Professional Documents
Culture Documents
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Wiley-Blackwell and Economic History Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to The Economic History Review.
http://www.jstor.org
EconomicHistoryReview, XLV,
I(I992),
pp.
24-50
Rehabilitating
theindustrial
revolution'
T he historiography
of the industrial
revolution
in Englandhas moved
and earlynineteenth
centuries
as
awayfromviewingthelateeighteenth
a uniqueturning
The notionof
pointin economicand socialdevelopment.2
radicalchangein industry
and societyoccurring
overa specific
periodwas
in the I920s and I930s by Claphamand otherswho
effectively
challenged
stressedthe long taprootsof development
and the incomplete
natureof
economicand socialtransformation.'
Afterthisit was no longerpossibleto
claimthatindustrial
societyemergedde novoat anytimebetweenc. I750
and i85o, buttheidea ofindustrial
revolution
survived
intothe i960s and
I970s. In i968 Hobsbawmcould state unequivocally
that the British
revolution
wasthemostfundamental
in thehistory
industrial
transformation
in written
oftheworldrecorded
documents.4
Rostow'sworkwasstillwidely
of whatwas seen as a new typeof class
influential
and the socialhistory
to be written.
The idea thatthelate eighteenth
societywas onlystarting
and early nineteenth
centurieswitnesseda significant
socioeconomic
remained
wellentrenched.'
discontinuity
In thelastdecadethegradualist
has appearedto triumph.
In
perspective
economichistoryit has done so largelybecauseof a preoccupation
with
at theexpenseofmorebroadlybasedconceptualizations
growth
accounting
havebeenproducedwhichillustrate
ofeconomicchange.New statistics
the
slowgrowthofindustrial
outputand grossdomesticproduct.Productivity
andinvestment
grewslowly;fixedcapitalproportions,
savings,
changedonly
emained
workers'
andtheirpersonal
gradually;
livingstandards
consumption
I Some of the argumentsin this articleappear in Berg, 'Revisionsand revolutions';and in Hudson,
We are verygrateful
to N. F. R. Craftsfordetaileddiscussionofthesubstance
ed., Regionsand industries.
of an earlierversion,and to seminargroupsat theInstituteof HistoricalResearch,London, theNorthern
Economic HistoriansGroup, Universityof Manchester,the Universityof Glasgow, the Universityof
Paris viii at St Denis, and the Universitiesof Oslo and Bergen.Althoughmanyof the argumentsin the
paper apply as much to Scotlandand Wales as to England, we confinediscussionin thispaper to the
industrialrevolutionin England in orderto avoid confusionwherethe existingliteratureis discussed.
2 For a broad surveyof this and othertrendsin the historiography
of the industrialrevolutionsee
Cannadine,'The past and the present'.
thetrendawayfrommorecataclysmic
interpretations
3Clapham is mostoftenassociatedwithinitiating
in Economichistory
of modern
Britain,but the shiftin emphasisis obviousin otherworksof the interwar
Heaton, 'Industrialrevolution';Redford,
period and earlier,e.g. Mantoux, The industrialrevolution;
revolutions;
George,Englandin transition.
Economichistory
ofEngland;Knowles,Industrialand commercial
4 Hobsbawm, Industry
and empire,p. I3.
class identifiedthe industrialrevolutionperiod as
5Thompson in his Making of theEnglishworking
growth,thoughchallengedover
the greatturningpoint in class formation.Rostow's Stages of economic
the precisefitbetweenthe model and Britishexperience,was a powerfulvoice in favourof significant
Landes in UnboundPrometheus
drew a convincingpicture
and unprecedentedeconomicdiscontinuity.
of the transformations
initiatedby technicalinnovation.
24
REHABILITATING
THE INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
25
26
MAXINE BERG
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
27
28
MAXINE BERG
ofcapital-intensive
plantand equipmentwhich
concernonlytheintroduction
has an immediatemeasurableimpact on productivity.
We returnto these
below but first
importantpointsabout economicdualism and productivity
brieflydeal withmeasurementproblemsof the nationalaccountsapproach
toundermine
periodwhichalonearesufficient
duringtheindustrialrevolution
confidencein the currentgradualistorthodoxy.
II
Industrialoutput and GDP are aggregateestimatesderived from the
weightedaverages of theircomponentswhich, as Craftshimselfadmits,
of assigning
involves 'a classic index numberproblem'.2' The difficulties
weightsto industrialand othersectorsof the economy,allowingforchanges
in weightsover time and for the effectsof differential
price changes and
value-addedchangesin thefinalproduct,are insurmountable
and willalways
involvewide marginsof potentialerror.Errorsin turnbecomemagnifiedin
residualcalculationslike thatof productivity
growth.22
At the root of problemsconcerningthe compositionof the economyby
sector in the national accounting frameworkare the new social and
occupationaltablesof Lindertand Williamsonupon whichCraftsand others
rely.23These give a higherprofileto the industrialsectorthan the earlier
social structureestimatesof King, Massie, and Colquhounand fitwell with
But the latitude
currentworkon the importanceof proto-industrialization.
for potentialerrorin these tables is great. Lindert himselfhas cautioned
that for the large occupational groupingsof industry,agriculture,and
commerceerrormarginscould be as highas 6o per centwhileestimatesfor
shoemakers,carpenters,and othersare 'littlemorethanguesses'.24Lindert
and Williamsonrelyon theburialrecordsofadultmalesas theirmainsource
of occupationalinformation.Yet women and childrenwere a vital and
workforceduringthe proto-industrial
growingpillar of the manufacturing
of allowingfordual and
difficulties
and earlyindustrialperiods.The further
of
with
and
dealing
descriptionslike 'labourer',which
tripleoccupations,
give no indicationof sector,suggestthatno reliablesectoralbreakdownfor
labourinputscan be made. Beforethe 1831 census,and withoutthe benefit
of much more research,not only are sectoraldistributionslikely to be
erroneous,but they are particularlylikely to underestimatethe role of
growingsections of the labour force and of the vitallyimportant,often
innovative,overlapsbetweenagrarianand industrialoccupations.
Nor are the industrialmacrodataparticularlyrobust. Many of Crafts's
derivedfrom
estimatesof sectoroutputsand inputsrelyon usingmultipliers
a handfulof examplesand only a sample of industriesis used. This omits
21 Ibid., p. I7.
22
p. 306.
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
29
26
30
MAXINE
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
3I
and earlynineteenth-century
England.33In
or the dynamismof eighteenthreality,it is impossibleto make clear-cutdivisionsbetweenthe traditional
and the modern as there were rarely separate organizationalforms,
technologies,locations,or firmsto be ascribedto either.Eighteenth-and
cottonmanufacturers,
servingdomesticas well as foreign
nineteenth-century
spinningin factorieswithlargemarkets,typicallycombinedsteam-powered
scale employmentof domestichandloomweaversand oftenkept a mix of
powered and domestichand weaving long afterthe powered technology
becameavailable.This patternwas a functionofriskspreading,theproblems
of earlytechnology,and the cheap labour supplyof womenand childrenin
Thus fordecades the 'modern'sectorwas actuallybolsteredby,
particular.34
and derivedfromthe 'traditional'sector,and not the reverse.
Artisans in the metal-workingsectors of Birminghamand Sheffield
frequentlycombinedoccupationsor changedthem over theirlife cycle in
such a way that they too could be classifiedin both the traditionaland
modern sectors.35Artisan woollen workersin West Yorkshireclubbed
togetherto build millsforcertainprocessesand thushad a footin both the
modernand traditionalcamps. These so-called'companymills'underpinned
Thus the traditionaland the modern
the success of the artisanstructure.36
were most often inseparable and mutuallyreinforcing.Firms primarily
diversified
into metal processingventuresas
concernedwith metalworking
a way of generatingsteadyraw materialsupplies. This and othercases of
verticalintegration
providemore examplesof the tail of 'tradition'wagging
the dog of 'modernity'.37
The non-factory,
supposedlystagnantsector,oftenworkingprimarilyfor
domesticmarkets,pioneeredextensiveand radicaltechnicaland organizational
change not recognizedby the revisionists.The classic textileinnovations
were all developed withina rural and artisanindustry;the artisanmetal
handprocesses,handtools,and newmalleable
tradesdevelopedskill-intensive
alloys. The wool textile sector moved to new products which reduced
finishingtimes and revolutionizedmarketing.New formsof putting-out,
wholesaling,retailing,creditand debt,and artisanco-operationweredevised
in the face of the new
as ways of retainingthe essentialsof older structures
morecompetitiveand innovativeenvironment.
Customarypracticesevolved
to matchtheneeds ofdynamicand market-orientated
production.The result
33 The use of a two-sector
of development
modelofindustrialchangeis reminiscent
traditional/modern
economics during the I950s and i96os which looked to a policy of accelerated and large-scale
throughpromotionof the modernsectoras a spearheadforthe restof the economy.
industrialization
of thediverseand dependentlinkagesbetween
This divisionwas abandonedin the I970S withrecognition
the 'formal'and 'informal'and betweenthe 'traditional'and 'modern'sectors,yetit has gainedrenewed
prominencein economichistory.See Moser, 'Informalsector',p. I052; Toye, Dilemmasin development.
For fullerdiscussionof parallelideas in developmenteconomics,see Berg, 'Revisionsand revolutions',
of the dynamismof the smallfirmsectorsee Sabel and Zeitlin,
pp. 5i-6. For a particularinterpretation
'Historicalalternatives',pp. I42-56; also Berg, 'On the origins'.
34 See, forexample, Lyons, 'Lancashirecottonindustry'.
35 Berg, 'Revisions and revolutions',pp. 56, 59; idem,Age of manufactures,
chs. II I2; Sabel and
Zeitlin, 'Historical alternatives',pp. I46-50; Lyons, 'Vertical integration';Berg, 'Commerce and
creativity',
pp. I90-5.
37
32
MAXINE
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
was considerabletransformation
even withinthe framework
of the so-called
traditionalsector.
The revisionists
arguethatmostindustriallabourwas to be foundin those
occupations which experiencedlittle change.38But the food and drink
trades,shoemaking,tailoring,blacksmithing,
and tradescateringforluxury
consumptionsuccessfullyexpanded and adapted to provide the essential
urbanserviceson whichtownlife,and hence much of centralizedindustry,
was dependent.Furthermore,
earlyindustrialcapitalformation
and enterprise
typicallycombinedactivityin the food and drinkor agricultural
processing
tradeswithmoreobviouslyindustrialactivities,
creatinginnumerable
external
economies.39This was true in metal manufacturein Birminghamand
Sheffieldwhereinnkeepersand victuallerswere commonlymortgageesand
In the south Lancashiretool
joint ownersof metal workingenterprises.40
tradesPeter Stubs was not untypicalwhen he firstappeared in I788 as a
tenantof the WhiteBear Inn in Warrington.Here he combinedthe activity
of innkeeper,maltster,and brewerwiththatof filemakerusing the carbon
in barm bottoms(barrel dregs) to strengthen
the files.41There are many
and industry.
examplesof thiskind of overlapbetweenservices,agriculture,
These were the norm in business practiceat a time when entrepreneurs'
to spreadthroughdiversification
of portfoliosand where
riskswere difficult
so much could be gained fromthe externaleconomiescreated by these
overlaps.
We do not suggesthere thatproductivity
growthat the rate experienced
in cottontextileswas achievedelsewhere,but thatthe successof cottonand
othermajorexportswas intimately
relatedto and dependentuponinnovations
in otherbranchesof the primary,secondary,
and radical transformations
and tertiary
sectors.Dividingoffthe modernfromthe traditionalsectorsis
an analyticaldevice which hides more than it reveals in attemptingto
understandthe dynamicsof changein the industrialrevolution.
IV
More questionablethan theirassumptionof the separatenessand dependence of the traditionalsectoris the revisionists'evaluationof productivity
of the
changein the economyat this time. Throughoutthe historiography
measureshave seldombeen clearlydefined,
industrialrevolutionproductivity
thelimitations
ofmeasureshave rarelybeen explained,and figuresoflimited
have been produced and widely accepted on trust. Total
meaningfulness
factorproductivity
(TFP) is the measuremost used by Craftsand others
was slow to growin
and its use has led themto concludethatproductivity
the period. TFP is usuallycalculatedas a residualafterthe rate of growth
of factorinputshas been subtractedfromthe rate of growthof GDP.
38 Crafts,
p. 69; Wrigley,People,citiesand wealth,pp. I33-57; idem,Continuity,
Britisheconomic
growth,
chanceand change,p. 84.
39 Jones,'Environment';
Burley,'Essex clothier';Chapman,'Industrialcapital'; Mathias,'Agriculture
and brewing'.
40
p. i83.
Berg, 'Commerceand creativity',
pp. 4-5.
industrialist,
41 Ashton,Eighteenth
century
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
33
Williamson,'Debating', p.
270;
305-
Link, Technological
change,pp. I5-20.
Eichengreen,'What have we learned?',pp. 29-30; Link, Technological
change,p. I4. For discussion
ch. 6; David,
of evidenceof labour-savingtechnicalchange,see Rosenberg,Perspectives
on technology,
Technicalchoice,ch. I; Field, 'Land abundance,interest/profit
rates',p. 4I I; Stoneman,Economicanalysis
oftechnological
change,pp. I 56-67.For evidenceand discussionofincreasingreturns,see David, Technical
choice,chs. 2, 6.
45 Eichengreen,'Causes of Britishbusinesscycles'; Allen, Enclosure,
ch. I2; Hunt, 'Industrialisation
and regionalinequality'.
46 Link, Technological
change,p. 24; Eichengreen,'What have we learned?',pp. 29-30; Elbaum and
Lazonick, Declineof theBritisheconomy,
pp. I-I7; Lazonick, 'Social organisation',p. 74.
47 Berg,Age of manufactures,
chs. II, I2; Rowlands,Mastersand men.
43
44
34
MAXINE
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
in consumption
patternsand habits.48
Productinnovationfuelleda revolution
But because the nationalaccountsframeworkmeasuresthe replicationof
goods and services,it cannot easily incorporateeitherthe appearance of
entirelynew goods not presentat the startof a timeseriesor improvements
frustrate
overtimein the qualityof goods or services.New productsfurther
effortsat productivityestimationbecause the initialprices of new goods
wereusuallyveryhighbut declinedrapidlyas innovationproceeded,making
the calculationof both weightsand value-addeda majorproblem.49
calculations
Finally, the national accounts frameworkand productivity
in the means of production
cannot measure that qualitativeimprovement
whichcan yieldshorterworkinghoursor less arduousor monotonouswork
routines.50 Clearly, a broader concept of technologicalchange and of
innovationis required than can be accommodatedby national income
accounting.If the mostsensibleway to view the courseof economicchange
is throughthe timingand impactof innovation,it is arguablethatthe use
of nationalaccountinghas frustrated
progress.Emphasishas been placed on
at theexpenseofscience,economicorganization,
savingand capitalformation
the knacks
skills,dexterity,
new productsand processes,marketcreativity,
and otheraspectsof economiclifewhich
and workpracticesof manufacture,
may be innovativebut have no place in the accountingcategories.5'
The problemsinvolvedin measuringeconomy-wide
productivity
growth,
and in regardingit as a reflectionof the extentof fundamentaleconomic
change,are compoundedwhen one considersthe natureboth of industrial
capital and of industriallabour in the period. Redeploymentof labour
fromagrarian-basedand domesticsectorsto urban and more centralized
manufacturing
activitymay well have been accompaniedby diminishing
in the shortrun. Green labour had to learn industrial
labour productivity
skillsas well as new formsof disciplinewhile,withinsectors,labour often
shiftedinto processeswhich were more ratherthan less labour-intensive.
The same tendencyto low returnsin the shorttermcan be seen in capital
in theperiod.Earlysteamenginesand machinery
investment
wereimperfect
and subjectto breakdownsand rapidobsolescence.Grosscapitalinvestment
whenfed
figures(whichincludefundsspenton renewalsand replacements),
into productivity
of the importanceand
measures,are not a good reflection
potentialof technologicalchangein the period. Rapid technologicalchange
is capitalhungryas newequipmentsoonbecomesobsolescentand is replaced.
Shiftsin the aggregatemeasuresof productivity
growthare thus actually
less likelyto showup as significant
duringperiodsof rapidand fundamental
economictransition
thanin periodsofslowerand morepiecemealadjustment.
This pointwas stressedby Hicks who notedthatthelonggestationperiod
of technologicalinnovationmight yield Ricardo's machineryeffect:the
returnsfrommajor shiftsin technologywould not be apparentforseveral
wouldonlyincreaseunemployment
decadesand, in theshortterm,innovation
Brewer,McKendrick,and Plumb, Birthof a consumer
society;Breen, 'Baubles of Britain'.
Usher,Measurement,
pp. 8-io.
50
Ibid., p. 9.
51Ibid., p. io.
48
49
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
35
36
MAXINE
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
37
38
MAXINE
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
ch. I.
69 Fuller discussionof this can be found in Hudson, Regions,ch. i. For anotherexample of this
of Tyneside.
approachsee Levine and Wrightson,The making,on the earliertransformation
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
39
of factormarkets'.
70 The reallyimportant
spatialunitforproductionfactors,
especiallycapitaland labour,and forinformation
flow,commercialcontacts,
and credit networksin the pre-railwayperiod was the economic region,
which was oftenclearlyidentifiable.7'Constructionof the improvedriver
and canal systemson whicheconomicgrowthdependeddid muchto endorse
the existenceof regionaleconomies,fora timeincreasingtheirinsularity(in
relationto the nationaleconomy).72 Nor werethe railwaysquick to destroy
regionallyorientatedtransportsystems.Most companiesfound it in their
best intereststo structurefreightrates so as to encouragethe trade of the
regionsthey served, to favourshorthauls, and thus to cementregional
73
resourcegroupings.
Industrialization
accentuatedthe differences
betweenregionsby making
themmore functionally
distinctand specialized.Economicand commercial
circumstances
werethusincreasingly
experiencedregionally
and socialprotest
movementswiththeirregionalfragmentation
can onlybe understoodat that
level and in relationto regionalemployment
and social structures.Issues of
nationalpoliticalreformalso came to be identifiedwithparticularregions,
forexamplefactoryreformwithYorkshire,the anti-poorlaw campaignwith
Lancashireand Manchester,or currencyreformwithBirmingham.Regional
identitywas encouragedby the links createdaround the great provincial
cities,by theintra-regional
natureofthebulk ofmigration,
by theformation
ofregionallybased clubs and societies,tradeunions,employers'associations,
and newspapers.74
In short, dynamicindustrialregionsgenerateda social and economic
interaction
whichwould have been absentif theircomponentindustrieshad
not been spatiallyconcentratedand specialized.Intensivelocal competition
combined with regionalintelligenceand information
networkshelped to
stimulateregion-wideadvances in industrialtechnologyand commercial
organization.And thegrowthof specializedfinancialand mercantileservices
withinthe dominantregionsservedto increasethe externaleconomiesand
reduced both intra-regional
and extra-regional
transactionscosts significantly.75
Macroeconomicindicatorsfailto pick up thisregionalspecialization
and dynamismwhich was unique to the period and revolutionary
in its
impact.
Crafts,Britisheconomic
growth,p. 3.
Hunt, 'Industrialisation
and regionalinequality';idem,'Wages', pp. 6o-8; Allen,Enclosure,ch. I2;
Williamson,'English factormarkets';Clark and Souden, eds., Migrationand society,chs. 7, io. On
capital and credit marketssee Hudson, Genesis.See also Pollard, Peaceful conquest,p. 37; Presnell,
Countrybanking,pp. 284-343; Anderson,'Attorneyand the early capital market'; Hoppit, Risk and
failure,ch. I5.
72 Freeman, 'Transport', p. 86; Langton, 'Industrialrevolutionand regional geography',p. i62;
Turnbull,'Canals', pp. 537-60.
73 Freeman,'Transport',p. 92; see also Hawke, Railways.
74 Langtonprovidesa stimulating
surveyof the regionalfragmentation
of tradeunions,of Chartism
and othermovements,and of regionaldifferences
in work practicesand work customs,in 'Industrial
revolution',pp. I50-5. See also Read, Englishprovinces;and Southall, 'Towards a geography'which
concentrates
on the artisantrades.
75 See Pollard,Peacefulconquest,
pp. I9, 28-9.
70
7I
40
MAXINE
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
VII
The work of Wrigleyand Schofieldrightlydominatesthe population
historyof this period but theiroriginalcausal analysisillustratessome of
of aggregativestudiesof economicand social transformation.
the difficulties
They arguethat,despiteconsiderablegrowthin numbersand the disappeartherewas no significant
in
ance of major crises of mortality,
discontinuity
demographicbehaviourin England between the sixteenthand the mid
There was no sexual, social, medical,or nutritional
nineteenthcenturies.76
revolution.The population regime was and remained marriagedriven:
nuptialityand hence fertility
throughoutthe three centuriesvaried as a
delayed responseto changesin livingstandardsas indicatedby real wage
trends.77But the dangerin usingnationaldemographicvariablesto analyse
patternsof individualmotivationis that national estimatesmay conflate
opposing tendenciesin differentregions,sectors of industry,and social
of themainsprings
of aggregatedemographic
groups.Accurateidentification
trendswill onlycome withregional,sectoral,and class breakdownsbecause
sortsof workersor social groupswithindifferent
different
regionalcultures
stimulior reacted differently
to the same
probablyexperienceddifferent
economictrends,thus creatinga rangeof demographicregimes.78
The factthatdemographicvariablessuch as illegitimacy
ratesand age of
marriageexhibitenduringspatialpatternsin the face of changingeconomic
fortunesis suggestive.79Parish reconstitution
studies indicate that local
behaviour did not parallel the movementof the aggregateseries. Such
diversitycasts doubt upon the use of the nationalvital rates for causal
analysisof demographicbehaviour.The mostimportantcausal variablesin
local reconstitution
studiesappear to range well outside the movementof
real wages. The local economic and social setting,broadlydefined,was
crucial. It included such thingsas proletarianization,
price movements,
and the natureof parishadministration,
of
economicinsecurity,
particularly
the poor laws.80 Despite this, a national culturalnorm continuesto be
stressed,withthe assumptionthatregionsand localitiestendedtowardsit.
The result,as with the macroeconomicwork of Craftsand others,is an
excessivepreoccupationwithnationalcomparisons('the French versusthe
Englishpattern')and withthe idea thatlowerclasses and backwardregions
lag behindtheirsuperiors,but eventuallyfollowthemon the nationalroad
to modernityand progress.8'
76 Wrigleyand Schofield,Populationhistory,
chs. I0, i i. For summariesof theircausal analysissee
Smith,'Fertility,economyand householdformation';Wrigley,'Growthof population'.
77 There has been considerable
theanalysis.
methodunderlying
debateoverthisviewand thestatistical
See Gaunt,Levine, and Moodie, 'Populationhistory';Anderson,'Historicaldemography';Mokyr,'Three
centuriesof populationchange'; Olney, 'Fertility';Lindert, 'English livingstandards';Lee, 'Inverse
projection';idem,'Populationhomeostatis'.
78 See Levine, in Gaunt, Levine, and Moodie, 'Populationhistory',p. I55.
79 See for example, Levine and Wrightson,'Social context of illegitimacy',pp. i6o-i;
Wilson,
'Proximatedeterminants'.
80 Wrightsonand Levine, Povertyand piety.For the importanceof the local economic settingsee
Levine and Wrightson,The making,ch. 3; Sharpe, 'Literallyspinsters'.For
Levine, Familyformation;
familyreconstitution
resultssee Wrigleyand Schofield,'Englishpopulationhistory'.
81 Seccombe, 'Marxismand demography',
p. 35.
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
4I
and the
Recently,the effectsof proto-industrialization,
proletarianization,
changingcompositionof the workforcehave receivedattentionin relation
todemographic
change.82This opensthedoorfora moreradicalinterpretation
of the structuralcauses of fertility
change. The need to look more closely
at those structuraland institutional
changeswhichresultedin the marked
declinein age of marriagein the second halfof the eighteenthcenturyhas
been emphasized, as has the importanceof a growinggroup of 'young
barriers' in the populationwhose actionsappear unaffected
by the general
pressureson real wages.83Evidence of radical discontinuity
is reappearing
at all levels of analysis.84
The influenceoftheWrigley/Schofield
approachmayalso haveunjustifiably
divertedattentionaway frommortalityand its significant
discontinuities.
The CambridgeGroup aggregatedata suggestthatrisingfertility
was twoand-a-halftimes more importantthan fallingmortalityin producingthe
accelerationin population growthin the eighteenthcentury. But the
markedincreasein theproportionof thepopulationlivingin townstogether
withthe substantialurbanmortality
penaltymakesdiachronicstudiesof the
national aggregate population particularlylikely to underestimatethe
A centralrole for
importanceof mortalitychangesin relationto fertility.
in urbanlifeexpectancyin fuellingpopulationgrowthduring
improvements
theindustrialrevolution
is perfectly
compatiblewithsignificant
contemporary
shiftsin fertility
and even withsuch shiftsbeing apparently
moresignificant
at the nationallevel.86
ofradicalstructural
The significance
shiftsin thecompositionand location
in mortality
of the population,as well as of improvement
rates,tendsto be
overlookedif causal explanationsbased on aggregatedata are used. This has
resultedin the currentliteraturebeing dominatedby discussionof fertility
ratherthan of mortality
and of continuity
ratherthanof discontinuity.
VIII
The evolutionof social class and of class consciousnesshas long been
integral to popular understandingof what was new in the industrial
revolution.Growingoccupationalconcentration,
loss of
proletarianization,
independence,exploitation,deskilling,and urbanizationhave been central
ofworking-class
cultureand consciousness,
to mostanalysesoftheformation
while the ascendancy of Whig laissez-fairepolitical economy has been
as a class.87But recent
associatedwiththe new importanceof industrialists
families,chs. 2, 3; idem,'Proletarianfamily',pp. i8i-8.
See Levine, Reproducing
Schofield,'English marriagepatterns'.This studyfindsthat, in the eighteenthcentury,age of
and
marriagebecame more importantthan variationin celibacyin accountingforchangesin fertility,
thatage of marriagewas relativelyunresponsiveto real wage indicesafterI700. On youngmarrierssee
Goldstone,'Demographicrevolution'.
84
For a recentexamplesee Jackson,'Populationchangein Somerset-Wiltshire'.
85
Wrigley,'Growthof populationin the eighteenthcentury',pp. I26-33.
86
This pointis made in Kearns, 'Urban penalty';cf. Thompson,
Woods, 'Populationredistribution'.
The making,pp. 356-66; Perkin,Origins.
87
Prothero,Artisansand politics;Morris, Class and class
See, for example, Foster, Class struggle;
Seed, 'Unitarianism'.
consciousness;
82
83
42
MAXINE
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
43
44
Ix
The industrialrevolutionwas an economicand socialprocesswhichadded
up to much morethanthe sum of its measurableparts.The periodsaw the
sectoralspecializationof regionsand the growthof regionallyintegrated
an industrialand social
economiessome of whichwere clearlyexperiencing
revolution,no matterhow thistermis defined,whileothersdeindustrialized.
The movementof aggregatequantitativeindicatorsignores this and, as
presentlycalculated,failsto give an accurateaccountof the structuralshift
in the natureand deploymentof theworkforce
because the calculationsrely
on adult male labour. The natureof innovationand of industrialand social
transformation
is also currently
and underestimated.
Landes
misrepresented
of discontinuities
has warnedof maskingthe significance
by concentrating
on the absence of shiftsin quantitativeindicators:to him these were the
thevirtue
historians''butterfly
underglass or frogin formaldehyde-without
of wholenessto compensatefortheirlifelessness':
of . . . societyand eventhenin termsthat
numbers
describethesurface
merely
of unchanging
nomenclature.
Beneath
defineawaychangeby usingcategories
and... itwastheythatdetermined
thissurface,
thevitalorgansweretransformed
themetabolism
oftheentiresystem.97
It is timeto moveon fromthemacroaccountingframework
and to rebuild
the nationalpictureof economicand social change fromnew researchat
regionaland local level. We need to adopt a broaderconceptof innovation,
to insiston a greaterawarenessof femaleand childlabour,and to recognize
thatthe economic,social, and culturalfoundationsof an industrialcapitalist
order rest on much more than conventionalmeasures of industrialor
If thisis done it shouldnotbe longbeforethenotion
economicperformance.
of an industrialrevolution,occurringin Englandin the late eighteenthand
earlynineteenthcenturies,is fullyrehabilitated.
University
of Warwick
University
of Liverpool
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
45
Footnote references
Officialpublications
Report. . . on thestateof children. . .in manufactories
(P.P. i8i6, III).
on thebill to regulatethelabourof children
ReportfromtheCommittee
in themillsandfactories
(P.P.
i83I-
2, XV).
Secondary sources
Allen, R. A. C., Enclosureand theyeoman(Oxford,forthcoming).
Anderson,B., 'The attorneyand the earlycapital marketin Lancashire',in F. Crouzet, ed., Capital
in theindustrial
formation
revolution
(1972), pp. 223-55.
Anderson,M., 'Historicaldemographyafterthe populationhistoryof England',J. Interdisc.Hist., I5
(i985), pp. 595-607.
Anderson,P., 'The figuresof descent',New LeftRev., i6i (i987), pp. 20-78.
Ashton,T. S., An eighteenth-century
industrialist:
PeterStubsofWarrington,
I756-i806 (Manchester,I939).
BarrattBrown,M., 'Away withall the greatarches:Anderson'shistoryof Britishcapitalism',New Left
Rev., i67 (i988), pp. 22-5I.
Behagg, C., 'The democracyof work, i820-i850', in J. Rule, ed., Britishtradeunionism,1750-i850
(i988), pp. i62-7.
Behagg, C., Politicsand production
in nineteenth
century
England(i990).
Beneria,L., 'Conceptualisingthe labour force:the underestimation
of women'seconomicactivities',in
R. Pahl, ed., On work(Oxford,i988), pp. 372-9I.
Berg, M., The machinery
questionand themakingofpoliticaleconomy,
18i5-1848 (Cambridge,ig80).
Berg, M., The age of manufactures:
industry,
innovation
and workin BritainI700-i820 (London, i985).
Berg, M., 'Women's work, mechanisationand the early phases of industrialisation
in England', in
P. Joyce,ed., The historical
meanings
of work(Cambridge,i987), pp. 64-98.
Berg,M., 'Progressand providencein earlynineteenth-century
politicaleconomy',Soc. Hist., I5 (990),
pp. 365-75.
Berg,M., 'Revisionsand revolutions:technologyand productivity
in eighteenthchangein manufacture
and innovation
centuryEngland', in J. A. Davis and P. Mathias,eds., Technology
fromtheeighteenth
to thepresentday (Oxford,I991), pp. 43-65.
century
Berg, M., 'Commerceand creativityin eighteenth-century
Birmingham',in idem,ed., Marketsand
in earlyindustrial
manufacture
Europe(London, I991), pp. I73-205.
Berg, M., 'On the originsof capitalisthierarchy',in B. Gustafsson,ed., Power and economic
institutions
I991),
(Aldershot,
pp. I73-95.
pp. 9I-II2.
and Europeanindustrialization
Bruland,K., Britishtechnology
(Cambridge,i989).
Burley,K. H., 'An Essex clothierof the eighteenthcentury',Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., XI (1958),
pp. 289-30I.
Bushaway,R., By rite:custom,ceremony
and community
in England,I700-i880 (i982).
Bythell,D., The handloomweavers(Cambridge,i967).
Bythell,D., The sweatedtrades(I978).
Cain, P. J. and Hopkins, A. G., 'Gentlemanlycapitalismand Britishoverseasexpansion,I: The old
colonialsystem,I688-I850', Econ. Hist.Rev., 2nd ser.,XXXIX (I986), pp. 50I-25; 'II: New imperialism,
i850-I945', Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., XL (i987), pp. I-26.
Cannadine,D., 'The past and the presentin the English industrialrevolution,i880-i980', P. & P.,
I03 (I984),
pp. I49-58.
46
MAXINE
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
England(i989).
Clark, P. and Souden, D., eds., Migrationand societyin earlymodern
on thewealth,powerand resources
oftheBritishempire(i8I4; secondedn, i8I5).
Colquhoun,P., A treatise
as culturalrevolution
(Oxford,i985).
Corrigan,P. and Sayer,P., The greatarch:Englishstateformation
revolution
(Oxford,i985).
growthduringtheindustrial
Crafts,N. F. R., Britisheconomic
of interpretation',
Exp. Econ.
Crafts,N. F. R., 'Britisheconomicgrowth,I700-i850: some difficulties
Hist., 24 (i987), pp. 245-68.
in an international
context',J. Interdisc.Hist., XIX (i989),
Crafts,N. F. R., 'Britishindustrialisation
pp. 4I5-28.
Crafts,N. F. R., Leybourne,S. J., and Mills, T. C., 'Trendsand cyclesin Britishindustrialproduction,
I700-I9I3', J.R.S.S., I52 (i989), pp. 43-60.
Crafts,N. F. R., Leybourne,S. J., and Mills, T. C., 'Britain',in R. Syllaand G. Toniolo, eds., Patterns
in nineteenth-century
Europe(forthcoming).
of industrialization
of childrenin England,c. i680-i85I', P. & P.,
and unemployment
Cunningham,H., 'The employment
I26 (i990), pp. II5-50.
Daunton, M., 'Gentlemanlycapitalismand Britishindustry,i820-I9I4', P. & P., I22 (i989), pp. Ii959.
paradox in a not-too-distant
David, P. A., 'The computerand the dynamo.The modernproductivity
mirror',WarwickEconomic ResearchPapers, 339 (i989).
and economic
growth(Cambridge,I975).
David, P. A., Technicalchoice,innovation
menand womenof theEnglishmiddleclass,I780-I850 (i987).
Davidoff,L. and Hall, C., Familyfortunes:
growth,I688-I959 (Cambridge,2nd edn. i969).
Deane, P. and Cole, W. A., Britisheconomic
(Harmondsof consumption
Douglas, M. and Isherwood,B., The worldofgoods:towardsan anthropology
worth,ig80).
Eichengreen,B., 'The causes of Britishbusiness cycles, I833-I9I3', J. Eur. Econ. Hist., I2 (i983),
pp. I45-63.
in
Eichengreen,B., 'What have we learnedfromhistoricalcomparisonsof incomeand productivity?',
1750-1939, Ninth
andproblems
ofmeasurement,
productivity
comparisons
P.K. O'Brien, ed., International
Congressof the Int. Econ. Hist. Assoc. (Berne, i986), pp. 26-36.
perspectiveon Britishdecline',in idem,eds., Thedecline
Elbaum, R. and Lazonick, W., 'An institutional
(Oxford,i986), pp. I-I7.
of theBritisheconomy
in idem,eds., Women'semployment
Elson, D. and Pearson,R., 'Nimble fingersand foreigninvestments',
in Europe(i989), pp. I-I2.
and multinationals
in GreatBritain',in P. Mathiasand M. M. Postan,eds., Cambridge
Feinstein,C. H., 'Capital formation
economichistory
of Europe,7, Pt. I (Cambridge,I978), pp. 28-96.
American and British
rates and nineteenth-century
Field, A. J., 'Land abundance, interest/profit
technology',
J. Econ. Hist., XLIII (i983), pp. 405-3I.
and the industrialrevolution:
earlyindustrialcapitalismin threeEnglishtowns
Foster, J., Class struggle
( I 977).
Foster, J., 'The declassingof language',New LeftRev., I50 (i985), pp. 29-47.
Britain,I780-I9I4
Freeman,M., 'Transport',in J. Langtonand R. Morris,eds., Atlas of industrialising
(i986), pp. 60-9.
Freudenberger,H., Mather,K. J., and Nardinelli,C., 'A new look at the earlyfactorylabour force',
J. Econ. Hist., XLIV (i984), pp. io85-90.
Gaunt, D., Levine, D., and Moodie, E., 'The populationhistoryof England, I54I-i87I: a review
symposium',Soc. Hist., 8 (i983), pp. I39-68.
(Harmondsworth,
George,D., Englandin transition
I930).
Goldin, C., 'The economic status of women in the early republic: some quantitativeevidence',J.
Interdisc.Hist., i6 (i986), pp. 375-405.
in the early republic: evidence
Goldin, C. and Sokoloff,K., 'Women, childrenand industrialisation
fromthe manufacturing
censuses',J. Econ. Hist., XLII (i982), pp. 72I-74.
the American
hypothesisand industrialisation:
Goldin, C. and Sokoloff,K., 'The relativeproductivity
case, I820-I850', Qu. J. Econ., XCIX(i984), pp. 46I-87.
Goldstone,J. A., 'The demographicrevolutionin England: a re-evaluation',Pop. Stud., XLI (i986),
PP. 5-33.
of the Englishworkingclass', Soc. Hist., ii (i986), pp. 363-73.
Gray,R., 'The deconstruction
Gray, R., 'The languagesof factoryreformin Britain,c. I830-I860', in P. Joyce,ed., The historical
meanings
of work(Cambridge,i987), pp. I43-79.
Greenhalgh,C., 'A laboursupplyfunctionformarriedwomenin GreatBritain',Economica,XLIV (I977),
pp. 249-65.
Gunn, S., 'The "failure"of the Victorianmiddle class: a critique',in J. Wolffand J. Seed, eds., The
cultureof capital: art,powerand thenineteenth
century
middleclass (Manchester,I989), pp. I7-44.
to i8oo (I926).
Hamilton,H., The Englishbrassand copperindustries
beforeI84I: evidenceof slowergrowthduringthe industrial
Harley, C. K., 'Britishindustrialisation
revolution',J. Econ. Hist., XLII (I982), pp. 267-89.
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
47
Harrison,B., 'Class and genderin modernBritishlabour history',P. & P., I24 (i989), pp. I2I-59.
Hauseman, W. J. and Watts, J. M., 'Structuralchange in the eighteenthcenturyBritisheconomy:a
testusing cubic splines',Exp. Econ. Hist., I7 (ig80), pp. 400-Io.
(Cambridge,1980).
Hawke, G. R., Economicsforhistorians
Heaton, H., 'Industrialrevolution',Encyclopediaof thesocial sciences,VIII 0932), pp. 3-I2.
(Oxford,2nd edn. i965).
woollenand worstedindustry
Heaton, H., The Yorkshire
Heim, C. E. and Morowski,P., 'Interestratesand crowdingout duringBritain'sindustrialrevolution',
J. Econ. .list., XLVII (I987), pp. II7-39.
history
(Oxford,i969).
Hicks, J.R., A theory
of economic
thought,
on socialand economic
I785-i865
theinfluence
of evangelicalism
Hilton, B., The age of atonement:
(Cambridge,i988).
oflabour
Hobsbawm,E. J., 'Custom,wages,and workload',in idem,Labouringmen:studiesin thehistory
(I964), pp. 344-70.
and empire(i968).
Hobsbawm, E. J., Industry
Hobsbawm, E. J., 'Marx and history',New LeftRev., I43 (i984), pp. 37-50.
Hoppit, J., 'Understandingthe industrialrevolution',Hist.J., 30 (I987), pp. 2II-24.
Hoppit, J., Risk and failurein Englishbusiness,I700-I800 (Cambridge,i987).
Hoppit, J., 'Countingthe industrialrevolution',Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., XLIII (I990), pp. I73-93.
(Oxford,i984).
Howe, A., The cottonmasters
Huberman,M., 'The economicoriginsof paternalism:Lancashirecottonspinningin the firsthalf of
the nineteenthcentury',Soc. Hist., I2 (i987), pp. I77-92.
Huberman,M., 'The economicoriginsof paternalism:replyto Rose, Taylorand Winstanley',Soc. Hist.,
I4 (i989), pp. 99-I04.
Hudson, P., 'From manor to mill: the West Riding in transition',in M. Berg, P. Hudson, and M.
beforethefactory(Cambridge,i983), pp. I24-46.
in townand country
Sonenscher,eds., Manufacture
c. I750-I850
capital:a studyof theWestRidingwooltextileindustry,
Hudson, P., The genesisof industrial
(Cambridge,i986).
(Cambridge,I990).
Hudson, P., ed., Regionsand industries
and regionalinequality:wages in Britain,I760-I9I4', j. Econ. Hist.,
Hunt, E. H., 'Industrialisation
XLVI (i986), pp. 935-66.
Britain,I780-I9I4
Hunt, E. H., 'Wages', in J. Langton and R. Morris, eds., Atlas of industrialising
(i986), pp. 6o-8.
in Britishsocial development
(i984).
Ingham,G., Capitalismdivided?:thecityand industry
Innes, J., 'JonathanClark,social historyand England's"ancienregime"', P. & P., II5 (i987), pp. i6520I.
in GreatBritainduringthenineteenth
and commercial
revolutions
century
Knowles, L. C. A., The industrial
(I92I).
(Cambridge,i969).
Landes, D. S., The unboundPrometheus
Langton,J., 'The industrialrevolutionand the regionalgeographyof England', Trans.Inst.Brit. Geog.,
9 (I984), pp. I45-67.
and productivity
growthin Britainand theU.S., I820-I9I3', in P. K.
Lazonick,W., 'Social organisation
and problemsof measurement,
I750-I939, Ninth
productivity
comparisons
O'Brien, ed., International
Congressof the Int. Econ. Hist. Assoc. (Berne, i986), pp. 66-75.
Lee, C., 'The servicesector,regionalspecialisationand economicgrowthin the Victorianeconomy',J.
Hist. Geog., IO (I984), pp. I39-55.
sinceI700: a macroeconomic
perspective
(Cambridge,I987).
Lee, C., The Britisheconomy
48
MAXINE
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
(Cambridge,I987).
of Englishpopulationhistory
Levine, D., Reproducing
families:thepoliticaleconomy
Levine, D. and Wrightson,K., 'The social contextof illegitimacyin early modernEngland', in P.
history
Laslett, K. Oosterveen,and R. M. Smith,eds., Bastardyand itscomparative
(ig80), pp. I5875.
society:Whickham,
Levine, D. and Wrightson,K., The makingofan industrial
I56o-I765 (Oxford,i99i).
Leys, C., 'The formationof Britishcapital',New LeftRev., i6o (i986), pp. II4-20.
Lindert,P. H., 'English occupations,I670-I8II',J. Econ. Hist., XL (I980), pp. 685-7I2.
Lindert,P. H., 'English livingstandards,populationgrowthand Wrigleyand Schofield',Exp. Econ.
Hist., 20 (I983), pp. 385-408.
Lindert,P. H. and Williamson,J. G., 'RevisingEngland's social tables', Exp. Econ. Hist., I9 (I982),
PP. 385-408.
Lindert,P. H. and Williamson,J. G., 'Englishworkers'livingstandardsduringtheindustrialrevolution:
a new look', Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd-ser.,XXXVI(1983), pp. I-25.
changeand productivity
growth(1987).
Link, A. N., Technological
England(Cambridge,i9g90).
genderat workin nineteenth
century
Lown, J., Womenand industrialization:
of thepowerloom, I8I5-50' (unpub.
Lyons, J. S., 'The Lancashirecottonindustryand theintroduction
Ph.D. thesis,Univ. of California,Berkeley,I977).
in the Britishcottonindustry,I825-I850: a revision',J. Econ. Hist.,
Lyons, J. S., 'Verticalintegration
XLV (1985), pp. 4I9-25.
McCloskey,D. N., 'The industrialrevolution:a survey',in R. C. Floud and D. N. McCloskey,eds.,
The economichistory
ofBritainsinceI700, I, I760-i860 (Cambridge,I981), pp. I03-27.
revolution
(Cambridge,i988).
Macleod, C., Inventingtheindustrial
revolution
an outlineof thebeginnings
of themodern
in theeighteenth
Mantoux,P., The industrial
century:
in England(I928).
factory
system
Mathias, P., 'Agricultureand the brewingand distillingindustriesin the eighteenthcentury',Econ.
Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., v (1952), pp. 249-57.
eds., Essaysin social
familyeconomy',in P. Thane and A. Sutcliffe,
Medick, H., 'The proto-industrial
2 (Oxford,i986), pp. 23-53.
history,
Mokyr,J., 'Three centuriesof populationchange',Econ. Dev. & Cult. Change,32 (I983), pp. I83-92.
revolution
of theindustrial
(Totawa, N.J., I985).
Mokyr,J., ed., The economics
on Craftsand Williamson',
Mokyr,J., 'Has theindustrialrevolutionbeen crowdedout? Some reflections
Exp. Econ. Hist., 24 (1987), pp. 293-3I9.
and economic
(Oxford,i9g90).
creativity
progress
Mokyr,J., The leverof riches:technological
in theindustrial
revolution
(I979).
Morris,R. J., Class and class consciousness
Moser, C., 'Informal sector or petty commodityproduction: dualism or dependence in urban
i6 (I978), pp. I04I-75.
development?',WorldDevelopment,
Nardinelli,C., 'Child labour and the factoryacts',J. Econ. Hist., XL (I980); pp. 739-55.
Nardinelli,C., 'Were childrenexploitedduringthe industrialrevolution?',Res. Econ. Hist., ii (i988),
pp. 243-76.
revolution
(Bloomington,i9g90).
Nardinelli,C., Child labourand theindustrial
(1978).
O'Brien, P. K. and Keyder,C., Economicgrowthin Britainand France, I780-I9I4
of Wrigley
Olney,M. L., 'Fertilityand the standardof livingin earlymodernEngland:in consideration
and Schofield',J. Econ. Hist., XLIII (1983), pp. 7I-8.
and otherwritings
Owen, R., Reportto thecountyofLanark (I820) in idem,A newviewof society
(I927),
pp. 245-98.
post-modernism:
implicationsforhistorians',Soc. Hist., I4 (1989),
Patterson,T. C., 'Post-structuralism,
pp. 83-8.
Pearson,R., 'Female workersin the Firstand Third Worlds:the greeningof women'slabour', in R. E.
Pahl, ed., On work(Oxford,i988), pp. 449-69.
and theindustrial
revolution,
I750-I850
Pinchbeck,I., Womenworkers
(1930; new edn. i98i).
in
Polanyi, K., Arensberg,C., and Pearson, H., eds., Trade and marketin theearlyempires:economics
and theory
history
(New York, I957).
economic
Pollard,S., 'Labour in the Britisheconomy',in P. Mathiasand M. M. Postan,eds., Cambridge
history
of Europe,VII, pt. 2 (Cambridge,I978), pp. 97-I79.
of Europe,I760-1970 (Oxford,I98I).
Pollard, S., Peacefulconquest:theindustrialisation
revolution
(Oxford,I956).
Presnell,L. S., Countrybankingin theindustrial
London:JohnGast and his times(1979).
century
Prothero,I., Artisansand politicsin earlynineteenth
REHABILITATING
THE
INDUSTRIAL
REVOLUTION
49
of England(1931).
Redford,A., The economichistory
Reid, A., 'Politics and economicsin the formationof the Britishworkingclass: a responseto H. F.
Moorhouse',Soc. Hist., 3 (I978), pp. 347-6i.
Roberts,E., Women'swork,i840-i940 (I988).
Rodger,R., 'Mid Victorianemployers'attitudes',Soc. Hist., II (i986), pp. 77-80.
Rose, M., Taylor, P., and Winstanley,M.J., 'The economicoriginsof paternalism:some objections',
Soc. Hist., I4 (I989), pp. 89-99.
92 (I98I),
pp. I25-47.
Frenchtrades(Cambridge,
Sonenscher,M., Workand wages:naturallaw, politicsand theeighteenth-century
I989).
MAXINE
50
BERG
and
PAT HUDSON
spirit,i850-I980 (Cambridge,i98i).
Wiener,M. J., Englishcultureand thedeclineof theindustrial
Williams,D. E., 'Morals, marketsand the Englishcrowd',P. & P., I04 (I984), pp. 56-74.
Williamson,J. G., 'Why was Britisheconomicgrowthso slow duringthe industrialrevolution?',J.
Econ. Hist., XLIV (I984), pp. 689-7I2.
(I985).
Williamson,J. G., Did Britishcapitalismbreedinequality?
Williamson,J. G., 'Did Englishfactormarketsfailduringthe industrialrevolution?',Oxf. Econ. Pap.,
39 (I987), pp. 64I-60.
Williamson,J. G., 'Debating the Britishindustrialrevolution',Exp. Econ. Hist., 24 (I987), pp. 269-92.
revolution
(Cambridge,i9g90).
Williamson,J. G., CopingwithcitygrowthduringtheBritishindustrial
in England, i600-I799', in L. Bonfield,
of maritalfertility
Wilson, C., 'The proximatedeterminants
of populationand social
R. M. Smith,and K. Wrightson,eds., The worldwe have gained: histories
to PeterLaslett(Oxford,i986), pp. 203-30.
essayspresented
structure:
on the level of mortalityin nineteenth-century
Woods, R., 'The effectsof populationredistribution
England and Wales',J. Econ. Hist., XLV (I985), pp. 645-5I.
Wrightson,K. and Levine, D., Povertyand pietyin an Englishvillage: Terling,I525-I700 (New York,
I
979).
summary
Wrigley,E. A. and Schofield,R. S., 'English populationhistoryfromfamilyreconstitution:
results, I600-I799',
of England,I54I-I87I
Wrigley,E. A. and Schofield,R. S., The populationhistory
(I98I).