Elena Canale

Sciences Po Paris
Spring Semester 2012-2013
History of European Migration 19th 20th

Antifascist migration as a driving force of migrants integration (1921-1939)

Since the Risorgimentos era and the Italian unification in the 1860s and 1870s, there has
been a great tradition of migration in Italy. The Italian migration flows are especially led by
economic reasons. Italians experienced rough economic conditions and poor standards of
living in their hometowns and so left and migrated toward new horizons as the United States
and France. Italian migration to France dates back to the end of the 19 th century and is due to
economic context. However, since the end of the First World War and during the interwar
period (the 20s and 30s) there is a significant increase in the number of Italian migrants which
passes from circa 400 000 in 1914 to more than 1,5 million in the 30s (808 000 according to the
census of 1931 which however doesnt take into account the undocumented immigrants and the
mobility which does so that some legal migrants arent counted in the census) 1. This growth is
due to post-war economic and political context. On an economic perspective, France had a
tremendous need for cheap labor force in order to undertake its reconstruction 2 and on a
political point of view, the raise of fascism in Italy in the 20s led to an important forced
political migration toward France. Indeed, because of the rise of violence caused by fascist
squads in 1920-21, life had become dangerous for political militants and trade unions
1 Marie Claude Blanc-Chaleard, Histoire de limmigration, la Dcouverte, collection Repres,
2001
2 idem

delegates who decided to leave their hometown. This phenomenon led to a significant
migration of political exponents known as the fuorusciti (from fuoriuscire which means to
come out). This movement spread out all over the world and is characterized by the
continuation of political activities by antifascists who claimed to be the true Italians and
contested the fascist regime from abroad3 (and particularly from France).
The exiles present some noteworthy differences with economic migrants. Indeed, as
Renato Camurri points out, those antifascists who left Italy for France in the 20s did not look
on emigration as something permanent4. The fuorusciti dont look for a permanent integration
and are convinced, at least at the beginning of the 20s, that fascism wont last and so they will
soon be able to come back home. A second significant difference is the fact that exiles cant
move back to Italy without being exposed to fascist prosecutions. Although the differences
between the two categories may seem clear, it appears to be hard to distinguish on a large-scale
the two types of migration.
Indeed besides the known political leaders, for the great majority of Italian migrants
economic and political reasons were intermixed. Political emigration is only a tiny component
of migration. This overlapping of flows is a specific feature of Italian migration. Indeed for
other migrants groups as for instance the Armenians or the Russians, it is a political event ( the
genocide perpetrated by the Turkish government and the communist revolution) that leads to
migration and not the economic context.5 This flow of political exiles stirs together with the
economic flow and follows economic migrations logics. However through political activities
and commitment to trade unions, we see that a great part of Italian migrants are politicized.

3 Donna Gabaccia, Is everywhere nowhere? Nomads, Nations, and the Immigrant Paradigm of
United States History, The Journal of American History, Vol. 86, No. 3, (Dec., 1999), pp. 11151134.
4 Renato Camurri, Max Ascoli and Italian intellectuals in exile in the United
States before the Second World War, Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 2010
5 Bruno Groppo, Entre immigration et exil : les rfugis politiques italiens dans la France de
lentre deux-guerres, in Materiaux pour lHistoire de notre temps, 1996, n44, pp 27-35

According to Pierre Milza, the number amounts at circa 30 000 Italians 6. In this context of
double migration, it is interesting to notice that with the arrival of exile, the general political
participation raised. Exiles brought to Italian community a political knowledge that led to an
increase of political participation and through it, to an increase of integration. It seems relevant
to ask to what extent did antifascist migrations contribute to develop and amplify the political
participation of Italian migrants and their integration to society. In order to answer the question
and define why antifascist migration has been a driving force of Italian integration in French
society, it is important to first analyze the arrival of the fuorusciti, then their political activity
and its impact both on French politics and in migrants political participation and integration.

The analysis of the arrival of political exiles is very important to understand how did they
managed to integrate themselves at a local level and at a political level. As Eric Vial shows,
there are three main waves of political migration in the interwar period7. The first one takes
place in 21-22 after the beginning of fascism and the first repression and concerns especially
the executives of the laborers movement . The second wave starts in 1924 with Mussolinis
success at the elections. This wave is essentially composed by opposition leaders as Francesco
Nitti, Gaetano Salvemini, Giovanni Amendola and Giuseppe Donati. The third wave begins in
the spring of 1926 after the adoption of the so called fascistissime laws (very fascist laws)
which suppress all democratic values. The first and the third wave are both mass migration
whereas the second one is only a migration of political elite8. Among those waves, it is possible
to distinguish different categories of migrants. As Pierre Milza argues, we can count five types
6 Pierre Milza, limmigration italienne en France dune guerre lautre : interrogations,
directions de recherche et premier bilan , in les italiens en France de 1914 1940, Ecole
franaise de Rome, 1986
7 Eric Vial, le Casellario politico centrale, source pour lhistoire de lemigration politique in
les italiens en France de 1914 1940, Ecole franaise de Rome, 1986
8 Bruno Groppo, Entre immigration et exil : les rfugis politiques italiens dans la France de
lentre deux-guerres, in Materiaux pour lHistoire de notre temps, 1996, n44, pp 27-35

of migrants9. The first category is composed by the opposition political staff. Those migrants,
as Nitti or Pertini (even if the latter worked as bricklayer) have almost only political purpose as
the contestation of fascist regime from abroad. The second type of political migrants is
composed by minor political activists who continued a trade union activity or political activity
at a local level. Those migrants might have lost their job because of political beliefs and so their
migration is both motivated by political and economic reasons. The political activists who
didnt continue a political activity once in France constitute the third category. Pierre Milza
identifies then migrants who didnt leave directly for political reasons but committed to politics
by coming in contact with the fuorusciti and then the non-openly-politicized migrants who
still have political convictions.
These categories fall within a larger flow and obey to the same logics of economic
migration. Indeed, unlike Russians and Armenians, Italian political migrants dont have a
refugee status. They dont benefit from any special right and the Nansen passport recently
established isnt delivered to them. So political migrants arent legally distinguished by
economic ones.10 However France appears to be a privileged place for political migrants.
Indeed beside the geographical and cultural proximity (which is the factor which orientated the
political leaders choice), there is a bilateral agreement signed in September 1919, the Work
Treaty between Italy and France which facilitates Italian emigration by giving to workers the
possibility to freely establish in France or Italy without any special authorization. 11 Italian
political refugees have so the chance to settle without a fascist authorization. Moreover the
situation on work market plays in favor of refugees insertion. Indeed there is a push and pull
context where Italians are pushed by poor economic conditions and the crisis in Italy as well as
the political context and pulled by France for its reconstruction. Most political refugees who
9 Pierre Milza "migrs politiques" et "migrs du travail" : Italiens en France d'aprs le
fonds du Casellario politico centrale . In Mlanges de l'Ecole franaise de Rome. Moyen-Age,
Temps modernes T. 100, N1. 1988. pp. 181-186.
10,11 Bruno Groppo, Entre immigration et exil : les rfugis politiques italiens dans la France
de lentre deux-guerres, in Materiaux pour lHistoire de notre temps, 1996, n44, pp 27-35
11

belong to the second, third and fourth categories choose France because of its economic
opportunities. A third factor that orientated political migrants toward France is the previously
established Italian community which helps them to find work and to recreate a political
atmosphere. We assist then to a phenomenon of chain migration, where political refugee choose
to go where there are already other Italian migrants from the same geographical areas. 12 We
notice then that migration toward France is essentially composed by Italians coming from the
Northern regions as Piemonte and Emilia Romagna. A last noteworthy point that orientates
choice of migrants is the political imaginary that shows France as the land of freedom and
democracy, of Revolution and of the Commune (to which an important number of Italians
took part13). So political migrants settle down where there is a favorable milieu to both
economic and political activity.

These conditions are fundamental to deeply understand the success of Italian political
activity and the politicization of Italian community in France. As a matter of fact, the Italian
community which is in one hand seen as easily adaptable and culturally close to French people,
is on the other hand considered as the most politicized migrant community and scares a part of
society. People from Italy constitute the great majority of the foreign revolutionary element in
France says the police.14 This is the result of a process of politicization due to the arrival and
activity of antifascists. Indeed the latters have three main directions: the reconstruction of a
political and social heritage, the denunciation and contestation against fascist regime and the

12 Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650,
Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 2003 (Chapter 1: Putting Migration into History),
pp.1-21
13 Paola Corti, L'emigrazione italiana in Francia:un fenomeno di lunga
durata Altreitalie gennaio giugno 2003
14 les originaires dItalie forment la grande majorit de llment rvolutionnaire trnager en
France Ralph Schor, limage de lItalien en France entre les deux guerres, in les italiens en
France de 1914 1940, Ecole franaise de Rome, 1986

preparation of political lines for a future Italy15. The antifascists undertake on a local level a
series of political and economic initiatives as the creation of an antifascist bank, the FrancoItalian Credit (CFI)16 and the creation of antifascist newspapers as the Corriere degli italiani,
published in Paris which reports the Italian news 17. Moreover there is the settlement of
completely antifascist communities as in Argenteuil where many antifascists from the Reggio
Emilia region and especially from the same town, Cavriago, come and establish an antifascist
community.18 Furthermore there is an important activism on a larger scale. If at the beginning
the antifascists are separated according to their political orientations, in particular communists
and socialists but also a minority of Christians-democrats led by Luigi Sturzo who tried without
success to create a White Internationale19; since 1924, the different groups get united and
created the LIDU, lega italiana dei diritti delluomo, Italian League of human Rights, under the
supervision of Luigi de Ambris, to which participate all groups and promote human rights and
antifascism among Italian community opinion and French public opinion. Furthermore the
creation of the LIDU is lined with the creation of the Concentrazione antifascista between 1927
and 1934 and then the movement of Giustizia e libert and then the Unione popolare. Those
movements which bring together all different political groups as communists, socialists but also
anarchists and maximalists, are meant to influence Italian community, as well as French and
international opinion. The Italian community is for antifascists a great social place to share and
spread their ideas.20 Furthermore, the antifascists manage to reach the government and send

15 Carmela Maltone, Exil et identits, les antifascistes italiens dans le <sud-Ouest 1924-1940,
Presse universitaire de Bordeaux, 2006
16 Carmela Maltone, Exil et identits, les antifascistes italiens dans le <sud-Ouest 1924-1940,
Presse universitaire de Bordeaux, 2006
17 Bruno Tobia, il Corriere degli italiani : la parabola di un quotidiano antifascista in Francia
in les italiens en France de 1914 1940, Ecole franaise de Rome, 1986
18 Antonio Canovi ; Argenteuil : une petite Italie antifasciste ? in les petites italies dans le
monde, Presse universitaire de Rennes, 2007
19 Jean Luc Pouthier, Emigrs catholiques et antifascisme: Luigi Sturzo et lInternationale
blanche in les italiens en France de 1914 1940, Ecole franaise de Rome, 1986
20 Bruno Groppo, Entre immigration et exil : les rfugis politiques italiens dans la France de
lentre deux-guerres, in Materiaux pour lHistoire de notre temps, 1996, n44, pp 27-35

notes to the minister of foreign affairs, Poincar, in 1928 to counter fascist thesis about Tunisia
and question of colonies 21.
However the greatest achievements of the antifascist activism in France are possible
thanks to the help of French parties, especially the French communist party (PCF) and the
socialist one (SFIO) and trade union. Indeed Italian communists and Italian socialists are
integrated to the parties and to trade unions. So, an Italian section is created in the PCF and
counts 6000 members in 192522. Furthermore it is in the trade unions that the fuorusciti can the
best act and integrate themselves. We can then notice a growing engagement in the French trade
unions as the CGT or the CGTU. Some popular Italian political characters as Bruno Buozzi and
Ernesto Caporali get engaged in trade unions. Furthermore, trade unions are the first political
structures which welcome Italian migrants and help them (in parallel with Italian community)
to set up an antifascist activity. 23.

The political activism of antifascists provokes a double movement in France: one coming
from Italian community and the other from French international and internal politics. On a
French political point of view, with the antifascist activism many issues are at stake. Indeed, the
fascist regime tries to counter antifascist activity by setting up other networks and associations
which claim the superiority of fascism as for instance the fascist rugby team in Briey 24 and the
fascist regime also claims for the repression of antifascist movements in France by asking for

21 Pierre Guillen, le rle politique de limmigration italienne in les italiens en France de

1914 1940, Ecole franaise de Rome, 1986
22 Loris Castellani, un aspect de lmigration communiste italienne en France : les groupes de
langue italienne au sein du PCF in les italiens en France de 1914 1940, Ecole franaise de
Rome, 1986
23 Bruno Groppo, Entre immigration et exil : les rfugis politiques italiens dans la France de
lentre deux-guerres, in Materiaux pour lHistoire de notre temps, 1996, n44, pp 27-35

24 Favero Jean-Pierre, Le rugby fasciste dans le bassin de Briey au dbut des annes 1930
,Staps, 2007/4 n 78, p. 49-61.

expulsions, interdiction of public conferences and of newspapers25. Those requests are partly
listened buy French authorities which restrain political refugees activities and forbid for
instance the publication of the newspaper Il corriere degli italiani in 192726. Furthermore this
competition between fascists and antifascists also raises security problems because of frequent
attacks as the one of Rossellis brothers in 1937 by fascist group. Because of these problems
French politics pays a great attention to Italian political activism and to integration of Italian
community in order to protect social security27.
Furthermore, the Italian migration and especially the political one creates a new division in
French political milieu. Indeed the right wing party is totally hostile to Italian migration which
is considered as a danger for French society. Indeed as Pierre Guillen underlines, Italian
refugees are seen as terrorists, the workers as dangerous competitors for French people, Italian
farmers as direct responsible for the rise of grounds price28. In the contrary, the link wing
parties strongly support Italian political refugees and show a strong will to integrate them to
trade unions, not only because of similar political orientation or solidarity, but because of the
rising importance of Italian presence in the labor world and the necessity not to completely let
go Italian workers in order to protect French ones. Indeed without a French trade union support,
Italian migrants could accept still lower wages and do so that the global wages go down as well
as standards of living. Furthermore in this way the trade unions have access and can have an
overview of the Italian community interest which represents a significant part of workers and
help so to a better integration.
Indeed antifascists commitment to French trade unions or French parties is a driving force
of general integration of Italian community. The antifascist movement triggered a growing
25 Pierre Guillen, le rle politique de limmigration italienne in les italiens en France de
1914 1940, Ecole franaise de Rome, 1986
26 Bruno Tobia, il Corriere degli italiani : la parabola di un quotidiano antifascista in Francia
in les italiens en France de 1914 1940, Ecole franaise de Rome, 1986
27 Pierre Guillen, le rle politique de limmigration italienne in les italiens en France de
1914 1940, Ecole franaise de Rome, 1986
28 idem

political engagement of the whole Italian community. Indeed, if we look at figures, we notice
that the CGTU counts 12 000 Italian members in 1930 out of 17 000 foreigners and the CGT
counts more than 50% Italian members in 193729. These figures cannot be explained by the
presence of only political migrants, such a high number of trade union members must
incorporate other migrants that were originally only economic migrants. So antifascism starts a
growing political engagement and is a factor of integration for Italian migrants. Furthermore,
the political activity and the commitment in trade unions show a progressive shift from Italian
politics to French ones. The antifascist activists progressively move from being engaged in
their Italian domestic issues to French domestic issues. Indeed the engagement in the trade
unions has been a way to integrate to French society and understand and share its mentality.
Commitment to trade unions as well as to French communist party has been a way for Italian
migrants to overcome the conflict between the Italian national feeling and integration in the
hosting country. 30 In addition as Carmela Maltone explains31, antifascist migration corresponds
to an eradication for refugees who can find their political identity and their citizenship only
through local engagement. The political activism triggers a larger reaction among all the Italian
community which become more engaged and so antifascism becomes not only a factor of
integration but a driving force of it. This is also clearly visible in the Italian engagement in the
French Resistance during World War Two and in the increase of number of citizenship
applications during the 30s. Indeed a large number of Italians take part to the French Resistance
during the war in order to show their commitment to France and their social integration 32. In
addition, proof to the growing integration led by political factor, according to Pierre Milza, the
number of naturalization increases in the 30s and reaches 1,2 million after the Second World
29 Bruno Groppo, Entre immigration et exil : les rfugis politiques italiens dans la France de
lentre deux-guerres, in Materiaux pour lHistoire de notre temps, 1996, n44, pp 27-35
30 Leonardo Rapone, Emigrazione italiana e antifascismo in esilio
Universit della Tuscia, 2008
31 Carmela Maltone, Exil et identits, les antifascistes italiens dans le <sud-Ouest 1924-1940,
Presse universitaire de Bordeaux, 2006
32 Leonardo Rapone , i fuorusciti antifascisti, la seconda guerra mondiale e la Francia in les
italiens en France de 1914 1940, Ecole franaise de Rome, 1986

War

33

. In the interwar period the growing engagement of antifascists in French political

activities has led to a growing engagement of Italian community and so a growing integration
of Italian community in French society.

To sum up, the interwar period in France is characterized by an important migration flow
which incorporates a significant and very active political minority. This antifascist flow follows
the economic one in order to benefit from economic advantages and from the support of wellestablished ancient Italian communities. This settlement leads to an active political engagement
shifting from Italian domestic affairs and antifascist claims to French affairs and commitment
in trade unions. The growing participation of antifascists in French trade unions facilitates their
integration to French society and also triggers a general increase of Italian political
participation to hosting country affairs and consequently a general increase of Italian
integration. So antifascist migrations have been a peculiar phenomenon that has led to Italian
integration to French society. So antifascism has been a driving force to migrants integration.

33 Pierre Milza, Voyages en Ritalie, 1980