Policing the Illicit Peripheries of Egypt's Tourism Industry

Author(s): Laleh Behbehanian

Source: Middle East Report, No. 216 (Autumn, 2000), pp. 32-34
Published by: Middle East Research and Information Project (MERIP)
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TRYGVEBOLSTAD/PANOSPICI1JRES

Bedouinman passes postcard stand, Dahab.

Policing Ihe Illicil Peripheries

of Egypt's
Tourism Industry
lalehBehbehanian
Thestate and the largerindustryin EgyptgenerallyfrownuponOahabbeeause It dramaticallydepartsfrom
nationalvisionsof successful tourism modeledmostlyonthe largemultinational
enterprisesin otherlocations.
The small strugglingestablishmentsand the "informality"
of manytransaetEonsin Dahabmakeit a far less
attractiveexampleof tourismdevelopment
Tourist destinations
are-never
simplyreducible
to thesun, arethe political,economic,culturalandmoralforcesthat
sandandseatheyoffer.Thelucrative
international
trade shapeDahab?
Whoaretheplayersinvolvedin shapingthis
at stake?
associated
withThirdWorldtourisminvolvespackag- localsiteof tourism,andwhataretheinterests
ing andmarketing
areasof theworldthataremostdevas- My initialcuriosityaboutDahabwassparkedby itS altatedby contemporary
economicconditions,essentially mostillicitreputation
amongbothforeigntourists
andEgypcreatinglandscapes
of paradiseout of realitiesof poverty. tians.I firstarrivedin Egyptin 1997 amidsta heavily
The caseof Dahab,a smallcoastaltownin SouthSinai, publicized
mediacampaign
connecting
theallegeddevilworEgypt,offersan exampleof the processesandpowerdy- shipof a groupof Egyptian
youthwiththeirvisitsto Dahab,
namicsinvolvedin theproduction
of touristspaces.What supposedly
theprimarymeetingplacefortheirritualsand
escapades.l
ManyEgyptians
I spoketoassociated
Dahabwith
Ialeh Behbehanianholdsa mastcrsdegreein sociolog)//anthropologyfiom
theAmericvn
drugs,
nudity,
promiscuity
and
a
range
of"evils"
infiltrating
University
in Cairoand is currently
coordinatorfor
theMiddkEastandNorthAfrica
andEurusia
programs
at theSocialSsienceRustarch
Guncil.
EgyptfromtheWest.Numerous
touristscomplained
to me
32

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about Dahab's irredeemably "unEgyptian"character. My

guide book referredto Dahab as "akind of Goa by the Red
Sea,"and included a section entitled, "Drug Smuggling and
Cultivation in Sinai" within the chapter on Dahab.
If lazing on the beach, stoned, is your idea of heaven [Dahab] is the
place to be. The music and ambience reek of the 1960s, when Israeli troops startingcoming here for R&R, introducing the Bedouin
to another way of life. Nowadays, the real Bedouin village of tin
shacks and scrawny goats hides behind scores of restaurants and
campgrounds, while local children wander beneath the palm trees
selling culottes and camel rides. Visitors either stay longer than they
expected (sometimes until their money or brain cells are gone) or
find the whole scene so repellent that they leave immediately.2

While another guide book admits that Dahab's reputation as a "drug-infested hippie hangout" might be somewhat unfair, it remains unclear why these views of Dahab
enjoy such widespreadcurrency.3Drug use and sexual activity occur in all sectors of Egypt's tourism industry. Why is
Dahab so easily branded with an illicit reputation?

TheTransformation
of Dahab
Like so many other tourism communities in Sinai, Dahab
has undergone striking demographic transformation in the
two decades since Egypt repossessedthe peninsula from Israeli occupation. National tourism initiatives during this
period have resulted in both the increasing marginalization
of the native Bedouin population from the economic opportunities associated with the industry, as well as their removal from the valuable seaside propertieswhich now serve
as the center of tourism activities. While the development
of tourism in Dahab has excluded the Bedouin from both
the economy and spaces of tourism, the industry simultaneously depends upon the (contained) presence of Bedouin
whose "culture"and "hospitality"are central components
of the tourist experience in Sinai. After all, what would a
"Bedouin village"be without any Bedouin? In conjunction
with these developments, Dahab has witnessed a dramatic
influx of generallyyoung and primarilysingle Egyptian men
migrating from the mainland in search of better economic
prospects. It is these young men who compose the bulk of
the labor pool that now serves the local tourism industry.
In contrast to Sharm al-Shaykh, which boasts numerous
luxury establishments and draws a relativelywealthy range
of tourists, Dahab is a small, laid-back "Bedouin village"
offering budget accommodations and leisurely beach front
cafes. While multinational hotels and enterprises in other
Egyptian tourism sites enjoy virtual monopolies, the local
industryin Dahab is primarilycomposed of a rangeof smaller
Bedouin- and Egyptian-owned establishments which generally cater to younger and less affluent tourists. Furthermore, in contrast to other segments of the Egyptian tourism
industry, there are extremely high levels of informal interaction between tourists and local tourism providersin Dahab.
Tourists informally arrangefor many of their needs, includ-

In Dahabmost men juggleand subsidizetheirformalemploymentwith a rangeof informalendeavors,andformany,

informalmethodsof enteringinto transactionswith tourists representthe only avenuefor subsistenceduringlong
searchesfor formalemployment.
In anindustrymonopolizedbymultinational
corporations
gearedtowards"packagetourists,"these informaldevelopmentshaveled to intensivestateinterventionaimedat policinvolvedin the tourismeconomy.This
ing the transactions
is
now
concerned
with imposinga moreformaland
policing
face
on
tourism
in Dahab-mandatinglicenses
"respectable"
for transporting
or guidingtourists,crackdownson insufficientpermitsandhealthcodeviolationsamongsmallrestaurants and merchantsand state inspectionsof a range of
oftenresulting
in finesorrequirements
to make
establishments,
In manycases,
costly(andoftenpurelyaesthetic)renovations.
Dahabinto a "respectable"
site of tourismestransforming
sentiallyentailsforcingsmallerbusinessesandself-employed
individualsto incurheavycostsandrestrictions
in anattempt
to live up to standardsset by some of the new (andlarger)
businessventuresnow investedin Dahab.
Localstatestructuresnot only exerta greatdealof energy
in regulatingthe economictransactionsinvolvedin the industry,but also makesystematicattemptsat policinggeneralinteractions
betweenlocalEgyptiansandforeigntourists.
One of the primarytargetsforstateinterventionis thewidespreadprevalenceof intimaterelationsbetweenEgyptian
men andfemaletourists.Manyof the men I knewin Dahab
eitherwere,or at somepointhadbeen,involvedwitha tourist, and thereare a substantialnumberof foreignwomen
who visit Dahabregularlyin pursuitof relationshipswith
Egyptianmen. Of most interestis not the fact that such
relationsexist,or eventhat theyareso common,but rather
that local police units allocateso much of their time and
resourcesto policingtheseactivities.Foran Egyptianman
in Dahab,gettinginvolvedor openlyinteractingwith foreignwomenoutsidethe strictboundariesof providingtourism servicespracticallyensurespoliceharassment.Men that
chooseto pursuetheserelationships
do so with extremecaution and discretion.

Surveillance
Discrepancies
Accordingto Egyptianlaw,it is illegalfor an Egyptianman
to occupya campor hotel roomwith a womanwho is not
his wife. I heardquitea few firsthandstoriesof policestaking out camproomsto snaresuch"illicit"couplesandarrest
the Egyptianman (policedo not enjoyjurisdictionoverthe
sexualbehaviorof non-Egyptians).One Britishwomantold
me how she and her Egyptianhusbanddecidedto drawup
a marriagecontractafterthe policehad brokendown their
camproomdoorandarrestedhim.4Men simplywalkingin
the streetwith foreignwomen can be pickedup by police
forquestioningor detainment.The rangeof stateinitiatives
toutedas the maintenanceof"security"-almostexclusively
meaningthe protectionof foreigntourists-are ultimately
intendedto policesexualbehavior.

mealsand excursions,
It is instructive to examine why such intense and aggresing accommodation,transportation,
their
interactions
with
individualEgyptians. sive police activity is not imposed on other Egyptian sexual
through
daily
_I_

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contexts. Forexample,why has therenot been a similarcrackdown on prostitution between Egyptian women and foreign male tourists in Cairo, particularlythe sex tourism of
GulfArabs? One important factor in this discrepancyis that
the Egyptians involved in sex tourism in Dahab are men,
and the result is a disturbing emasculation which strikes a
national chord.5 It is not only this gender inversion which
instigates such rampant police activity, but also the fact that
these relationships do not figure into larger tourism initiatives. The sex tourism of Gulf Arabs in Egypt accounts for a
mere portion of the over one million Arab tourist visits per
year, the majority of which are from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Gulf Arab tourist revenues are considerable and continue to increase. Neither the tourism industry nor the
Egyptian economy stand to benefit significantly from the
relationshipsbetween Egyptianmen and foreignwomen that
predominate in Dahab.6The low purchasingpower of backpackers, young "budget" travelers and "hippies" visiting
Dahab makes them among the most undesirable of Egypt's
tourists. Hence, the state is more willing to police and intervene in their interactions and behavior.
In manyThirdWorldtouristdestinations,young men working at the informalperipheriesof the tourism industryare often subjectedto such policing.7These men not only come to
representsexualpromiscuityto the state, but they also serveas
bearersof a range of social ills perceivedto be infiltratingthe
nation as a resultof the tourismindustry,includingdishonesty,
theft, drug use, imitations of "Western"behaviorand general
moral decay.They embody these perceivednegativeeffects of
internationaltourism, and are targetedas threatsto the "successful"developmentof a local tourismindustry.In the caseof
Dahab at least,we see that the Egyptianstateis in fact systematicallysexualizingthesemen in an effortto excludethem from
a rangeof interactionsinvolved in tourism.

foreignersby branding the men with unseemly labels, entire

spaces like Dahab can be sexualized and afforded an illicit
reputationwhich furthermarginalizesit into the peripheries
of the tourism industry.The state and the largerindustry in
Egypt generally frown upon Dahab because it dramatically
departsfrom national visions of successfultourism, modeled
mostly on the large multinational enterprisesin other locations. The small strugglingestablishmentsand the "informality"of many transactionsin Dahab make it a farless attractive
example of tourism development.
The state also denigratesthe "undesirable"tourists Dahab
lures because they tend to stay for longer visits and spend
relativelylittle money. In contrast to the majority of "package tourists"and those making their arrangementsthrough
large hotels or other formal establishments, the tourists in
Dahab usually are served through a range of informal interactions with individual producers and service providers.
Ironically, in this relatively informal and "local"sphere of
the industry,a largerpercentageof tourism revenue remains
within Egypt: less money leaks out of the country through
the profits of multinational corporations or the returns on
foreign investments. This revenue is also distributed more
directly and equitably to those individuals whose labor sustains tourism. A tourist staying in a small Egyptian- or
Bedouin-owned camp in Dahab, eating and drinking in local cafes and restaurants,buying items from vendors rather
than in hotel gift shops, catching a random taxi instead of
formally arrangedtransportand hiring an informal guide as
opposed to excursions through large agencies will, no matter how much money is spent, leave a largerproportion of it
in the hands of producers and service providers.
The moral and sexual policing of Dahab ultimately serves
to protect the interests of powerful multinational sectors of
Egypt'stourism industry that continue to profit from exclusionary developments, such as those in Sharm al-Shaykh. In
the guise of protectingnationalvalues,the statedirectstourist
revenue away from small businesses and independent opIn Egypt, I heard severalreferencesto the khirtisof Cairoerators, and sharply limits the benefits of burgeoning tourmen who hang around TahrirSquareand other tourist areas ism to ordinary Egyptians.
U
offering their assistance as guides or directing tourists to Endnotes
particular bazaarswhere they later receive commissions on
1 In Ramadan of 1999, a very popular Egyptian soap opera called Imra'a min zaman al-hubb
subsequent purchases.These men are not affiliatedwith any featured
a young male character whose friends led him into devil worship. When the teenager's
formal businesses aside from the agreementsregardingcom- brother suggested that the family send him to work in Sinai to escape his friend's influence,
their uncle forbade it because Sinai's corruption with drugs and loose morals was so wellmissions. They generallyhave a bad reputation,areperceived known.
as trying to imitate foreigners in their dress and behavior 2 Dan Richardson, Egypt: The Rough Guide (London: Rough Guide, 1996), pp. 561-562.
Andrew Humphreys, ed. The Lonely Planet Guide to Egypt, 5th ed. (Australia: Lonely Planet
(particularlysexual behavior) and are often targeted in at- 3Publications,
1999), p. 492.
to
tourists
from
or
"cheated"
"taken
tempts protect
4 These restrictions and intense surveillance have resulted in the popularity of drawing up
getting
marriage contracts ("paper marriages") for the purpose of obtaining accommodation and
advantage of." Individuals working in the informal periph- avoiding
difficulties with police.
eries of the industry are thus assigned illicit reputations and 5 Paulla Ebron found a similar dynamic at work in the Gambia where the tourism
industry
international notoriety due to the prevalence of European female travelers seeking
are then disciplined accordingly by state mechanisms. Ulti- gained male
Gambians for sexual relationships. "When powerful Northern women are thought
young
to be stalking junior Southern men, a disturbing gender inversion has occurred. Gambian
mately, such efforts result in limiting these men's access to men
are feminized. National honor and masculinity are jeopardized." Paulla Ebron, "Traffic
the economic opportunities tourism offers.
in Men," GenderedEncounters:Challenging Cultural Boundaries and Social Hierarchiesin Africa,
These processesof exclusion from the economic benefits ed. Maria Grosz-Ngate and Omari Kokole (New York: Routledge, 1997), p. 227.
Karim el-Gawhary, "Sex Tourism in Cairo," Middle East Report 195 (September-October
of tourism do not occur only at the individual level, but are 61995):
26.
also directedat entire segments of the industry.When I asked 7 For example Malcolm Crick found that in Kandy, Sri Lanka the young (usually teenage)
guides (referred to as "touts") who worked the streets in the hopes of securing
a friend about khirtisin Dahab, he respondedthat therewere informal
temporary employment, were identified as the biggest hindrance to the development of tourism
state
and larger business owners, and were regularly arrested and detained
both
by
none becauseeveryoneengagesin informaltransactionsthere. under the authorities
premiseof a vagrancyordinance.In quite a few sites of internationaltourism,
social
scientists
havenotedthe prevalenceof"bumpsters"
It seemed that Dahab itself was the khirti:Just as the state
or "professional
friends"who utilize
a rangeof informalmethodsof instigatinginteractionsand exchangeswith touristsin the
attempts to eliminate contact between particularmen and faceof theirmarginalizationand exclusionfromthe formaltourismindustry.

Economic
Exclusion

34
34

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