Dillery (2005) - Greek Sacred History

OveeI Sacved Hislov
AulIov|s) JoIn BiIIev

Souvce TIe Anevican JouvnaI oJ FIiIoIog, VoI. 126, No. 4 |Winlev, 2005), pp. 505-526
FuIIisIed I TIe JoIns HopIins Univevsil Fvess
SlaIIe UBL http://www.jstor.org/stable/3804873 .
Accessed 01/05/2014 0833
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
.
The Johns Hopkins University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The
American Journal of Philology.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 86.180.43.168 on Thu, 1 May 2014 08:33:24 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
GREEK SACRED HISTORY
JOHN DlLLERY
Abstract. This
paper
contends that there was a distinct branch of Greek local
historiography
that focused on the
past
viewed
through regional
cult: sacred
history.
After an
introductory
look at
Atthidography,
a number of cases of local
cult
history
referred to in
inscriptions
from the Hellenistic
period
are
examined;
additionally,
an instance where historia sacra is itself
preserved
on an
inscription
is also
discussed, namely,
the Chronicle of the
temple
of Athena at Lindos. The
paper analyzes
this
type
of historical
writing
from the
perspective
of "intentional
history," historiography
written both to articulate the
identity
of a
given region
of
the Greek world and to
proclaim
the
region's importance
in a
larger, changing
world.
My title begs a question: what is Greek sacred
history?
In order to
answer the
question,
it is
important
to think about the more
general
category
of "local
history"
and
especially
how it is different from the
great
historical narratives of the fifth
century,
Herodotus and
Thucydides.
Both of these authors take as the
space
for
significant
human action the
entire known world. For
Herodotus,
the
compass
of his work is
implied
in his
proem,
toc
jiev "EXkr\G\,
tcc 8e
pccppdpoici d7toS?%08VToc;
he will treat
"the deeds
brought
into
being by humans,
those
performed by
both the
Greeks and the barbarians."
Thucydides,
in his
introduction,
is even more
explicit:
the
Peloponnesian
War was the
greatest
"disturbance"
(kivtiok;)
to affect the Greek
world, parts
of the barbarian
world, "and,
so to
speak,
the
majority
of mankind"
(mi
nXeiGiov
dvOpconcov).
Insofar as these histories are held
up
as the first and best
represen-
tatives of Greek
historiography, they
are often seen as also
defining
the
genre
for the Greeks themselves. This is a mistaken
assumption.
Robert
Fowler has demonstrated that
Jacoby's placement
of local
history
after
Herodotus in his
evolutionary
schema of the
development
of Greek
historiography
should be
reexamined,
and that a kind of
regional
histori?
cal
writing
was
being practiced by poets
before Herodotus'
time,
and
potentially by prose
authors as
well,
and that in
any case,
there were a
number of other local historians active when Herodotus wrote his histories
(Fowler 1996:65-66).
In
building
his case for Herodotus'
contemporaries,
American Journal of
Philology
126
(2005)
505-526 ? 2005
by
The Johns
Hopkins University
Press
506 JOHN DILLERY
Fowler
(2000)
makes effective use of
Dionysius
of Halicarnassus' De
Thucydide
5.1:1
oi)iot
7ipoaip?oet
xe ouoia
e/priaavxo mp\ xr)v EKôyfjv
xcov imoGeaecov Kai
6\)vd|Li?t<;
oi) noXv xi
8toc(p?pot)oa<; ?a%ov aXXr\Xa)v,
di uxv
xaq fEXXr\viKaq
dvaypdcpovxeq xoxopiaq,
di 5e
xaq papPapiKa<;, {Kai} avxaq
xe
xavxaq
oi)
oi)va7txovx?<; aXXr[Xaiq,
dXXd Kax'
?0vr|
Kai Kaxd
noXziq diaxpovvxeq
Kai
%?p\q aXXr\Xcov EKcpepovxeq,
eva Kai xov auxov
(p-uA,dxxovxe<; okotcov,
ooat
5i?Ott)ôvxo rcapd xot<; 87ixcoptoi(; jLLvfjjLioci {Kaxd ?0vr|
xe Kai Kaxd
nbXzxq} (r\)
?ix' ev
iepot<;
ei'x' ev
pePnXoic; a7iOK?(|Li?vai ypacpai, xamac; eiq xtjv KOtvr|v
drcavxcov
yvcoatv eêveyKetv, otaq 7i;ape?tapov, ur|xe 7cpoaxi0evxe<; avxaiq
xi
ur|X? dcpaipouvxec;-
ev
aiq
Kai u/o0o{
xtve<; evfjaav
djto xov noXXoi) 7i?7iiax8D-
uivot
xpovoi)
Kai
0eaxptKa( xive<; 7i?pt7i?xeiat
noXi) xo
f|?u0iov e%etv xotq
vvv
8oKo\)oai.
These writers had a similar
plan
in
respect
to
subject matter,
and did not
differ
greatly
from one another in
ability.
Some wrote about
Greece,
others
about
barbarians,
not
joining
their
inquiries together
into a continuous
whole,
but
separating
them
by
nations and cities and
bringing
them out
individually,
with one and the same
object
in
view,
that of
bringing
to the
attention of the
public
traditions
preserved among
the local
people {by
nations and
cities}
<or> written records
preserved
in sacred or
profane
archives, just
as
they
received
them,
without
adding
or
subtracting any-
thing. Among
these sources were to be found occasional
myths,
believed
from time
immemorial,
and dramatic tales of
upset fortunes,
which seem
quite
foolish to
people
of our
day.2
Dionysius goes
on to
say
that Herodotus "raised the choice of
subject
to
a more ambitious and
impressive
level"
(xfiv
xe
7tpocyji(rciKTiv 7ipoaip8aiv
etzi to
jaeiiôv ztqfyveyKE
Kai
Xa\XKpbxepov,
Fowler
trans.), presumably by
combining
accounts when his
contemporaries
were
producing "public
traditions
preserved among
the local
people"
and "written records
pre?
served in sacred or
profane
archives." In other
words, scope
was where
Herodotus and
Thucydides
were
innovative,
at least
by
ancient stan?
dards.3 But in
telling
us about the choice of
topics
made
by
Herodotus'
1
See I 330.6
Usener-Radermacher,
48.17
Aujac
=
Fowler
2000, 116-17,
Hecataeus
Milesius T
17a;
cf. FGrH 1 T 17a.
2
Text and trans. Fowler
1996,
63.
3
It is useful in this connection to consider Xen. Hell. 7.2.1.
There, Xenophon
seems
to
imply
that
large scope
not
only applies
to the
regions
taken in
by
a
history
but also to the
size of the cities dealt with. In
language
meant to recall the famous
programmatic
state-
ments of Herodotus
(1.5.3-4)
and
Thucydides (1.10.3), Xenophon argues
that when small
cities achieve
great things,
that situation is even more
noteworthy.
See
Dillery 1995,123-27.
GREEK SACRED HISTORY 507
contemporaries, Dionysius
also
gives
us a
working
definition of sacred
history.
It
is, following
his
formulation,
a branch of local
history,
center-
ing specifically
on the cult of a
given region
or
polis
in the Greek world
and based on documents from
temple
archives
(ev iepoic, drcoKeijievoci
Ypoccpoci),
sometimes
coming
from the cult officials themselves
(e.g.,
let?
ters;
see the case of Lindos
below).
In a series of recent
articles,
Hans-Joachim Gehrke has defined an
important aspect
of much
local,
and in
particular,
sacred Greek histori-
ography:
"intentional
history,"4
treatments of the
past
that combine
myth
and
history
and that contain "elements of
subjective
and conscious self
categorization" (2001, 298).
Intentional
history
is the
past
told as a
par?
ticular
group's
own
understanding
of its
place
and
importance
in the
oikoumene,
be it a
region
or a
polis.
It
may
be the work of an individual
local
historian,
or it
may emerge
from a set of documents.
Falling
into
this
type
of
writing
are both
poets
and
historians; and,
for
Gehrke,
like
Fowler,
this
group
of writers in fact constitutes a "mainstream tradition
of Greek
historiography,"
one that is different from such
figures
as
Herodotus and
Thucydides (299).5
One of Gehrke's chief
exempla
is
Magnesia
on the Maeander and the collection of
inscriptions
that con?
cerns its establishment of
games
in honor of Artemis
Leukophryene
(end
of third
century B.C.E.): delegates
were sent around the Mediterra-
nean world to obtain
recognition
for the new contest on the basis of an
invented
past, though
Gehrke avoids such terms.
It is the aim of this
paper
to look at local Greek
historiography,
in
particular
that centered on
regional
cult. The
epigraphic
record of the
Hellenistic
period
has
preserved
the names of several historians who
wrote this sort of
history
and whose activities and texts share
many
points
of
similarity
with one another.6 But before
turning
to
them,
we
need first to consider how far our best-attested set of local
histories,
Atthidography,
can be
styled
"sacred
history." Important
issues that are
connected to the writers of Attic local
history
will have a direct
bearing
on our discussion of Greek
history
centered on local cult.
4
Gehrke
1994, 2001,
2003. See also Flashar 1999.
5
Precisely
the
point
made
by
Wiseman
1979, 149-53, and, following him,
Gabba
1981, 50,
and n.
1,
in connection with
Thucydides.
6
See
esp.
the
groundbreaking book,
Chaniotis 1988.
Subsequent
references to this
work will be either
by
his text numbers or to
page numbers,
where relevant. The cautions
of Marincola 1999
regarding
ancient
concepts
of
genre
in
historiography ought
to be
kept
in
mind;
I do
believe, however,
that local
history
was a
recognized category
in
antiquity.
The
passage
from
Dionysius
cited above
suggests this,
as do other
texts, e.g.,
Diod.
1.26.5,
and
the other
passages
discussed
by Jacoby 1949, 289,
n. 110.
508 JOHN DILLERY
I. ATTHIDOGRAPHY
It was H. Peter who noted in a brief aside some time
ago
that the
Atthidographers
all seemed to
rely
on
antiquarian
materials such as lists
and other documents and that
they
infused their historical
enterprise
with a
significant
interest in local cult.7
Although
this observation seems
at first
glance
to be
correct,
there are distinct
problems
with it. In the first
place, beginning
with
Jacoby,
scholars have
questioned
whether the
Atthidographers
did in fact base their narratives on documents of
any
type,
cult-related or otherwise.8 While this
uncertainty
itself
requires
modification,9
we need to consider what the
Atthidographers
chose to
write
about, keeping
in mind that
they
need not all have been animated
by
the same concerns and interests.10
Secondly,
we need also to look at
what
relationship they had,
if
any,
to Athenian
religion
and
correspond-
ingly
what influence local cult had on their work.
It is
noteworthy
that several of the
Atthidographers
were con?
nected to the
religious
life of Athens in one
way
or another.11 It is often
assumed that because he wrote a work entitled
Exegetikon, Cleidemus,
the first native
Atthidographer ,
was himself an
exegetes
or
expounder
of
sacred law
(FGrH
323 FF
14-27,
fl.
378-40).12
Phanodemus
(FGrH 325,
c.
375-25) may
not have been the "minister of
public worship
and educa?
tion" in
Lycurgan
Athens that
Jacoby styled him,13
but there is a consis?
tent focus on
religious
matters in several documents
relating
to him. IG
II2 223 A+B refer to a dedication to
Hephaestus by
the
Boule, probably
made at his
instigation,
in which he is also
publicly
thanked.14 Phanodemus
was the lead-man in the Athenian restoration and
restructuring
of the
sanctuary
and festival of
Amphiaraus
at
Oropus (IG
VII4252 and 4254
=
Schwenk 40 and
41),
and he is listed as the first
hieropoios
in Athens'
Pythais
to
Delphi
from around the
year
330
(SIG3 296), coming
even
before
Lycurgus
and Demades.15 The last
Atthidographer,
Philochorus
7
Peter
1911,
204.
8
Jacoby 1949,
209. For more recent
discussions,
see Thomas
1989, 90-91;
Desideri
1996,172-73.
9
Note
esp.
the forceful defense of the
Atthidographers'
use of
documents,
where
possible,
in
Harding 1994, 36-40,
43-47. Cf.
Higbie
1999.
10
On the need to treat the
Atthidographers
as individual
authors,
see
esp. Harding
1994,
as well as Rhodes 1990 and Marincola 1999.
11
Cf.
Jacoby 1949,
54-69.
12
Harding 1994,10; Jacoby 1949, 57,
75.
13
Jacoby 1954a, 172;
cf.
Jacoby 1949,
78.
14
Schwenk
1985,
204.
15
Cf. Chaniotis 1988 E 35.
(FGrH 328), put
to death
by Antigonus
Gonatas in the aftermath of the
Chremonidean War
(260),
was a mantis and
hieroskopos,
and several of
his works were devoted to Attic cult and other
religious
matters.16 The
number of
religious
and cult-centered works attached to his name is
without
parallel.17
Ister "the Callimachean"
(FGrH 334)
was not an
Athenian
himself,
but
years
after Philochorus in the late third
century,
he
made a
something
of an
anthology
of the
Atthidographers.
While
pre-
cious little is known about
him,
and
certainly nothing relating
to what he
may
have done in the world of
cult,
one of his works is
extremely
significant
for the discussion below: an
Epiphanies of Apollo (FF 50-52).
But an
important question
remains: were
any
of these men
priests
(hiereis)
in the strict sense of the word? The answer must be
no,
unless
we can call
exegetai priests
in the late Classical
period (Cleidemus).18
Conversely,
there is a distinct orientation to their work
that,
for want of
a better
term,
we
might
call
"religious"
or
"priestly,"
or
perhaps
best of
all,
"cult-centered." Characteristic of all the
Atthidographers
is an inter?
est in cult
and,
in
many,
a
corresponding
interest in the
myths
of
early
Attica.
Easily
the most notable in this
regard
was Phanodemus.
Although
we do not know how
many
books his Atthis contained
altogether,
we do
know that
by
Book 9 he had
only
reached either the assassination of
Hipparchus
in 514 or
perhaps
the creation of the ten tribes
by
Cleisthenes
in 508-7
(F 8).19
We do
know,
thanks to an
unplaceable fragment (F 23),
that he covered Athenian
history
at least down to the death of Cimon in
450-4920 and
probably beyond.
Hence we can conclude that Athenian
"prehistory"
must have constituted a massive
portion
of the whole work.
One can see
why Dionysius
of Halicarnassus identified Phanodemus as
"the one who wrote
up
the Attic
archaeology" ((PavoSruioc,
6
xr\v 'Attiktiv
ypdxj/aq apxauAoyiav,
AR 1.61.5
=
T
6).21
In addition to
scale,
Phanodemus'
history
of
mythical
Athens made
some
striking
claims. He made Athens the
mother-city
of
Troy (F 13),
of
16
Titles of some of his works: On
Divination,
On
Sacrifices,
On the Contests at
Athens,
On the
Mysteries
at
Athens,
On the
Myths of Sophocles,
Delian Matters,
On
Dreams,
On
Days,
On
Purifications,
On Portents
(Peri Symbolon).
See FGrH 328 TT 1 and 7.
17
Cf.Tresp 1914,27-29.
18
See
esp.
Clinton
1974,89.
He cites IG II21092 as
proof
that the
exegetes
was indeed
considered a hiereus in the Roman
period,
and Sokolowski LSCG
Supp.
14 that
they
were
probably
so identified in the Hellenistic. In
general
consult Oliver 1950.
19
Jacoby 1954a,
183.
20
Harding 1994,
30.
21
Rhodes
1990,
78.
510 JOHNDILLERY
Sais in
Egypt (F 25),
and of the land of the
Hyperboreans (F 29).
Simi-
larly,
Attica became the venue for famous
mythical
crimes
against
maid?
ens
normally
situated elsewhere: the
Rape
of
Persephone (F 27),
for
instance,
and the sacrifice of
Iphigeneia (F 14).
And
finally, although
the
myth
of Admetus does not elsewhere have
anything
to do with
Athens,22
in Phanodemus the hero Theseus rescues him from exile and settles him
and his
family
in Attica
(F 26).
The effect of this sort of
historiography
is to make Athens the
center of the Greek
world,
in cult and in
history.23
Phanodemus
may
have
been
inspired
to write such a
history
of Athens and Attica to
compensate
for the
region's
relative
unimportance
in earlier
literature, especially
Homer. These
points,
both that local
history
could be a form of
regional
advocacy and, furthermore,
that it
may
be intended to fill
"gaps"
in the
literary record,
are both worth
remembering
when we think about the
later Greek local historians whose works celebrate the fame of a
region
and its cult.
In
general,
it is
probably
fair to
say
that much of what the Atthi?
dographers
wrote about would not have turned
up
in the main narratives
of the
major
Greek historians. This is not to
say
that
they
did not treat
more recent
history.
It is more a
question
of
emphasis
and
degree. Indeed,
it
might
be useful to
imagine
what is treated
by
a Herodotus or
Thucydides
in a
digression
as
constituting
the main thrust of the various Atthides.24
More
importantly,
can we call what the
Atthidographers
wrote "sacred
history"?
At a technical
level,
in
keeping
with
Dionysius' implied
definition
discussed
above,
the answer is
probably
no,
though
we
may
want to make
some
exceptions.
On the basis of his titles and
career,
Philochorus seems
to fit the bill as a sacred
historian,
but his
surviving
work does not re-
semble the
historiography
of later
figures
we will be
looking
at in this
paper.
Phanodemus is closer
perhaps
in
spirit,
but it is hard to know what
sort of sources he used.
Although
Ister did write a work with a title that
refers to an
important concept
for the later sacred historians
(divine
epiphany),
his
primary historiographic enterprise
seems in fact to have
been
chiefly
the
anthologizing
of earlier
Atthidographers
and thus does
22
Dale
1954, ix-x,
broaches the idea that the reference at line 452 of Eur. Alc. to
Alcestis' fame
being sung
at the Carnea at
Sparta
and at Athens reflects the fact that her
story
was known in some formal
way
in
Athens,
but she later casts doubt on this
interpre-
tation in her
commentary,
ad 447.
23
On the Attic
patriotism
evident in these
fragments,
see
esp. Jacoby 1954a, 173;
cf.
Pearson
1942, 73,
and more
recently,
Lardinois 1992.
24
So, e.g.,
Hdt. 2.51.1 on the
origin
of the Attic
herm,
or Thuc. 2.15.5 on the
Enneakrounos.
not meet one of the criteria set out at the start of this
paper. But,
if it is
hard to call
any
one
Atthidographer
an author of "sacred
history,"
I
hope
that the above discussion has drawn attention to an orientation in their
writing
that will also be seen to animate the true "sacred
history"
that is
celebrated on stone in the Hellenistic
period.
II. LOCAL
HISTORIES,TEMPLE DEDICATIONS,
EPIPHANIES
While we can
only
see "sacred
history" imperfectly
in the works of the
Atthidographers,
there is a set of local historians from the Hellenistic
period
whose texts are constructed out of
temple
records and who com-
pile
histories that include
epiphanies
of
gods.
As noted
above,
Ister
actually composed
an
Epiphanies of Apollo.
We could add in this context
Phylarchus
as
well,
who wrote a work
entitled On the
Epiphany ofZeus (FGrH
81T
1). Sadly, nothing
of these
works remains.
However,
we can
get
a sense
perhaps
of what
they
were
like
by taking
a close look at the
opening
of the one substantial
fragment
we have of Menodotus of Samos from the last
quarter
of the third cen?
tury.25
In his Record
ofRemarkable Things
on
Samos,
or
alternatively,
On
the Dedications in the
Temple ofSamian Hera,
Menodotus tells the
story
of how a cult statue of Hera on Samos came to be washed in the sea and
venerated with
barley-cakes
in a festival called the Tonaia. He offers
(through Athenaeus)
the
following aitiological story.
Admete flees from
her home in
Argos
and
goes
to Samos where she dedicates herself to the
cult of Hera.
Tyrrhenian pirates,
in the
pay
of the
Argives, attempt
to
steal the cult statue of Hera in order to
bring
Admete into disfavor with
the Samians. The statue is seized and taken to their
ship,
but the
ship
will
not move
away
from shore.
Assuming
this to be a divine
sign,
the
pirates
abandon the statue on the
strand, leaving
beside it
barley-cakes;
Admete
raises the
alarm,
and the statue is found on the beach.
Carians, believing
that the statue made its own
way there,
tie it
up
with withes. Admete
releases the
image, purifies
it,
and
puts
it back on its
pedestal.26
It is the
beginning
of the aition that is
important
to this discussion:
'A5ui|Triv ydp cprjoiv trjv Eup-DaSeax; e^ "Apyoix; cpvyouaav
eXQeiv
Eiq Idjiov,
0?aaajjivr|v
8e
xrjv Tfj<; "Hpa<; ercicpdvetav
Kai
xr\q
oikoGev
o(oxr\piaq
25
See FGrH 541 F 1
-
Athen. 15.11-15 671E-74A.
26
Cf. Burkert
1985,134-35.
Athenaeus also
quotes
two lines of Anacreon that bear
on the Tonaia: PMG 352
=
Athen. 15.671 E-F.
512 JOHN DILLERY
Xapiaxrjpiov po\)ô|ievr|v
a7to8oa)vai
e7UjxeXri0fivai
xo\)
iepou
xov Kai vuv
i)7cdp%ovxo(;.
. .
He
[Menodotus] says
that
Admete, daughter
of
Eurystheus, having
fled
from
Argos
came to
Samos,
and
having
seen an
epiphany
of Hera and
wishing
to
give
a thank
offering
for her
escape
from
home,
took
charge
of
the
temple,
the one that remains
today
...27
What is remarkable about the introduction to the
story
is the
high
concentration of
epigraphic
terms familiar from the maintenance of local
cult: we have the
thank-offering (xapiaxf|piov),
the decision to care for
the
temple (eTujLietaiGfjvai), and,
most
importantly,
the
epiphany
of Hera
(ir\v xr\q "Rpaq ercupdveiocv).28 Indeed,
we can see in these terms the
essentials of "sacred
history": working
back from the
present,
we have
(1)
the
thank-offering,
in this
case,
Admete's
superintendence
of the
temple
and the establishment of its ritual as
they
are
now, (2)
the aition
for these
facts,
which in turn is a narrative set in motion
by (3)
a divine
epiphany. Offering, aitiological
account,
and
epiphany
are all linked to?
gether
in a causal chain.29
We know
nothing
about Menodotus
beyond
his
scanty fragments
(F
1 and one
other).
We
can, however,
make a reasonable
guess
about
the remainder of his work on the basis of the
composition
of one of his
successors,30
the
second-century
Leon of Samos
(FGrH 540). Although
only
an
honorary inscription survives,31
it tells us a
great
deal in a few
lines
(Heraion
Inv.
197,
Chaniotis 1988 E
16).
After the first four lines of
the
epigram, suggesting
the
permanence
of
(pdjucc
over other monumen-
tal
media,
we read:
xaq
8e Aecov
eKuprjoe
Kaxd
rcxoîv, o<; rcepi naxpaq
npafyaq eiq nxvmaq ayayev iaxoplaq,
i)|uvfiaa<; "Hpav ai>xo%Qova
Kai noaa vauaiv
peâvxeq OKvXoiq iepov dy^d'iaav.
27
My
translation.
28
Cf. Welles
1934, 375,
s.v.
xapiciripiov,
who notes that the
singular
form is more
common in
inscriptions,
the
plural
in
literary texts;
Welles
336-37,
s.v.
ETcupdveux, and,
generally,
Pfister
1924;
for
?7U|i?tai9fjvai
in the sense found in
Menodotus,
cf. LSJ s.v.
E7iiu.eAiou.ai 2. "Care" is often
royal:
see Habicht
1970, 230,
and Ma
2000,196,
and n.
59,
citing
several documents.
29
Cf. Flashar 1999 and SEG 49.1501.
30
The editor
princeps
of the text in
question
linked Leon's
history
with Menodotus'
work: Peek
1940,169-70.
Cf. also Chaniotis
1988,
53-54.
31
First
published by
Peek
1940;
cf. Robert and Robert 1941.
[fame]
which Leon won
throughout
the
city,
who
organized
into sound histories the deeds
regarding
the
homeland,
having
celebrated native Hera and how often with
ships
men rendered the
temple splendid, having
made
offerings
with
spoils.32
There are some obscurities in this text. In the first
place,
the use of
nxvvxaq
to describe
icxopiaq
is
troubling.
The
adjective
almost
always
modifies
persons.
In the
Odyssey
it is twice used to describe reliable
family
members
(Nestor's
sons
4.211, Penelope 11.445),
in each case
by
an Atreid
(Menelaus
and
Agamemnon, respectively),
who knows
only
too well the
opposite;
note also Pindar / 8.26
(the
sons and
grandsons
of
Aeacus). Perhaps
the
point
here is to make the reader think of Leon as
writing
a
history expected
of a dutiful son of the fatherland
(ndxpaq),
hence
making nivmaq
a transferred
epithet.
But note also Solon: Eunomia
renders
everything apxioc
koci 7iivot6c
among
men
(4.39, West).
I take
-bjivfiaaq
to mean more
generally
"celebrate,"
rather than
specifically
"hymnize."The participle
seems to indicate that more than a
hymn
in her
honor was
incorporated
in the
history; rather,
there was a
celebratory
orientation to the entire work.33 The
problematic oc\)T6%6ova?the
term is
rarely
used of deities?and the
equally
difficult
vocuaiv,
I take as
working
rhetorically
as a
pair34
to
emphasize
Hera's
strong
Samian
identity
and
yet simultaneously
the international
celebrity
of her shrine on Samos.
The claim of Hera's
origins
on Samos is almost
preemptively proprietary,
while the
ships
remind us of the
importance
of the shrine for Greeks and
non-Greeks alike. In
fact,
dedications in the form of miniature
ships
were
common at the Samian Heraion.35
Putting
all these
interpretations together,
it seems clear that the
focus of Leon's
history
was Samian Hera and the dedications made at
her
temple, especially by
non-Samians. The narrative
may
well have been
built around
epiphanies
of the
goddess, perhaps
in
foreign places (like
one dedicated to Admete in
Argos),
that in turn
helped
to
inspire
dedi?
cations at her
temple
in Samos. In
any case,
a record of the dedications
themselves
probably
formed the backbone of the narrative.
32
My
translation.
33
Peek
1940,168,
n.
3, compares
Thuc. 2.42.2 and Aeschines 1.133.
34
This is not Peek's
understanding
of
amoxQova, 1940,168-69.
There are
examples
of
amoxOcov
used of the Mother of the Gods: SEG 24.498 and
26.729,
both from Macedonia
and both from the second
century
c.e. See most
recently Hatzopoulos 2003,
208-9. Nor-
mally
the term is used of a whole
people
who have never
moved;
it is seldom
employed
to
describe even an individual: see Flower and Marincola 2002,
238.
35
On the "Votivschiffe" at Samian
Heraion, see, e.g., Kopcke 1967, 145-48,
and
Kyrieleis 1980,
89-94.
514 JOHNDILLERY
If in the end we can
only speculate
about the nature of Menodotus'
and Leon's
histories,
no
guesswork
is
required
when we look at the
Chronicle of Lindos.36 This remarkable set of
documents, dating
to 99
B.C.E.,
contains the decree
authorizing
the
publication
of the
inscription
(section A),
a
catalogue
of votives to Athena Lindia
(sections
B and
C),
and a
catalogue
of
epiphanies
of the
goddess
on Rhodes
(section D).The
two
catalogues
have their own
headings (To(8e dveGriicav
xai 'AGdvoci and
ercupdveiai, respectively).
The Chronicle is
important
for this discussion for a number of
reasons.
First,
we see the involvement of
religious
officials in the execu-
tion and
publication
of the
inventory:
the
proposer
of the
decree,
Hagesitimus,
is in all likelihood a
hierothytes,
and one of the
compilers
of
the Chronicle.
Timachidas,
is his son.37
Further,
the
inventory
makes ex-
plicit
at several
points
that the
compilers
of the
Chronicle,
both Timachidas
and
Tharsagoras,38
are
relying
on the letters
(kniGxokax)
of
priests
of the
temple
who are identified as such in the first
entry
in the list of votives
(iepeuq, B,
lines
5-6, 7)
as well as on other documents
(xpr\\iax\G\io\,
official
acts,
and other
texts, including
historical
accounts).39
The letters
of the
priests
Hierobulus and
Gorgosthenes
are
repeatedly
referred to
and are identified
by
addressee,
either to the Boule or to certain
magis-
trates
(called jiaoipoi).40
The letters are cited to
verify
the
presence
of
important
dedications to the
goddess by mythical
and historical
persons
and
groups
that were
missing
at the time of the
inscription (in
the
introductory section, A,
there is reference to an earlier destruction of the
temple by
fire
together
with its
votives,
also mentioned in section
D).The
entries on the dedications themselves are
quite brief, containing
often
only
the name of the
dedicant,
a
description
of the
votive,
what was
written on
it,
and the sources for the
description.
Text
B,
lines
18-22,
are
fairly representative:
36
See FGrH
532,
Chaniotis 1988 T 13
=
Fouilles de
VAcropole
II1941 no. 2.
Multiple
editions
by Blinkenberg;
I have had access
only
to that of 1915. I follow the text as it
appears
in
Higbie
2003.
37
See
Higbie 2003, 52,
62. On the
priesthoods
of
Rhodes,
see
Dignas
2003.
38
It is often overlooked that two men were in fact
responsible
for the
compilation:
Tharsagoras, only
mentioned once
(in
section
A),
is often
forgotten.
See
Higbie 2003,
62.
39
See Holleaux
1913/1968, 403-4;
Wilhelm
1930/1974, 275; Ziegler 1936, 1052;
Guarducci
1969,305-6;
Chaniotis
1988,56-57,127.
Wilamowitz
1913,1372,
dates the letters
to
shortly
after the reconsecration of the
temple
after its destruction sometime in the
fourth
century, prior
to 330.
40
Cf.
Higbie 2003,199-201.
Mivcoc; dpyopeov 7ioTT|ptov, ecp'
oi)
e7teyeypoc/7cco? Mivcoq
'AGdvai noîd8i Kai
Ail
noîei, (hq (paxi / Sevayopoa;
ev xdi a'
iaq %poviKd<; ovvzdtqioq
/ Topycov
ev
tou a' xdv
7iepl T65oi), ropyoaGevrjc;
/ ev xdi
eTtioxoAm, 'IepoPoDôq
ev xdi
e7iiaxoâi.
Minos. A silver
drinking-cup, upon
which was written: "Minos to Athena
Polias and Zeus
Polieus,"
as
Xenagoras says
in the first book of his Chro?
nological Composition, Gorgon
in the first book of his
[Books] Concerning
Rhodes, Gorgosthenes
in his
letter, [and]
Hieroboulus in his letter.
This is
exactly
the sort of mix of
history
and
myth
that Gehrke
considers central to "intentional
history."41
It is also
important
to note
the
corroborating
role of the written
testimony
of
priests
cited
alongside
literary figures
who are
evidently
authors of local histories of Rhodes.
Indeed,
the
priests'
letters seem to have the same value as the histories.
What is
more,
the
very process
involved in the
compilers'
coordination of
these different sets of
material,
that
is,
the
literary
histories with the
letters of the
priests,
is itself an
historiographic enterprise.
J.-M. Bertrand
has
acutely
observed that this "confrontation" of sources reveals a
key
aspect
of the function of
historiography
in the Hellenistic
period:
the
combination of
sources,
the
way they mutually
reinforce each other
(even
if
they
do not in
any
real
way
corroborate one
another),
and their
very variety
are for the Rhodians essential in
establishing
the
veracity
and
importance
of their
temple
and dedications.
Autopsy,
on the other
hand,
which in this case was
impossible,
is
simply
but one
way
to
help
determine the historical record.42 As
Carolyn
Higbie
has
expertly shown,
close examination of the
catalogue
of votives
demonstrates that local
myth
has been
very carefully deployed
to fill in
where the master narratives of Homer and Herodotus had "holes"
and,
therefore,
to add to the
literary
record with
legendary
material of local
origin
and
importance. Tharsagoras
and Timachidas knew the Homeric
catalogue
of
ships,
for
instance,
and
expanded
on it in their treatment of
the dedications
by
the
contingent
of the Rhodian hero
Tlepolemus,
who
plays
a
very
minor role in the Iliad.43
Similarly,
at another
point,
in the
entry
on a dedication of a linen
41
The Lindian Chronicle lists dedications
by legendary figures
such as
Cadmus,
Heracles, Menelaus,
and
Helen,
and
yet
also
by, e.g., Phalaris, Deinomenes, Alexander,
and
a
Ptolemy.
It has
mythical groups (the Telchines)
as well as real
people (e.g.,
of Phaselis and
Soli).
42
Bertrand
1992,
25-26. Cf. Pfister
1924, 300,
and Boffo
1988,
47.
43
Higbie 2001,112-14; 2003, 93,205,
222-27. Cf. Wiseman
1979,147.
516 JOHN DILLERY
breastplate by
the
pharaoh Amasis,
Herodotus is listed as the first au?
thority
for the votive but is followed
by
no less than seven other
writers,
including
the
priest
Hieroboulus
(C,
lines
36-55).
In
particular,
one
Xenagoras
added that Amasis made a dedication also of two statues and
ten
phialai,
and that on each statue there was a
bilingual inscription
in
Greek and
hieroglyphs, stating, "Amasis,
renowned
king
of
Egypt,
dedi-
cated
[this]."44This
information
goes
well
beyond
Herodotus' brief notice
(Hdt. 2.182).
If some are inclined to doubt that this document was under-
stood as
history,
indeed if there is a
suspicion
that it was not in fact real
historiography
at all but
something
more like an act of
public memory,
it
needs to be remembered that the
inventory
was constructed with a view
towards
adding
to the
literary-historical
record. We know this because
the inventories
evidently
were to
augment
the
testimony
of none other
than luminaries such as Homer and Herodotus. As
such,
the Chronicle
was in some sense intended to be
part
of the written
past,
as well as
(obviously)
a
public
record of
popular memory.
But even more
revealing
of the sacred and historical nature of the
Lindian Chronicle are the
epiphanies
of section D. As we have
seen,
"sacred
history"
is often constructed around a narrative
involving
an
epiphany,
followed
by
a dedication that celebrates and commemorates
the events of the narrative. In the Chronicle of
Lindos,
the stories of
divine
epiphany
are
separate
from the
votives, and,
in
fact,
none of the
surviving
accounts
(there
are
only three)
has a
corresponding entry
in
the votive section. One
does, however,
contain within it a reference to
dedications, complete
with a
listing
of
supporting
authorities for
them,
just
as in the
epiphany
section.45 But in
any case,
a connection is
felt,
if
only
at the
general level,
between the sections
B, C,
and D: even if
long
narratives with
epiphanies
are not found in the votive
sections, they
could be in a sense
assumed,
at least for some of the entries.46
Importantly,
in the third
epiphany,
from the
very
end of the fourth
century (305-4:
the
siege
of Demetrius
Poliorcetes),
it is clear that the
recording
of the
appearance
of the
goddess
came about
through
the
initiative of a
priest, Callicles,
who had a dream in which Athena made
herself manifest and
gave
her commands how to survive the
siege (D
95-
115).
The hero of the
tale,
in other
words,
is a
priest,
as well as its main
44
Herodotus also mentions the statues but does not
say anything
about an
inscrip-
tion
upon
them. Cf. the
speculations
of Francis and Vickers 1984.
45
That of
Datis,
treated below.
46
Though
not in a case such as Alexander the
Great, who,
we are
told,
made
dedications at the
temple
"in accordance with an oracle."
(only?)
source. It should be added here
that, just
as with the list of
dedications,
the stories of
epiphanies
are coordinated with other written
accounts of the events in
question:
thus the
compilers
cite no less than
nine authors who also treated the events of the Datis
story (D 47-58).
Bertrand's
cross-checking
mindset is evident here as well.
The
epiphany-logoi
themselves are remarkable texts. As Bruno
Keil noted
long ago, they
are artful
compositions:
there is evidence that
the
compilers
wrote with an
eye
towards
prose rhythm
and the avoid-
ance of hiatus.47
They represent
not terse
lapidary
Greek but rather true
historiographic prose, very
much in the manner of a
typical
Herodotean
diegema.
Indeed,
the first
epiphany,
the
longest
and
only
intact
one,
finds a
natural
pairing
with a similar tale in Herodotus. It tells the
story
of the
siege
of Lindos
by
the
Persians,
"when
Darius, King
of the
Persians,
sent
great
forces to subdue Greece"
(D 1-2).
When the Lindians were about
to surrender because of a lack of
water,
Athena
appeared
to one of the
city magistrates
and told him to take
heart,
for she would
beg
her father
to
give
the
city
water
(D 13-16).
When the Lindians asked for an armi-
stice for five
days
to see if the
help
would
come,
after which
they
would
otherwise
surrender, Datis,
the Persian commander
laughed.
But then
clouds
immediately
formed and rain
fell, providing
the Lindians with
water while the invaders suffered from an acute lack of it. Datis was awe-
struck
by
the divine nature of this miracle48 and
proceeded immediately
to dedicate to the
goddess
his own
cloak, bracelet, tiara,
sword
(specified
as an
akinakes),
and chariot.The
compilers say
that these
objects
did not
survive the fire that
destroyed
the other dedications as well as the
temple,
but
they
were attested
by many
of the same authorities used in the votive
section of the document
(D 34-59).
Datis continued on his
way, having
made a
treaty
with the Lindians and
noting
that "the
gods protect
these
men"
(D 46-47).
Similar to this account is the
story
told
by
Herodotus of how the
same Datis
spared
Delos.49 Datis
scrupulously
avoids
harming
the
holy
island but rather asks that the
inhabitants,
who had fled at his
approach,
47
Keil 1916.
48
Note the
wording
of D 31-34:
o[^]x(co)q napabo^q
xoi
jiev 7uoîopKe{)U? / voi
5a\j/iA-e<; eaxov \S8cop,
a 5e
llEpaiKa
8t)va / uiq eandviê, Kaxa7iXay?i(;
6
pdppa[po<;]
/ xav
xaq
Geot)
?7ii(pdveiav
.... The second
epiphany
also features a rain miracle of sorts: Athena
appeared
to a
priest instructing
him to
open
the roof of the
temple
in order to let rain
purify
the
sanctuary
after
pollution
caused
by
a suicide there
by hanging:
D 62-93.
49
Cf.
Kirchberg 1965;
Lewis
1980/1997, 84-86;
and Mikalson
2003,
26-27.
518 JOHNDILLERY
return. In this case he also
acknowledges
the
sanctity
of the
place
and its
people (he
calls the Delians
avopzq ipoi
and refers to the island as the
birthplace
of
Apollo
and
Artemis),
and he makes a massive
offering
of
three-hundred talents'
weight
of frankincense
(Hdt. 6.97).
The
story
of
Datis at Lindos is
important
not
only
because of the
comparison
with
Herodotus but also because stories like it about the salvation of
impor?
tant Greek sanctuaries in the Persian wars seem to have reached an
international audience.
Momigliano
and others have
argued
that the
siege
of Lindos
by Datis, specifically
the motif of the five
days
of thirst before
surrendering,
can be
paralleled
in the
story
of the
besieged
Jews of Bethulia
in the Book of Judith
(7:30).
What the Greeks said about the Persians had
an
impact
that went
beyond
the Greeks themselves.50
Indeed,
to
judge by
this
case,
it was the stories of localities and the survival of their cults that
were transferable to other
regions
and
cultures,
not the
larger
narratives
that dealt with the salvation and
victory
of the Greek
people.
The Lindian Chronicle is
essentially
a
"history
of the
temple"
as
seen
through
"the
history
of its
treasures"; indeed,
as
Dignas says,
"taken
as a
whole,
a list of Athena's local and famous donors narrates the
history
of Rhodes."51 The
significance
of this
type
of historical
writing
is
best seen
by contrasting
it with
Herodotus,
from whom we have
already
noticed several
parallels
with the Chronicle.
Herodotus, too,
can
produce
history
that is
very
cult-centered: it has
long
been
accepted
that to a
significant degree
much of Herodotus'
History
is written with
Delphi
at
its
center,
both in terms of orientation and information.52
Furthermore,
he, too, provides
inventories of
Delphi's
votives
(Gyges' dedications,
Hdt.
1.14; Croesus',
Hdt.
1.50-52),
and he even knows of an earlier
destruction thanks to a fire
(Hdt. 1.50.3;
cf. Paus.
10.5.13), just
as
hap-
pened
at
Lindos,
with its attendant
damage
to the
offerings.
What is
more,
Herodotus also has
epiphanies
of
gods and,
in
particular,
deities
protecting
their sacred
space,
as in the case
(as
it
happens)
of Athena
Pronaia who
protects
her shrine at
Delphi
from Persian attack with
thunderbolts from heaven that cause a rockslide
(Hdt. 8.37-38).
Yet the views of the
past
that we
get
in Herodotus' treatment of
Lydian
donors to
Delphi
and in the Lindian Chronicle are
very
different.
Even if we
grant
that Herodotus'
history
is
Delphi-centered, indeed,
even if a
strong Delphic
bias can be
detected,
the
Delphic
stories them-
50
Momigliano 1987,
9-10. Note also Heltzer
1989;
and for the
general point
on non-
Greeks
borrowing large
scale
explanations
from the
Greeks,
Millar 1997.
51
Dignas 2002a, 240-41;
cf.
Dignas 2002b,
18-19.
52
See
Murray 1993,105-7,
and
1987/2001,
31-32.
selves are subordinated to
larger
concerns in his account: While Croesus'
Delphic
votives are indeed
important, they
are but a
part
of Herodotus'
treatment of the whole of Croesus'
career,
which is in turn a
blueprint
that
anticipates
the successes and failures of other eastern
dynasts,
most
notably
Xerxes.53 On the other
hand,
the dedications and their
compan?
ion stories of divine
epiphany
from the
inventory
of the
temple
of Athena
Lindia are not
exemplary
of
larger
historical
processes; they
are them?
selves constitutive of
history.
The sacred
precinct
is the historical hori?
zon,
the sole
locality
for action that is
worthy
of record. Historical
figures
and their deeds are noted
only
when
they
intersect with the
temple
of
Athena at Lindos.
With the Chronicle of Lindos we have indeed sacred
history,
that
is,
an
historiographic enterprise
initiated
by
a
priest,
in
part
derived from
priestly records, establishing
a
past
seen
through
the lens of a
religious
site and its dedications. It is a
type
of
history
that is
profoundly
cult-
centered,
inasmuch as the lists of dedications and
epiphanies
establish
the
celebrity, power,
and
authority
of Athena Lindia and her
temple.
As
a brand of
historiography,
it
puts
Lindos and its cult at the center of the
oikoumene.
III. CONCLUSIONS: "INTENTIONAL
HISTORY,"
OR CLIO AT WORK
It is
important
to
point
out that the Lindian Chronicle is not our
only
example
of Greek
historiography
of this
type.
In a
superb
article from
1919,
Rostovtzeff linked the Chronicle to other
city/sanctuary epigraphic
histories as well as to other authors of
epiphanies.54 Especially noteworthy
are the so-called Historia Sacra of
Magnesia
on the
Maeander,55
which
explained
the
origins
of the
games
of Artemis
Leukophryene, inspired by
an
epiphany
of the
goddess.
Another is the
story
of the "miracle" of Zeus
at Panamara in southern
Caria,56
which involved the manifestation of
53
Classic statements of this
position:
Immerwahr
1966,76,148,153-54,306-7;
Fornara
1971, 77,
and n. 6.
54
Rostovtzeff 1919.
55
The
description
"historia sacra" comes from SIG3 557
=
IMagnesia 16,
FGrH 482
F
2,
Chaniotis 1988 T 8.
Important
recent treatments of this text and the
Magnesian
dossier:
Ebert 1982
(cf.
SEG 32.1147 and Robert and Robert
1983a),
Dusanic
1983,
Chaniotis
1999,
and Gehrke 2001.
56
See BCH 55
[1931]:72-76,
85.
520 JOHN DILLERY
divine aid?a case similar to Datis'
siege
of Lindos in that the
city's
enemies are made to
recognize
the source of the intervention.57
Rostovtzeff was in fact
building
a case to
explain
the
meaning
of
IOSPE
1184,58
an
honorary inscription
for one
Syriscus
of Chersonesus
on the Black Sea.59 This
text, dating
to the third
century,
is as follows:
['HpaKA,?](5a<; napjievovxoq ?ut[?-
I
?7t?i5f|] XuptoKoq 'HpocKtaiSa xa[q
I
?7U(pav]?{a(; xaq na[p]0?vo\) (piA,[ol7iovco<;] ypd\\faq d[v?]yvco
Kai
x[d
I noxi
x]ovq Boa[n]6pov [$]ao\Xei[q
I
5ir|Yiiaa]xo,
xd
[0' i)]7tdpâvxa (p[t]Xdv0pco7ta
710x1
xa]q noXziq xax[6\pr\CEv ?7U?ik]?co<;
xco
<5)6cjLi[cp
I iva
Xdfioi xtjidjc; afqiaq,
5?56/0[at
I xa
(3oi)Xa
Kai xco
5djicp ?]7iaiv?aa[t
I xe avxbv eki
xovxoiq
Kai
ai?(p]av[co/oat xovq oi)|i|ivd|n]ova<; [xpvoeco aiElcpdvco
xcov
Aiovi)]aicov jita
?(p' tK[d8t
I Kai xo
dvdyy]?Xy(ia y?V?a0ai-
6
8[dl(io(; ax?(pa]voi Zi)p(aKov
'HpaKA,?[(l5a,
oxi
xa]q enupavEiaq xaq n[apl0?vo\) ?ypa]\|/?
Kai xd rcoxl
xaq
[nolXziq
Kai
xovq] fiaciXziq i)7idp^[avlxa (ptA,dv0pco7ia] iaxopr|0?v aXaQiv[(bq
I Kai
?7l?lK?C0(;]
XOC 7l6X,?l.
Heracleidas son of Parmenon
proposed:
since
Syriscus
the son of Hera-
cleidas read out his
Appearances ofthe Maiden, having carefully
written it
up,
and
[since]
he set out in detail our relations with the
kings
of the
Bosporus
and
suitably
recorded for the
people
their
existing
benefactions
to the cities
(in
the
region?),
in order that he receive
fitting honors,
it has
been decided
by
the Council and the
people
to
praise
him for these deeds
and for the
joint-magistrates
to crown him with a
golden
crown on the
twenty-first
of the
Dionysia,60
and for there be the
proclamation:
"the
people
crown
Syriscus
son of
Heracleidas,
because he
compiled
an account
of the
appearances
of the Maiden and wrote
up
the
existing
benefactions
to the cities and
kings
both
truthfully
and
suitably
for our
city."61
With a
clarity
and detail that are not often found in similar
texts,
this
inscription
makes clear
why Syriscus
is
being
honored. He wrote a his-
57
Roussel 1931. Note the
language
of line 22:
?7U(pavei<xr|<;
8e
xoiq noXziiioiq xr\q
ponOeiaq.
58
=
IOSPE I2
344,
FGrH 807 T
1,
Chaniotis 1988 E 7.
59
Cf. Chaniotis
1988,54,309, comparing Syriscus
to the Lindian Chronicle and Leon
of
Samos;
see also Peek
1940,168,
and Robert and Robert
1979,
who cite Wilhelm 1897/
2000, 245^6,
and who add to the
comparison Diophantus
of
Amphipolis,
also a third-
century
local
historian,
and cf. Archibald
2004, 8,
and
Higbie 2003,
275-76.
60
Cf.
Latyschev 1916,289:
a
festival-period
of some kind seems to be
indicated,
if not
for
Dionysus,
then
perhaps
Artemis or
Aphrodite.
Cf. Chaniotis
1988,301 ("Dionysosfest").
The connection between
Dionysus
and the Maiden would have been made
by assimilating
a local Great Goddess and her consort to the Demeter/Kore and
Dionysus
matrix of ideas:
cf. Ustinova
1999,
54-58.
61
My
translation.
tory
of the relations between Chersonesos and
neighboring powers,
both
the
Bosporan kings,
and other
cities, organized
around a list of
epipha?
nies of his
city's patron god,
the
Maiden,62 just
as in the case of Lindos
section D. What is
more,
he
gave public
recitations of his work.63 As the
inscription
makes
clear,
while not
(apparently)
a
priest
stricto
sensu,
Syriscus
was an advocate of his
city
and its
patron deity
in the Black Sea
region.
Like the
Atthidographers
and the Lindian
Chronicle,
he wrote
antiquarian history,
constructed around a
chronological
list that
may
have extended back in time for several
years.
In functional
terms, Syriscus
is
really quite
like the familiar elite
representative
of his
polis
in the
Hellenistic
period:
the
aspirations
of the "free"
city-state
and the hellenistic
monarch are
brought together
and harmonized
through
the intervention
of an aristocrat with
knowledge
of the
requirements
of local cult.64
Historical
writing
in the Hellenistic
period
became
deeply impli-
cated in a
process
that P Herrmann has called the intensification of the
historical dimension of a
city's self-understanding.65
Gehrke's notion of
"intentional
history"
is
clearly
also relevant. Local
historiography
was
required
to
help
cities define who
they
were
and, further,
to
help
them
articulate their needs and
aspirations
in the wider context of the
power
dynamics
of the
age.
The famous
dispute
of Priene and Samos over the
ownership
of the Batinetis is a
signal
case
(I.
Priene
37, Ager
nos. 26 and
74): just
as in the Lindian
Chronicle,
in addition to
documents,
historical
narratives are cited as
supporting evidence,
first before
King Lysimachus
in
283-82,
and
again
later before the Rhodians at the start of the second
century.66
This was not the
only
instance of historical texts
being
used as
evidence.67 The
inscriptions dealing
with the foundation of Artemis'
games
at
Magnesia,
or the
great
dedications and
appearances
of Athena at
Lindos, or,
for that
matter,
of "the Maiden" at
Chersonesos,
need to be
62
For the
importance
of this
deity
in the
region,
see Ustinova
1999,
54-58.
63
The
phenomenon
of
public readings
of historical texts and related materials has
been
expertly
discussed
by
L. Robert in a number of
places, e.g., 1938,14-15; 1946, 35-36;
1963, 58-59;
and
(with
J.
Robert) 1958, 336; 1983b,
162. Consult also Boffo 1988.
64
Cf. Millar
1983/2002, 53, discussing
Callias of
Sphettus.
65
Herrmann
1984,114-15.
66
Ager 1996,
208-9. Note
esp.
her
concluding
remarks: "The extensive use of the
literary
works of historians in this case is
interesting.
In the Hellenistic
period,
a time when
the number of local histories was
increasing,
it is
scarcely surprising
that such works should
be
employed
as evidence for the
past history
of a
piece
of
territory."
67
Ager 1996,209,
n. 16: she cites her case nos. 146 and
158,
in addition to the Priene/
Samos
dispute.
See also the excellent discussion of
Curty
1989.
522 JOHN DILLERY
seen as related documents.68
They
all demonstrate that
local,
sacred
histories had become
important
tools in the
advocacy
of
regional
inter-
ests.
Or,
to
put
it another
way,
in the
language
of the
inscriptions
them?
selves,
both the dedications and the stories about them
"glorify"
the local
deity
and its shrine
(dyâ'iêiv:
Chronicle of Lindos
B,
line
95;
honors for
Leon,
line
8).
Even the cities themselves seemed to
acknowledge
the
important
role historians
played
in
bringing
acclaim to their
regions.
The
recently published inscription
from Salmakis details several reasons for
Halicarnassus to take
pride
in her
past,
a mix of
myth
and
history
that we
have seen elsewhere in this article. When the
subject
turns to her native
sons who achieved
greatness
in
letters, pride
of
place goes
to two histo?
rians who are mentioned first: Herodotus and Andron
(lines 43-44).69
University of Virginia
e-mail:
jdd4n@virginia.edu
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ager,
S. L. 1996. Inter state Arbitrations in the Greek
World,
337-90 BC.
Berkeley
and Los
Angeles: University
of California Press.
Archibald,
Z. H. 2004.
"In-Groups
and
Out-Groups
in the Pontic Cities of the
Hellenistic
Age."
In
Tuplin 2004,1-15.
Bertrand,
J.-M. 1992.
Inscriptions Historiques Grecques.
Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Blinkenberg,
Christian. 1915. Die Lindische
Tempelchronik.
Kleine Texte 131.
Bonn: A. Marcus and E. Weber.
Rpt.
1980 in Timachidas
of
Lindus: The
Chronicle
of
the
Temple of
Athena at Lindus in Rhodes.
Chicago:
Ares.
Boffo,
Laura. 1988.
"Epigrafi
di Citta Greche: Un'
Espressione
di
Storiografia
Locale." In Studi di Storia
1988,
9-48.
Boussac, M.-E,
and A.
Invernizzi,
eds. 1996. Archives et Sceaux du Monde
Hellenistique.
BCH
Supp.
29.
Burkert,
Walter. 1985. Greek
Religion.
Trans. J. Raffan from German ed. 1977.
Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard
University
Press.
68
Cf. Chaniotis
1988,163-65.
69
See
Isager
1998 and
Lloyd-Jones
1999 and their comments. This
paper
was first
delivered in
August
2003 at the Center for Hellenic Studies in
Washington,
D.C. at a
conference on
priests
in the Greek world. I would like to thank Beate
Dignas
for the initial
invitation to the conference and for her
many insightful
comments on the
paper
while we
were at the Center. Other
participants
in the conference also made
helpful suggestions,
in
particular
Manu Baumbach and Jan N. Bremmer. I must also thank the referees and editor
of AIP for considerable
help
in
polishing
this
essay
and
sharpening
its
argument.
All errors
that remain are mine.
Cartledge, Paul,
Peter
Garnsey,
and Erich
Gruen,
eds. 1997. Hellenistic Con-
structs:
Essays
in
Culture, History,
and
Historiography. Berkeley
and Los
Angeles: University
of California Press.
Chaniotis, Angelos.
1988. Historie und Historiker in den
griechischen Inschriften.
Heidelberger
althistorische
Beitrage
und
epigraphische
Studien 4.
Stuttgart.
-. 1999.
"Emfangerformular
und
Urkundenfalschung: Bemerkungen
zum
Urkundendossier von
Magnesia
am Maander." In
Khoury 1999,
51-69.
Clinton,
Kevin. 1974. The Sacred
Officials of
the Eleusinian
Mysteries.
Transac-
tions of the American
Philosophical Society
64.3.
Philadelphia.
Curty,
Olivier. 1989.
"L'historiographie hellenistique
et
l'inscription
no.37 des
Inschriften
von Priene." In Pierart and
Curty 1989,
21-35.
Dale,
A. M. 1954.
Euripides:
Alcestis. Oxford: Oxford
University
Press.
Deacy, Susan,
and Alexandra
Villing,
eds. 2001. Athena in the Classical World.
Leiden: E. J. Brill.
Derow, Peter,
and Robert
Parker,
eds. 2003. Herodotus and His World:
Essays
from
a
Conference
in
Memory of George
Forrest. Oxford: Oxford Univer?
sity
Press.
Desideri,
P. 1996. "Storici Antichi e Archivi." In Boussac and Invernizzi
1996,
171-77.
Dignas,
Beate. 2002a." Tnventories' or
'Offering
Lists'?
Assessing
the Wealth of
Apollo Didymaeus."
ZPE 138:235-44.
-. 2002b.
Economy of
the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor.
Oxford: Oxford
University
Press.
-. 2003. "Rhodian Priests after the
Synoecism."
Ancient
Society
33:35-51.
Dillery,
John. 1995.
Xenophon
and the
History of
His Times. London and New
York:
Routledge.
Dusanic,
Slobodan. 1983. "The KTIIIZ
MArNHZIAI, Philip
V and the Panhellenic
Leukophryena." Epigraphica
45:11-48.
Ebert,
Joachim. 1982. "Zur
Stiftungsurkunde
der AEYKCKDPYHNA in
Magnesia
am Maander
(Inschr.
v.
Magn. 16)." Philologus
126:198-214.
Flashar,
Martin. 1999. "Panhellenische Feste und
Asyl?Parameter
lokaler Iden-
titatsstiftung
in Klaros und
Kolophon."
Klio 81:412-36.
Flower,
M.
A.,
and John Marincola. 2002. Herodotus: Histories Book IX. Cam?
bridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Fornara,
C. H. 1971. Herodotus: An
Interpretative Essay.
Oxford: Oxford Univer?
sity
Press.
Fowler,
R. L. 1996. "Herodotos and His
Contemporaries."
JHS 116:62-87.
-. 2000.
Early
Greek
Mythography.
Vol. 1 Texts. Oxford: Oxford
University
Press.
Francis,
E.
D.,
and Michael Vickers. 1984. "Amasis and Lindos." BICS 31:119-30.
Gabba,
Emilio. 1981. "True
History
and False
History
in Classical
Antiquity."
IRS
71:50-62.
Gehrke,
H.-J. 1994.
"Mythos, Geschichte,
Politik?antik und modern." Saeculum
45:239-64.
524 JOHN DILLERY
-. 2001.
"Myth, History,
and Collective
Identity:
Uses of the Past in Ancient
Greece and
Beyond."
In
Luraghi 2001,
286-313.
-. 2003
"Biirgerliches
Selbsverstandnis und Polisidentitat im Hellenismus."
In
Holkeskamp,
et al.
2003,
225-54.
Guarducci, Margherita.
1969.
Epigrafia Greca,
Vol. 2. Rome: Istituto
poligrafico
dello Stato.
Habicht,
Christian. 1970. Gottenmenschentum und
griechische
Stddte. 2d ed.
Zetemata 14. Munich.
Harding, Phillip.
1994. Androtion and theAtthis. Oxford: Oxford
University
Press.
Hatzopoulos,
Miltiades. 2003. "Herodotos
(8.137-8),
the Manumissions from
Leukopetra,
and the
Topography
of the Haliakmon
Valley."
In Derow and
Parker
2003,
203-18.
Heltzer,
M. 1989. "The
Persepolis Documents,
the Lindos
Chronicle,
and the
Book of Judith." PP 44:81-101.
Herrmann,
Peter. 1984. "Die
Selbstdarstellung
der hellenistischen Stadt in den
Inschriften: Ideal und Wirklichkeit." In nPAKTIKA
1984,108-19.
Higbie, Carolyn.
1999. "Craterus and the Use of
Inscriptions
in Ancient Scholar?
ship."
TAPA 129:43-83.
-. 2001. "Homeric Athena in the Chronicle of Lindos." In
Deacy
and
Villing
2001:105-25.
-. 2003. The Lindian Chronicle and the Greek Creation
of
Their Past. Ox?
ford: Oxford
University
Press.
Holkeskamp, K.-J.,
J.
Rusen,
E.
Stein-Holkeskamp,
and H. T.
Griitter,
eds. 2003.
Sinn
(in)
der Antike. Mainz:
Philipp
von Zabern.
Holleaux,
Maurice. 1913/1968. "Notes sur la
'Chronique
de Lindos'." REG 26:40-
46.
Rpt.
as Etudes
d'Epigraphie
et d'Histoire
Grecques,
Vol.
1,401-7.
Paris:
Libraire d
Amerique
d'Orient.
Immerwahr,
H. R. 1966. Form and
Thought
in Herodotus.
Cleveland,
Ohio: Ameri?
can
Philological Society.
Isager, Signe.
1998. "The Pride of Halikarnassos: Editio
Princeps
of an
inscription
from Salmakis." ZPE 123:1-23.
Jacoby,
Felix. 1949. Atthis: The Local Chronicles
of
Ancient Athens. Oxford: Ox?
ford
University
Press.
-. 1954a. Die
Fragmente
der
griechischen
Historiker. Part 3b.
Supp.
Text.
-. 1954b. Die
Fragmente
der
griechischen
Historiker. Part 3b.
Supp.
Notes.
Keil,
Bruno. 1916. "Zur
Tempelchronik
von Lindos." Hermes 51:491-98.
Khoury,
R.
G,
ed. 1999. Urkunden und
Urkundenformulare
im Klassischen
Altertum und in den orientalischen Kulturen.
Heidelberg:
Winter.
Kirchberg,
Jutta. 1965. Die Funktion der Orakel im Werke Herodots.
Hypomnemata
11.
Gottingen.
Kopcke,
G 1967. "Neue Holzfunde aus dem Heraion von Samos."
MDAI(A)
82:100-148.
Kraus, Christina,
ed. 1999. The Limits
of Historiography:
Genre and Narrative in
Ancient Historical Texts.
Mnemosyne Supp.
191. Leiden.
Kyrieleis,
H. 1980. "Archaische Holzfunde aus Samos."
MDAI(A)
95:87-147.
Lardinois,
Andre. 1992. "Greek
Myths
for Athenian Rituals." GRBS 33:313-27.
Latyschev,
B. 1916.
Inscriptiones Antiquae
Orae
Septentrionalis
Ponti Euxini. St.
Petersburg: Typis
Academiae Caesareae Scientiarum.
Lewis,
David. 1980/1997. "Datis the Mede." In Selected
Papers
in Greek and Near
Eastern
History,
ed. P. J. Rhodes.
Cambridge: Cambridge Universty Press,
342-44.
Rpt.
From IHS 100:194-95.
Lloyd-Jones, Hugh.
1999. "The Pride of Halicarnassus." ZPE 124:1-14.
Luraghi, Nino,
ed. 2001. The Historian's
Craft
in the
Age of
Herodotus. Oxford:
Oxford
University
Press.
Ma,
John. 2000. Antiochus III and the Cities
of
Western Asia Minor. Oxford:
Oxford
University
Press.
Marincola,
John. 1999.
"Genre, Convention,
and Innovation in Greco-Roman
Historiography."
In Kraus
1999,281-324.
Mikalson,
J. D. 2003. Herodotus and
Religion
in the Persian Wars.
Chapel
Hill:
University
of North Carolina Press.
Millar, Fergus.
1983/2002.
"Epigraphy."
In
Rome,
the Greek
World,
and the
East,
Vol.
1,
ed. H. M. Cotton and G M.
Rodgers. Chapel
Hill:
University
of
North Carolina
Press,
39-81.
Rpt.
from Sources
for
Ancient
History,
ed.
Michael Crawford.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
80-136.
(I
cite
from the
former.)
-. 1997. "Hellenistic
History
in a Near Eastern
Perspective:
The Book of
Daniel." In
Cartledge,
et al. 1997:89-104.
Momigliano,
Arnaldo. 1987. "Biblical Studies and Classical Studies:
Simple
Re-
flections
upon
Historical Method." In On
Pagans, lews,
and
Christians,
3-
10.
Hanover,
N.H.:
Wesleyan University
Press.
Murray, Oswyn.
1987/2001. "Herodotus and Oral
History."
In
Luraghi 2001,16-
44.
Rpt.
from Achaemenid
History
2:93-115.
(I
cite from the
former.)
-. 1993.
Early
Greece. 2d ed.
Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard
University
Press.
Oliver,
J. H. 1950. The Athenian
Expounders of
the Sacred and Ancient Law.
Baltimore,
Md.: Johns
Hopkins University
Press.
Pearson,
Lionel. 1942. The Local Historians
ofAttica. Rpt.
1981.
Philadelphia,
Pa.:
American
Philological
Association.
Peek,
Werner. 1940. "Ein neuer samischer Historiker." Klio 33:165-70.
Peter,
H. 1911. Wahrheit und Kunst.
Geschichtschreibung
und
Plagiat
im klassischen
Altertum.
Leipzig:
B. G Teubner.
Pfister,
F. 1924.
"Epiphanie."
RE
Supp.
4:277-323.
Pierart, Marcal,
and Olivier
Curty,
eds. 1989. Historia Testis.
Melanges
...
offerts
a Tadeusz Zawadzki.
Fribourg:
Editions Universitaires
Fribourg
Suisse.
nPAKTIKA. Tod H'
AieOvoax; Zi)ve8pioi) EAAevticnq
Kat
AaTivncrtq E7uypa(ptKr|c..
Vol. 1. Athens. 1984.
Rhodes,
P. J. 1990. "The
Atthidographers."
In
Verdin,
et al.
1990,73-81.
526 JOHN DILLERY
Robert,
Louis. 1938. Etudes
Epigraphiques
et
Philologiques.
Paris:
Champion.
-. 1946. Hellenica. Vol. 2.
Limoges:
A.
Bontemps.
-. 1963. Review of P.
Fraser,
Samothrace. Vol. 2. Part 2. The
Inscriptions
on
Stone. 1960. New York: Pantheon Books. Gnomon 35:50-79.
Robert, Jean,
and Louis Robert. 1941. BE 1941:no. 110a.
-. 1958. BE 1958:no. 336.
-. 1979. BE 1979:no. 271.
-. 1983a. BE 1983:no. 342.
-. 1983b. Fouilles
d'Amyzon
en Carie. Vol. 1. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.
Rostovtzeff,
Michael. 1919.
"
'Ejciqxxveiai."
Klio 16:203-6.
Roussel,
Pierre. 1931. "Le miracle de Zeus Panamaros." BCH 55:70-116.
Schwenk,
C. J. 1985. Athens in the
Age of
Alexander: The Dated Laws & Decrees
of
the
"Lykourgan
Era" 338-322 BC.
Chicago,
111.: Ares.
Studi di Storia e
Storiografia
Antiche
per
Emilio Gabba. 1988. Como: New Press.
Thomas,
Rosalind. 1989. Oral Tradition and Written Record in Classical Athens.
Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Tresp,
Alois. 1914. Die
Fragmente
der
griechischen Kultschriftsteller. Religions-
geschichtlich
Versuche und Vorarbeiten 15.1. Giessen.
Tuplin, Christopher,
ed. 2004. Pontus and the Outside World. Studies in Black Sea
History, Historiography,
and
Archaeology. Colloquia
Pontica 9. Leiden.
Ustinova,
Yulia. 1999. The
Supreme
Gods
of
the
Bosporan Kingdom.
Celestial
Aphrodite
and the Most
High
God. Leiden: E. J. Brill.
Verdin, H.,
G.
Schepens,
and E. De
Keyser,
eds. 1990. The
Purposes of History.
Studies in Greek
Historiography from
the 4th to the 2nd Centuries B.C.
Studia Hellenistica 30. Louvain.
Welles,
C. B. 1934.
Royal Correspondence
in the Hellenistic Period. New
Haven,
Conn.: Yale
University
Press.
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
U v. 1913. "Uber die Chronik
desTempels
von Lindos."
Philologische Wochenschrift
33:1371-73.
Rpt.
from AA 1913:42-46.
(I
cite
from the
former.)
Wilhelm, Adolph.
1897/2000. "Zu
griechischen
Inschriften."
Archaologisch-
epigraphische Mitteilungen
20:50-96.
Rpt.
in Kleine
Schriften. Abteilung
2
Teil
3,
ed. G Dobesch and G Rehrenbock. 2002:208-254. Wien: Oster-
reichische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
(I
cite from the
latter.)
-. 1930/1974. "Zum Beschluss der Lindier uber die
Aufzeichnung
der
Weihgeschenke
und der
Epiphanien
der Athana." Anz. Wien
1930,88-108.
Rpt.
in
Akademieschriften
zur
griechischen Inschriftenkunde
Teil
2,272-92.
Leipzig: Zentralantiquariat
der Deutschen Demokratischen
Republik.
Wiseman,
T. P. 1979. Clios Cosmetics: Three Studies in Greco-Roman Literature.
Leicester: Rowman and Littlefield.
Ziegler,
Konrat. 1936. "Timachidas." RE
Supp.
6A:1052-60.

Dillery (2005) - Greek Sacred History

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Dillery (2005) - Greek Sacred History

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

OveeI Sacved Hislov

AulIov|s) JoIn BiIIev

You might also like