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CONCERNING
AND
THE
BACKGROUND
THE PIZARROS,
PIGS,
AGRO-PASTORAL
OF THE CONQUERORS
OF
PERU
David E. Vassberg
Pan AmericanUniversity
LatinAmericanResearchReview
Trutakea hardlookat thebirthplace
oftheconquistadores-athog-centered
jillo-to see whatkindofenvironment
producedthePizarrosandtheirfellows.
Trujillo,
situatedin theheartofExtremadura
aboutmidwaybetweenthe
riversTajoand Guadiana,had longbeen an important
centerofadministration
and defense,and was dominatedbyan imposingfortress
(stillstanding)builtby
theMoslemson Romanruins.The Christian
Reconquestcamein theyear1232,
the
largelythanksto thehelp of a Mozarabicfifth
column.As was customary,
Crowntriedto induceotherChristians
to settlein theareabyoffering
generous
and many
economicand politicalprivilegesto bothhidalgosand commoners,
camefromvariousplacesin thenorth.Trujiliowas establishedas a villarealenga
over an extensivetierra(territory)
(Crowntown) in 1234. It had jurisdiction
spanningsome fourteenleagues fromeast to west and sixteenleagues from
northto south,eventuallyincludingdozens of subjectvillagesand towns.8In
and
1294AlfonsoX granteda fuero(law code) to Trujillo,
defining
itsprivileges,
in 1430thetown'sstatuswas raisedfroma villato a ciudad(city),in considera9
tionofservicesrenderedtoDon Alvarode Lunaon behalfofthemonarch.
In thefifteenth
and sixteenth
centuries,
theterritory
ofTrujillo,
likethat
ofmostofExtremadura,
was dominatedbymonte
(woodlands)ofliveoaks and
othertrees(primarily
Travellers
and alcornoques).
encinas,
robles,
passingthrough
the area waxed enthusiasticover the wealthand the varietyof the natural
oftherollingcountryside.
fields
vegetation
Thenormwas themonte;cultivated
orimprovedpasturewereexceptional
inthosedays.10
In spiteofitsregionalleadershipand itsoutstanding
contribution
to the
was nota largecityfortheday.In theearly1500sit
conquestofAmerica,Trujillo
had onlyaroundtwo thousandvecinos
(familyheads, each equivalentto about
fiveinhabitants).
Thoughit was largerthan Caiceres,it was farsmallerthan
Burgos,Segovia, Salamanca,and Valladolid,and onlyabout halfthe size of
ofTrujillowas enhanced
Medinadel Campo.1"In 1465theregionalimportance
when HenryIV grantedit the covetedprivilegeof holdinga weeklymercado
the city'scommercial
franco(tax-free
market),whichstimulated
development.
Underthisencouragement,
theeconomyofTrujillogrewto thepointwherethe
Churchhad to modifyitstithescheduleto includepreviously
nonexistent
proin thearea. Thoughthefreemarketwas abolishedby the
ductsand industries
in 1480,itwas restored
Catholicmonarchs
byCharlesV. 12
Itwas itscontroloverthetownsand villagesinitstierrathatmadeTrujillo
an important
city.In 1485 Queen Isabella could call upon the cityto supply
twelvehundredlancersand crossbowmen
forthecampaignagainsttheMoorish
kingdomofGranada.Thesesoldierswereapportioned
amongsometwenty-five
townsand villagesofthetierraofTrujillo.13
Duringthe courseof the sixteenth
century,
the positionof Trujillowas
erodedas theCrownsold exemptions
fromthecity'sjurisdiction
to townsin its
tierrawho wishedto have theirown courts,jails, and otherprivilegesof the
villa.Trujillotriedin vainto getthefirst
oftheseexemptions
(in 1538)annulled.
Itdidsucceedpartially,
foraftera paymentofsixthousandducados,theEmperor
promisednotto sell anymoresuchexemptions;
butthefinancial
exigenciesof
PhilipII forcedhimto disregardhis father'spledge,and thecitycontinuedto
48
lose controlover its towns.14 The consequences of this loss, as will be seen later,
were grave.
Afterthe founding of the municipalityfollowing the Reconquest, the
governmentof Trujillo was controlled by representativesof its three leading
noble families: the Altamiranos,the Bejaranos, and the Afiascos. But by the
1400s this traditionalpower structurehad been broadened to include additional
councilmen(regidores).This allowed the addition of some lesser nobles. In 1434,
forexample, one of the eightcouncilnen was a certainFernando Alonso Pizarro,
grandfatherof the conquistadorFrancisco.'5
Ideally, one would describe the economy and society of early modern
Extremaduraonly afterdrawing upon a number of studies covering a broad
topical and chronologicalspan. But this is not possible, because historianshave
not shown themselvesto be veryinterestedin the subject.16Untilthereare more
studies on ruralsociety,and untilthe relevantarchivesare betterorganized and
and
cataloged, scholarswill have to be contentwitha picturethatis fragmentary
distorted,with many elements eithermissing or of poor quality. Nevertheless,
in spite of these limitations,we can constructan approximationof what things
were likefouror fivecenturiesago.
The FrenchscholarJean-PaulLe Flem has published an interestinganalysis of a census (padr6n)of Trujillotaken fortax purposes in 1557. This shows that
Trujillowas considerablymore aristocraticthan neighboringCaceres or Plasencia. The cityboasted seventy-sixmen and women in the hidalgo class, about
two thirdsof whom were in the lower nobility.This census divided the population of Trujillointo fourclasses, based upon wealth. Firstwere the rich (los que
tienenbuenahacienda),representingonly 4.4 percentof the vecinos. Most of the
rich were hidalgos, but there were also four merchants,a shoemaker, and a
locksmith.Eight were peruleros(returningconquistadores) and their families.
These nouveaux riches, the Pizarros at the head, had already taken theirplace
among the city'swealthiestfamilies.The second group, in comfortablecircummade up 5 percentof the vecinos.
stances (losque tienende comer,o medianamente),
It included peasants, artisans, merchants,and ten hidalgos. The thirdgroup,
with some property(los que tienenalgo), constituted34 percentof the vecinos. It
included representativesof the same professions as the previous group, and
twenty-sixhidalgos. Those in the thirdgroup lived decently,to be sure, normally
owning a house and a bit of land. And finallytherewere the poor (lospobres).In
Spain, a "poor" person was one who had no lands-neither
sixteenth-century
his own nor rented-and who lived as a mere wage earner;44.9 percentwere in
this category,including workers in agriculture,industry,and commerce. Ten
were hidalgos. So there were hidalgos in all categories of wealth, albeit they
were more numerous in the highest. In the society of the day, there was a
distinctseparation between nobilityand wealth-the people did not confuse
them. In the public mind, one's social standing was determinedby blood as
much as by income. In addition to social prestige,the hidalgos enjoyed certain
tax exemptions and other local privileges, but contraryto what is sometimes
thought,theywere not exemptfromall taxation.17
The general trend of the region was one of demographic growthduring
49
LatinAmericanResearchReview
mostofthesixteenth
totheIndies.Thereis evidence
despiteemigration
century,
thatthe comparative
attracted
settlersfrom
economicvitality
of Extremadura
less prosperouspartsof Spain. Unfortunately,
as in therestoftherealm,there
was also a tendencytowardincreasedpauperism.By the earlyseventeenth
Extremadurans
were fleeingas itinerant
century,
workersto the
agricultural
vineyards
ofAndalucia.'8
An outstanding
characteristic
of the cityof Trujilloin the earlymodern
periodwas its strongties withthe countryside.
Despiteits role as the urban
centerofits tierra,virtually
theentirepopulationseemsto have been in some
way connectedwithagriculture
or stockraising.Arounda fourth
of theactive
populationworkedin the pasturesand fieldsforthe majorsourceof their
income.Additionally,
it was perfectly
normalfortrujillanos
withdistinctly
nonagricultural
occupationstohavea vineyard,
a smallfieldofgrain,an orchard,or
someanimalsto supplementtheirincomeand fortheirlarder.Thuswe should
notbe surprised
thata clergyman,
a notary,
and a tavernkeeperall ownedsmall
parcelsofruralproperty,
orthata localpriestownedovera hundredhogs.19
TheExtremaduran
nobility
notonlyhad strongeconomictiestothecountrysidethroughtheirinvestments
in agriculture
and stockraising,theyalso felt
a specialattraction
towardscountry
living.It seemstohavebeennormalforthe
aristocratic
familiesofTrujilloto spenda good partoftheyearawayfromtheir
citymansionsin therusticatmosphere
oftheirestates,wheretheywouldenjoy
theopen airand freely
socializewiththeirhiredhelp.Theyevenenjoyedeating
outofdoors,whentheweatherpermitted.
20
Post-Reconquest
Extremadura
was fundamentally
a pastoralzone,where
bothmigratory
and nativeflocksgrazed.Therewas arableagriculture,
to provide forthe local population,but it was subordinated
to livestockraisingand
was almostlostin thedense montes.A late sixteenth-century
writerdescribed
the hillsnearTrujilloas having"fertile
and abundantpastures,butnotmuch
wheatand barley."21
It shouldnotbe thought,however,thattheinferior
positionofarableagriculture
was theconsequenceof a conflict
betweenstockmen
and farmers.
The clichethatearlymodernSpanishagriculture
was ruinedby
oftheflocksofthemesta(stockowners'
depredations
association)is simplynot
true.22
Therewas undeniablya conflict
betweenarableand pastoralagriculture,
buttheavailableevidencesuggeststhattheformer
was generally
victorious
in
the1500s.23
Therewas a sustainedantagonism
betweentheownersofmigratory
flocksand thelocalagriculturalists
oftheareasthroughwhichtheypassed. But
thiswas not,strictly
speaking,an arable-pastoral
conflict,
because the typical
agriculturalist
in earlymodernCastilehad bothcultivated
fieldsandflocks.The
grainfarmer
needed some animalsfordraftpower,meat,dairyproducts,and
wool and leather;and thestockraiserneeded some fieldsto providegrainfor
his bread.This complementary,
ratherthanantagonistic,
relationship
between
localstockraisingand arableagriculture
was as trueoftherichas itwas ofthe
poor.24
Hog raising in old Trujillowas not at all like the pig farmingof today's
northernEurope and America. Whereas pigs in the latterlead sedentarylives,
having theirmeals broughtto theirpens, in the traditionalExtremaduransystem
the animals were herded in droves (viaras,manadas,or hatos) to the source of
theirfood and water. This centuries-oldsystem,which has survivedintactinto
the mid-twentiethcentury,was based upon the utilizationof the natural pastures of the monte and of the stubble and fallow vegetationin grainfieldsafter
harvest. In the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies, the monte was much more
importantthan the fields,because therewas farless area under cultivationthan
51
LatinAmericanResearchReview
pastureof
in recenttimes.The grainfields,afterharvest,yieldeda nutritious
fallengrain,roots,and spontaneousvegetation.
The monte,on theotherhand,
offeredthe hogs a richand varied diet of roots,berriesand seeds, natural
the
grassesand weeds, and above all, the acornsof thelive oaks dominating
region.31
fromtwenty-five
to
Hogs weredividedintodrovesnormally
numbering
fifty
animals.Earlyin themorning
theywereled fromtheirpens in or nearthe
cityout topasturein thefieldsor monte,dependingon theseason. Each drove
tobe sure,of
hiredhelpin thecase ofwealthystockmen;
members
ofthefamily,
the moremodestpeasants.Thereis evidencethatsome of the highlymobile
Extremaduran
hog drovesmadetheirwaytothefairsofLa Mancha.Itwouldbe
to knowhow prevalentthiswas.32Extremadura
was not the only
interesting
partof Spain wherehogs were raisedin thatmanner.Wheretherewere oak
woodlandstopermitit,thesamesystemwas employedalso in Andalucia.33
Only the importanceof the hog tradein Trujillocan explainthe city's
obsessionwiththe protectionof its montes,as the cityacknowledgedin a
to theAudienciaofGranadain theearly1570s.The monteswerethe
statement
This ownershipof
property
of the city,by royalgrantafterthe Reconquest.34
themontesdid notnecessarily
meanownershipofthe soil on whichthetrees
grew.The citydid own largetractsof land,buttherewerealso extensivelarge
and smallblocksofprivateproperty
Yetin spiteof
withinTrujillo's
jurisdiction.
thefactthattheland mightbe privately
owned,thetreeson thatlandwerethe
themforhisown
property
ofthecity,and thelandownercouldnotappropriate
use. The city'sprimeconcern,reflected
in its monteordinances,was thatthe
oaksnotbe indiscriminately
ortoincrease
cutdownforlumber,tools,firewood,
arable land or open pasture.The cuttingdown or burningof oak treesfor
whateverpurposecould be done onlyunderspeciallicenseof the municipal
government.
The cityeven had the authority
to compelthe people underits
togo outtocleanthemontesand toplantnew treestoreplacethose
jurisdiction
thathad been destroyed.35
forbidding
thecutting
of
Therewerealso regulations
branches(el ramoneo)
foranimalfeed.However,a limitednumberand size of
branchescouldbe cut forcertainspecifiedpurposes,such as toolhandlesand
forthecampfires
firewood
ofshepherdsand swineherds.36
theuse ofitsmonteswas to
One ofthecity'smajorconcernsinregulating
controltheacornharvest(la montanera)-amatteroftranscendental
importance
thefinalfilling-out
because acornsconstituted
dietofTrujillo'sgreatdrovesof
swine.Itwas thegoal ofthecityto enableall pigownersto shareequallyin the
harvest.Towardthatend, even the harveston privatepropertywas strictly
ofOctober,and the
supervised.The first
acornswereripearoundthebeginning
season lasted untilthe end of the year.The swineherdsoftenhastenedthe
harvest by flailingthe branches (el vareo))to make the acorns fall into reach of
theiranimals.37
Not everything
in themontewas beneficial.
Wolvesand foxes
annoyedstockownersby preyingupon theiranimals.The citytookactionby
a bountyforthekillingofthesepredators.38
offering
one in
Trujillo
assignedthetaskofpolicingitsmontesto twomayordomos:
52
LatinAmericanResearchReview
as caballerias,
so named possiblybecause theyhad originally
been grantedto
in theReconquest.Atan earlydate,hownoblewarriors
who had participated
and thecityrented
ever,thecaballeriaswerelistedamongthepropiosofTrujillo
ofthemunicipality
tobe appliedto
themout,theproceedsgoingintothecoffers
In 1485,forexample,incomefromthe
variousprojectsin thecommoninterest.
caballeriaswas used to helppay thesoldiersfromtheareawho wentto fightin
ofTrujillo
Granada.Despitelaws designedto preventsuchabuses,theofficials
fellintothepracticeof rentingthecaballeriasalmostexclusively
to theirnoble
friendsand relatives.In 1502the Catholicmonarchsorderedan end to such
be givenpreferthatcommoners
favoritism
by stipulating
livingin thevicinity
ofthecentury,
therentersseemto have been all nonence. Fortheremainder
hidalgos.Itwas customary
forgroupsofas manyas a dozen labradoresto form
partnerships
in rentingthecaballerias,thearea and expensebeingbeyondthe
ofmostindividuals.Some caballeriaswererentedbythecouncilsof
capabilities
townsin thetierraof Trujillo,who would thenassignthemto localresidents.
Rentalcontracts,
awardedon thebasisofcompetitive
bidding,wereforas long
ofboth.
as sevenyears,and couldbe forpasture,forarable,orfora combination
butoccasionally
was partlyin grain.Therewere
Payment
was usuallymonetary,
also seasonal leases forpasture,especiallydesignedforthe itinerant
mesta
flocks.Becausethecityownedboththevegetation
and thesoilofthecaballerias,
it seemsto have enforceditsmonteordinanceswithgreaterrigortherethanin
otherplacesinitsjurisdiction.43
In additiontoitscommonsand itspropios,Trujilloexercisedcontrolover
the tierras
baldiasin its territory.
These lands, whichexistedthroughout
the
kingdomofCastile,werenormally
tractsofinferior
qualitythathad neverbeen
includedin thevariousroyalgrantsmade sincetheReconquest.Ownershipof
thetierrasbaldiaswas vague. The Crownclaimedthem,butexercisedvirtually
no controloverthem,tacitlyallowingthemunicipalities
to supervisetheiruse.
Trujillo
assertedthesametypeofcontroloverthetierras
baldiasas itdidoverits
own property,
generallytreatingthemas commonsavailableforthe use of
vecinosofall townsinitsjurisdiction.44
The city'sauthority
over the territory
underits controland even the
ownershipofitscommonsand propioswerecontinually
put to thetest.There
was an incessanttendencyforthecommunitarian
systemto breakdownand to
be replacedbya systemofprivateownershipand individualcontrol.Themonte
was constantly
underattackby sheepmenand grainfarmers,
bothof whom
consideredthetreesand underbrush
as an obstacletobe destroyed
by"accidental" fires.Hog raiserssenttheiranimalsto eat acornsout of season whenever
theycould, even bribingthe city'sguards forthatforbiddenprivilege.The
vecinosof the tierraof Trujillosurreptitiously
plowedexidosand specialcommonpastures,and evenbuiltfencesand houseson commonlands.Grainfarmersoftenenlargedtheirfieldsbyplowingadditionalfurrows
intotheadjoining
commons,evenmovingtheproperty
markers
(mojones)
totrytoperpetuate
their
gains.Allofthesepractices
wereillegal,and thecityprosecutedtheoffenders
it
apprehended,subjectingthemto lengthytrialsand heavyfines.Nevertheless,
the abuses continuedand even increasedas populationpressureduringthe
54
LatinAmericanResearchReview
the mestawas unusualforTrujillo.No, it was quite normal.The cityand its
vecinoswere accustomedto arrogant,aggressivebehavior.The documentsof
the periodshow the inhabitants
of the area to have been highlycontentious,
litigiousin theextreme,even bellicose,and everwatchfulto sieze anyopportunityforpersonalgain,whetherlegalornot.One can hardlybe surprisedthat
thesonsofTrujillo
figured
highlyintheconquestofAmerica.
It is notdifficult
to documenttheroleofthePizarrofamily
in old Trujillo.
The familydates back to the Reconquest,and is noble,but notof thehighest
level.Theydidnot,forexample,havetherighttoerecta fortified
residence(casa
fuerte),
nor did theirrolein theReconquestgivethemsuzerainty
overvassals.
Afterthe conquestof America,severalbranchesof the Pizarrofamilygained
suzeraintyover townsand villages,but thiswas throughpurchasefromthe
Crown.The earlyPizarros,ofthe1400s,werefromthelessernobility
and only
moderatelywell-to-do.Nevertheless,as we have alreadynoted,therewere
Pizarroson thecitycouncilin the1400s.One ofthecouncilmen
approvingthe
city'shog-favoring
1499ordinanceswas a Pizarro.Afterthefamily'ssuccessin
Peru,however,thePizarrosbecamethewealthiestpeople in Trujillo,
and their
namewas so important
thatPizarrodaughters
wantedtheirchildrentobearitas
49
theirfirst
surname.
The newlyenrichedheirsoftheconquerorsnotonlycontinuedtheirties
to theruraleconomyofTrujillo,
butvastlyincreasedthemthrough
thepurchase
ofnew landsand animals.Documentsfromthemid-and late-sixteenth
century
showthatthePizarros,trueto theirheritage,
in thesquabbles,
regularly
figured
controversies,
legalbattles,and irregularities
thatcharacterized,the
agro-pastoral
systemoftheday.In 1565,forexample,a mestajudgefoundthata certainDiego
Pizarrohad been illegallyfarming
a portionof a sheep trail.And eightyears
later,one GabrielPizarrowas convicted
ofhavingorderedhisherdersto pasture
a largedroveofhogs,cows,and otheranimalsin a pasturerentedbythemesta.
Whenconfronted
withtheevidenceofhis guilt,he deniedeverything,
proudly
statingthata personofhis qualitywould notneed to stoopto robbingothers'
pastures.50
Unfortunately,
thoughwe can easilyprovethatthePizarrofamily,
both
beforeand aftertheAmerican
conquest,was involvedwithhograisinginTrujillo,
we can not documentthe allegationthatFranciscoPizarrowas a swineherd.
Somedaysuchproofmayturnup. Butin themeanwhile,we willhaveto tryto
reconcilethelegendwithwhatwe knowaboutthesocietyand economyoflate
fifteenth-century
Trujillo,forwe knowalmostnothingaboutFrancisco'searly
life.Theonlyreliableinformation
is thetestimony
ofwitnessesfora 1529investigationmade when the conquerorapplied formembership
in the Orderof
Santiago.Itestablishes
onlythatFranciscowas theillegitimate
sonofthehidalgo
GonzaloPizarroand ofFranciscaGonzalez,thedaughterofOld Christian
labradores of modestcircumstances.
Untildisgracedby her pregnancy,
Francisca
workedas a maidin a localconvent.She gave birthto thefutureconquerorof
Peruin thehomeofone JuanCasco,who apparently
had marriedherwidowed
mother.51The witnessesoffer
nothingaboutFrancisco'sboyhood,and we have
no reliableevidenceofwhatbecameof himuntilhe appearedin America.His
56
1.
57
LatinAmericanResearchReview
2.
3.
4.
TheIncaGarcilasode la VegarejectedbothpartsofG6mara'sPizarro-pig
story,
blaming it on maliceand envy(thePizarroshad fallenfromroyalgrace).Moreover,it
fortheInca to accepttheidea thatthegloriousempireof
wouldhave been difficult
his forebearshad been conqueredby an individualwith such a discreditable
background.
See hisHistoria
general
delPeru... (C6rdoba,1617),folio91 verso.
Amongrecentwriters,
JoseManuelQuintanaacceptstheentireG6marapigstoryas
partoftheromanceoftheconquest,VidadeFrancisco
Pizarro,
3a ed. (Madrid,1959),
pp. 9, 10. RicardoMajo Framis,Francisco
Pizarro(Madrid,1972),p. 16,acceptsonly
theswineherdpartof the story,as does JoseAntonioBustoDuthurburu,
Francisco
Pizarro.El MarquesGobernador
To
(Madrid,1965),pp. 9-13,albeitwithreservations.
R. VidalCuineo,VidadelConquistador
delPeru,donFrancisco
Pizarro
(Barcelona,1925),
sus hijosy
p. 90 and Clodoaldo Naranjo Alonso,Solarde conquistadores.
Trujillo,
monumentos,
2a ed. (Serradilla[Caceres], 1929), p. 521, the idea of a Pizarro
swineherdis patentlyabsurd.The redoubtableWilliamH. Prescott,
History
ofthe
Conquest
ofPeru,2 vols. (New York,1847),1:203f,citestheG6marastorieswiththe
warningthat"littleis toldofFrancisco's
earlyyears,and thatlittlenotalwaysdeservingofcredit."
Garcilaso,Historia
folio83 and 83 verso;Augustinde Zarate,Historia
deldegeneral,
scubrimiento
delPerui. .. (Sevilla,1577),folios32 verso,34
y conquista
delasprovincias
verso;Antoniode Herrera[yTordesillasi,
deloshechos
deloscastellanos
Historia
general
en las Islas i tierrafirnedelMar Oceano,4 vols. (Madrid, 1601-15), 3, decada 6, libro8,
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
58
Barrantes
[Moreno],Aparato
bibliogrdfico
parala historia
deExtremadura,
3 vols. (Madrid, 1875-77); Domingo Sanchez Loro, Bibliografia
de Extremadura(Caceres, 1951);
17.
JustoCorch6nGarcia,Bibliografia
geogrdfica
de unaIntroduccion
extremena,
precedida
al
estudio
geogrdfico
dela AltaExtremadura
(Badajoz,1955).
Le Flem, "Caceres," pp. 261-70. My definitionof the pobrecomes fromJos6 Ortega
Valcarcel, La Bureba.Estudiogeogrdfico
(Valladolid, 1966), p. 105.
deoro.Aspectos
dela vidasevillana
enlossiglosXVIy XVII(Granada,1971),pp. 431ff.
"Escriturade venta para FrancOde Amarilla... ," 6 February1556, AAT, 1-3-82, no.
21; "Carta de venta que otorg6Albar Garcia de Solis ... ," 22 November 1574, AAT,
1-3-82, no. 31; "La Cd. de TrujillocontraD. JuanAlonso de Orellana," various dates
1570-1608, ACHGR, 3-443-3; Le Flem, "Cfceres," pp. 261f.
20. For Trujillo,see Miguel Mufioz de San Pedro, Diego GarciadeParedes.Herculesy Sans6n
de Espania(Madrid, s.a. [1946]), p. 70. Compare also with Miguel Angel Orti Bel-
21.
monte,La vidaenCdceres
enlossiglosXIIIy XVIal XVIII(Caceres,1949),pp. 96f.
herdson cultivated
fields.See TheMesta:A StudyinSpanishEconomic
History,
1273-
1836 (Cambridge, Mass., 1920), pp. 336-42. But some otherhistorianshave been carried away by the pathos of the theoreticalpossibilitythat the mesta destroyedrural
Castile.
23. I plan to treatthe subject in depth in a futurearticle,but thereare some referencesto
the problem in my "The TierrasBaldias: CommunityPropertyand Public Lands in
16th Century Castile," Agricultural
History48, no. 3, (July1974): 383-401 and "The
Sale ofTierrasBaldiasin Sixteenth-Century
Castile,"Journal
ofModernHistory47, no. 4
(December 1975):629-54.
24. A few examples out of many possible that show richand poor with both fieldsand
flocksin the Trujillo-Caceresarea: AM, Executorias,Trujillo,1 December 1578; AM
Executorias,Trujillo,21 February1584; Orti,Vidaen Cdceres,pp. 37-39; and El Bachiller de Trevejo (pseud. forDaniel Berjano), "Como vivian nuestros antepasados (Un
hogar noble de antafno),"RE 11 (1909):516-21, 530-36.
25. AM, Executorias,Trujillo,21 February1584 and 2 June1586; JustoCorch6n Garcia, El
Campode Arafnuelo
de una comarca
(Estudiogeogrdfico
extremeina)
(Madrid,1963),pp.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
"TheTierras
Baldias."
"Hernan Perez con la Cd. de Trujilloy Alonso Hernandez, alguacil," various dates in
1588-89, ACHGR, 3-1298-2; AAT, 1-3-82 passim; and compare with RodriguezMofnino,"Extremaduraen el siglo XVI," p. 392; and An6nimo,Florestaespafiola(1607),
BN, MSS, 5.989, folios79, 80.
Out of many possible examples, see one reportedin AM, Executorias,Trujillo,1 December1578.
See Klein's TheMesta and Pedro de Medina, Librodegrandezasy cosasmemorables
de Espanla(Sevilla, 1549), foliolxxiii.
See a statementmade by the cityin the 1570s in "La Cd. de TrujillocontraD. Juan
Alonso de Orellana," various dates 1570-1609, ACHGR, 3-443-3.
See a copy of Trujillo's1499 Ordenanzas de Montes in AM, Executorias,Trujillo,16
December 1521. For the importanceof hogs in Trujilloand otherareas in Extremadura, see "El Rey y la Reina al Onrado Maestre [de Alcantara],"10 March 1491, BN,
MSS, 430, folios418 verso y 419; "El lugar de Villardel Rey con el de Badajoz sobre el
pasto de la bellota ... " various dates 1537-38, ACHGR, 3-780-12; Miguel Angel
Orti Belmonte, "Caceres bajo la Reina Cat6lica y su Camarero Sancho Paredes Golfin,"REE 10 (1954):245; Le Flem, "Caceres," pp. 261-69; El Bachiller,"Como vivian,"
pp. 520f;and Orti Belmonte,Vidaen Cdceres,pp. 37-39.
The brothersJuan and AlfredoCalles Mariscal, both hog raisers fromTrujillo,have
published an extremelyvaluable littlebook describingthe traditionalExtremaduran
59
LatinAmericanResearchReview
32.
33.
34.
35.
systemofswineherding,
Ganadoporcino
extremeiio
(Madrid,1946).Comparealso the
virtually
identicalsystemdescribedin Corch6n,CampodeAraniuelo,
pp. 233f.
contraFranciscoSanchezRosillo,"various
Ibid.,and "Alonsode Tapia,v?de Trujillo,
enlas
dates,1566-69,ACHGR,3-998-6;RicardodelArcoy Garay,La sociedad
espaniola
obrasdramdticas
deLopedeVega(Madrid,1941),p. 863;OrtiBelmonte,
"Caceresbajo la
Reina Cat6lica,"p. 245; FranciscoQuir6s,"Sobre geografiaagrariadel Campo de
Calatravay Vallede Alcudia,Estudios
geograficos
(Madrid)(henceforth
EG) 26,no. 99
(mayo1965):227.
"BartolomeSerranocon el Co de la Cd. de C6rdoba,"various dates 1573-74,
ACHGR,3-1493-9;JamesD. Parsons,"La economiade las montaneras
en los encinaresdel suroestede Espafia,"EG 27,no. 103(mayo1966):309-29;
"Ventaque el Lic.
de la FuenteVergaraotorg6al DoctorHemandode Martosde Varreda,"
25 January
1591,ArchivoGeneralde Simancas,Contadurias
Generales,legajo371.
"El ReyDon Alonsoel lo. Fueroque di6 ala ciudadde Truxillo,"
27 July1294,BN,
MSS, 430,folios49-52;"La Cd. de Trujillo
contraD. JuanAlonsode Orellana,"various dates1570-1609,ACHGR,3-443-3.
See thecopyofTrujillo's
16
1499Ordenanzasde MontesinAM,Executorias,
Trujillo,
December1521;and a letterfromthe cityto theAudienciain 1578in "La Cd. de
Trujillocontralas villasy lugaresde su tierra,"a bundleof documentsof various
dates1522-1631in ACHGR,3-958-1.Forthemonteordinancesofotherplaces,see
"Los Concejos de los Pueblos del Margen . .. con el Juezde residencia . . . " various
36.
37.
38.
39.
datesin 1572,ACHGR,508-1945-1;FernandoJimenez
de Gregorio,"La poblaci6n
en la zona suroccidental
de los montesde Toledo,"EG 26, no. 98 (febrero
1965):94f;
EstebanRodriguezAmaya,"La tierra
en Badajozdesde1230a 1500,"REE 7, nos. 3-4
de Felipe
(julio-diciembre
1951):438;and ArcadioGuerra,"Ordenanzasmunicipales
II a Los Santosde Maimona,"REE 8 (1952):506-8.
See the 1499 Ordenanzascitedabove in note 35, and otherdocumentsin AM,
16 December1521.
Executorias,
Trujillo,
"La Cd. de TrujillocontraD. JuanAlonsode Orellana,"variousdates1570-1609,
ACHGR, 3-443-3; Calles Mariscal,Ganadoporcino,
pp. 61-69; Corch6n,Campode
Arafiuelo,
pp. 202-7,234f.
See variousexpenditures
fortheyear1594in AAT,1-2-66,no. 1.
The1294Fuerode Trujillo,
citedin note9, providedforguardsto patrolthemontes.
froma number
My information
aboutmayordomos
and guardswas piecedtogether
of documents.See especially"La Cd. de Trujillocontralas villasy lugaresde su
tierra,"
variousdates1552-1631,ACHGR,3-958-1;"Alonsode Tapia,v? de Trujillo
contraFranciscoSanchezRosillo.. . ," variousdates1566-69,ACHGR,3-998-6;"La
Cd. de Trujillo
contrael Lugarde SantaCruz ... ," variousdates1541-44,ACHGR,
3-1408-6; "Mateo Torresy consortes contra la Cd. de Trujillo . . . ," various dates,
.,"
ACHGR,3-398-4;Naranjo,Solar,pp. 124f,187f.
42. "El ReyDon Alonsoel lo. Fueroque di6 ala Cuidad de Truxillo,"
27 July1294,BN,
to
MSS, 430,folios49-52;Naranjo,Solar,pp. 124-26;and variousdocuments
relating
propiosin AAT,especiallytheCuentasde Propiosfor1594-1611in ATT,1-2-66,no.
1.
60
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
variousdates1552-1631,ACHGR,3-958-1;AM,
de las Villasy lugaresde su tierra,"
Executorias,
Trujillo,28 December1500;"Mateo Torrey consortescontrala Cd. de
vI' de
"AlonsoLoboy consortes,
Trujillo,"
variousdates1585-89,ACHGR,3-1041-7;
Logrusan,contrala Cd. de Trujillo,"variousdates in 1593,ACHGR, 508-2107-4;
1594.AAT.1-2-66.no. 1.
"Cuentasde Propiosde Trujillo,"
Baldias";and "El COde la
Baldias,"and "The Sale ofTierras
See Vassberg,
"The Tierras
Cd. de TrujillocontraD. JuanAlonso de Orellana,"various dates 1570-1608,
various
contralas villasy lugaresde su tierra,"
ACHGR,3-443-3;"La Cd. de Trujillo
dates1552-1631,ACHGR,3-958-1.
system,preofpeasantattackson thecommunitarian
The interesting
phenomenon
sent throughout
the kingdomof Castile,will be the subjectof a futurearticle.It
TheyaboundinAAT
wouldbe tedioustociteallmysourcesforpeasantusurpations.
however,"Visitade
and ACHGR,and manyhavebeencitedabove.See particularly,
la Cd. de Trujillo,
afnode 1585,"AAT,1-3-82,no. 54.
conflict
betweenolder establishedcitiesand
An identicaland contemporaneous
newly independenttowns in anotherpart of Spain was reportedby Antonio
geografico
(Zaragoza,1961),p. 143.The
HiguerasArnal,El AltoGuadalquivir.
Estudio
de
are thedocumentscitedin note44; "Escritura
majorsourcesforTrujillo'sconflict
Venta. . . a Juande Vargas,"13October1559,AAT,1-3-82,no. 51;"La Cd. de Trujillo
and a transconDoniaYnes de Camargo,"variousdates1577-78,ACHGR,3-1256-1;
1536,AAT,1-3-78,no. 1.
22 September
criptofa meetingoftheCouncilofTrujillo,
1552,
See a Cartade PoderfromtheLugarof Burdaloto PedroAlonso,6 January
no. 70: Dehesa Boyal,"1575,AAT,
ACHGR, 3-958-1;and "Ordenanzasde Trujillo,
1-2-72,no. 13; "Executoriacontrael concejode Garciaz... ," 20 December1530,
AAT,1-3-78,no. 1, folios31ff.
Klein,TheMesta,pp. 113-16; documentsfrom1495 to 1589 in AM, Executorias,
1565,libro5, folios242-49.
Trujillo;
AM, Relacionesde los AlcaldesEntregadores,
see MiguelMufiozde San
Forthebackground
and geneaologyofthePizarrofamily,
delsigloXVI(Caceres,1952),p. xxiii;Naranjo,Solar,pp.
Pedro,ed., Cr6nicas
trujillanas
16DecemTrujillo,
143-47.See also the1499OrdenanzascopiedinAM, Executorias,
ber1521.
ThetwoexamplescitedarefromAM, Relacionesde los AlcaldesEntregadores,
1565,
Trujillo,
16 November1575.Othersourcesfor
libro5, folio251;and AM,Executorias,
Pizarropropertycan be foundin the followingdocumentsin ACHGR: 3-443-3;
and 3-1682-2.See also Miguel
3-1520-11;
508-2025-1;
3-1136-4;3-756-15;507-1894-6;
disposiciones
del ultimoPizarrode la Conquista,"
Mufiozde San Pedro,"Las uiltimas
1950):387-425;and 127
de la Historia126 (enero-marzo
Boletinde la RealAcademia
(julio-septiembre
1950):527-60.
"Provanqaque va de la qibdad de trugilloal concejo de las hordenessobre la
agostode 1529,ArchivoHist6ricoNacional
geneologiadel capitanfrancOpibarro,"
Santiago,Expediente
6524.
(Madrid),OrdenesMilitares,
It is truethatFernandoPizarroy Orellanaaffirmed
the storyin "Vida del ilustre
var6nD. Francisco
ilustres
delNuevoMundo(Madrid,1639),p. 128,
Pizarro,"inVarones
but I suspectthathe was excessivelyzealous in tryingto establishthe illustrious
ilofhisantecessor.
Forexample,he failedto mentioneitherFrancisco's
background
birthor thecommonoriginoftheconqueror'smother.Othersourcesfor
legitimate
Francisco
arecitedin notes1, 2, and 3.
Pizarro'sbackground
1hopetobe ableto do someworkin thisareasometime
in thefuture,
especiallywith
ownership.
regardto systemsofcommunalproperty
My two baldioarticleslist some basic sources. See also my bibliographicalhistoriographical
essay "StudiesofRuralLifein EarlyModem Castile:Historyand
of the SocietyforSpanishand PortugueseHistorical
OtherDisciplines,"
Newsletter
Studies3, nos. 7-8 (Spring1977).
On primary
agrariade
sources,see AngelCabo Alonso,"Fuentesparalo geografia
ThePeasants
and MichaelR. Weisser,
of
1961):223-49;
Espafia,"EG 22,no. 82 (febrero
theMontes:TheRootsofRuralRebellion
inSpain(Chicago,1976),pp. 123-26.
61