois intcUcc tuals, who have risen in spats to heights to which the ordinary hob-nailed Trade Unionist has nc\cr ventured to aspire. A lid in dapper litlle Stafford Cripps, the Deity, or wha/aler oJlu:r agc-IICJ is respo"sible for the evolution of ocial DCIIl()(:rats from microbes illto M.P.s, had produced a perfect tcork of Pariiame'ltary arlo He had the sort of brains which impress secondary school teachers, and the neat town-bred physique which gives a sense of safety to the League of Nations Union. 33 A pair 01 hom-rimmed spectacles gave added tone to an Oldord accent and ",minded briefless banisters that nowadays on8 can join the Labour Party without being excluded from the neighbouring golf club. Even his nose, which is slightly red, was nOI too red for tho Labour's spinsters. and inspired that sympathy which is so willingly accorded to dyspepsia., without arousing the alarm which might have come from nny suspicion 01 a taste for beer. Here was the man (or the summer schools-here was the lord of the Church baz..laI'$-hcrc was the man that would the Tories that" Socialists Prc!er Gentlemen " evcry time Jack Jones rude. Cripps had barked at the but banks were everybody'!) pigeon; and the long-haired lads of the Socialist League expected some- thing really big to evolve out of the grey matter under that great big powdered wig. It was not unnatural that a man with the ability of Cripps. the lawyer. should tum to that .. Nationa.l Policy" which, somewhat over two years ago, had been put forward by Mosley to mcct the situation which then existed. So Cole and Wisc and Cripps and Dalton, not forgetting L'lski and others that the simple ranks of labour think can think, got together and turned out a policy. Preventing Work They dished up great chunk., of the New Party Programme, and found that to make the whole thing work they would have to get over the rather importnnt snag that the present Parliamentary system has been carefully designed and evolved to prevent any policy from ever being worked. That is what Parliament is for. su'allotad all ilems 01 Nn./! Pari)' polic)' u-hich llI1jsaged direcl anti {Iie/aloriaf actioll, (llul II"" 101l1ll1 Mal Tory p(l.pers U'CTe callinc it dictatorship. .\t first Cripps rather liked it. He strutted round the country proclaiming the new creed. and rushed into print to elaborate it. Cripps was hardl), cnst lOT a IJie/atOT ralher a Leslie NellSOll vCTsioll m'y/ultu, If we may SllY so wilholll olle'lcc to Ihat illimitable eomttiiml. But Cripps liked it until he found he had gone too far. It was worrying the rank and fale of sturdy democratic Labour. and the Tory papcrs would not let the subject drop. Perhaps it was Hitler that really did in the idea. Hitler was a dictator, but he had got thEre by methods other than Orders in Council. In fact by methods that had shown that the fountain-pen is not always mightier than the rubber " kosh. " . Little Laski came right out against the na..<;ty idea, and as the photographs of the bruised posteriors of German Social Democrats were handed round the Bloomsburv cocktail parties, the whole dictatorship idea went as flit as Hamsay MacDonald's past eulogies of the Rus. ... ian Revolution. Then began the phase of .. SiT Siafford Explai'ls." Sir Stafford should remember the motto of that greatest of Liberal Democrats, Lord Oxford and Asquith-" Explain." Sir Stafford Cripps's explanations of when a Dictatorship is not a Dictatorship only serve to underlilll' the prime fact which the history of Europe from 1917 tn ]933 has taught. The fact is that the Social Democratic " bourgeois" mind is incapnble of facing the real ities of action. They cover their cringing fear in a spate of words, whether it be Kerenski and his fellow lawyers facing the dynamic anger of the Kronstadt crews. whether it be the Socialists and Popolari whining for P.R. in the ears 01 the grim massed youth 01 Italy, or whether it be the nerveless German democrats paralysed in the shadow 01 the "swastika." Done with Lawyers The present age is an age of men. Little lawyers in their wigs have had a long, long day, and now they face a longer night. AU that Cripps and his whitecoUarcd comrades ca.n do is to proclaim some of t he economic truths of Fascism within the shifting fabric of the Socialist Party. It is fOT the FasC1'sts thcmsdves 10 make Fascism. Cripps is succeed ing in splitting the Socialist Party on Fascist economic theory, and leaving the Fascists to fmish h.is work. To that extent Fascists may be laughingly grateful to h.im, and the old men of the T.U.C. correspondingly embarrassed. But Fascism is not a creed for the smug mice who choose to emerge from Wider Bloomsbury tea-cosies to have a nibble at it. That creed is a monolith of steel, aJld . not . n pink sugared cake to be taken in slices FascISm 18 n movement of men who have their own stro . confidenc:o in the integrity of a wt.ent and d ted ng Leadership. evo
Repriuttll from Blackshirt," . 1 "gust 12-18, 1933. HOUSING I N the next four articles we shall show how FasCism can build within the British Empire a civilisation far higher than the world has yet known. That high standard of life will provide our people with n purchasing power sullicient for them to buy the products which modern industry can produce, and consequently to employ the labour 01 men now unemployed. We shall show, at thc sallle time, how this national or Emp.ire, orl?anisat ion will lead to safer and more reia.tlons With the rest of the world. In this first article however, we will take an instance of the methods by whid; Fascism would rebuild our own land of Britain. The/irs/ /(Isk which there arises is the housing problem. 1J is. for I/S 10 stress fhe hOl/siflg COIt- d1hOllS f1I w/llch masses 0/ ollr proplc have lIVed since the u-ar. Con.tructlvo Remedy It is the habit of Socialists and others of their breed to :>pcnd hours in discussing these disgraceful conditions, and thus to avoid advancing their constructive remedy. For Fascists. it is unnecessary to st ress the conditions because we and everyone else know they exist. What England expects of a revolutionary movement is a constructive remedy. We believe that the housi ng problem has not been tackled and wiU not be tackled under the present system, because the methods employed cannot possibly lead to any result s. It is useless for our old politicians to talk about a great "crusade against the slums" in a p..1.lpitating peroration unless they arc prcp..l.rcd to adopt the executive instruments by which the slums Col.n be wiped out. 36 1 In fact the Government has for years past aupplie4 larger or lesser amounts of money to thousands of dillerent local governments to tackle the slum problem. We have bad a democratic machine at Westminster and a demo. crane machine in the local authorities, both of which have hopelessly broken down. The result of the system has been endless talk, but a complete absence of any eHective action. Fascism would make the slum clearance problem a national task in the following manner: IV e wo1i1d formulate ollr 'programme for clearing Ihe shIms and rmi/di"c at'er a penod oj. say, three years. For Ihis pm'oll, 'We would git,t gflarmJ/ud employment in the {mild;"g trade at good rtlies of fcages, wln:ch would absorb Jhe labour 0/ fhe 295,000 tlOU1 unemployed m that trade. We would divide the sblms 0/ each 0/ the creal cities into sections to be glllled and rebuilt over the spuified periOd. Outside the city we would ere<:t temporary bungalows to house the inhabitants of section 1. while the slum was being pulled down and rebuilt. We would also provide a State Transport Service to carry them to and from thei r work. Moving to New Houses They would thus live. during the rebuilding of their houses. with the people among whom they were aecus towed to live. and the problem of carrying them to their work during the period would be solved by direct Stale action. When No.1 section was completed. the inhabi tants would vacate their bungalows and go back to their new houses. The inhabitants of No. 2 section would then vacate their houses and would go to the bungalows and would use the new transport system. When their houses were completed, No.3 sect ion would take over the bungalOWs and usc the transport system, until their houses were complete; and so on until the gutti ng and rebuilding of the slums had been completed. To do this would amount to a national mobi lisation of the building trade, and the problem would be treated in much the same way as the problem of providing shells in the war. We know from actual experience that these methods enormously reduce the cost of production. We shall be producing for a demand which is known and can be calculated precisely in <.\dv::mcc. A costing system can be developed will reduce the costs of ductlon to the Il1mt. Once the problem is taken as a national problem, it can be organised on the grand scale and evcry principle of modern organisation and of ma..,s production can be employed. By these means we could carry through the destruction and rebuilding of the slums at a far lower cost and allar greater speed than the present political system conceives 10 be possible. The cosl of production would further be lowered by the application of the Fascisl principle thai no landlord who has not properly maintained his property as a trustee 10 the Si ale will be permitted 10 retain that property. In the clearance of slum property under Fascism, there- fore. no question of compensation will arise. As the result of treating the matter as a national problem, and in aU these ways reducing the cost of production, the cost of clearing and rebuilding our slums can be reduced to a very low point. In fact it is almost certain that under such a system the new houses could be re-Iet to the tenants at an economic. rent which was no higher than the rent they had previously paid. If there was any difference between the new economic rent and the rent which they had previously paid, it should fall upon the State as a national contribution to national health. Few things arc more foolish under the present system than the method of pouring out millions to cure rather than of spending money to prevent disease by such measures as slum clearance. The State must be prepared to organise and to finance the maintena.nee of national health. Foremost among these measures to rebuild the physiQ.ue of the nation will be the rebuilding of the slums. Thrst! Ult!aSllres, oj courst!, will ht! combated by all lhe vt.stcd lJ1teTlsJ.s oj dt!l1locracy. All the talkative busybodies at Westminster and all the lesser but equaUy talkative busybodies of the local authorities, will be set aside. The self-importance of many little windbags of democracy will be sadly affected. and loud will be thei r lamentations at another example of Fascist tyranny I They will talk about freedom-all kinds of freedom, varying from the freedom of the Press to freedom of Democracy. AU of 38 , , which reaUy flfst means their own freedom to talk. talk while others starve in slums. and thus become the important people of Westmi nster or th.e I?<AI Councils. Fascism believes in a greater freedom, winch IS the o( Britons who have fought for their coun.try .to bve III conditions worthy of that country. We Will gIVe a new freedom to the slum-dweller at the expense of the freedom of the busybody of Democracy. Could we have a clearer illustration of the difference between what we mean by freedom. and what the old parties mean by freedom? Reprillted from" Tile Blackshirt," A IIgllSt 19-25, [933. UNEMPLOYMENT F ASCIST unemployment proposals arc the only con- structive solution before the country for the problem which has amicted Britain for over a decade. &:fore we proceed to constructive policy. we must analyse bnefiy the causes of unemployment. . Fascism believes that twO main. eXist for the present unemployment in Great Bntam : . . (1) We have always been the largest exporlmg nation in the world and to-day we have to face the fact that export markets arc being closed against us. We have .not merely to face the familiar tariff barriers, but new .and barriers such as embargoes. quotas. vetoes 10 dcahngs wIlh foreign exchange. etc. Foreign to-day arc merely taxing our goods; they are deh!>crately exclu.din g them whatever their cost of production. and howelver cheaply we arc prepared to sell. They do this because t arc determined themselves to produce the g4 they consume. Great Britain has to ace t e prospect of a dechnUlg export trade. Th e Powor to Produco . this (2) The second main reason for wlemployment. III country and throughout the world. is that since the War 39 (,.' ha!, so the power to produce that produc. lion greatly excC'C'ds the prescnt power to consume. a result, ruen are wleruploYed throughout the world, while large masses of the population live in desperate want of the goods which the unemployed could produce. Men who can make boots and clothes are unemployed while not only they and their own children, but man; other people, urgently require these goods. This situation is a disgrace [ 0 Our civilisation. Science and industrial technique have solved the problem of pra:ctuction; it remains to create a system of the State which solves the problem of consumption. TO-<lay we must mise wages and 5<1.laries and the whole standard of life in to provide more purchasing power. At the present tune, however, in the anarchy of compet ition, wages and salaries are continually reduced. At the very moment that industry requires a larger market, the present system produces a smaller market. However much iudi. vidual employers may realise that the market (or which they arc producing rests upon high wages and salaries, they are unable, under the present system, themselves to pay high wages and salaries. U they do, they are immediately undercut by some rival who reduces wages and salaries? and they are consequently put out of business. Protection hns been afforded to a very ]irnited extent against the foreign competition of cheap labour; no protection has been afforded on the home market against the British employer who pays low wages. Incompetent Trade Union leaders The trade unions. arc supposed to maintain wage and to umfr labour conditions; in practice, o\\:mg to cowardly and mcompetent leadership and to the eXistence of a large body of unemployed which makes hopeless the working-class struggle for better standards the unions proved quite unable to maintain wages: let alone raise them. An unemployed man waits to take the job of every man in employment who asks for a higher standard, and over the who]e field of industry the trade unions are on the run. As a result, at the very moment when a larger market is 40
esscntiallo industry, wages and salaries arc crashing.down, purchasing power is being reduced, and the market IS ever diminishing. Fascism meets this problem by the machinery of the Corporate State. It is useless to issue vague appeals to employers to maintain wages. This is not a matter for but for organisation. The Corporate State of Fascism sets up Corporations for the appropriate areas of industry which will be governed by representatives of employers, workers and consumers, a MinistryofCorporations presided over bya FasclSt MIDIster. These Corporations \vill be not .only with the task of preventing classwar by (orblddmg either or strikes. The Corporations will be With the constructive task of raising wages and salanes over the whole area of industry as science, rationalisation, etc., increase the power to . Related to the Corporahons WIll be the of fmance and credit which will supply fresh credIt, not for the purpose of sPcculati0I.1, but {or financing production and consumptIon. Thus JOT flie J_rst twJ.t demmtd will be adi"s1ed to supply. When more can be produced, wages and salaries will be to proylde a purchasing power {or ?>nsumer. Tlus .process will result in inflation or pnce nsc, t;>ecause the lu?her purchasmg power will be balanced by a higher production. lnstea.d o{ the new credit going to speculators who up pnces: the new credit will go to industry {or the legitimate purpose::. of production and consumption. . . 1 t is argued by our oPJ'C?llent.s that the hl8:her wages in industry will result m costs, thus. \\ ill jeopardise our export trade. 1 Ins argument IS fallaclO.us, because the cost of productioll in modem mass-producmg industry is determined, not by the rate .of wa:ge, by the rate of production. The rate of production will be to serve a larger home market. and spite of the nsc Ul wages, prices c..-m actually be reduced If the rate of produc tion is sufficient. To take a sjmple instance, Ford, in America, was able, by reason of his rate of production for a large home market, to pay the highest wages in Ute world and at Ute same time to produee the cheapest article in the world. 41 In (;:\('t, reasun of. the I:(rcatt.r ratl! of production for ;l lMg.t. hom .. mark .. ,t. will bt' abll' to low('r ih ,,:u:o.h til t hl' t'" pur t 1 radt.'. In additiun to this adyantagt. to our CX1vlrt trati ... II. r 'II Y". It utpor.lh' WI. provide anotht.'r advantagt" TIl(' dfl-ct of III the CoqXlTations will be to unif\' and to l'on!'>Ohdah,' IIldu",try. and to enable the Briti ... il (."llC 1 r1 tra(h.' to slx'ak (or tlu.' lirst time with a united voin' Thl'n thl' pO\\"l'r of Covt.'rnml'nt can be mobilised behind l"Xpoft industril's tn .' .. (tH.' ir cnt ry into foreign markets Wt.' .. 'an (01 the hnot tllne. our as a buyer /0 sflpport Of IT POSI/IOIl us (t sdln. Ollr t,ade sloga,. will be .. Britain Buys from -rhost" who Buy from Brita;"," If cOlm/,its u Iw cCtmjldi"K 10 Mil /0 us foodsillfls and 'Qu" uwte',w/s . wIll 'lOt tlcrept ollr mmwfaclurcd goods ill rdll"" let !i',11 lin't'rt (Iur purclursts cisrrd,crc. They will in (act Ix- con(rontl-d with ruin unless they give us a fair deal by accepting our good .. in return (or the (oodstuffs and raw materials which tlll'Y 5('11 to us. 1n (act (or the fin;t iimc- ion a'.Hl consolidat ion o( the Corpomte system WIU provI?e us with a powerful means o( blowing away the barbed wire ('ntangleml'nts which bar the entrance of our goods to foreign markets. Thus Fascism will solve the unemployment problem (1) b)' ,,,c-rtt/sing 11'f! hOllle markd ''''ough a raisi"g 01 U"ugcs ""d salanes O1'er the whole field of industry; (2) by orctmisatio" /0 support ollr declilling export trade, ",?i1c the Corporate system is being organised, we shall proVide a system public works unequaUed before in this on the by Sir Oswald )Io:-.Iey in IllS Speech of nesignation from the Government on tit(' 28!h. This policy of public works. which \\'3., .. th('n IS now being accepted as sound sense by Government in the world, The Government of (,reat Bntam alone pc:rsh.ts in its obstinacy. Tbo pennnnent solution of unemployment will be the Corporate. system i the solution of unemploy- ment. that , IS bcmg organised, will be public works, which will ennch and endow our nation for generations to come. 42
l?ep,ill/cd from" The Blackshirt," A ug,lSt 26, 1933. THE FASCIST EM I N the last article, we dealt with the solution of the unemployment problem through the Corporate system, Two measures were proposed; (1) to raise wages and salaries over the whole field of industry in order to provide a larger home market; (2) through the Corporate system to unify and to consoli- date our export trade, in order that we might bargain with ot her nations for the acceptance of our manufactured goods in return for their foodstuffs and raw materials. We should naturall.y turn first to our own Dominions and Colonies to build our economic system. Within the British Empire we have an economic system which could be entirely self-contained. and independent of the chaos of the rest of the world. Buildi ng a Self-contai ned Economic Market \Ve have already suggested means {or building within Great Britain a civilisation far higher than exists anywhere else in the world in order to provide a market which industry now lacks. We propose also to extend that area to the British Empire as a whole, and to build an economic system which is self-contained, The Dominions are primarily producers of foodstuffs and of raw material; we are primarily producers of manufactured. goods. A natural balance of exchange consequently exists. which organisation can turn into a great economic system. What has restrained the old partie:- from developing our great resources and from building that economic system? The answer is not vcry (ar to seck. The Liberal and Socialist Parties have alway:s been frankly against an organised Empire; they embrace the international creed in preference to the idea o( developing our own Empire. The Conservatives have always talked a lot about the Empire. but in reality they have always been in the grip of high fmance, which has prevented any effective pro- gramme (or the Empire being carried through, [t is easy 43 tu why it is impos.. ... ible ('ol1S('rvQ.tiws, whether (II' to b11l1d a Sot'H-conta.im:d Empire. h.llIhl .ill1 Empire the ('xcluslon (rom the .. , of (orl'lgn goods wiurh compete.' with British and 1'_mpm.' products. l{ those goods arc excluded, our inter. national tlnnncil'n. and fOl't.'ign investors run the risk of lo ... ing the intl'rest on the loans they have made to foreign ('ountril's. 1{ orl'ign countrit's cannot send their goods to thi ... c\Hlntry to p..1.y the interest on the loans they have t\.'('(iYi,.'d, they may udault on that interest, and those who ha,',,' it'nt their mOlwy abroad will lose their money. British Farmers' Interests Secriticed For instance, if Argentine beel is excluded from Great Britain in favour of British beel and Empire beef, it may be impossible lor the Argentine to pay interest on the large loans which international financiers have inductd a SIDall section of the public to supply to the Argentine. Consequently, Conservatives of all brands who are su)). servient to the financial interests which support the old Parties do not propose the exclusion of Argentine beef. but merely the taxation of Argentine beef under the old- fashioned Conservative protection. ConseQuently. the British farmer is still damaged by the competition of foreign products, and the Empire farmer. despite his small preference. is not making much headway in the British market. stands for the definite exclusion of foreign products and the division of Empire markets between the British producer and the Empire producer. ' Vc also stand quite definitely for the British producer being able to sell his maximum production at an economic price without t.he undercutting. even, of Dominion competition. Plenty of opportunity ,viU still exist for Dominion products if the foreigner is excluded. even when we have produced all the foodstuffs we can in this country, at a price which yields a fair return to our farmers. 'Ve now begin to see the reason why Fascism can build a self-<ontained Empire, while the old parties cannot. I. ibcralism mId Socia/ism have always bee" against Il,e Empire.. CO'ISt:"fValism has been prevented, by the creal fi1lanc;al interests which it serves, from develop;llg a full Empire policy. 44 Fasci ... m un the one haneJ, is loyal to I he Crown and to lhe Empi;c. and on the other hand revolu,tio,nary movement in that it wiU control and subordinate to NatIonal Policy the great interes ts. and in the international Jinancc which have so damaged the of the pro ducer i;l Greal Britain and the Dominions. U."der Fascis.m, fiuatlce 1;1/ "011e to serve British al,d tlat jore'gll illterests. Self.contelned Empire In the previous article on Fascist policy, we referred LO our declining export trade the rest o( the world foreign nations were excludmg goods.. If we bUild a sclf--contained Empire from which foreign goods are excluded, we can within the Empire more than recover all our export trade. . The British Empire to-day Imports some 1,420,000,000 worth of goods per annum. 899.000,000 of these corne from foreign countries. If those foreign goods are excluded, we can more than make up the loss of our export trade to the rest of the world, because those exports only amount to 240,000,000 per annum. . . . Here and "OW it 1'S poss1'ble Ie save tire BrItish EmpfTe from the chaos of the btu:kward Itations oj Ihe 'l.Corld! b'uiiding an Empire wlu'ch 1'S self-colllailled altd holds unthut lIs borders the highest civilisatiou tire world has ever known. T oda y we must free ourselves both (rom the sloppy internationalism of Liberalism and Socialism, and also from the great financial interests which dominate the Conservative Party. For these reasons Fascism and Fascism alone, can build a self-
contained Empire which is the only hope. of the Already Fascism has begun the work w.1th a. organisation. \ Ve have {ornled a New Emplre Union wh.lch is a federation of all the Fascist movements of the EmplIe. Already the New Guard, which is the Fascist movement of Australia, is reputed to number 100.000 and has often played a decisive part in Australian politIcs. In South Africa and New Zealand, also. strong New Guard move ments exist. Fascist organisations also are up all over Canada. which are being unified into a powerfl!-I Canadian Fascist movement. Recently, Colonel Ene Campbell, Leader of the New Guard of Australia, was in Great Britain, empowered to speak, not only for the .5 2 but also for the South Afric.Ul and the New Zealand movements. His negotiations with Sir :\[oslty have in the fonllation of the New Empire enian, which fedemtcs and co-ordinates Fascist activities throughout the Empire. Therefore we now have a united Fascist drive throughout the Empire, against the great linancial interests which have impeded Empire develop. ment, and towards the self-contained Empire which is our common objective. These converging Fascist movements, animated by a passionate patriotism, by a common dctennination to extricate the Empire from her economic difficulties, and by the great and inspiring ideal of l-:-ascism, have set their hands to building an Empire such as the world has never seen. II'IIatever be tile fate of tile rest of Ille work/, this Empire ca'f stand out, a solid rock amid tile sea of chaos, as an example altd all to mallki1ld. Reprinted from" The BlacksMrt," October 21-26, 1933. AGRICULTURE FASCIST THREE-YEAR PLAN I N the forefront 01 Fascist measures stands the revival of agriculture. That grent industry, which in the past has been the basis of our national has long been mnde the sport of party politics. Fascism comes to end the game of party volitics by a new national uni ty. It comes also with a clear-cut policy to restore agricul- ture. \Ve stand, not for rcstricting British production, but for increasing it. The National Government says to the British fanner: .. Restrict your production"; we 5..'\y to thc British farmer: "Increase your production." \Vhile 220.000,000 of foodstuffs each year are imported from foreign countries, and another [ 140,000,000 are imported (rom the Dominions, it is a scandal that the British farmer should be told to restrict production. I { restriction must be applied, let it be applied to. the forciS!ler. Fascism stands definitely for the exclUSion of foreIgn foodstuffs .6
and the production of that 220,000,000 per annum of agricultural products in Britain. \Ve believe that our present food production can be increased from 280,000,000 to 500,000,000 a year. are aware, of course, British agricultural producuon cannot be nearly doubled 10 the coursc of one year. But we believe it can be done a Three Year Plan, and we shall ask for patnotJc co..aperation of the British farmers.0 that We sha1l plan so to increase Bnhsh production 10. the course of thrce years thal foreign foodst uffs can be entirely excluded, and this [280,000,000 of goods c.1.n be produced here. Each year the increase in production will be planned by Corporate organisation between Goyernmcnt and farmer, who will be assisted in the new credtts necessary to his task by a new Agricultural Bank. Each year the foreign imports will be reduced, and at the end of three years the e:rclUSlon of foreign products will be complete. Tbe home will be divided between the British farmer,whose productiC?n will be nearly doubled, and the Dominion farmer. who will still be able to send here the 140,000,000 per annum of foodstuffs he sends now, plus additional foodstuffs and also additional raw materials which will be required .by the greater demand of the higher purehasing power which will be created by Fascist organisation. " What will happen to our export trade? II wail the old gang of National Socialism, and also the <:>Id gang of national Finance, who own the Conservative Party. The foreign countries who send us foodstuffs take our exports . .. III return. . I I Our answer is that the British fanners and agncu tura workers will double their purchasing power if they double their production. A home market will take !he place of a foreign market for our .e:=port .trades, and 111 that home market, foreign competltton wtll be excluded. On homc market our industries will not have .to WIth cheap Japanese labour, as they do in foretgn .... New and terrible as the thought may be to and international fmanciers, we propose, by. reorganisation, to give purchasing power to farnlcno instead of foreign fannen;, and thus to a. home market to take the place of markets, whtch III any case are daily being closed agamst our exports . 7 \\' .... mav well enquire \Vh)' the old part' . I d ... . II!S laVe not a optt'll a clear-cut pohc)' {or an inee.......... . . t I od " ....,.. III agncul . pc most (anners agree to be possibl lhe IS vcry ::;lmplc. Socialists and lil. - I, I I , . II f' d veTa S la\C a \\ays 1C ncn s of country but their 0 and any policy which puts Britain first is ... Our organisation would cut clean through their mternattonal psychology, and interfere with their tender efforts to enrich the aborigines of every backward country. on earth in the blessed haven of the Socialist Internatlonale. The c.xplanation of Conservatism's failure to help the Camler IS not at first so apparent, but under analysis becomes equally clear. The Conservative Party has long ceased to be a party of the countryside. and has become a party of high fmance. Thc City of London owns them body and soul. and that City of London has great foreign financial intcrests. For instance. it draws 30.000.000 per annum from the Argentine in interest on loans advanced by this country. The interest on these loans is paid by Argentinc beef sold in Britain. If we exclude beef from the Argentine, we jeopardise the interests of the financiers. So Conservatism. whether of the Baldwin or Beaverbrook variety. is only willing to ta..x foreign foodstuffs. but not to exclude them. The answer of Fascism is clear-cut. n it be a choice between the British prodUcer and the foreign investor, the British farmer comes first . At last a revolutionary movement anses .to challenge the great vested interests of fmance. But thlS movement is also loyal to King and count!')'. ?-nd has a policy of .. Britain first." Fascism. and I'asclsm alone. can revive agriculture and check the great betrayal of which both Social ism and Conservatism have been guilty at the dictate of the alien interests which they servc. . The final treaChery of the Conservative Party was well by Chamberlain's speech at the Bankers' Dmne.r .m the CIty of London October 3rd. Again he eml?haslSCd the doctrine that trade revlval can only be International. He advanced four main points of the Conservative programme to secure J'ecovery : (l) "The breaking down of trade barrien." This simply means the admission of foreign goods undel' ... pacts with foreign similar .t'? the recent agree- ment with the ArgentIne. The Bntzsh farmer must be ruined in ordcr that the financiers may continue to draw their interest. (2) .. A return to the. Gold as .soon a$ possible." This Great B':ltam agam. to the instrument of the mternatlonal finanCiers. by which she was nearly ruined in 1931. (3) "The revival of international lending." This means new loans abroad by the City of London, interest on which will be paid to them by foreign goods coming into this country which undercut British goods and drive fanners from the land. (4) .. The international raisin.s of prices." This that prices are to be wlthou! 3:"Y rise in the wage level III Great Bntam, which IS kept down by foreign competition. As a result, the people will buy less than and the market. for w!lich British industry and agnculture produces will contInue to diminish. Once again Fascism insists. that the prices without a raising of purchasmg power IS a dlsastrou!) policy. We agree that the fanner. must obtain prices than at present, and that pnces must be ft.xed advance by the Government, so ihat he knows he IS. We must restore agricultural prices to an level; but this is useless unless the wages and salanes o( the mass of the people arc raised at the s.1.me t.imc. If prices rise, but the standard of living docs not nsc, the will buy less than before. In that event, a fresh I?lut wllj occur, even on the new restricted basis of productlOn. and a new and worse collapse in prices will ensue. Fascism alone provides the Rnswer to this pz:oble!ll' in the Corporate policy of raising wages and. slmul- taneously and progressively over the field of in ortier to provide a larger purchasmg power, which LO turn will afford the new market which industry now lacks. Windy appeals to individual to. raise arc futile. Any individual who responds lmmediately be undercut and put out of business by a nval who wages or maintail)s them at a lower level. The regulatIon 49 and planning of the COf(>orate system alone C<ln raise wages and &1.1aries over the whole field of industry to provide the new purchasing.power which will asborb the production of men and maclllllery now unemployed. than that the increased purchasing power of the Corporate will enable the people to buy more farm produce, even at the higher price level which is necessary to make farming economic and to give the agricultural worker a living wage. Agriculture cannot be divorced from the life of the country as a whole. Agriculture is the basis of national life, and an integral part of the Corporate whole. Once Fascism wins power, once we break the power alike of alien Red and of inte01atl0nai fmancier, we can begin to build in a short time a greater Britain in which. a revival in prosperous agriculture will be a national asset from which the new and virile manhood of the Fascist future will be supplied. Reprinted from" The BlackS/II:rl," September 2, 1933. FASCIST WORLD PEACE I N the last article, we described a Fascist Empire entirely sell-contajned and economically independent of the rest of the world. Such an Empire, insulated from the shocks of world chaos, will enable us to build withjn our own territory a civilisation with a standard of life so high that the production of modern machinery can be absorbed in the greatest home market of the world. It is argued by our opponents that this policy is economic nationalism, and is bound to lead to war. Fascism claims and knows that exactly the contrary is the case. This national or Empire organisation will lead. not to war, but to peace. To substantiate that argument, let us consider briefly the present causes of war. Scrambling for Foreign Markets In most cases, the causes of war arc of economic origin. AUnalious to-day are producing far more than they COl/Slime mId arc scrambling for foreig" markets toJilld U)I outlet for 50 , Iheir srtrplfl s production. A thou:,,1nd who can find no home market for their wltilln thClr. countries are looking round for foreign markets .. and desperately to find an outlet. Universal dumping on f?rClgn markets foHows from the. of nahon to sell more than it buys, which IS the declared policy of every country to-day. n is evidently a matbematical impossibility for every country in the world to sell more than it buys, and conse- quently a cut-throat struggle for foreign !"arkets follows. The private interests which are struggling for markets very soon involve their governments in the struggle, and the armed might of a nation is brought in to support the chaotic eHorts of private interests to find a market. A.11 this process provides very explosive material: feelings are embittered, and passions rise; S?Oner. or later, so':lc clash of interests leads to an incident 1I1 which the prestIge of nations is involved; and the struggle of individuals for the market becomes the struggle of nations, supported by armed force. In addition to this struggle for ma.rkets, private are also struggling for raw matenals. fhe IS unorganised and chaotic, and rests on the of .. the devil take the hindmost." Again the clash of pnv31e interests leads to governments being involved so,oner or later in the struggle, and some casual spark prOVides I he force which sends up t-he whole powder-magazme of war. Competing for Foreign Loans This is the present system, whieh has grown up under the internationalism of the last fifty years, and is a system which again and again bas involved great nations in struggle and in war. In addition to the struggle of private interests for raw materials and for markets, we have in particular lhe struggle of our great financial interests for foreign markets. The City of London competes for foreign loans and for foreign influence against the exchanges of Paris. of Berlin and of t he rest of t he world. It does not occur to them at present to use their finance for the building of industry and of consumption in their own country. 51 All intemational financial interests are involved in a struggle to lend money and to command th S),st(,IllS and the markets of foreign nations TI e mtemational in whose hands all the old agam again to go to their for forelgll donunatlon and private enrichment :\Iore than any other force let loose in the chaos of modern world, they have led to war. This whole systcm or an.arch)' has grown up under the sacred name or and even parties such as the Conservative which are nomlllall): international, by their to !he great financial mtCIcsts are in fact a purely inter. national party. If further proof were wanted, we need only turn to Mr. Chamberlain's speech in the House of Commons on the ]ul>' Uth, 1933: "We, Qurselves, still remain of the Opillion wlltcl. wc. have held all a/oug, and this 1".$ that lhe chief troubles f To ,!, the world is suffering to.tlay are itlternatjollal ill oncm, and Ihat Ihey elm ouly be solved by illlematiollal nello" alld aCTeemcllt." For these reasons, which could be supported at much greater length than the present limits of tltis article permit, the international system has led in the past to war and IS bound to lead to war in the future. Our Fascist national organisation detaches Great and the Empire from all the follies and dangers of this struggle. The Corporate system unifies and con- solidates both our buying and seJJjng arrangements abroad. In place ot a thousand private interests. struggling for markets and for raw materials our industries are organised to speak with one voice the supervision of government. Organised World Trade Contracts contacts with rest of the world are no longer chaotlc, but are orgfUlised. from the for trade outSide our own Empu-e, we automatically dunllllSh the prosp<!(:ts of war arising from that struggle. In cases we deal with governments, such as other FasCISt governments which arc similarly organised, the prospects of clash are enonnously diminished. Two Fascist nations dealing with each other will deal th.rough organised systems under Fascist government. In place of 52 1
the hapha7..ard struggle of private interests, we can hav(' peaceful discussion and bargaining between powerful organisations. The international school argues, in effect, that organisa- tion leads to war; we answer that it is not organisation, but chaos, that leads to war. To tum for a moment to an illustration in the dome.:>tic field, the prospects of industrial peace are always increased when each side is organised. Similarly in international affairs, the prospects of peace are increased when each side is organised. When we have the Corporate organisation between all the great countries under Fascist government, it will be possible, for the first time, for nations to discuss rationally and peacefully the allocation of raw materials "nd markets. Tbe leaders of those Fascist countries will be men who have struggled through the collapse of their political Systems to the achievement of Fascist government. They will aU, further. be men who have had the experience of the Great War of 1914. Can anyone seriously believe that these men will plunge the world into war rather than setUe international disputes by tbe peaceful means which the organisation 01 their Corporate States will permit them to employ? Further, they will be aware that world war will result in world Communism, which they are sworn to destroy. They will have every interest to keep the peace, and through the Corporate system, which substitutes organisa- tion for chaos, they will have the means to secure peace. Those who challenge the national organisation of our economic system are in fact arguing thal chaos is safer than organisation. We believe that lIlan can only extricate himself from his present difficulty by the power of his mind and of his will to substitute organisation for chaos. Our Conservative opponents would rather leave things alone in the present muddle of the international struggle of private and predatory interests, while Socialists fix their eyes on a dreamy Utopia of the future, when all nations in the world, from Hottentots to Britishers, can be induced by a sudden spontaneous impulse to march in step. Let us first set our own house in order, and organise the system of our own nation and Empire. That achieve- 53 mell.t will lead to other nations following and we can then. for the first time, rationalise of tl;te world under the guiding hand and SPirit of nntversal Fascism. mSPlrmg RC'''r;",,,'' from" Tllf Uhlckshirl," .lpr11 I, 1933. THE BATTLE AGAINST WAGE AND SALARY CUTS long pas.t. Fascism has fought alone against cuts 111 anti The National Government from the has been a government of wage cuts. The late Labour Government led the way with cuts of 56.000,000, at the expense of the wages and salaries of their own The Communist Party is only too glad to sec w.age cuts,. they bring nearer the collapse and thsastc: winch gl\'C Communist ambitions their chance. Fa.."Clsm alone has fought steadily and relentlessly against wage cuts, salary cuts. the bullying of the unemployed and every effort of the Old Gang to reduce the standard of life. At the last election, our Leader stood alone among promi- nent figures in pub.lic life, in opposition to every form of cut. He put the case til a sentence at Fenton Town Hall on October 14th, 1931 : " The home market was the power of the people to buy goods, and every time wages and salaries went the home market contracted. That had got to stop. But the electors, under the influence of Old <!ang government and Old Gang press, decided otherwise. 1 hese facts are on public record and cannot be refuted.
Belated Conversion however. and strange allies join in the battle agaillst wage \Ve any supporl in that c,:,cn If. expenence. we are not Sllre long It, last. J' or mstance, we welcome. as a tnbute to propaganda, Lord very belated conver::;lOlt. In October, 1931 , hIs" Dally Express" appealed t o the electors to " support a National Government committed to sound finance." On 22nd. 1933, 54
he infonus us: .. ( have been fighting for some time against the cuts which the Government made in 1031." rn the" Sunday Express" on :\1arch J2th, 1933. he said: .. Mr. MacDonald gave the signal for the wage-smashing attack," and " Government do everything possible to help and encourage the general movement against salaries and wages in Britain." But, in 1931 , when, as he points out, the attack on wages began, he appealed to the electors to .. Trust the leader that the Labour movement has given to the nation in its hour of crisis: Ramsay MacDonald. He will not fail you! He is the man of destiny! " Far be it from us to reproach Lord Beavcrbrook with these short-term oscillations of the star of destiny! We arc glad that he has recognised that the" sound finance .. of 1931 has become the" national suicide" of 1933. We would only ask him to study just a little harder. and then to" tum again." Ii he applies just a little more thought to the situation, he will discover that wage reductions can only in reality be prevented by a new form of national organisation. It may be a very good press stunt for the .. Daily Express" to carry headlines against wage reduc- tions and to persuade trade union leaders to write platitudinous articles on the subject. This campaign may even increase the circulation figures of the "Daily Express" as did the campaign for Empire Crusade a short time ago. In reality, however, wage reductions will be resisted. not by press stunt, by sentimental appeal or by general flapdoodle. but by national reorganisation. We have asked Lord Beaverbrook before to inloml his public how wage reductions can be resisted under the present system . Employers Undercut \ Ve repeat that question. Any employer who wages, let alone raises them. under the present systen; 15 liable to be undercut by some less scrupulous or sensible rival who cuts wages. are organised to .extent to protect British labour agamst the cheap competItion of. the foreign employer who pars low we are in no way to Bntlsh labour agamst the cheap competltlon of a British employer who pays low wages. 55 ,lIl"rl'in lit's tl1I.' falhu:y of till' whole Tory school, which dmg:- ttw Ulll,-won; proll'ctive sy!Stl'm suggested by Joseph.' tlurty ago. not enough to hav(' th.c forclgner: tlt'ccssary abo to haw' orgal1lsnhol\ bchmd the protective ban'ier. At prest'lll, and come crashing down in a general :-tnmpt..'<.IC w\nch has b(',(,11 headed by the tmde union leaders. Tha.t rout will I\ot be arresil'd by headlines in the" Daily c'xpr('ss," nor by mutton pictures of tr:lc!c union leaders who have been rallied from the stampede by Lord Beaver- brook to write a few sentimental articles, Nothing but solid national organisation c:\n check the {nIl in the standard of life and proceed to build up a higher wage system. Nothing in lum but that higher wage !">ystem can afford the home market which is necessary to :;\hsorb the inCJ'cased production of British industry. End Cla lS Wa r Fascism alone conceives and fights for such a system, and is organised to build the high wage Stale. Under the Corporate Slate of Fascism, industry will be divided into selC-goveming areas, each under an industrial corporation, on which will be represented employers', workers' and consumers' interests. Their will not only l>c the settlement of industrial disputes without recourse to the barbarous weapons of cJnss war, the strike and the lock-out. Their greater task will be to raise and salaries over the whole field of IIldustry as sclencc and industrial technique the power to producc. By the regulation of the we shall overcome the present dilemma that no IIldIVI?Ual elllpl.oycr can raise wages without beillg put out of buslIless ?Y flvals who refuse to raise wages, Industry a!'i a whole wiIl in step to the goal of a higher wage system and a higher civilisation. Industrialists will not be hampered and :-.hacklcd by the interference or .the of their busines"<;. Complete freedom of 1I11tmtlve still be preserved in industry, provided that initiative assists rather than impedes national policy :\.s a whole. A Corporate System On the other hand, employers will be make profits by the exploitation of thClr labour.. I hey w"l have to operate on a high wage system orgamscd by the 56 ('QfJ>or.ltions, This Curporah' !-.ystPln whidl will Il higher 01 life ('all only c()me fmm the of )>owl'r (or Fa.sci!-.I1l, A ("orpnratc ran created, let alone maintail1l'd, by tht' of an Orl!,mi",,-, and disciplin<'C1 F:u;cist mQVl'llh:nt gripping the of the country. The of Fasci!,1lI is the building of such ;l mOVCIlll'nt to win power, and subst.'qu(ntiy 10 org.mi", a new s),st(.'1n and civili!>ation. Fascism means a steady march through ditliculty. abllS(' and the early adversities which WI' have alft'<lCly OVl'rCOmt' towards that great objecliw. TIll' fUllIn' will not be WOII by headlilll'S, by pn:ss stullh, by the ink of newspaper magnates or by Ihe wind of trade union lcadl.'rs. TIll' futurl' of Britain can only be won by an org.tniscd and diSCiplined movement built on solid foundations, and combining it pmt tiral wilh the high id('al u{ a Brit.lin r('-born. Rrpr;,,/trJ from" The Ipril 17, 1933. FASCISM AND PEACE MUSSOLlNI- THE REALIST ECONOMIC RE. ORGANISATION THE BASIS OF LASTING PEACE FORWARD TO WORLD FASCISM F ASCISM stands (or peace bcc;1lI'>C F:L'tCism .. for rcality. Every realist tlH.lt war will threah.'l1 Western Clvllis..lhon Willi d.l' .. Every Fascist knows that !-.lIch a .wllI I?IW to Communism and to the forCl'S of disruption till' opportunity which t1Il'Y have IO.ng Let by all ineans overturn the buckets of Mckly sentiment wlllch made nanseOllS th ... cause of peace in the d('cade. I. h ... next war will not be avcrt(.'(1 by the flappmg cackhng of those who so far hnve only been successfulnt personally the 1a<;t war. World war will be avt'rted by thl' realism and determination of men who know what war means and who arc prepared, not to talk, but to org[Ulisc against a rccurrellCl' of that cits.uter. 57 Munollnl Peacemaker l'or ... ... on leaus tlu'. way to world pt.'.\ce. \h.ls"'lll!m, t'lud of rt.>.\ilsts, I,.xsoldll'r and constructive has ad\"anc.l'd a proposal which aU EuroJll' now . b tht.> b.."1So1S of (uturl' peace. How short a lime It .... t.'t:llls ....tnt'l' Itl' was dl'noullced by the Liberal and Socialist prl:-.,. ... as tltl' chid menace to European peace. How comical to Sl't' t hat press to-day compelled reluctantly to salute hun a .... thl,.' chil'{ inspiration of world }X'ace I The real naturl' o( F:\sci!'.111 is at length being realised; the enemy pn_'s,.'i draw .breath. for an instant in their camp..,.ign of lies, and by acndent learn the truth. lht, simple fact is that Fascism is a realistic creed, and then.'fore for peace; not with the slop of words and 'l'miml'nt, but with concrete proposals for European rl"tug;tni ......uion. Thc realism of proposals can ht.' sl,.'t'n in the with which he bases his plan on the strength of the great powers, while at the same time he prt.>:.t.'1"V6 every possible usefulness which the League of machinery may provide. On the one hand he avoids tin' error of resting European peace on a polyglot committee which labours under the absurd delusion that all nations, great or small, are equal in strength or in reality. On the other hand, he avoids the aitemative error of wreck- ing the existing League of Nations machinery for inter- national organisation merely because it has been misused by the dreamy idealogues in who!>C hands it has rested for the last dt.'Cadc. He has pursued true Fascist policy in adapting existing machinery to new and more realistic ends. A Political Peace It )"em.tins to be seen how long he can endure with patience the vapouring and or the other elderl)' prima donnas who for long p.."1st have vied with each other's cracked top notes before the sufIering udicnce of Europe. To placate the vanities and to penetrate the intelligences of that faded beauty chorus will t3...""\: to the utmost even the diplomatic powers of the 1 talian leader. :\evertheless, he has already shown to the world the realbtic will of Fascism towards peace, and for that again we have to thank him. ] t is l"!1uch to hope that he can win from the present statesmansillp of Europe eVen the basis of a political peace. Tt is, perhaps, too much to hope 58 that existing material he can lay the foundation of an economic peace. Real peace must have an economic ba*>h;, and before that basis can be achieved, must .....e some of the economic question. Prchmlllary conversattons for a world economic confer. ence are to be held in " ':ashington, to be followed, apparently, by the full conference III London. The usual" preliminary statements" to these" preliminary II to a .. preliminary settlement II are now being issued. They re-echo most oj the faIJacies which have rendered abortive all international conferences Jor the last decade. All attention is concentrated on the relatively minor issue of debts and tariffs, are important and must be !)Cttled, but are not the mam problem. There is no indication whatsoever that any consideration will be given to the c,eat pTOblem of p,esent Ulo,ld P,oductiOll so lJ'eally exceeding p,esent wo,ld demand. It i.s idle to ask nations to reduce their tariff barriers and to admit a flood of foreign goods at the moment when all countries are compelled to dump abroad their surplus production because the purchasing power of their home market is insufficient to absorb the output of their modem machinery. Any nation whid} lowers its tariff barriers in such conditions merely becomes the refuse-heap of the world. Its industria] mechanism is smashed by universal dumping, with no relation whaL"oOevcr to the primary cost of production. National Organisation The modem industrial problem has gone far beyond the intellect and the imagination of democratic statesmanship. The problems which they discuss are not the causes but the most superficial symptoms, of the present collapse. When we suggest that a new fonn of national organisation is necessary to meet the new industrial problem caused by new developments of science, we are denounced as advocates of "Economic Nationalism." We are told that economic nationalism is the cause of the present disaster. But economic nationalism so far does not exist in the world, except in the beginnings of organisation in It3;ly. It is quite true that economiC Isoiah?1l of the .whlch America has pursued for so long 15 very eVIdent 111 the world to-day. Economic isolation means that. a cuts itself off from the rcst of thc world and SIts down 1Il 59 sUfrl'nd('r to the blows of fat e without an ' ath mpt at the ('conOll11C ONY:lnis..ltion of it s ow fl ) Sud a r . 1 ' 0- n a airs. \ po ICY IS t vl'ry r;versc of the economic natiOIl- .lbsm \\ Illch Wl' Economic naf A I ' nIt d't' I' . .. lon'Ul sm, as we u t l'rs ,1, a. po ICY of sdf-hclp and. of reorganis.'ltion of ?ur 0" n system as the essentml preliminary to thl f\'orgams.."ltion of the world industrial system. It ' n.l'('t's. ...... ('ach country by national economic lion to a home cap..1.ble of absorbing the bulk of great production wilich modern machinery makes for advanced countries. down the simple proposition that before wOI:ld can be achieved. it is necessary to have aU,. it is necessary for the ad'\ natIons to orgamse thclr own countries rathcr walt for reorganisat ion until every backward has fallen step. When most great nations are on FasClSt and on Corporate lines, it will be possIble to have a rational settlement between nations of the present economic chaos of the world. . At present we have intemlinablc conferences upon mtemational affairs in talk to organise the whole world by piOUS WIShes. Even when they reach any form of sett lement, the democratic politicians who attend these conferences. .. deliver the goods" because they fear repudlahon by the Parliaments who command them, and who are completely ignorant of the fact s which face them. Even if they could implement the agreements which they reach at conferences on paper by the of they could not implement them 10 fact and 10 reality, because they lack the national organisation which alone enables a nation to negotiate effcct ively with other nations upon such vexed inter- national questions as the allocation of raw materials and of market:; which arc subject to international competition. World Fascism In fact, little hope exists of securing the economic reorganisation of the world until several of the great count ries have produced Fascist governments. In the first place, such governments will possess the power to implement decisions reached at conferences between them. In the second place, such governments will possess the national 6Q by means of corporate structure which alone "'.lakes posSible the greater task of international organisa hon. VIc wish gf?Od to the of the Fascist thelf efforts to win peace (rom the chaos of democrat." but believe that peace will not be won u!1t.1I FasCISm rules 10 most of the great nation3. has proved that Fascism stands for world peace. I'orward, then, to \Vorld Fascism! Rtpri1tltd IrQm .. The Blackshirt, " Jflfft 16, J933. LABO BLUNDERS TO REVOLUTION THE OLD COW GOES MAD! A MAD cow is dangerous. It is a danger to and to others. This consideration alone impels us to regard with some interest the recent antics of the Socialist League in its first Conference at Derby. That Conference disclosed the first faltering and blundering steps of the orthodox Labour leaders on the path to revolution. Labour leaders are not by nature revolutionary. The instruments of revolution in the hands of cowardly and effeminate characters are liable to produce no results but anarchy. Sir Stafford Cripps, for instance, was well content in the last Labour Government to accept the fat office of Solicitor- General, and to draw an emolument of nearly 8,000, while unemployment figures rose by 400,281 and the Government drifted inertly to the national crisis which knocked them on the head like tame cattle in a pen. Sabro Raffling Since that great betrayal, a demand for revolutionary action has arisen in the Labour rank-and-file, and Sir Stafford Cripps, like a good little lawyer, hurriedly adjusts his mind and his speeches to the new brief. We cannot be surprised that wig, gown and spectacles are a little dis- arrayed in the process. We also cannot be surprised that 61 the more practica.l 'l'ra.de Union leaders, in contempla ting the.:;;e new revoluhonanes whom they are invited to Col1ow employ h\ngunge rt:'miniscent of the famous observat ion of the. Duke of \Vellington in reviewing some new scrat ch regmtents: " 1 do not know what effect they will have upon the but by God they frighten me! .. The result of these revolutionary flounderings has been to produce a pretty controversy between the" intellectual .. and union components of the Labour Party. The trade U1uon bosses of Transport House are thundering threats about" cleaning up the Labour movement " and the Socialist intelligentsia will either have to come to heel or alone 01\ revolutionary p,,'\th without funds, orgamsatlons or the nch Odhams Press which finances the " Daily Herald" and in its turn depends on the advertise- ments of big capital. All this, of course, is very entertaining to opponcnts of the Labour Party, and serves once again to illust rate how completely is the machinery of that Party for any purposes of achon. A deeper lesson, however, underlies co?troversy. A real demand for revolutionary action e.'\.,sts Ul the Labour rank-and-file. This demand confronts the Labour lcaders with the choice of putting themselves at the head of the revolutionary movement of the Left , or of surrendering that movement to Communism. It is the classic dilemma of Social Democracy which has resulted in the destruction of its fl abby forces in one after another of the Continental countries. Legal Dodging Sir Staf!ord Cripps hopes to get away with it by a little legal dodgmg. A few vague threats about getting Socialism " if possible by democratic means, etc.," are intended to feed the appetite for revolution with safe and meaningless words. His only concrete proposal is to advocate an Emergency Powers Act 0 11 lines which are directly copied from the evidence which Sir O. Mosley gave before the Select Committee on Procedure on Public Business in the sununer of 1931. The vanguard of Labour indeed pro- gresses when it adopts proposals which are only two years out of date! Nevert heless, we observe symptoms showing that the old cow of democratic meadows has picked up an organism which is only safe and effective in more virile bodies. 62 Uepritllcfl jY(Jm ., The Blackshirt," .lilly 1, 1933. PRICES UP WAGES DOWN ALL PARTIES UNITE IN FATAL POLICY A IHSE in prices without a rise in wages and salaries will inflict great on everyone who work.:; for a living, and will cause great injury to .. Yet.every party in the State to-day advocates a ru.e pnces wlthout suggesting any system of government for rablllg wages and salaries. Not only the politicians of this country, but also the politicians of nearly every country represented at the \"orld Economic Conference, whether Conservative, Liberal or Socialist, have at least agreed on this one point, that prices should be raised. Yet none of them even suggested any plan, or even discussed the necessity, for rak ing wages and salaries. Indeed, :\lr. MacDonald said at the oul..et that they could not even " touch upon hours of labour and rates of wages." Let us examine this policy, which Fascism root and branch. Prices are to rise. without any rise in wages or salaries. This means thal existing tCages atld salaries wU buy less, because prices are higher. As a result, the purchasing power of the people be lower, and the market for which industry produces WIll be less. COltStIJ"e"tly. !e-.ce, goods trill be prodflud, find less labou, will be employed to make ti,e goods. More Unemployment The net effect of a rise in prices without a rise in wages will be lower purchasing power. for the people, an ever smaller market for industry, and m the end more rmonpiO)'- mellt. The volume of unemployment wil} be greater, 3f!d the real wages and salaries of those stil l employed will be less. "b . So far. this policy is .the only unammotlS conin to economic thought winch has emerged from the \\ orld Economic Conference. . " You misrepresent us," the Old " \ rise in nrices will create an lIlflahonary boom, and a nse , U " in wages will soon fo ow. 63
" soon will it follow? .. Fascism replies "Y are stmply leaving the whole question to chan' d u trusting tl t ' . Id ee, an 13 a ulllversa og-fight the workers will be able to secure illgher wages. In any case, a vcry Ion time- must ?Ceur before can begin to catch with l?,nces, which be raised almost over-night by inflat ion ]'urthennorc, \\,lth the volume of unemployment: man for a nse 10 wage knows that he can be mstantly dIsmIssed, and his place eagerly taken by a man The Unions, in their present enfccbled . cowardly and reactionary leadership, are no to fight for In fact, you Old (,ang pllce-ratsers of all parties (mcludmg Socialists) know well wages will nO,t risc proportion to pnces, and t.ll1s. 15 your pretty httle trick for reducing ?y an mdlrect attack, now that you have discovered It 15 dtfllcult to reduce wages by direct attack." Financing Speculation Such is the first reply of Fascism to the united front of a11 the old parties. But the argument goes further than that. This rise in prices is to be obtaincd by inflation, or uncontrolled pumping out of new credit. We know {rom experience what this means. The new credit is employed, not for the purposes of productivc industry, but to finance speculation. Already, \Vall Street and the Stock Exchange arc straining at the leash for an inflationary boom. The moment that inflation takes place, they will bid up every kind of shares out of all relation to their real value, and the banks will finance the operation as before. The speculator will skim off the cream of profit, and the more nimble of them will clear out before the ensuing crash which will knock industry flatter than ever. The result will be to make those who are rich already even richer t han before, and those who are poor already even poorer than before, because real wages and salaries will be reduced. Furthermore. we have to take into account the disequilibrium of the whole industrial machine which will be caused by this process. Making More Machines ,",' hen speculators make money. they are prone to spend it in one of two ways: (1 ) they invest the proceeds in capital development, which means that more machinery is 64 I
manufactured to supply more goods to a smaller market which even now can absorb nothing like so many goods as industry can produce; (2) many speculators inclined to spend their profits in every kind of luxury which stimulates artificial and luxury trades, and tcnd ev<:n morc to tum thc impoverished masses into slaves satisfy the whims of the plutocratic few. At the same tune. br of the reduction in real wages. a lesser demand wtll eXISt for staple products, which are consumed br the of the people, and the main industries of the nahon which supply those products will be even more depressed. So the result of price rise through inflation. without FascLSt machinery for the raising of wages and salanes, can be summarised as follows :- (a) Lower real wages and consequently lower pur- chasing power. (b) A lesser market for our main industries, and conse- quently more unemployment . (c) More capital development. which will provide .m?re machinery to produce goods at a moment cXlSbng machinery is producing too much for the eXLSbng market . (d) A riot of luxury spending by a few. the rest of the nation is poorer than ever, and even thiS spending will for the most part consume goods whIch come from abroad. such as champagne. Rcpritllt'd from" Til,' BI(lcks/u'rl" / I I ' " fly 1933. WHAT THEY SAID.
THE GREAT CONSPIRACY SOCIALISTS AND CONSERVATIVES UNITE Mr. Lees-Smith, )linister for Education in the old Labo Goverl1T!lcnt. speaking at Cardiff on Saturda)f 1933. saId: ." I.s co,,/rol over bankiflg and fillmlu loge/her fi;llh ,Stu/able mtulla/;ollal Clioll, would make il its pol; 10 raw: pNces Ilearer 'he level 0/1929." cy Mr. in his opening :;pcech of the World I'.cononllc Conference, s.1.id : " In the view o/.II,,! Delegatioll, therefore, a sollttio'l 0/ Oll r p'resetlt dif/l clI1t1 cs must be /ollnd by memtS 0/ a reeat't:r)' us 'he pTlce letld." Sir Stafford CriPPS (House of Commons March 11 th 1932) said. prices t, gra.dually be brought back over a period 0/ lime 10 s?methwg /the the 1929 Itt/d, by mlJi-dejlatitm policy, or, if one would prefer to call f't so, a slight injIatio"," Sir . Philip Cunliffe Lister, Secretary for the Colonies, (reported in the llJa1Jchester Gllardtall, 12/ 1/33). s.'\id that : :' olle . of the most importmlt problems of the day tDaS 10 raISe Prtus." (reported in the" Times," 19/ 1/33) : l?ur objectwes be, so far as ;1 lies withill the pt1Wer of thIS 10 ?"jlue1lce the illtcmali01lal price level, /irsl of (Ill 10 rluse I!ncr;s a long way above the present level, and 10 matutam them at the level reached with as milch stabzltty as call be mallagetl." The .. Times." 31/1/33 : " 111 with the Export Report 10. which J have refc"cd, Ihe Bnt.sh Government has dedtlred ds 1melllio1l 10 66 employ all legitimate measures 10 raise wholesale commodity prices." Mr. Walter Runciman (Liberal), at the World Economic Conference on 19th June. said he had the object of raising prices. During the proceedings of the Economic Conference. SubCommission No. 1 of the )(onefary Commission: Mr. Neville Chamberlain appealed to banks to raise commodity levels by advancing che..'lp money. ITALY AND GERMANY OPPOSED. Professor Alberto Beneducc, Italy, opposed, by saying that sales prices were influenced by consumers' incomes. Dr, Vocke. Germany, opposed. saying an anificial raising of prices would mean new debts and new insolvencies. The only opposition at the World Conference has come from Fascist haly and Fascist Germany. The " Express ' I discovers its own mistakes, The" Daily Express JJ points out (June 23rd. 1933) that prices arc rising in the tailoring trade at very moment that wages in the tailoring irade are !>ems forced As we have already informed Lord Bea\'erbrook, tlus IS bound to happen in the absence of a machinery of .go\em- ment for raising and maintaining wages, Corporate State of Fascism alone can prOVide, 1 he " Express" may make a stunt the cry for high wages, but words are useless wlthoUl actl?n to follow. In the present system, no and no mdl.lslry can maintain high wages without hemg undercUl by nvals who cut wages. Whatever their may .be. those who oppose the Corporate tate of )' 3SClsm are m support- ing reductions in wages. The truth of our case.1I1 ment with Bcavcrbrook is being proved by dady mCldents that are even reported in his own papers Lord Beaverbrook must think again. 67 Rt'pr''''t'd from" The Blackshirl," ./ul), J, 193-', HITLER FOUNDS THE LITTLE CRITICS The Man they called a Weakling Beats them All and the Nazis .have now suppressed both the , Socmhs.ts and the Nattonalists (Conservatives) whose pnsoner Huler was .alleged to be. It is interesting now to r('('all. how came to he was accused in "hole anti-FaSCISt press of Bntall1 of being the helpless prt.:>0ncr of the Nationalists and reactionary bosses. In a s,enes. of he has smashed the reaction, both of and Left, and has consolidated the power of FaSCism on unshakeable foundations. 1 t is amusing and i.nstructive to recall at this moment the denunciations of Hitler by the press, He was called, not only a fool, but also a weakling, and a who from action. Now his ability is uruversally recogmsed, and loud lamentations are heard concerning his strength and ruthlessness. Hitler knows how to wait, and he knows how to strike. When he waited ther called him a co":ard and So."'lid he had missed his tumt)'; when he strikes, they whine of his brutality, has ,the of this country looked more foolish than 111 therr appralSClnent of this singular man. Tn parallel columns are printed the diverse utterances of the press. before and after his accession to power. They are a warnmg to: all against accepting any judgment of our newspapers, which are swayed by day-to- daY.lIlcldents and actuated even more by ignorance than by mahce, Laski in the II Herald " Professor H, J, I aski, the leading Labour pUblicist wrote in the" Daily Herald" on November 19th, )932 a few months before Hitler came into power: ' '. The Hitlerile 11wvemmt has passed ts apogee, and f't t's tmlikely to retain much longer 'he soNdarity t't had a Jew mOIl'hs ago, " The day 'hey ltlere a tn'tal threat is gone. " Ht'ller never had mry body oj eohere-llt 1'deas , , , 68 lie has 1I0t evw a gIft for aclioll . . ' He hates the eQll,Slill1 liQu, yet does not dflTe to over'hrow It : .. He Ye'f.leals J,,!"self tU a myth u,ithout permmle"l f0Il1/dal1011, a cheap CQ1ISp"ottlr ralher ,hatl {ttspired revo/1l1iollory, 1(le creaJure of CITCI.lm slatlces rather IJ/lIII Ihe of desl.1IY , .. He deulVcd millions i"to Ihinkillg he was a 1II(Of bom to lead ,. Bftt all roads fr0111 Muttich led back to his .',eadqu.arlers Laski. conclllded by sayillg lltat H1t1er would nul IllS carar ill some Bavaria" village, Beckles In the .. Herald " :'Ilr. Gordon Beckles, another pundit of Socialist journalism, writing in the " Daily Herald:' on 31;-t. 1933 just after Hitler came to power, satd that Hitler \\<L!; in the pockets of the Nationalist who!'oC had now disbanded, and would speedily be overthro\\ n b) the Socialists whose power he has now smashed. He wrote: " How wiU he faee lhe . oj the Junker p()Wer? H()W lhe eminelltly salle dt'sapproval of 'l,e worker whose so141 t's lhe sOld of the GermaIJ 1IaUo,lt? WIll he rIm, Jail flat Otl his face. brlTst {1Ilo tears as he d1d a lew wU;ks ago at the Re{chstag? I s he capable of throwwg flu trappi1lgs of the cto-JJn? .. , NoiJzillg that I ean find, tn the public Career of little Adolf Hitler, as a girl VailJ as a maiill-ee idol, {tldt'cales that he tat' escape the fate OJ his immediate pred.ecessors." Garvin i n the .. Observer ., Mr J L Garvin of the" Observer," on February 1933 ' under the headline of " Hitler ,a 1 m CI .'" d described Hitler as "a nommal victor w 1.0 in triumph by his captors with on h.ls head and fetters on his feet." To-day the garlan on the head of Hitler, but the fetters have been transferred to the feet of the captors. " Herald" Leading Articles Beforo and Aft.er! . or, .. Dailv Herald," just after the accession of Hitler to lC J , " , n' e said in :\ leadmg ar IC e : b .,' o IIur and his band have U'Oll the electif!'" I,'" :$ II to powu It IS rallcr t,le hardly they who have rea y come Lj " Thae art' l a generals of the ou regJ1l1e. - , barons. that Hitler has in fact alreal/y wpituiated, 111'01>' 111 1 69 Ihal Qlutl lid') ftdl",'" Of lne prol!.rallwlC: hart> be " ahand( nrd. 111.11 the' LeaJ!"r' u ill be thr loyal Sfn'ant 'I tM >," sian nobitl .mJ the bIg financier!:>." I he le:adtr 01. thl' Pru ...... iJ.n nub). ... ", <mel tin' hig hnall(,h:rs h no\\ bclllg forcld from olllee, and both his Iltpht\\:!> Mt' in '1 he .. Daih' , ...mnmt:nting upon thL-. sad t!vent, no .... (,l)$(rn-.. (1 June 2:?nd. 1033): .. Tlu Hugttl. bag and the t,'lm PdPOIS, hat'i,,(: htlpill Har ,!itlu to pwer, ,ff( 10 be th'VlH, ,,!oldt' 10 rumu,"/, "pml the" Jollv. That dcr uas iIlM'ilablt" - much {or the powers of human prophecy, when they all' ... ed on conceit and malice. The final capitulation of l.ibcral-Sncialbt journalb,m to facts appeared under the ptn of 'if. Clifford Sharp in the .. -"ro' Siaiesman a"d Sal;01I .. of June 17th la...;,t : , Hit/a's ((mquisl nJ Ihe minds (HId hearts of all classes uf (;amany, largtly siftee lu i1l10 power, is now so (omplile Ihal rom iJ nil llis Brown Shirts' mid 'Steel fltlmds ' a?ld rest of his uniformed f ollou:ers were 10 be lo-morro'l,i.,'. he ti.oltld still be easily the str01lgest mml I" Gamm,y. mId em allY appeal to Ihe electorate WOflid be confirmed in pou:tr by a quile majority of vuttS _ .. Hiller is recog1lised by the of ti,e political mId official illlellige"lsia as all exceedingly able man-easily Iht ablest leader aJld spokesman that GermallY has JOfmd- III least the dealh of Dr. S'resemmJn--ij 1Iot very much 101lger thall that . ,. It Jollows first of all 'hat Hitler has' come to slay' for a t'tTy long time, alld that fllltil he falls 0' dies his name tcill be tt't1, mOTt sy"ollymolls wilh word . GermallY' than Mll ssoli,,;'s is with lhe word 'Ilaly.''' Here we can leave for a moment a man who a few months ago they were denouncing as a half wit and a coward. In the encl. the steel of Fascism cuts through to the light of truth. 70 Rtprj,./td /rl>m " Tile Bla(kshirt .lilly 814. ) ((U. THE NEW EM UNION AUSTRALIA AND SOUTH AFRICA lOIN WITH THE B.U.F. W E have achieved a great step to Em'p!rc Fascism. Sir Oswald reprc:;enung the Bnt,L.;h Union of Fascists. and Colonel Eric Campbell, the Guard of Australia, have formed an organisation which will be called .. The ?\ew Emplf(> U .. mono . This organisation will a of Fascist movements of the Empire. In addition to Austra.ha, Colonel Campbell was empowered to speak for the :\c. w Guard of South Africa, and also for :\"ew Zealand, who wIll enter the Union. A Fascist movement is now being formed in Canada, and is likely to join up. This new organisation represents a very powerful combination of forces. The Guard of Australia is reputed to have a memberslllp .of .100,000, which. in relation to the population of Australia, 15 a very large membership. It has on one occasion, been a decisive factor LIl Australian politics. The object of the Union will be.to develop a oo!"m OD Faseist policy throughout the Empue_ Tbe for sueh a policy is illustrated in the article on "National Organisation, " published on this page. ).lost great countries are now adop!ing the .. Britain" policy of insulation, or ?rgamsauon. As the" Grealer Britain" points out. tillS pohcy onl>, be fully achieved in our case if the national IS extended to thc whole Empire. Under orga.m5-1 tion ihe Empire C<'l.n be ell:tirely. seU-,contatned. Campbell discussed this polley With Slr <? dunng his recent visit to London, and the matn pnnclples are al ready agreed. . . Only Fascism can advanee such a policy. It the only movement which stands for the Empue; and IS not subservient to high finance. Other mo!ements. Conservative and Beaverbrook. cannot come nght out 71 for the organisation of a . they lear the loss 01 interest th ed EmpIre, been ... U1vestments which the' . on. e numerous foreign has created II II mternational financial po"c . we stop Argentin b I' u y Empire. TOry financiers . e ee COm1!IK the Therefore, official Conserva::" get their mteres!. content themselves with taxing f . Beaverbrook alike 01 excluding them and " products, instead field on the Empire pue products a clear throughout the Em' d . intcrc<;;ts of the E' plre crllutely places the our i'fitcrnational in11tercsts. of countries is cngagoo . . < IS In a the which high and for the interests of th J. one In t Empire it fights and for, the great policy IS carried through, Britain within d _ml:ure can morc than make lip the loss of her export tm the rest of the world. Far beyond an . such however, is the great conception YOf an Empire together, not only by bonds of kinship and mterest, but .by the great ideal 'of Fascism, which d e tes our generation to the rebuilding of our country an our race. RrpritJteti from .. The Blackshirt," J1Uy 15, 1933. HUGENBERG R.I.P. H ERR HUGENBERG was a typical product of the decadent period o( parliamentary democracy. lVe know the breed of press-lord only too well in Britain- the . millionaire company promoter-who, by stock gains control of a group of newspapers. and proceeds to Impose upon the people the sum of his own Ig noran.t and. prejudices by methods of mass- suggestion Wlll Ch , 10 fact, amount to a mental persecution of the unfortunate man-in-the-strcet. The animal exis ts in it s most unpleasa nt fonn in America (where all tones are exaggerated) and marc recently a manufacturer of women' s 72 I perfumes even succeeded in own insigni- flc.'lnt reactions upon the soplustlcated mhabitants of Paris. These . men are dangerous. No sanely organised oommuruty would tolerate for one day their insolent pretensions, No political system ezcept a democracy rotten in every fibre of its being- would permit their debauchery of the mind, their cynical ezpioitation of even: need and and their oorrupt bullying and lenymandenng of opmlon, to undennine the wbole fabric of the national life. Herr Hugenbcrg sharcd with Lord Beaverbrook and ;\Ionsieur Coty the delusion that the people desire to be as well by press-lords. In the anarchiC state of politiCS 10 Germany before the National Socialist Revolution he met with some measure of success. That combination of jingoism and snobbery which so frequently characterises the political plutocract, found in Hugenberg its ultimate expression. He patronised on the one hand the more discredited section of the House of Hohen7.ollern, and sought to capitalise, on the other, the grim agonies of German youth. To Power without Money The steel-helmet of the "field-greys " sat ill upon the calculating bead of tbis elderly millionaire. Wbile all the massed resources of Hugenberg and his fellow industrialists sought to revive the tawdry patriotism of princes and field-marshals, the young men of Germany, without money and without a press, were fighting their grim way to power from to sueei, from town to town, and into the beart of the great cities. \Vhen he thought that an idea was winning whicl.l he could not even understand, Hugenhcrg. combining fcarwith patriotism, covering his presslord's arrogance with his promoter's cunning, sought an alliance with the rising power of the Nazi Revolution. But he learnt that the Kazi Revolution did not end with the suppression of the Com- munist Party. He learnt that Fascism is not Tory Reaction in a black shirt or a brown shirt, but the steel piston of realist revolution. , It Sl'('llwd ttl smash the J dt w' . \azl I",! 't - Ith the .ud of the .. , I was l'Vcn ej)", ! gr\'at mac-hinc of ...... I"tal! T 0 smash the ..... < IS.. or)' l"t .. 'actt I . rt.'pn.'sl'nH'd in <';\'111HI1 t b tl on, w 11th was Gl'nnan 1\ationalist w Hugcubcrg Pfl'SS and t he The great institutions the "liberty f th th.e power of mOlley they pass in a nigh 0t, e WIthered by the scorching b th I you FascISts, youth in arms All rea 0 our stern, 8.ngry . .' power comes to YOW1g 11 m the Nation, all power to break. , power to rnl through the Fascist Revolution. from" The Blackshirt." jllly 18. 1933. AN INSULATED BRITAIN THE LAST TO RESIST NATIONAL ORGANISATION T HE of. the State, organised as a self-contained natIonal umt which is "insulated" the of present world chaos. was first advanced m .Bntam. This idea of II insulation," or national orgamsatlon, now sometimes known as "autarchy," has been adopted by at least hal f t he g reat na tions. The of Great Bri tain. however- and indeed every pohtac.:1.1 J>..1.rty in this country--obstina tely adhere t o the opposite, or internationa.l, t heory. The policy of national organisation, or autarchy was first advanced in Sir Oswald Mosley's Speech of Re;igna- tion from the Labour Government, which he made in the House of Commons on the 28th May, 1930. Three years both the German and the American Governments adopt that idea. and are striving to translate it into practice in the National Recovery Bill of President Roosevelt, and in the series of economic measures with which the Nazi Government are attempting to build a Germany. Italy also has long constit uted the Corporate machincry by which this policy c.'\tl be carried through, and is now showing signs of embracing t he policy itsclf as the only means by which the organised State can escape from thc 7. present confusion of world economic". J t is a tragedy that Great Britain, which gave birth to the idea (as it gives birth to most ideas in economics), should be among the last of t h(, great nations to resist it in the policy oC Government. The reasons, o( course, arc not far to seek. do not carry through vast changes in their economic liCe lInLil they arc obliged . Re scued by Fascism America fumbled on for years with the old economics. and only adopted the idea of insulation or autarchy when she had millions unemployed and was on the verge of revolution. Germany had to be rescued by Fascism from the brink of Communist revolution before she would adopt the autarchic idea which, prior to that situation. was only advanced even by the Nazis in a very shadowy and undeveloped form. At the las t election, Britain had not advanced nearly far enough in crisis to support revolutionary changes. and the New Party, which alone supported the idea of national organisation or autarchy, was severely defeated, although not SO severely defeated as either Italian or Gennan Fascism jn their early stages. Sincc the Election of 1931, which gave a blank cheque to a combinaiion of the old parties who were responsible for the situation of panic, Great Britain has slipped much further into To some extent, she has been S.:1.ved, so far by the fact that t he National Govemment was driven from the Gold tandard after spending 130,000,000 to stay on it. The result of our currency depreciation was to give us an artificial barrier against imports, and a bounty on exports which afforded us a .. relatively favourable" trade position. Consequently, although unemployment rose sharply in Great Britain, it did not rise so much as in other countries, and Ollr crisis was not so acute. Our Government Vowed Now. however. other countries have awakened to the advantage of a depreciated currency in the present world situation, exactly as was foreseen again in H The Greater Britain" (pa.ge 77). \ \Thilc our polit icians talk to the World Economic Conferencc, Roosevelt has been busy depreciating the dollar 75 hl'low. tht' pound in ordt'r to give an artificial auvantage to \m(,rtcan 1l1l1ustr\,.
In fact he is dOing by design what the British Govern. ment did by aCCIdent, after vowing they would never consent to such a course. Tht' .rl':mtt will to depriv(' us of Our favoured position, and tills prOCt'$S will lx' carried further when other nations aft.' driven off the Gold tandard. The full effects wilillot hI..' (dt for timt' to come, but Britain is (aced with a St'riou:io I)():;.ition, Not only arc other nations now deprcciat. iug tht'ir currencies in order to compete more successfully with us; they arc also adopting the policy of national organisation or autarchy which Great Britain rejected at the last Election. That policy should be familiar to Fascist 'opinion, and was set out in detail i ll "The Grealer Britai"," which, again, was written nearly a year before Gt'nnany or Americ..1. turned to these ideas for their salvation. ]n brief, this conception of the modern State rejects fundamentally the idea that sixty-odd nations at inter- national conference can set the world to rights. It places national organisation before international parley; it aims at creating a State as nearly as possible self-contained, whose imports arc rigorously controlled and whose exports are regulated and supported by the organisation of the Corporate system. In the present chaos of the world, and in the break-down of all nonnal mediums of internat ional exchange, the Corporate system can evolve. somet.hing approaching to a direct barter method with foreign for the purchase of neccs&1.ry foodstuffs and raw materials in exchange for our manufactured goods.. . Within the insulated or autarchic State Will be built a high leveJ of self-contained civilisation, with a power sufficient to absorb the output of the !llodern mdus. trial system, and to employ in that productIon the Jabour now unemployed. Under such a system. goods produced in Britain will be consumed in Britain rather than be sent abroad to investments which can never be repaid; and merely proVIde an annual tribute to our financiers, This policy is denounced as economic nat ionalism, as President H.oosevelt has been driven recently to pomt 76 towards world Peace and order is for out : the first szfP jr own house in order. Accordingly, in nations setH Ie Bill he has taken power for til(' tI Nalional ecovery : . regulation of Amenc.'ln mdustry. g He bas also taken power to force up wages and to shorlAm hours. .. 0 Id . { ur' is insulation policy. as Sir :,wa I\ll Resignation Speech, accord Mosley ca . . I f It The Greater Bntaln. But with the pnnclp es 0 America are a long way behind
are finding already an .lm,men creation of a Fascist move. policy without. the prehmlllary d Liberals shrink. At every ment, from WhlC!l these hara.ss:nd frustrated by obstructive tum they. bemg Street speculators also charge interests III IIldust1' a t an apple cart of industrv in with bullish zea, porate methods. Acts of which is not protect t. more is needed. Parliament are not enoug 1 ' th t the iron The modern State be created WI m:u.ment of grip of Fascism, holdmg f useless without national life. The letter 0 the spirit. . 't' doubly true in Great h be true in America, I IS d/Ii It b. rr tIS. . admittedly more 1 CU . ) Britain, where of our great export trade m a reason of the m;r!ts, For both 3:"d world of shrmk';"g I the policv which 15 provmg America it is to ap'p) in the chaos of the modeI}"l the only salvatIOn. of nahollS wa behind us in economJc world. a before they work O.Ul thought, and It wlil so America is without a and apply the full involved in the movement, and the f t be secured without Fascism. of the modern State which created the idea. will G t BnV10ID Therefore rea., it through when F agmsm yet be. the first led in thought: soon we has triumphed. will lead in lact. 77 Nc p,,',l/l''' "'<'In "FJ, HI . tlck\hirl,".1 11("" 22, I (j.\J J. M. KEYNES'S CON . , CONTRADICTS CHAMBERLAIN M h.. J. KFYNFS is )r b b . intl'lligl'llcc tilC' " :O;ldo I a 1)' the ablest economic ',I,IS capit ulation to F produced: Sldl'l'l.bll' Intl..' ........ ( I . aSClst ccononllcs IS of COIl , .... -.... . n a sene' of . I . - and Yalio .. .s artie os III the .. Ntu' .'," .. II, cnhtlcd" N (. I o. ('}tnc)', he goes aU out (or the 1 lona .;x.-Jf-Suffa N,\tc. which was first I self-contamcd, or insulated tI a( vocatcd b), . 0 . \n,,'t;' years ago, and is now the bas' Ir. Mosley Over (,)( thr Britbh Union of F '., IS of the economic policy brings fresh a aselsts. He underlines, and in itl'm of (lur ccon-omie to support each main advantage of graduaU P He speaks of "the consumer within the the proc.lucer a nd the and financial or ni&'1.tion 0 t.e sa.me national economic prove that m' Expenc,!ce accumulates to pcrfonned . n t production processes can be t'"qual and climates with almost intl'mational horc:Jcssfness of. the at least and I . C WIS I, or the tIme mental p' SOd ong (asbethe present transitional f en ures, 0 our own masters and (0 be as rce as we c.'1.n ak I .' ( .d I m e ourse ves from the interferences of the tHI e wor d, " National v. International In rcaching conclusions, :o.lr. Keynes dcscr ibes with great .hls gradual t.ransition Crom a " nincteenth. cc.ntury to economics which coincide closely WIth the I'asclst policy oC national organisation, " It . . IS a long business to sbuWe out of the mental habits of the pre-war nineteenth century world but at least one-third of the way through twentieth century, we are most of us escaping from the nine teenth. " :\1r. Keynes has at any ratc proceeded much further on the path oC escape than all three political parties now repre 78 scnted at W(':-.tmill!;ter, each 011<' of which i:-. stilJ committNI to thc international cona'plion. They all belicve in what ).Ir. dcscribes as "('conomic intc-rnationtlli ... m emhracing the free movcm(.'nt of capital and of lo.1nablc funds as well as of traded goods," which he alleges" may condcmn this country Cor a gcnl'ration to come to a much lower degree of material prosperity than could be attainNI under a different system," Mr, I<eynes has moved slowly to these conclusions, and he describes in an interesting way some of the fact ors which have inhibited his development, and which today arc similarly influencing many other minds. He deals at length with the argument that national organisation must lead to war, a favourite bogey raised by the Old Gangs against every argument that it is time for us to set our own bouse in order. Fa l cl,t Economic s Vindicated Mr. Keynes comes to the conclusion that present inter national methods arc liable to lead to war in the future, as they have done so often in the past, and powerfully supports our Fascist case that national organisation can be made the basis of future peace. He denies that a "close dependence of our own economic life on the fluctuating economic policies of foreign countries arc safeguards and assurances of international peace. It is easier, in the light of cxperience and foresight, to argue quite thc contrary .... I sympathise, therefore, with those who would minimise rather than with those who would maximise economic entanglement between nations." .. For these strong reasons, therciore, I am inclined to the belief that after the transition is accomplished. a greater measure of national sclfsufficicncy and c<:onomic isolation between countries than existed in 1914 may tend to serve the cause of peace rather than otherwise." It would be difficult to pen a more complete vindication of Fascist policY, or to express sentiments more out. r ageous to the Liberal.socialist school from which Mr. Keynes has sprung. It is di fficul t, too, to think of any policy more directly contradicting Mr. Chamberlain, the official spokesman of Conservatism, who, in the last debate on Britain '8 trade position in the House of COmmOIlB, stated : 79 .. It'c', flIU.!i.dl'('$ r' ' "-II II I .. f ''''dlll 0' II p" ,I, ,j it II" (mg. IHld th.,/ is tJwl Ih tiMe" la hol t '(roy. ts sl4fjoi, "t I . (lUI' Iroflb/tS fi ,I( mid thell Ott" 'c "I "1 o'b' fly IlYe UI!t'rtlllliollal,'11 Ih'o,'" ,./llth ' Oil \, t! sol, d" . ttr ori . tlgrc','moll .. .' t (' tIIlrnlllticm ,I I' gin, I n 'lit hag and to' ,:\Ir. Kl'ynl'S has Come however, from thc..' ranks. He still ,\Ionl' thl'St' l'Conomics be) of govemment by which sac.l ... tOf\' 01 " 1,' IInp emented " _. .' f. nt"vnc..'S is a \" ,'ct .' l et the wholt.> [0: ,1a!'>clsm. On the whole 1\; of thenecessitv b) Mlhst'qllt.'nt eVents to be . I. eynes has been provc<1 any other economist' since consis,tently correct than that politician has ever tak ar. HIS .t.rouble has been . mythtng he s..1.id until t n the shghtest not ice of when attern ts ,years a ter he had 5.1.id it As a 'h P laVe been n d t ' \\ leh he has advocated th J a e o. apply policies ,ears out of date. B. the fiattempts .have lIlvariably been th(' the of and set 1Il motion b\" the <t,'n1' em?crahc politIcs had been I , , . . .. u us of l11 r Ke 'd po ICy W Hch he had taught tI . I d yncs S 1 cas, the obsolete. Britain and the w 11;r. m completely too rapidly for the Ion roc or f 111 cn.sl S had moved far to new. ocr b educatmg popular. opinion educ..1. r tton into practice t.hat )lr. Kevne.s has in effect d f.: le . e.mocrah c mach me. past prophecies and a III a of ignored t h1 <ft he recof,:"lSes were tragIc to see him r. as 00 ate. It IS therefore , . c mgmg to that very machinery 1 go\emment whIch has entirely stultified hIS' e If 0 of the past H . very e ort in th . .avmg reached completely F ascist conclusions . e eCOn?mlC sphere of which he is a master, how Ion \\'1.11 he contmue to shrink from Fascist realities in action ?g
80 Repri7ltnl /T(1111 .. The Blllckshirt," J141v 29, 1933. UE FUNK IN A RED COVER STRACHEY' S BOOK ON FASCISM HIS PREMONITION S OCIALI ST-COl\l)IUNIST intellectuah. now twitter with terror of Fascism. They aft!:-;O alarmed that they arc all writing books about it. Among others, :\lr. Str3che) has delivered him.seli of a shrill lament. We .. elect thi ... work {or a few comments, as typical of the Soc character. Strachey's methods of contro\'Cn!lY are wry ., simple." He ignores entirely the c.1...-.e of and proceeds to denounce at intcmlinable length the present system which Fasci::;m wiU bring to an end. He dismisses the whole constructive C3.SC of Fasci::;m in Britain in Olle sentence: ".Already they offer us a whole stock-ill-trade of solutions of the economic que:stion." We invite any reader of tbis book to discover a sjngle other reference in the whole work to the constructive economic policy with which Fascism will reorganise Britain. Childish Dishonesty Mr. Strachey refers at length to the Corporate method of organisation described in "TJu erwin' B,ita;"," and innocently enquires .' how" it will solw presc. llt economic problem. The answer to that questIon at least two-thirds of .. The Grellter BrItain," but that answer receives from ) l r. Strachey no more ... nor criticism than this reference of a single sentencc . Such chiJcHsh dishonesty in controversy can only deceive the very simple-minded. and requires no refutation until be produces a serious attack, not merely on the system which we propose to destroy, but on the system which we propose to create. Mr. Straclley's book, therefore. is only of mild intellectual interest as a psycho-analysis of a SocialL:>t U;l a fun k. Before we proceed to Ulat an:UYSls. It IS IOterest mg 81 nuh' t,lCI rhi ... hllllk bt.'t.'n great I\, " I _ " 11\ . tht.' t .lpH.di ... t Prt."". Yt.' t a much I n -, th,\1\ this llim ... y distortion puhh ....Il("l last (rvm till' pt.'n of :\Ir. Str;\chc' wa .. l\;\ ... wd wuhout nutict.' by the ), and The is plain : last year the great int_b afrmd of this year they are afraid of FasClSlU. In the interval, the leadership 01 revolution bas passed to us. A Significa nt lapse fur .'\ httll! analysis of :\Ir. Straclley as 3 SOC.-Com. nyt' Hl' LS ;.\t gn'3t pains to away his association with tht' Party, which represented the first serious towards Fascism in Britain, and met with WhlCh ,. as )lr. ?trachey admits, were not nearly so over- as llltll'r's early reverses in Germany (or, as he added, reverses in Italy at the fin;t Fa.sctst attempt of 1919), Strachey spends 111 t,'xplallung that he had no idea the New Part v to Fasci. ... m. but his fluttering pen leads him to a lap:;e. Very vividly he describes in the foliowlIlg terms the end of a crucial meeting of the Parlia- mentary Labour Party in ).[ay. 1930, te" months bejore file S(U' Part\' 'as Imme/leil . " 1 recoiled lilt, spectacle oj .1losley sitting silelll aml alolle, brooding ti"ilh indescribable bitlcmess, as 'he elderly, portly Trad( Union ojjicials lmd ncrtlQlfS pael/isl intelledlla/oS jih-d Ollt of II parly meetitlg a/ wln'ch they had demotlstraled IMir ImdiminisMd c(mjidolce iu .lfr. Ramsay J[acDOlra/d. A stab of premonition Dashed through lIlY mind. How had tI,( l/aliall Social DmlOcrats looketl al 'he COl/gress of 'he [ld/im, Sociaiist party u:/lich expelled the: editor .0/ the , A.1'll1ft;' J Ii"d 'hev 110/ been sure Ihat they had jwtS/ud ith 'hat /iusome fillou' ,\{lIsso/illi J" Yet tcn months after he had experienced this .. stab of premonition" th,at the life of ;\loslcy would follow the same course. as thc life of 'Iussolini through pn..>ciscly the. same :\I!. Strachey joined the New Party any in illS head that it could possibly havc FaSCist 1 He informs U:-o that he did not realise the FaSCist character of the New Party until alter the a year later than his" fll'St stab of premomhon. In {act the 82 stab only )X' netrated deeply after thr lin .. t Iwa\'y fl'wrM', when ).If. Strachcy hurriedl y Idt the Party \"(' do not Olean by this to imply tha t :\Ir. StraclH'Y wlluld have remained with us even if in those carly Wt had 1,)4'('n as strong a:-. we are to-day. after struggling through duo early reven.rs whic.h ha ve been in.separable from OIl' !onna- tion of every FaSCist movement III the world . Physically, mentally and spiritually, Mr, Strachey is not the Fascist type, and sooner or later be had to go ; it turned out to be very soon, Imaginary Conve rsations This little lapse throws whatever light is necessary on Mr. Strachey's trustworthiness as a witness of the period. ft is at a ny rate sufficient to discredit his imaginary conversat ions with :\fosley in the best manner of " ).frs. Gossip" in the columns of the Capitalist Press which now applauds him so vigorously. He infonn." us that he was a lways enquiring whether the disciplined organis..'\tion of Fascism would be used on the side of the workers or of the employers. ,. Neither," he says was the reply, and could not understand the answer, {or a power which opcratl's, not in the interests of a class but in the interesb of the nation, is beyond his comprehension. "Employers dest'rt low u'ages a"d IOllg hol/rs: u:orkus d(-sire high m,d short hours, " argues Mr. trachey. How can thiS .contra- diction be reconciled by the Corporate Statt' ? he mgcnu- ously enquires. . . " . If he had read .. The Greater Br./am denounces at such length, he would have reccl\'t,'d In ... answer. Employers, under the prt'SC!lt wam Jow wages and long hours othen\'lsc they are by a rival foreign or domestiC. who pa.ys lower and demands 'longer hours. Tn tht' anarchy of present competition, s;tandards arc mt'\'ltably rcduet..'d . Tbe object of the Corporate system is to raise waK:es and salaries and to shorten hours over whole field ,of ' d try and both by law and by the gnp of the FssCist to prevent undercutting, either foreign or domestic. But thi!' familiar economic Fasci.sm, ;;ct out in great detail in ,. The Grealer B"lal1l, IS entirely 19nored 8J h, 'tr. who app,\rcntlv (' 1Il hnd no Yl'l th(' IM:.lk'v of thl' Put,: t' _,.,' anSWl'r to 11 tl I I"' " , 0" net Ie t,,)on.gtd \\ It'. It:-.t p .. , t.' s.ladn\\' of our -(ully dl'vcloPl' I r 'a .. \ l'(',drd1ll g to his own lOut, 1(' was ft.-adv to try (or ib ace "" b ' pmn'" "'h"ch I 'I" U . . l , lnCl' Y"l '-, 1 It' en.. topian <lgTl'clltl'nt" I n r t I' ",uPJl(,rh-d n ... \\ Itt'" W\.' Wal' not n.'volutional)' hut ac, . ;e (mm Us "hl'l1 we an' Cl'voiutionarr Whe :\'[ _I wh It h II" d . hi .' n . Us cy, \I,'I tli (".l.I.S a oura t' fenlh-m," St't about the cn.':uion of tht' 1',1.SClst mon'llll'nt, without which iron instrument till' ('.\rrYlIlg of the policy was iml>oss,bl' ' fr t I I tx . ..... , rae ley ack to thl' camp of words. We lOert: all right I. r tdlkt'd: t. t" .ti. all lUOIIg u'e btgall /0 ad.l I bt,.. <><:cuI?u .. -d In exposing the absurdities and of thiS httle volume of B11I(: FII,,/'- iJl a Red ( I.', <T. Thl.'), an' and a few more instances \nll sufficl... )Ir. in some respects, is un fortunate. that Hitler s power has been used only against la1l$t$ and Communists, and never against "trust- and bankers." . He selects Herr Hugenberg as . the InGGC5./ an.1 mosl of these." ' ''hile the book was In p.rc.s.s, Herr was driven from every posItion In the tatc, hiS Party was disb ...mdcd. and his nephews thrown into gaol. Hard luck, .. :\Irs. Gossip "-isn't that just too bad ? Futile Misrepresentation His efforts to rnisreprc:->cnt the as a party of rl.'action arc as comical as his efforts to misrepresent" The Grealu B,i/.,i" .. in the same scnsc. \ Vith this object, he l'ven goes to the length of quoting from .. The Grealer Britai,, " a sentence saying that Fascism will deal wi th . trade union leaders who oppose the interests of the State, j and of omitting the previous sentence, which sn.ys t ha t (, F:J......;,cism will deal equally with bankers who oppose the
To what futile depths of elementary misreprre:Seniation will the intellectuals of a bankrupt Socialism descend P In frantic efforts to represent Fascism as leading to war, be dismiss es in a foot-note Hiller' s great speech for Peace as purely tactical, and QUotes at length, as an instance of Fascist foreign policy, the utterances of the grotesQue Conservative, von Papen. whom Hitler so sternly rebuked. He ignores reccnt speech for peace at Littoria, thc Four J)owt.' r Pac t , and all his vast labours for peace in rt..'"ccnt years. I f c gives a few obscure quotations, all before the year 1027, when was rebuilding the broken national spir it of Italy in the face of a ring of Social Dl' mocra tic t: nt.> mies who were denouncing him a!; vieiou!;ly as they do Hitler t o-day .. Lflcijer" "as already dealt with Afr. Strachey's alroc;ty- moncerinc, uilh Ihe observation tlud evelL if his .mproved evidelJU u'ere /me, 20,000 spatlkillgS in Ihe Gerlno" rf1Jo/llliolt look very mild beside Ihe lu'o miUioll exulttions 0/ tile RlIssitm revoluliolJ 1IP01l U/u'c/I SlraelJey fawns with a sycophantic ad111atiolt amou"ting to the religious U'orshiP which he affects /.0 scorn. No more need be said except one word in conclusion upon his constructive proposals for combating Fascism. Fascist leaders, he tells us, are at any rale prepared to accept responsibility, and whatever their faults .. they will Unless they arc combated in a similar manner, " the of a form of Fascism in Britain is a historical certainty." His Constructive Policy 'Vhat, then, does Strachey propose to do about it ? For this infonnation we have to tum to the last chapter, entitled" The Road to Victory." Here we are led to c-xpect a clarion-call to clearly dcfined action. But we read tbat thc workers have to usc .. the weapons of democracy and frcedom,"-familiar. spacious but meaningless phrase of the Socialist Democracy he . He goes on to that .. a. movement for theIr revltallsau on must and will come from below." For this purpose " there may well spring up some special for m of organisation." :'Ifr. Strache.y docs not suggest what the should be, he IS certainly very far from sugge:stiIlg t hat he should. any hand in the hard and da ngerous work of orgaOlsmg , that must come " from below. " Mr. Strachey Ius fellow intellect uals, in fact , go onc better than the ordinary Communist leaders, who a t least have led st reet fights from behind. No such vulgarities for the valuable. the Mr Strachey! He will gently call the attention of the to the "menace" of Fascism fro";1- the seclusion and the bourgeois comforts of his Sussex villa. 85 ,. Iht'l\' 11M\' Wt'U'prin; Ul .'. ' IIf tlrg.UII atlnn whi,'," ,,." " ,g"" 'I}('nal forlll , ... .me WI I', III . f " n olher "llidi tilt' \\llIk," mil tit rom)t ow. tht"IIlS4.'!ws, whi't' \11 Sir ',I", juh fhr 'I , II . .tII( II'. ,\\,.,h I t . I .0 uppl\" thl'llI \'nh'ad\'ice 'U 5 '. vol "l fUll, I ./\' (I I h h I' unw, "r. 1\ I C pdl of ,\fr .. \ji'tlc/u-v I" Tt'looilltimll
FASCISM WITHOUT FASCISTS I']' ,11.", Ix ... n ;\ l'.umrnonplacc that the distinguishing .\nwr,lcan .and British Capitalism is that I .. 111(,' mort' 1Iltl'lhgl.:Ilt. .\part (rom the Icchnic.1J .. of .\mclit.'an owr British business- a fact willdl ,lilY British t.rnplnycr will concede after his second gla ... s 01 port tIll' Amcrican capitalist class, being younger .\IHI tu a gn:atl'r degree..' docs not suf(cr from thc and inhibitiuns which make the British in thl' facl' uf l'conumic upheaval, as as a schooi of purpoi .. l" (aught in a tidal wave, rt is therefore not surprising that the Americans should have adopted what is in some respects a Fascist economic policy to help them through the present crisis in Capitalism. 1I1l' administrations prcfer to attempt to ruct thl' economiC' and social lifc of America by ... tic mlthocl ... of control and aClion, rather than to drift 111 a ha.tl' of flUCl ualing exchangl's and fixed idcas between Cl'ul'va and the Glolugical But it has already bl'l'll laid down in thl' .. JJhtckshirt," as one of the natural law:-. uf Fa..-;.ci:-.lIl. that cannot carry through a Fascist polky without a Fascist party which itself can maintain thl' di .. t"iplilll' I1lCt:-. ... ary to the working of a null-d.' ...... First of (tli, Fascism is Revolution, flO/ /I mdll(ld of !iitlt'il/I: vff i?t't'o/utio1l, To introduce itcms IIf I'<:\-.('j ... t t'cunomic policy, without carrying through Ihl' political Rt'volution implicit in the Fascist idca, is to put tht Caft lx' flirt' Ihe horst, and what is morc, a cart with nu whl't'ls to il It has alrcadv 1)('('11 pointed out in the "/JIarhlu"rl." III at while the deprcciation of thc' dollar has he('n an all.ov<:r n:ductioll lip 1(, .10 pl'r ccnt. in thl' purchaslIlg power of the wagt and salary,earm: r'i, recent boom on Wall Stn:cl ha.. ... 'iwcpt the hundreds of millions thus lopped (Iff the !'>mall man 's carnings into the pockets (If the Wall Street lators. President Roosevelt has at the samc timc carried through a spectacular raising o{ wages in certain industries, This wage inerease bas been estimated by the .. Times" to average? per cent., so that the workers involved have now one-quarter less purcbasing power in real money than they had some weeks ago. The only difference beiween England and America is that while the National Govcrnment is managing to rclievc no class, the Americans havc at Ica."!l achicv<:d a temporary alleviation of the position of the Amencan capitalist class. Bernard Baruch, the professional speculator and big business planster who has so long been ihc guiding brain of thc Democratic Party in thc Unitcd States, and whose fmancial interests arc now so wcll served by a wildly fluctuating dollar, is marching from strength to in shaping and controUing the policy of the present admlll.ls lration. The" EveniJlg SlatUiard," in i,t s diS4'7rcct column, has already indicatcd the close fnendslup winch has existed between General Hugh J ohnson, Head of the Industrial Rccovery Adn:ainistral ion, and .Baruch, a fricndship which may be uncrpretcd not a dependencc of the General on the )cw, The JI uk. a publication which we understand a.nd elf cu latcd by a group of weUinfonned not :;0 polite in its language. .. General Ht/gh johmx)1I" the>' " has for years been Oil Bafllc/J's payroll, dOHzg fHlallcra/ (tlld bllShzess odd jobs of olle ki1l1 aI/other. jusl "OW I!e is entirely I 'll Baruch's pocket, ThIS takes care of Baruch s positioll 011 the execfl#[,c side of the So as 'he legis/a/jt'e is cOllcerned. he has a Congressional machhle, of which the most ""porta1lt part IS Senator p(lt Ham:soll, mc!"ker of lhe Sel.,ate FillMICe Committee, crltela/l1l debt IIegot!atroll, .Harrl son knOTt'S not/lillg whatever abollt eeOIlOIllICS. H, s Impor/ant fi"al/rial are writfell for him ill Baruch's office." 87 " II ak" Oil tu dl'st'rilx' the activiti> " . tu ,the- gold marht t I anKh pn.::--s Hl"\rst aT" 11".1 ., , t, tl I I t b" . . .. ... VI Y IIttt'f' l"l n b m () 0 I.un ('fl'lhts to facilitate the unloading f ca, Ie stock ... , '."'1\('(1 by \ml'rican hig husinc ....... on ,USSt.lll mark('t. ' .. \\"ithoUI dl ... III antic:ip . 'th thl' (If failur' r tlll,' pr'.'.;,('llt alnhlhc.H1S, l'Xpl'riltll'nts in America. we IXHnt OUt Baruch of \\'all Street s}ll'Culaton. i ... a puor ... {or a dlSnplull'd Fasdst party permeating .uul l'n-ry organ of the State, and that" bell. . Johnson, is alr\,'ady ydping p..'\thctically about l'Iforts ,of tlu.' mdustrialists to obstruct the speculators, h no sUb:,;tltutc at all for a '[u .. -".solini. .. Faiiun," s.1.rS thl' Socialist " Nett' Statesman," writing hdore the slump of the last week, If luki"C shapt 111 the (oll"pst of the presc"t Spt'c,tlativc advance i" prices, "'Ol,/d fatlll 10 .1I r, Roost:l!di's popularity.- Idu'le :o;11l'l:tS$, III ust.orw{J a mt.asure 0/ prosperity, ltOlild speedily lIwkt' ... bIlStIlt'SS U'orltl lar mOfe intolerallt 01 cOlllrol." Our Fabla.n contemporary has put the matter in a nut-shell. . And how do they propose to cope with the eqnally and undiscjplined (and even more bone-headed) bllsmess world of Great Britain- through a Socialist Government such as that which capitulated to Mr. Montagu Norman. or through the sort of Fascist Govern- ment which in Germany has just deposed Herr Hugenberg (the Baruch-Hearst 01 Capitalist Germany) and dumped his two nephews into gaol P 88 ileprillleti from" The Blackshirt," Septtmbtr 9, 1933. FASCISM APPEALS TO EX-SERVICEMEN W E have now entered the twentieth year since the War began, What a diHerent world we live in from the world that we of the War generation thought we were lighting to create ! The mcn who rallied to their country nearly twenty years ago fought to save this country. More than that, they were detennined to build, on the ruins of the past. a greater and a nobler Britain. The old world and the old ways came to an end in 1914. We ou.rsclvcs to the building of the new world for which our friends and contemporaries had died .. What a long way to-day we have drifted jf?". that con.up- tiolt! Is it to t'emai11 idle drtam? I s lI!e 1dca for a gC1leratioll was wiped out 1teVtf to be !,wllsed? That IS lhe quesUon which c<mjt'(mts tx-stmnumaJl. tlcarty tr&t"fy }'cars after the Great lVar begau. Promised the Earth How is it, we must ask Qun;elve:., that the great ideal has been lost? How is it that the great C.'lUse has been betrayed? Why is it that England of 1933 is a worse rather than a better place than the England of 1914. fact that thOllsands gave their lives that she mIght live and might be great? Nearly three mjJIion thOllsands of ex_servicemen. wh!>. wer:e p.z:omised earth when they returned. now livmg 10 direst want. the "homes fit for heroes to live in " still the slums whieh disgrace our great cities; the o!d men muddled us into the last war still b.USY ushis1Oto ar' the war profiteer still turn.Jng over pro , still tuming over his dole: what a betraYal of England, what a of the dead ! How long will you ex.oSeI'Vlcemen tolerate these Ulings P 89 \ 011 h.'" l ht( n r.trdull\' :-;.hl' lh. I . from \\ Inch . IK.liti,"S t':\:cIUd''t! (.rbrant \ ou h.lh' ht."t:n iliad ... thl' !'oport , 1\' .I,It.: a,t,tlll' sanw lime who \\ ft gCk)(i nOl1gh to nm tht' ltll": I ht, young Int'n t\\ nt \ \ .. ar .... her th\.' W.lr tu .n not good cnQugh, J)('.ll'(', I ht' old nkn nnd thl': old In tinll' uf tnumph to aE;.lin Fv,,\\?):" la\t: bark in I Ih('r.ll .!nd J hn",,' . hi uk<.'11 tI It J promls<'" and haw I I llOm. It' old polrlialllt'ntarv sy ... t(,111 Ita .. d(,("l' i\, A.1 \ IU .lIl( lt.'1 ra 'U\I . 1.;\.1 . You did something in four years on the field 01 __ m Flanders" th -- tift smce . en they have dOlle nothjng for een years on the field of talk: in Westminster. II .' tiJJ/(' tlk" 1M 1000k lIr/ioli fica,,, ,J e tc" r 'CO" the old pa,lus alld 1M (lh/ me" II fair Iri"l' lhey nm't' cllmlu and too 10llg (l t,inl. ami the)' lull'; dQIl,' flolh",/:. II ( IUH'( lric'c/ all pa,tit's ill tllm ill a,i 4fo r l '0. f;d jrl)tn ""y l'tf Iht.", d policy of actio" .. Ihey hmt all failed 'IS mid bdrdyec/ /lit,' coulliry. Is il 1101 time Ihat 'he ex-sentic(. "'(11 took &l hand ugai,,? At la..s-t a.n organisation cxhots in this country in which ("x-sollher may find an outlet lor his desire to serve Ius .. tht' British Union of Fascists. the ex- s.;rnct'man wIll lind the spirit ol1914: the spirit o( service. :'\ 0 m.ort o( the wrangling of party politics, with their ('(unrnttt(.'t' systems of endless talk! In Fascism we have nuthing but tht' spirit of sen.ice, and to that end we have Hcatt-o an urganisation of discipline. solidarit y and action. Of thl' old partit.'S, by their very nature. are IIlcap..1.blc of action. Could we have won the last war with ('onunittet'''' and old women's chatter? To do things It ,i .... nC'C(' ...-:try tirst to create the instrument by which t hmgs can he dont'. That instrument. in the modl..'rJl world, must be a body of devoted men bound together by a volun- discipline, and inspired by a great ideal to march in ... tt'P tn thl' salvation uf their country. Fascism has created in Britain an organisation whieh the politics of this COWltry has never seen before: an organisation dMigned. Dot for talk, but for action. Our enemies say that this form of organis.1.t ion and the I'a.o:;ci:.t idt'a arc imported from abroad; that is not true. Our Fascism in Britam is British I"'ollgh alld "'rollgh.
The motto to which we march is " Britain First." The spirit which carries liS forward is the spirit of 1914, which puts the love and service of our country above every individual and every faction in the State. n is true that other countries before us have passed through their crises, and have found that the old men and the old parties were drifting to disaster. TIley have fowld before us that only the new creed of the post-\Var age, which is Fascism, could save their countries from catastrophe. So they have turned to new men and Dew methods, and two of the greatest countries in Euro.P8 have been saved from collapse by Fascism. But the fact that other countries have already saved themselves is not a good reason for Britain refusing La save herself! Rather is it a reason (or us to exert ourselves, and to do even better than other countries have done. We Fascists in Britain are determined to build, bere in our own land. the greatest Fascist State in the world, and we are confident of doing it. \Ve believe that the post-' Var creed of Fascism is more naturally suited to the British character than to any other nation in the world. After all, the essence of Fascism is team-work; the power to puJl all together until the country is saved. ' ""hat other nation is so capable of producing that spirit as Britain? We Noed Your Help Therefore we know that Fascism in Britain will fmd its greatest destiny, and will here express it highest But we need your help. Already our ranks are largely filled with ex-servicemen. In the first year of our existenee we have advanced more rapidly than any other Fascist :novement in the world. are leading the new generatio? loyalty. to Bing and country, and in the d.etermination to build an England worthy of those who died for ber. ,Ve ask you not to stand asidc from this and not to be sidetracked any longer as the ex-servJceman has been for the last fIfteen years. Exert you;.;clvcs ! Rally to the great cause, to the same cause wruch set milhons 91 nearly tWl'l\ty years a o. T ' hug-land from a Corci n en h\;l1 you .marched to Britain on the ruins of olel bU},ld a greater that ta. .. k you gloriouslv fulfdled ' tJ' lC trst part of awaits your ,1e second part still Pull together with us in Fascism to bwold th Britain! e greater R"priUit'd from " The Blackshirt," September 16, 1933. TRADES UNION CONGRESS LIES THE " JELLY FRONT'
BRO?\LLEY, speaking at the Trades Union Congress,
IS, reported by two newspapers to have used the words: "Every Blackshirt who stands in the street IS a menace not only to the honour of women but to their disfigurement and maltreatment in the brutal dungeons they will create to the absolute exclusion of the slightest respect (or sex." (The " Dat'/y Express." 8th September, 1933. ) .. Every Blackshirt in our streets to-day was a menace to their honour, and stood for their disfigure- ment, brutal u5<1.ge, and the exclusion of the slightest respect for their sex." (The II Daily Herald, " 8th September, 1933.) These words were used by Mr. Bromley in moving a composite resolution against Fascism at the Trade Union Congress. We reply that Mr. Bromley is a liar and a scoundrel. He is a liar because he knows that his statement is ridi- culOUSly untrue; he is a scoundrel because words such as these are a deliberate incitement to violence and bloodshed. It is difficult to imagine any language more nicely calculated" to produce a breach of the peace." The use of such language is certainly a breach of the existing law of Britain. Any man who is accused of the dishonour, disfigurement and brutal usage of women would be naturally provoked to give his accuser the sound thrashing which his lies deserve. Therefor e the law makes it an offence to use o 92 language which is liable to pr?ducc s uch a result. Nothing but the iron discipline of FasCism prevents such .occurrences in face of the steady stream of Iymg abuse agamst aU. car the black shirt which is poured out from Soclahst Retaliation of the kind which likc deserve would be greeted with a howl o{ FasCIst out rage" in n?w united of Socialism and of .the great capitahst mterests wInch support the Reds agamst Fascism because thcy fear them less. . Therefore all such retaliation which l1ught damage the Fascist cause is forbidden by order within our Words break no bones, and the very violence and absurdIty of their statements recoil in ridicule on Socialist heads. We can afford to laugh at the bombastic nonsense of men like Bromley, whose terror of Fao;cisill leads them to ever greater absurdities. . .. But a more serious aspect of these antIcs a rises o.ur consideration and preparation: the dupes of leaders are daily more inflamed by words Fascism, and are thus deliberately mClted to VIolence against Blackshirts. The attempts on is?lated gre:'ups of our men are steadily increasing. This wmter, the intensive Fascist platform campaign, we may an increase in organised Red violence, when those who are called the " Responsible of labour have language of this character. Thelf foUowe:s. whe:' behe\ e the statements of men like Bromley, are bemg deliberately incited. in language which is a breach of the law, to red.ouble their efforts of physical violence to prevent the vOIce of Fascism being heard. The Red Terror 'Ve shall meet and defeat Red force with the cou";t er- force of Fascism, as we have done when our have been attacked. It is a far task .for us t?-da). with our present large membership, than It was 111 the carly days. We have met and beaten t!le Reds we were onl y a handful ; the and .diSClp masses of Fascists to-day will have latle difficult} m repelling the Red Terror. 'd f Once a ain, however, we put on record,. 111 a vance 0 that a rising, that it ,,:as not FasCism that it. The Defence Force of FasCIsm has never been use 10 93 aggn's.-;ion against the 1l1('l'tin" f . and it will lx- used dO'r d ur l'nCml(':s: It ha\ tht.'lr vloll.nc...... l: en OUf Il1l'Ctmgs from The British . h flee sP88Ch meetings to derODd has preS'''ed in the pasl and willIS a d ng f hi wbicb Faocilm B I eMdm.fu_ fom l'y. from a s..1.CC distance . 't ) . . \rIok'nec; we warn ';is dUI';s' of liS to :\fr. Bromlc\' has now left fa edger of such achon. BC3vcrbrook's .. Exproos " . r ana a, we learn from Lord I .. . ("" In an announcement wort! f t Ie of a travelling Royalty. Bromlc 's follo l !. 0 rcmam to his statements that Fasci;m threat::: h,onour <?{ th,Clf WOmen, and to have their (cclin sa I Casc1!>m mall11amed at fever-heat by the subtler Cganda o Lord BC3vcrbrook. await equanimity the attacks of the new front the one real (orce which exists in Bntam to-day. ] hat united (ront now stretches the IC!lgth the Old Gang, from Lord Beaverbrook to Mr. 1 With the gelatine mass o( the Old Trade Union leadership m the centre . . Thc.re is new or unfamiliar to vascism in this situation; It is a classic situation as Fascism gathers streng.th. Be(ore now, both in Italy and in Germany, the great mterests have joined with Socialjsts and Communists to Fascism. They do not fear Communism, and they despLSe the flabby and cowardly leadership o( Socialism. But they do Fascism, and any instruments are good e!l0ugh to beat It. In Germany they called their combina- tion .. Iron Front," and through that iront Fascism broke as Ii It were brown p..1.pcr J In Britain we might well it as the" Jelly Front," (or it is composed of every fad.ure III Old politics. congealed into a shapeless mass h.as no conscIous or coherent purpose except animosity to l' asclsm. Occasionally, to keep up the pretence that they arc still fighting each other, they throw each other a few bouquet s in such adjectives as .. dangerous." In reality, they arc aU huddled ever closer together in a comer of the Old Gang paddock, and arc lowering their mutton horns against the new force of Fascism, whi ch they fear will drive them along paths alien to the interests which they serve to the salvation of the country which they have so long betrayed. 9' So Lord Beaverbrook boosts the utterances and the movements of the insignificant Bromley and the leading Sunday paper refers to .. the sobriety of a Trades Union Congress" which deliberately incited its followers to violence. Bromley- Sycophant of Murderers Bromley, who in 1924 t oured Russia in fawning adulation of a system which was responsible for two miUion murdeno and innumerable bestial outrages, is good enough in 1933 lor the capitalist Press to hold on high as the moral censor o( Fascism. Thus the" Jelly Front" oozes into action! Well, Fascism is ready for them, and Fascism ",,'ill not forget. The rank and file of Trade Unionism and the young and patriotic leaders of Trade Unionism who are. emerging in Fascism will find a greater scope and miSSion for their movement within the Corporate State. But the Old Gang leaders who have betrayed the nation, whether they be Trade Union official, banker, or lord, will not succeed in saving their cowardly hides by lies or slander. 95 "TJ BI It: m;/..'sll1'rl," September 23-29, 1933. L AND DICTATORSHIP TH,E Socialist and the Capitalist Press t -d - denunciation of dictatorship. The of ,their em.pty minds give forth a loud but m . n;ms \\:hen struck this magi.c word. They sches.I,n t,he of their thought. Thei r general IS that I? two great, countries of Europe, )[ussolini and respectively arc dictating their own will against of these two They allege that the forty- h\o the It<l:han people cower in terror before 1I1ussohlll, while the sixty-two mill ions of the German people tremble beneath the tyrannous yoke of Hitler. Mussolini's Immense Popularity The a. self-evident absurdity. How can one, man IllS ,wtIl on sixty-two millions of people their will? 10 compare such modern leaders with the dictators or tyrants of the ancient world is one of the :;illiest travesties of the truth of which even the Old Gang Press has been gui lty. In fact in modern conditions the men who are denounced as dictators are not dictators, but leaders. Hitler polled more than 17 million voles at an election. Is it suggested that all these people voted for him against their will? It is admitted, even by his opponents, that at an election to-day he would poll an overwhelming majority of the Gcmlan people. In fact he is not a d ictator, but a leader of enthusiastic and determined masses of men and women bound together by a voluntary discipline to secure the regeneration of their country. )russoiini was long represented as a man governing against the will of the Italian people, with the aid of a few armed bands who had seized power by a mixture of force and cunning. Yet in his !'ecent tour of Italy during the tenth Anlliversary celebraUons of Fascist rule, he was given a popular reception probably exceeding in enthusiasm any recept ion given to an individual in the history of the world. 96 The evidence is available to aU in the record of the cinema ftlms taken on t his occasion. Tn every great town of Haly, hundreds of thousands were gathered together to meet him. Every hat of every man, every scarf of every woman in those vast assemblies, was waved on high, and the roar of their cheers was only comparable to the waves of a sea in a st orm. What childish nonsense, then, to denounce a man as a dictator governing against the will of the people, and to compare him to the tyrants of old! He is, in fact, a leader of genius who stood fum and founded Fascism when the old leaders of the old parties and the old sysrem itseli broke into hopeless confusion. To-day he is supported by the enthusiastic gratitude of the nation whom he saved. The masses who support him know that national salvation can only come by a voluntary discipline. TIle great execut ive instruments of the world are authority, order, loyalty, discipline, and without them nothing can be achieved. Gladly they have cast aside the false forms of li ber ty, which are simply the liberty of a few professional windbags to blether while the nation perishes. Willingly they have adopted discipline in order to enjoy tlie realities of liberty, which can only be found in the end of economic chaos. For this purpose they have accepted the Jeadership of a Fascist movement which in ils tum accepts the leadership of Jlussolini because it know::> thal in the absence of authority and decision by those prepared to shoulder and capable of exercising it, nothing in this world can be done. All this, of course, is anathema to the old men and the old parties. They fear responsibility and they shrink from it. They shelter behind anonymoUS committees and the indecision of talkative parliaments. They hate leadership because they are incapable of exercising it. and fear it because they know it will sweep ru:ad the1C system. away. Every system in its degeneration finally produces Its own caricature. Socialism has reached its fmal reduction to absurdity in the resolutions on this subject which the National Executive of the L..'l.bour Party will submit to their forthcoming Party Conference. 97 J I ..... ,t" ,lfl' dt.'si!-:Ill'{l to st.'cur' b . that no nun nl'C 11').:1\ within tht'; k .l ut on\' thmg (" l'r hnuhkr n,'spon,ihility or ('um (If I I.:,tl?C lUf ... hall )lini ... tl'r mu ... t rhl' ahllH't 11\\h\ rl'fl'r l'\'l'q-thing to th. p. )". .' t, tllt Vll' l\u:ty must fl.-fl'C rall sOlon t ongc\.':-.., and tht.' I .abour ParI)' Conf Ie an t I ' -, . Cft'nCt' . \. sn (Hl 11/ "'./""Ium in thl' happ\' I)aths of bl'll I' ulIll ('I'ton . l lee 3tH
.' \\>'11. arl' While 1.abour talks 1 !isllsm \\111 act. l';b.(,lsm bt:hevl's in lcadcn.hip Ct" " am.l Our discipline in the B;iti",l; ,)"'.(lsis IS ccrtamly \'oluntary. {or Wt' have no power nor any It'aving us at any moment that it m';l) Ish to do so. \ et tholL...ands of young Englishmen together. in. .kno" that only a disciplined hlScist movement c n s..l\"\' their country. Fascist leaders are simply men who go ahead and do the .. th.e doing of that job, they gather round 10 disciplined organisation others who are deter to serve this COWltry. The test of their capacity 15 tbm in fonnjng a Fascist movement through the hard years of struggle. Their authority does nol resl on c::ommittees, nor on the votes of Old Gang conferences. Thetr authority rests on their ability to lead and to inspire others with their determination. This the origin and principle of Fascism, and before long thIS shall be the triumph of Fascjsm. 98 Repritl/ed from II The Blackshirt," September 30, 1933. BRITAIN FOR THE BRITISH THE ALIEN MENACE A (jlV\VE alien problem exists in this country. At a time when over two million Britons are unemployed. thousands of aliens are enjoying a good living in our midst. Worse still, under a slack and indulgent Government. many more are getting into the country by various routes. some devious and some direct. The principle of Fascism is clear. \Vhile Britons are unemployed not a single alien should be admitted into this country. )lore than this: while Britons are unemployed. the aliens who now hold jobs should not be pemtitted to retain them. This policy would no doubt create hard cases which would excite the frenzied agitation of Socialists and sentimental supporters of the present Government. Nothing on a big scale can ever be done without creating hard cases. On the other hand, our opponents should remember that over two million hard cases exist in Britain to-day among the British unemployed. If we have to choose between hard cases (or Britons or hard cases (or foreigners, we simply choose the latter. Fascist policy, without hesitation or equivocat ion, is "Britain First." Open Door to Foreigners This country suffers more than any other from 3D alien problem. For years before the War, Liberal and Tory Governments opened wide our gates to every kind of alien. many of whom were highly undesirable. The traditional British policy for years past has been the open door to the foreigner. Under the stress of post.\Var unemployment, these facilities have been reduced, but many aliens still get through the net. Even if their entry were now stOPped altogether, we should still be l aced with a great alien problem arising from the thousands who are now living in the country. Outside labour exchanges in many areas, the English language is sc<'\rcely spoken. Hundreds of men queueing up to draw 99 a hendit provided by Britons, arc in it) . ilnd C"l'U language, complCh'h' r ,J outlook. art' and they an' >re fhelr sta.ndards aitog('thl'r below the Brit"ish otOlit ork . wages tlll'r arc a. threat, 110t anI r to the B .. " e, .\ s a result, to every Englishman in a at but pool of 'labour C[.t!at can draw Its cheap supplies to undcnn' pi a. Ism low wage stlstem '!'!,e J'r'ee"e Tevcnd the pr,C'iCllt ] "bernr" . .J ' '. ra e system of .;Ie ';SJll arnd S?Ctahsm, willch was in practice simply . re('{ om 0 Capital," found this resOurce vc U!>eful to Cft.'ate the low wages and to produce the chca ry! bo which it dc I IT' P a ur on . I .. ppen< . ory protection, which in practice is y of Capital" and not ol thc worker thiS ahcn supply very uscful to maintain prodtechvc system of high profits, coupled with low an unemployment. low Wag e , 1 alien menace, pennittcd and encouraged by the IS 0!le ol the r:'ain factors in keeping \\ages lo\\, It 15 a pohcy lor in the end low wages and low pW'chasing-power mean i,;dustrial stagnat ion, because they destroy the home market. But our rulers out Jor. quick profits, de:> not look beyond unmedlate obJectlve ol low wages, m the creation of which they find the alien very useful. . In it is not natural. but right that the Br:ttlSh worker should feci an mtense resentment against the allen menace. which. is fostered alike by the National <?ovemment, which deSires low wages, and by Socialist wh?SC flabby internationalism always bach the forclgner agamst the Britisher. Anti-alien feeling in some quarters of very small sign ificancc is confined i o mere anti-Semitism. The British Union of Fascists is not anti- is not only unfair, but is also umhscrunmatlIl p and IIlcffective. The low type of J ew who ha. .. come to thiS country from abroad and should be sent back whence he comes is Ilot by any mcans the only alien who threatens our standards of life. Abo tJlere are good Jews as well as bad Jews, and we refuse to attack a man merely because he is a Jew without any inquiry whclher he h;L'" servcd Britain with his blood or ha!:) served her enemies 100 with his money .. )Iany)cws have fought for this country, and some of thelr families, through years and centuries, have proved themselves to be loyal citi7..cns of Britain. Such men have nothing to fear (rom Fascism. Oebasing t ho Nat i on On the othcr hand, the low type of foreign Jew, together w!th other aliens who arc debasing the life of this nation, WIll be run out of the country in doublequick time under Fascism, and if they study their own interests, the better type of Jew who in the course of years has become Ihoroughly British in outlook, will be very glad to see them go. For aliens are the people who bring discredit upon the JeWISh race, and arouse fecling against them. These are the men who are to the fore in eyery crooked financial deal which damages British interests. These are the men who have introduced the weapon of the razor and the knife to our streets in support of the alien interests which they serve. \Vc do not care whether the alien be a pillar of inter- !1ational financc or a member of a razor gang which takes Its orders from in this matter, as in all others, we know no class distinction. I.f they are proved to be disloyal to British interests either in the sphere of high finance or in the Communist battles of the street, they will go out of the country neck and crop under Fascism. For these arc elements which the Fascist State cannot and will not absorb. They are a c.'lncer in the body politic which require a surgical operation. In Ule past, this nation has absorbed many types and many races. We are composed of more different races than almost any other nation in the world, and to this fact we owe much of the versatile genius which has cnabled us to found the greatest Empire in the world. If we had been merely a pure race type of Nordic men, we should have achieved no more than Sweden or >lorway. Nevertheless, while we are undoubtedly a mixture of races, ou.r ancestors have been drawn from the very flower of the races of mankind. To the making of modem Britain, thc globe has given of its best, and in a varied but brilliant blending the virile race of British Empire has been born. Three ccnturies of Roman occupation, a period as long as 101 th.lt \\'hil.'h dividl'S tl.") t l '!, ! 1 rl.'St'll d'l' f ' \.l,r l'S I., goa",\,.' to lhis isl d : ) rOm the lime of .L:lIlUh, laid tht' founda: n ,the flOwl'r of the latin ia\\-s wluch are srmboli. ... cd I of Our customs and Our found on Our puhllc Fasces to be rt-'\'olution in I tah" had "_10.<1. . .cen U1les before Fascist f ! .' IX"'l conceived TI N d' rom. t lC Scandinavian countr' .' Ie l Or Ie men contnbuted their quota to 0 Ill. later generations dtgn.'t' and over a lesser pe' lUI (s .ock, although in lcs..<; finally Nonnan, ;U .. , The Teuton, and l'ontnbuhon which the lead' c, Bntlsh blood the finest otTer. T()-da\" modem B Il?hons of world had to greatest races of the IS a composite product of ThereCore while it t not derivoo Crom an)' olSnc rue tObS.'l.Yrrthat the. Englishman is .. . race ut om a mlxt f :n 1e to ,say .that ru'e the ,tock .. accordmgly IS determined that this iow . liS na Ion shall not be debased by the ve to est t h ypes bf the modem world who have been adm,'ttedry our S orcs y Old G G the Polish '. . lang ovenunents. The foreign Jew the' cnmma, the Lascars who displace Britons element. sea, will have no place in Britain gold in of the razor gangs with Red quick if th ,poe e s WI to out of England very who has e). are t.o save therr skms. The alien financier ab d uscg the City of London to finance OUI' competitors , damage British industry by financial .in the same vessels as their ;ot.hers-m-arms. Bntam for the British" will be th(> pnnclple of Fascism while we build the Greater Britain.
102 Reprif./ed from" Tlte Blackshirt," October 14-20, ]933. LABOUR RUNS AWAY AGAIN THE MOTHERS' MEETING AT HASTINGS L ABOUR faced with a decision has run away again. That, in a sentence, is the story of their Hastings Conference. All decision on the main question of the day is postponed for another year. The mothers' meeting which is called a Labour Conference has broken up in shrill discord. They were faced with the breakdown of Parlia- mentaI")' Government owing io its endless talk, obstruction and delay. The omy decision they have SO far registered is to increase discussion and deJay. In age which dtll1j.(ltIds the power of a Goverlltllet.t to act, they have decided to di",illish yet fm/her the pO'weY of a G01'erfWJent to act. In addition to Parliament being consulted on every issue, the Conference has decided that the Labour Party caucus must also be consulted on every major issue. The Prime Minister must refer everything that matters to ihe Cabinet, which is io remain a large and talkative commit tee; the Cabinet must refer it to the Pa.rliamentary Labour Party; that body in tum must refer it to a Joint Council of the National Executive of the Labour Party and of the Trades Union Congress. So all possibility of effective action wiU be lost in the endless avenucs of futilc discus."ion and compromise. Verbose CommiHees uch a system, of course, is a haven of rest and delight to the old leaders of Democracy. The responsibility of leadership is handed on to scores of verbose committees . The painful necessity of a decision never rests upon an individual leader. Even departmental chiefs will be able to take refuge behi.nd yet more committees whose whole cOllstituiioll and charactcr inhibit them from reaching any decision. Such is the declared policy of the l.abour Party which emanates from the Hastings Conference. Decision 011 the biggest issue before them is po$tponed for another year of lobbying and intrigue in Party caucus and Trades Union 103 LOIlv-n .. - - . -('I . o tat IS-";lh,: wa ' .... >d ;tud SIr Stallord Cr' by the Socialist L
which he gave the foU years ago, and . o:l1mlttcc on Parliamentarv l>ro .l.:'car before the ,\rl;: by that period out of dat I cee tile. fhese proPOsnls l:t'gardcd as very advanced e. _;;It by they arc Stafford Cripps mad . I le additions which Sir a d ' U k. . e to t lem are aJI 1 ' n WI v\:: examined 1 t' .. agel leT vicious The procedure which a cr ,111, th,lS .artlcle. ' from New Party pol icy has copied Act under which a GovernmcntO an mcrgcncy Powers anyone of which can be eh can by Orders, decision by a s uggcsted has heel \V ong.mal obstr uctive devices at the I d a rt<a own wuh vanous would of course still speed Cripps, but it cedurc. How much less eff. I' P . . harliamentary pro- can be . delve It IS t an Fascist polic this from a brief survey of Fascism's position Fascist Policy Fascism would pass im d' t I complete power f t" me la e y an Acl which conferred function of l\[ P SO ac Ion upon the Government. The . . '.' not be to remain at \Vestminster and IIltnguing in the lobbies and b I . 10 the Chamber tl d ,0 s ructmg to do und<er th ley 0 at present and would continue would be t t e rll PPS The function of M.P.s o ae as eaders In their own localities in carrvin through the execut ive work of Fascist G g \Vhen Parlia ment was ca lled t ogether a<t inte the work of F . t G rvi.US 0 review . ovemment, they could then advance based on practical experience which wo .. -e t le place of the uninformed and partisan OP.posltlon of the present Party system. r: he would have complete power of action to pcnodl(? by an informed and instructed opinion. At the end of the liCe of the Parbame!lt, a new Parliament would be electcd, not on a gco.graphJcal but Oil an occupational franchisc, undcr alld women would votc within their own in- du!:) tnes With a full knowledge of the personnel and subjects with which lhey wcre dealing, That techni cal assembly, by its very nature, would for ever aboli sh Parly politiCS and would give stability to a new and revolutionary con- ception of Government. Continuity of Government and system would be assured by the fact that a Government would no longer be attacked on Parly grounds, but on) \, on grounds of inefficiency and gross abuse. With tile technical assistance available in such a Parliament, Fascist Government could complete the transformation of our national life. Revollltif:m will be stabilised, atJd wilen (l'e stabilise ret'01111i01I tte create a tleu' civilisation. No great understanding of Fascist policy is required to grasp the profound differences between !:)uch a policy and the proposals of the Sociali st League, which at their best are a stale imitation of New Party proposals two years ago, and which in the new and vicious features added by Lawyer Cripps are a definite danger to the structure of the State. At present , the big bosses of the T.U.C. reject thi s effort to imitate the fi rs t pale shadow of Fascist policy whi ch attempted to make more workable the procedure of a decadent Parliament. Even if it is accepted next year . the effort is entirely destroyed by the provisions which the Conference have adopted this year. As already ob- served, these provisions insist on discussion of every big item of Labour Party policy within the Party caucus. 0" Ille one IIaud Sir Stafford Cripps proposes 10 curlail diseussioll itl Parliament; 011 Ille olher lumd Ihe Confercnce lias dec"-ded to -ill crease discllss"-on "'1 the caflC1lS. If both proposals are adopled. the tid effect of Labour Party policy , .... 11 be to tratlsfer disCflssio,1 mId pou:er fr01I1 ParUa11lenl to lite Party eaflCIIS. /tl stel,d of lite 1Ial;01" S bllsitless beitlg obstrllcted by 11fru hh01l1 IIII' IIa/ion has elected, as at prese,lI, I/u; tlaNolI's bllsi1l1'ss, fmder Labo"r, lcill be obstrllcted by mell selected by a ('ie-jolls Parly eatlCfIS. Such a policy will complde the mit' of Democralic Govertutu:tll. Sir Stafford Cripps has already stated that his course would lead . to an immediate conflict, not only with the Crown . .... \\'c have already dealt on morc than one occasion with his despicable attemptg to involvc the Crown in the struggle of interests and of parties. Fru;cism will take responsibility for its own revolution without seeking to involve thc Crown, which it re\'crcs and will 105 hold high aboVl' Party C . . tht' applil"atiun of his >olic"" furt her that to fl'volutiun and viol("llci witl ill
to fOfCteU." ' I \\ HH results It IS 1m. tl On thf contrary; Wt' can inonn the little lawyer that ll' n's.u Is arl' .110t at aU " impO&:iible to a:e- "n.t. III th.c n.'<":nt his.tory of Europe for all n ... ld. postunng l\.l'rcnsklS of Socialism )reci )t t a rl',:ulutlou by a policy drnftcd in their at t.lw h:,nds of slick little lawyers. They pre. that. lhe take advantage of It, that Is thr ill::;tnflc and mcv-itable function of Social ])cmocr:\c". < . Social!sts create revolution, but do not create rcvolu. N? organisation of disciplined man. IS bchtnd. I.hem. lhcy.have nothing to call upon in the. hour of (:nSIS but the fnghtened .ratter of a startled " For they abh?r leadership, every executive IIlst rument of li fe by \\ alone cnsls can be met and results can be achieved. \\ hen the revolutionary situation arrives which t hey ha,'c crcated, they disappear with the gentle sigh of a punctu:cd windbag. Behind them emerges the real revolutionary force of an organised Communist movement long prepared and trained for" the day." I n that hOll; of anarchy and collapse to which Socialism leads Fascism alone will stand between Britain and disaster. ' 106 Reprinted from" Tile Blackshirt," j llly 15, 1933. GERMANY REVISITED THE HUMAN SIDE OF HITLERISM I T was with some misgiving that r took my place in the 'plane for Germany. What should r flOd behind the mists and cloud!:> of political propaganda, and newspaper sensation that have hidden the real G<-rman landscape from us? It was six years since J had last been in Gennany. What would the new Germany be like? The English papers assured me it was not a new Germany at aU, but merely the old prewar Germany o( Prus!;ianism, ) lilitarism and Bureaucracy. " 'ell, I should sec. At first sight. however. there was little enough of Hitlerism to see in Germany. everyone seemed to be going about his business as usual. even the Jewish shops and large department stores such as Tietz and Wertheim were trading as usual. The only outward sign of the great change that has taken place was the number of black. white. and red flags, and great swastika banners. with whieh the streets were decorated. and the few. very few. brown shirts to be seen here and there. Concentration Camps As I hail come to see something a little more sensational than this, I asked my friends to arrange a visit to a con centration camp, which was immediately done, and after showing me the knives and revolvers, bombs and dynamite, used by the Communists again::;.t them, I was driven out to the local ., Konzentrationslagcr." The polit ical prisoners are in army huts. slccl?ing in double tiered anny beds, evcrytlung vcry clean and tidy. The men themselves were occupied in excavati.ng a new open air swimming bath. and all looked very fit and well as if the out..of.doors work agreed with them. were bandaged or showed signs of bruising or ill treatment, although several notorious personalities were pointed out to me, such as the former Lord Mayor o! the neighbouring city. the former Governor of the Provmce. ruld the former Chic! of Police. 107 \11 tht'st.' h;\\'l' Iu work and sl'." .. -,upporll'rs, whl) ha\'t,' at hst '\I} .. up IIit'il" !nrnlt'r fe'.d ,lnluaintilllt.' t,'. ,.. npportmuty Clf making Kept Hi, Parole I w,\s hl!d tkLt thi:. dose ;l,s,sociati " . k,llil'fS was ha\'inS its d(l' t't 'I 1 'HIli thCll' fonllrf fI-"11 .. ' ,,00IHUllucn;o{th'rak 1 It. l.lt Illal I.' thl'lf Ill'act.' with th' " : c. n an{ 't'l al Ih'n.' for the becll I ht. al1(1 humanity of t he Nazi ,gll;UpsC of tk(,ISIOIl was maliC' on th\.' SPOl l 1 .' ea ers, \\hcn the l' .. 0 n' ease one of the heft' .ltl{ of tht' Communist Ii hte ICSt of tht' S()\"Il't agitators He h",1 a r .. I'S.'I a poor dupe 1 1 1 ... u C "lUI Y to support .1Ol l'll nIn.'ally 1)('1..'1l given short >criod f I I ab:'ol'Ut.' t' I)<\coll' from which he had re:urned\,?th punt'.tua. Ity. " 'hen I left the camp a Nazi om . , . argulIlg matter with the Police who were to h;.lvl.' tltls dangcrolls IUall oncl..' morc at liberty. } 1 h:Hl act,uall.r c(lIne to Germany to watch a march past (f thl. thllu and here I was made to realise that !!l('rl' W;}S an l'lltlrl.'l), new spirit abroad in the Fatherland llw pn..'-war German\' had repressed and d' . I' d' "outh . G ' ISCIP me . .' aZI .crmany encourages and organises youth. The Leader of the Hitler Youth for all Germany von Schirach, is only 26 years old, and is able appreCIate and understand the enthusiasm and idealism of the young, ns could 110ne of the old. dry-as-dust professors and school-masters of the old regime. like Our Own Scouts .\S .J watched 50,000 boys aged from 8 to IS come 1)""lSt, I irresistibly reminded of our own Boy. Scouts.; for the younger .groups (up 10 the age of 14) rarned the sante pennants with animal symbols; and it was d.dig.htful to set' the public aU along the street give the full S<'"llute to these (lags as the boys carried them past. 1 asked where the official " Pat hfinders " \n-rl', and was wid that they had been absorbed bodily into 111(' Hitler Youth and were marching with the others. So much for til(' .. truth " of the supposed suppression of th(> Boy Scouts in Germany. 1t is scarcely necessary 10 mention that, unlike Ollr own o:r.c.s, none of the Hillcr Youth arc armcd cven with dummy wcapons, and, up to lOB ti l(' ilgt. of 14. wear the standard H(,y Srout uniform known all over t he world. Only one incongruolls 1'1('ment brok( tilt.' cont inuit y fJf til(' march thc Scharnlu:mit group, thl' YfJuth 100\"('- Illent of t he Stahlhelm. These were dn, ... S(d in tll(. old fil' ldgrey uniform, complete with military cap, and \wre ll'd by form(' r offi cers. The officer 1c.1.ders came P:lst " g()(Js/'. steppi ng" in the sliff rcgimt.'nla.1 style of til(' flld army, whilc t he boys made great efforts to copy them. The' <-Ider olles madc a pas..';able imitation, but tht ludicrous if not pa t het ic effect of littlc boys of eight to tcn years of agl' t rying to .. goose-step," while their uniform caps slipped further and further over their noses and (.'ars. was almo'it tOO much for my sense of humour. But, hark. were ther(' not jokes and sniggers passing bctween the :'\'azi behind me? Has Germany learned to laug-h at ! The reason for the suppression of the Stahl helm, thc gradual incorporation of its youth int o the Hitl(r Youth, began to dawn on me. This new )1(1O':i Germany h;l'i no usc for the old regime; it has now turned to the subjection of the Right , aftcr having disposed .of the dang('rous And all our papers call say JS that Hltlcr turns on hI'" All ies " with an ignorant or wilful lack of comprdumsion After having seen the officers of the old regime in their full splendour endeavouring to impress their youthful conquerors, I' turned to a consideration of the officers about me. I noticed the comradely manner m which they called each other by their names and used the brotherly familiar " Du " and " dieb." I rememl>cred how we had all eaten together with thc boys, the s .. tllle soup, the same black bread, at the:. local slaughterhouse. where alone there was sp..1.cc to feed .)OpOO hungry youths. r how. \\:1..' h,ad out into thc country III the fast ::otaf( c.ars, the boys and girls of thc villages had to .the of road to give us the sal ute. plP.mg Hed, thtlcr! III their shrill voices; and I had noticed how thesc same officcn> had solenUlly returned thc salute ?-S the car by. 1 rcmeml>cred how at the torchhght procession of the evening before, when Baldur von Schirach took thc s..1.lute at the open window of his hotel, he allowed a ten-year-?ld boy, who happened to be in the room, to stand beSide lum. 109 Surdy this was not the stiff mT '. days, surely here was a new J I d iSCipline of the old a new humour ;;' I be t ltllalHty, a new friendliness thnn I had felt (;1 at home, more at Het urned to En land rn 1 up may be. summed nahon. It IS neither the 0 ?a) IS an ent irely new nOr the Germany of pre-war a post-v':a r humiliation, human Germany than either It IS a much more !s the stiff sabre-rattling militaris pettifoggmg officialdom, replaced by th m. gone the natured, human spirit of . e rough, esseIlce of Hitlerism Th comradeship which is the make mistakes maY a t men be too hasty, may lessJy, but is a w'd es Be arshly and thought.. COld-blooded officialdo;" e and the A new humour pervades the laughing at thenlSCI . country, I have heard ;;.i s
Repri11ted from" The Blackshirt," August 5, 1933. WHEN DAY IS DONE FASCISTS START WORK is over. for the day and the office has of . the usual discussion of the best way spending the even mg. 1 he cashier is hurrying off (or a gall'l:e golf, is going to play tennis, the IS takmg hIS girl to the cinema, and the offie?, boy IS stamps at record speed to be in time b for th7 dogs. Only young Brown, with the Fascist . adge plJl".ed t o the lapel of his jacket, docs not seem IOteres ted In . the great. problem of how best to amuse oncs:clf. He IS metho{lic..1. 11y packing up his things and gettmg ready to report for duty. In a mi".utes is saluting the scutry at H.Q. ; changes qllJckly lOl o JlIS black shirt and is snatching a meal 110 down in the canteen before the evening's duties begin. Before long an officer comcs clattering clcJ\\'ll the stairs calling for volunteers to steward a m<.'Cting, and Brown, bolt ing do\\'ll the rest of his sandwiches, hurries upstairs to join the others in one o{ the vans. To-night it is the old open Morris van, which has been through more trouble and has seen morc fighting than anyone member in the movement. Nobody knows how often the driver's windows have been broken, dents of i tones and gashes of sticks and other weapons scar her sides, there is not much paint JeU on her ; but we aU love the old Morris, and some day there will be an honoured place for her in the permanent Fascist Exhibition. A Mixed Reception To.night she is pushing her ugly nose through the 'Vest End, and the Blackshirt s aboard are getting rather a mixed recept ion from the crowded pavements. Here and there are dark lowering faces, hostile eyes, muttering voices. Here it is that our paper sellers have been bnltally attacked and injured. But to-night we are not interested in the West End; the Morris keeps pushing on North and East. Soon we pass the .. Angel " and approach our dcst ina_tion. The spacious, brightly lighted streets of the J!.n? are far behind us. We arc in the midst of the squalid, dmg)" but teeming East End of London. As we pass catcalls go up from groups gathered outside the public small boys blow rude (' raspberries " ; but we are used to all this that we laugh tolerantly. At last we have arrived and draw up in a side st reet off the main thoroughfare, where some local Fascists are waiting for us. Brown off the .van '.vith the Blackshirts from H.Q. and IS soon chattmg With some of IllS old friends from the local branch. He learns that last wt.'Ck's meeting was rowdy and that there is <l: rnmour t.hat the Communists are going to tum up In force thiS evening. But that' s all in the day's work. Let co,!,e '. Attention! The speaker for the evenlllg IS chmbmg on to the van. already people a rc collecting at the junction of the side street and the main road, Ihe meeting is ready to begin. The Blackshirts arc posted in a scmi-circle round III feM of tht van, which act s as I I ht'Y ha,'c ordt'rs to face the s p for the s]>l'akcr <1!'(}Wd. " 't, HUlst take the backs to ht has b<'guTl io 01 11" mg at from behind H k I lIle aUf policy . e 'pea ,quietly at first b t th . enthusiasm rises and hi" I" as e crowd gathers his ech d c ear YOWlg yO' . omg own the street dri ' h Ice 18 SOOn of Our policy. ,Vll1g ome the salient pOints ., Britain 'i,sl . '. j' '" rt"Tcamsc tlU/llst ' l consuming pOll'er o/l,,;c' But \'I,.'ry SOOn hecklers be' . . rapidly growing crowd Shollt (rOIll the ['"iolls.;) .. " Il'/wI abo;,/ /' J so) ,. tal f!bollt 'lte Trade "e t.'tt's. arc raised Organised Opposition . Patiently the speake J . will be given later, but b that ,time for chance to put over Our poJi ' /i qllleft !l,o\\". to give lum IS relative quiet, then the C,\ minutes Brown, as an experienced , t ' d egllls all. over agalll. oPp<?silion has ' the crowd, and glancing over well in the back g ses several local Communists gathered this dircctior; It. is from efforts Ole 1 cc IIlg IS commg and Our e e to start singing the .. Flag." ' before ras had plenty of this sort of thing crowd' t off the better part of the Angry shout s of "Sh t s appeals for fai r play. away, and the bl a rt : e , the" Red Flag" dies Then comes question time a e a his address. lively. TOW the Communist's and thlllgs .get. much more questions 011 economics' a t ut tncky Marxian can descend to t ley don't like the Ulcreased to at least three to four crowd has now arc less than twenty Blackshirts all people. and there ODe the Communist leaders has turned from asking questions, and is deliberately ineiting !h crowd to attack us. e .. 11 you tile", had filly gftls, )'011 '/lIould sweep Ihesc Fasclsls ofl Ihe sll'eel$."
A quiet order a nd the Black:-;hirt Stewarde; have turned to fa.ce the crowd. The Communist leader is away on the out skirt s beyond our reach; in front of us arc mostly inoffensive youths and women, but the men at the back pushing and we arc gradually forced back upon the van. Suddenly an empty milk bottle comes sailing over the heads of the erowd from the Communist ranks and crashes on the side of the van. Several stones follow. With a rush a group of our men, headed by Brown, breaks through the pressing crowd, and dashes at the Communists. Several of them see us coming and run for it, but a few are too busy seeking for more missiles and these we are able to reach. The Communists Run Brown singles out one heft}' feUow he remembers ha\'ing sccn attempting to break up a meeting far in the Wcst of London. There is a sharp fight, but, IlOW that it is a question of a mall-to-man fight instead of throwing from a distance. the Communists are not so keen, and arc soon foll owing their comrades down the strcct. Meanwhile the speaker has been calming the rest of the crowd, and the disturbing elcmelll removed, we go on with the meeting. dealing with several intelligent which show that there is a great deal of sympathetic feeling towards us among the more patriotic section. . \1 last it is getting dark. and the speaker closes the meeting. As we drive off giving the Fascist salute and singing" L:p Fascists," there is cheering from the crowd. ;\nother meeting has been successfuUy concluded; and we have shown the Communists that we arc not to be attacked with impunity. We have dropped the local Fascists, and the old )Iorris is puffing her way home again. Young Brown will have a brand new black eye to explain at the office to-morrow. Another man has got a nasty cut on hjs cheek, and there are several other minor injuries; but we have to expect little things like that in fighting for Fascism. Fighting the Monaco So when you see Blackshirts passing on one of our vans, don' t think they are just " showing off their uniforms," ILl soldiers"; they have t Sttr1.ous bnsmess to do than that. mOre thetr pleasures. giving up their evenings to up to fight Ute Communist in vo ur where the average Londoner never Shows: it. All honour. therefore. to the R, r"'d Jrom .. Tlu Blackshirt," Octoha 7-13, 1933. THE FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF FASCISM IN BRITAIN
.1st I;bt, the fIrst anniversary of the
Brttlsl.l l nlon of .]asclsts. Only a year ago, was born III Bntain. The only ambition of the small lxUld launched the fodom hope of that time was to put hlSCl<;.m on the lllap in the first twelve months. That in the first few weeks of struggle. The hrst wltnessc..>d the greatest ndvance of any Fascist movement m .the world in so short a period, and certainly the most rapId progress that any new movement in this country has Even our enemies do not deny it, and our enemIes are bltteT. Fascism is discussed to.day in newspaper and on every platform where modern pohtlcs are debated. The savage denunciation of our foes IS answert.'(] by lhe fierce enthusiasm of our friends. O,gani.sed Growth Yet a year ago Fascism was greeted with a laugh nnd a shrug of the This change alone is something to have accomplished in twelve months. But somet hing more than mere interest in Fascism has been aroused by the campaign of the British Union of Fascism now exists in an organis(.'d form right through this country. Not only docs our memben-hip increase at an unprccedented spei!d; that increase in membership has been translated into organised strength. In one year, the colossal task has becn carried lhrough of building the steel frame of Fascist organisation. Only those who have been responsible for that task can conceive the magnitude of the labour. 114 Built without Money and every material was lacking; the buildi ng of Fascist organbation has been accomplbhed with an expenditure so small that the achievement is beyond the comprehension of the older parties. The old world babbled of the vast resources behind us. Those resources did not exis t. \Vc have built Fascism from nothing, with our bare hands. Not money, but human fl esh and blood and the undaunted spirit of our young manhood, have achieved that result. Blessed has been lhe poverty and the struggle of our early days, for our founda tions rcst upon the solid rock of sacrifice. Those who joined us came to give and not to take, for we had nothing to give them. The who floal in and out of new movements could find no rewards in our young Fasci<;m, for they did not exist. Ollly 'hose i,tspirul by a passiQllate entlmst'asm Jor ml. epic cause remained with us to huild the strength of the present day, hecause we had "othing to offer Lo a"yone hut the call to stUrijice. Such men as these have built this movement in challenge to all material things. Against us were arrayed the whole power of the Press. the strength of the old Party machines and the weight of the moneybags; we have smashed through Ihem all. A year ago, both the forces against us and the result of the struggle were anticipated in "The Grealer Brita;" ": "The great names of politics, the power of party machinery and Press, will oppose us with a trated barrnge of misrepresentation, or with a well-organised boycott, as they opposed all such movements as this in every country. But we have on our side forces which have carried such movements to victory thIoughout the world. We have ill 1misoll 1" Ollr calise 'he economic facJ.s and Ihe spiritual tendencies of Ollr age. These are the forces which in recent history have smashed all the pomp and panoply of the old politic:t1 systems and have enthroned new creeds in power." That has proved no idle belie. \Ve have brought to Britain something marc than a new economic plan and a new conception of Government: we have brollglrl to Britai'J a neeD spirit oj manhood aml of "ational revival. Our grim and determined ra"ks oj exservicemcn, a '''mdred limes betrayed, hlllle joi",e(l hands with the ncw )'011111. <ehich s dedicaled to make aH cnd of folly and of decadcnce. Togelher 115 IInt't: brought fI!e soul to 'he land for u .. lliclJ o"r mul compalllous dted. Together they have begun to exptat e that in a Britain rebom and honoured among the nations. Greater Sacri fice and Struggles This .is the flame that we have lit in Britain, and it is a fire willch shall not now be put out. It is a flame lit and nurtured by the 5.1.crifice of patriots. Greater S<1.crifice and greater struggles await tis. To all who join us now we make the same appeal that we made a yea.r ago: .. We ask those who join us to march with us in a great and haz<lIdous adventwc. \Ve ask them to be prepared to sacrifice all, but to do so for no small and unworthy ends. \ Ve ask them to dedicate their lives to building in this country a move. ment of the modern age, which by its British expression shall transcend, as often before in our history, every precursor of the Continent in conception and in the con- structive achievement. Abuse and Danger " \Ve ask them to rewrite the greatest pages of British history by finding for the spirit of their age its highest mission in these islands. Neither to our friends nor to the country do we make any promises ; not wiihout struggle and ordeal will the future be won. Those who march with us will certainly face abuse, misunderstanding, bitter animosity, and possibly the ferocity of struggle and of danger. ]n return, we can only offer to them the deep belief that they <lIe fighting that a great land may live." \Ve know now that thousands have answered that appeal which is the call of sacrifice. Thousands of young men and women have sunk every hope and every fear in the con suming passion of Fascism. Today the small band of October, 1932, can count its legions. For a moment let us lay aside our strife to clasp hands, and to whis.per each other those immortal lines born of England which bnng to tiS the only consolation that we have ever desired or will ever seek: " But we in it shall be remembered, \Ve few, we happy few, we band of brothers." 116
H E
\\ BRITISH A R FASCISTS T E R S King's Rd., Sloane Square Sloane S. W. 3 7151-6
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