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Nationalidentity
Anderson (1983) and Gellner(1983, 1994)both emphasise the importanceof homogeneityin the ideologies of modern nationalism.The nation is characterisedby its
'communityof anonymity'(Anderson 1983, p. 40), the identificationof the citizen
with otherunknown compatriotsin a common allegiance to the nation itself.This
qualityis created,accordingto Anderson, primarilyby spreadingliteracyand print
capitalismwhich allow people to imagine a communityof nationals. A precondition is the emergence of a concept of 'homogeneous, empty time' (WalterBenjamin,citedin Anderson 1983,p. 28) in which people can imagine theiractionsbeing
simultaneous with those of others located elsewhere in the nation. For Gellner,
'homogeneity,literacyand anonymityare the key traits'(1983, p. 38). Modernising
production systems needed educated people who could manage information
(includinginstructionsabout production).Thus a literate'high culture',previously
1
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PeterWade
the prerogativeof rulers,began to pervade the entiresociety,creatingan identificationwith 'an anonymous mass society' (Gellner 1994, p. 41).
Segal and Handler criticiseGellner and Anderson for implying that the
nationalistidea of homogenenitywithina social unitpre-existednationalismitself,
but they still propose that the ideal-typicalnation is 'fundamentallyconstituted
by a principle of equivalence' (Segal and Handler 1992, p. 3). Bhabha has also
contended thatthe holism of which nationalismis an example asserts 'culturalor
politicalsupremacyand seeks to obliteratetherelationsofdifferencethatconstitute
the languages of historyand culture' (1989, cited in Asad 1993, p. 262) and Hall
has argued that'national cultureshelp to "stitchup" differences'into one identity
(1992, p. 299). Gilroy'swork on the Britishnation also focuses on representations
of Britishnessas, in essence, culturallyand raciallyhomogeneous (Gilroy 1987).
Taussig has noted, concerningwritingson nationalism:
much of anthropology
... fromVictorTurnerto MichelFoucault,forexample,claims
likean organicunitybetweentheseal ofthesymboland thewaxoftherecipient,
something
betweenthediscourseand thecitizen.The Romanticaestheticsof symbol,fromHegel to
Goetheonwards,and the structuralism
of de Saussureconvergeon thispoint.(1992,p.
54).
The analysis focuses on what nationalistdiscourse itselfdefinesas ideal - homogeneity- with littleattentionto the evident paradox thattotalhomogeneitywould
entail the obliterationof the differencesof hierarchywithinthe nation that even
nationalistelites struggleto maintain.
This does not mean that heterogeneityis by any means ignored in many of
these approaches, but it tends to be conceptualised in certainways: eitheras the
struggleof one potential nation within another nation - admittedlyan issue of
pressing importance - or more commonly as a series of resistanttraditionsor
hybriditiesset againstthe homogeneityofthe modernnation.The latteralternative
is, in fact,the common oppositional paradigm that pits a homogenisingnational
eliteagainst a heterogeneouspopular or traditionalsubalternculture,seen as more
or less resistant.The recentliteratureon hybridity- forexample, by Gilroy,Hall
or Bhabha - tends to fitthis mould by seeing new hybrid cultures or cultural
elements as resistant,counter-hegemonic,or contestatoryforceswhich challenge
the modernistproject of the nation-state.
Now, I do not, of course, wish to suggest thatall these approaches are simply
barking up the wrong tree. I do think that the analysis of heterogeneityis not
thebasic oppositionbetween homoadequate. There is a tendencyto over-simplify
genising nation-buildersand heterogeneous others, sometimes wedded to the
implicationof strategicintentionalityon the part of the elite and/orthe subaltern.
There is also a tendency to romanticiseresistance,although this is not my main
concern here (Abu-Lughod 1990).
Bhabha's work,while fittingin some respectsinto the mould outlinedabove,
also containsother,different
lines of thought.Speaking of the 'space of liminality'
of the national discourse (Bhabha 1994, p. 149), he identifiesa 'double narrative
where the nation's people must be
movement', a 'contested conceptual territory
thoughtin double-time':
the people are the historical'objects'of a nationalist
pedagogy,givingthe discourseof
thatis based on thepre-given
or constituted
authority
origininthepast;thepeopleare also
the 'subjects'of a processof signification
thatmusteraseany prioror originary
presence
ofthenation-people
to demonstrate
theprodigious,livingprinciples
ofthepeopleas con-
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Threemoments
in Colombian
history
as thatsignofthepresent
thoughwhichnationallifeis redeemedand iterated
temporaneity:
as a reproductive
process.(ibid.,p. 145)
Bhabha is not referringhere to the paradox noted by Nairn, Anderson and
Gellner - and captured in Nairn's Janus-facemetaphor (Nairn 1977) - in which
nationalism looks two ways at once: forwardsto progressive modernity,backwards towards the legacy of tradition.Both directionsof gaze share the same
teleological temporalitywhich Bhabha detects in 'nationalistpedagogy'. Instead,
he is exploringa furtherambivalence between this 'continuistaccumulativetemporality'and the 'repetitious,recursivestrategyof the performative'(Bhabha 1994,
p. 145). Bhabha is makinga distinctionbetween a historicisttemporality- dependent on Anderson's emptyhomogeneous time - in which the nation is both timelessly ancient and moving forward,and a performativetemporalityin which the
'cultural shreds and patches' (Gellner 1983, p. 56) of the nation are invoked. In
the firstmode, the nation and its people are moving throughhistorytowards a
national destiny of coherent identity;they are a modern(ising), homogenising
whole. In the second mode, deprived of this historicism,'the nation turns from
being the symbolof modernityinto becoming the symptomof an ethnographyof
the "contemporary"withinmodern culture' (Bhabha 1994, p. 147). In this ethnography, the heterogeneityof 'the people' necessarilycomes to lightbecause the
focus is on the repetitiveperformancesof theirdaily lives which effectively
constitute the nation's culture.To ratherover-simplify,
the distinctionis similarto looking at the nation from the inside out (when it is a whole, marching through
historicaltime), as opposed to seeing it fromwithin (when it is what people do
with their lives). The point I wish to bring out is that, ratherthan creatingan
opposition between a dominant state or ruling class bent on homogeneityand a
varied populace who, to a greateror lesser extent,vindicate theirheterogeneity
against this oppressive force,Bhabha shows that the nationalistnarrativecarries
this splitas a liminalspace withinitself,'sliding ambivalentlyfromone enunciatory
position to another' (1994, p. 147).
This gets us beyond an emphasis on the trainingand pruning of diversity
that, although very useful - and reminiscentof Hall's idea of differencesbeing
'stitched' togetherinto one identity- also suggests the antagonisticopposition
between nationalist discourse and diversitywhich is too simple to capture the
ambivalence Bhabha indicates. That nationalist elites may intentionallyseek to
discipline diversityis clearlytrue,' but it mightbe more productiveto say that,in
a diversitywhich theyalso partly
doing so, theyuse heterogeneityby resignifying
construct:ethnographicvarietyis not just 'out there'to be representedand manipulated in disfiguredform,itsveryexistencein the nationis mediated by the official
representationsof it. In this sense, a nationalistprojectdoes not just tryto deny,
suppress or even simplychannel an unrulydiversity;it activelyreconstructsit.
Asad has also recognised this in his recentwork:
The claimthatmanyradicalcriticsmake thathegemonicpower necessarilysuppresses
in favourof unityis quitemistaken.Justas mistakenis theirclaimthatpower
difference
- dominantpower
To secureitsunity- to makeitsown history
alwaysabhorsambiguity.
has workedbest throughdifferentiating
and classifying
practices.India's colonialhistory
furnishesample evidenceof this. In thiscontextpower is constructive,
not repressive.
its abilityto selector construct
the differences
Furthermore,
thatserveits purposeshas
the dangersand opportunities
containedin ambiguoussitudependedon its exploiting
ations.(1993,p. 17)
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PeterWade
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Threemoments
in Colombian
history
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PeterWade
could be said to exist,had the qualities of combinationand synthesis:'the nationalist projectrequired a discourse thatwould allow forthe integrationof the various
regional genres. Mario was to find this unityin the way the national psyche had
transformedEuropean, Africanand Amerindianelements' (Reily1994,p. 83). Now
it is undoubtedly the case that a nationalistprojectrequires integration,at some
level, but what is also interestingis the diversitythat is constantlyreproduced,
invoked and actively constructedby Mario's writingson music: the 'Brazilian
psyche' that seems, in Mario's view, to have been the active agent in the process
of incorporationand synthesisundergoes a simultaneous fragmentation
- this is
inevitablebecause that psyche was itselfformedthroughsynthesisand continuously rediscoversthe heterogeneityof its originsin reflectingon itselfand on the
continuingdiversityof musical styles.
It is not my contentionthat therehas been no denial and disparagementof
blackness in nationallypopular music stylesin the Dominican Republic or Haiti these are not my area of expertise. Nor would I presume to criticisePacini's or
Averill'snuanced accounts of the relationsbetween music, social change and politics. I am interested,however, in the evident tendency to interpretdiversityas
- usually between an elite with a projectof culresultingprincipallyfromconflict
tural unificationand some oppositional others- or, in Reily's case, to emphasise
the homogenisingaspect of the nationalistproject.Denial or rejectionofblackness
certainlydoes existin the Colombian materialand, in my previous work on blackness in Colombian society(Wade 1993), I was initiallydrawn to make sense of it
as a nationalistdiscourse of culturalhomogenisation. Referenceto mixtureas a
definingtraitis common in Latin Americandiscourse on the nation and has been
seen by many academics - includingmyself- as invokinga historyof homogenisation (Whittenand Torres 1992, Wade 1993, 1995). Past diversityof race and culture - African,Indian and European components - is said to be supplanted by
present or futurehomogeneitybroughtabout by mixture.
But it is now my view, as outlined above, thatthis over-simplifiesthe ambivalences and complexitiesof nationalistdiscourse; researchingmusic made this
especially evident since in discourse about music, questions of originsand diversity were constantlyforegrounded.Aside fromthe factthat to deny blackness or
Africannessor diversityin general,it has to be inscribedin some formin the first
place, I found constantreferenceto racial and culturaldiversityin official,intellectual and elite discourse on the nation: it was by no means simplybeing denied,
although it was oftenplaced on the bottomrungs of a moral hierarchy.This was
particularlyevident in discourse about music and the nation. It is even more
evident in the 1990s when, as we shall see, recent 'post-modern' Colombian
triesveryexplicitlyto relocatediversityas
nationalism,invokingmulticulturalism,
part of the modern nation. This, I argue, is not a radical departure,but a change
rung on the same bells.
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Threemoments
in Colombian
history
Bambuco
In urban areas duringthe nineteenthcentury,dances originatingin Europe, such
as the waltz, contradanza, polka and mazurka, were popular among 'respectable'
people in Colombia, played in their salons on piano and string instruments,
although they would have been heard by a range of classes when played by
militarybands during public festivals. These European formswere sometimes
'creolised' to produce new forms,such as the pasillo,a formof waltz popular in
Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador. For the upper classes, regional variationin
this sortof music was not very marked: the same music was listened and danced
to in Bogota, in the Andean interiorof the country,and in Cartagena, on the
Caribbean coast. However, there were also urbanised versions of more varied
regional rural stylesand here therewas more diversity.
Colombia was and stillis a highlyregionalisedcountry(Wade 1993). To the
northis the Caribbean coastal region:a hot savannah with a population of evident
black and indian heritage,although the elite is mostlywhite. The rural peasant
musical traditionsshow a good deal of Africanand some indian influences,alongside European influences. To the west is the Pacific coastal region: inhabited
mainly by blacks and indians, the region has varied peasant musical traditions,
showing mainly Africanand European heritageoutside the indian communities.
To the east lie the Llanos, or plains, (which merge eastwards into the Amazon
jungle): peasant music thereshares a greatdeal with the Venezuelan joropostyle.
In the middle ofthese diverseand peripheralregions,lies the centrein geographic,
economic and political terms: the Andean interior,populated mostlyby whites
and mestizos,with small indian populations in isolated areas. In the interior,there
was a variety of musical styles, mainly based on guitars of various sizes and
mandolins. In this region,bambucowas already popular in BogotAand othercities
of the interiorfromat least the mid-nineteenthcentury(RestrepoDuque 1991, p.
126; 1988, p. 529).4
Towards the end of the nineteenthcentury,music in Colombia began to be
integratedinto discourses about national identityand it was bambuco of the interior region's stringensembles that took pride of place. The pasillo, which was
actuallymore widespread, did not acquire the same nationalistovertones- probablybecause itwas popular in severalneighbouringcountries.The author,journalist and politician,Jose Maria Samper (1828-88), said of the bambuco that, '[There
is] nothingmore national, nothingmore patrioticthan this melody which counts
all Colombians among its authors. It is the soul of our pueblo[people, nation]made
into melody.' Accordingto Baldomero Sanin Cano (1851-1957),an educator,critic,
of
journalistand politician:'Bambuco resounds with the heartbeats[palpitaciones]
the fatherland.'In the words of the historian,Luis Angel Cuervo (1893-1954):'The
historyof bambuco is the historyof the whole Republic, of its societies and its
individuals.' Writingin 1960, Eduardo Caballero Calder6n (b. 1910), writer,journalist and politician,affirmedthat 'Withoutbambuco, the fatherlandwould not be
conceived' (all cited in Perdomo Escobar 1963, p. 308). Not surprisingly,even
is takento mean bambuco and otherstylescharactoday the termmbsicacolombiana
teristicof the Andean interior.
Bambuco, along with pasillo and otherstylesfromthe interior,provided the
inspirationfornationalistart music by Colombian composers such as Guillermo
Uribe Holguin (Bdhague 1996, p. 317). Abadia Morales notes how bambucos had
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PeterWade
as lyrics'select poetry,taken froma universalrepertoireor sometimesfromeminent poets' (1983, p. 156). On the otherhand, bambucos were performedby more
popular musicians such as Pedro Morales Pino, Emilio Murillo, Alejandro Wills
and JorgeAfiez (Restrepo Duque 1991). Several of these recorded in New York
between 1910 and 1930, playing bambucos, marchas, pasillos, waltzes - not to
mention Cuban habaneras and boleros and Mexican rancheras.5
The nationalistimage of bambuco has to be seen not only in the contextof
the music nationalismcommon all over Latin America at the time,but also in the
context of the internationalisationof popular music that the nascent recording
industryimmediatelyrepresented. With the establishmentof Columbia Gramophone Company (1903) and Victor Talking Machine Company (1901), gramophones were soon widelyavailable in Latin America- althoughtheircost restricted
purchase, they could be easily heard in public places. Radios soon followed and
several Latin Americannations, includingColombia, had theirown radio stations
fromthe late 1920s. From the very start,the US record companies recorded Latin
American music for sale in the USA, Latin America and elsewhere. They would
send agents with portablerecordingmachines to Latin Americancitiesand record
in hotel rooms; later they set up theirown studios and presses in urban centres
such as Mexico City, La Habana, Santiago and Buenos Aires (Fagan and Moran
1986, p. 521). Conversely, their retail agents would send artists to the record
companies in these cities or in New York.
The music directedat the Latin American marketwas exceptionallyeclectic
and included waltz, mazurka, polka, pasodoble, blues, one-step, foxtrot,tango,
danz6n, son, bolero, rancheras and so on. A single artistmight record a wide
varietyof these, backed by a house orchestramade up of an equally wide variety
of nationalities. The music industry,in effect,prefiguredcertain aspects of a
eclecticism,
globalised condition now associated with post-modernity:flexibility,
collage, staging and so on.6 Nevertheless, just as recent globalisation has not
entailed the demise of the nation (Hall 1991), certainstyleswere associated with
certaincountries- bolero with Cuba or tango with Argentina.There were notionrested on
ally 'national' repertoires.For Colombia, a claim to national particularity
thebambuco, or sometimeson songs simplylabelled cancidncolombiana
(Colombian
song). It is no accident that one of the firstrecordingsby a Colombian was the
Colombian national anthem, cut in 1919 by Emilio Murillo with the Lira Antioquefia (a stringensemble). In short, then, bambuco became a national music
of the music industry.
partlyin response to the internationalisation
It would be easy enough to see in the rise ofbambuco a projectof nationalist
culturalhomogenisationwhich marginalisedthe musics ofotherregionsand privileged the mainlywhite/mestizoAndean interioragainst the more black and indian
peripheries. But things are not quite so simple. There have been long debates
about the origins of bambuco. In his dictionaryof Colombian music (1867), J.C.
Osorio said the bambuco originallycame fromthe bunde,held to be a black dance.
The poet Rafael Pombo wrote of bambuco as a fusionof indian melacholy,African
fireand Andalucian wit - a classic moral trilogyin discourse about the Colombian
nation. The novelist JorgeIsaacs, in his famous novel Maria (1868), said it had a
black origin,while JorgeAiez, one of its greatexponents,asserted thatits origins
were firmlyin the Colombian Andes, rejectingIsaacs' contentionthat the name
itselfcame fromAfrica.7Davidson (a Colombian, despite the name) dedicates some
400 pages of his dictionaryof folkoreto the bambuco and concludes that it is of
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Threemoments
in Colombianhistory
Spanish origin- some hundred pages are given over to discussing possible indigenous and Africanoriginsin the process (Davidson 1970, pp. 49-460).
So while bambuco was hailed as the musical essence of nationhood, discussions about it oftenforegroundedand indeed activelyconstructeddiversity.This
diversitytended to be located in the past - i.e., at the originof the nation - but it
mightalso be broughtinto the present,as in Pombo's pronouncement.This was
all subject to contestation- Afiez discounted an Africanorigin,as did the frankly
racistmusicologistDaniel Zamudio who disdained black music as 'simian'8- and
this indicates that diversitywas always liable to placed in a moral hierarchyof
power and racial identification.Nevertheless,blackness was oftenpresent.
Costefiomusic
From the 1930s, Cuban, Mexican and Argentinianmusic - via the international
recordingindustrywhich was beginningto diversifyinto nationallyowned businesses in Latin American countries- had a major impact in Colombia. Although
much of thismusic was initiallyfrownedupon as vulgar and plebian by the elites,
ensconced in theirsocial clubs, it soon gained theiracceptance, at least among the
younger generationand especially when played by large dance orchestras- 'jazz
bands' - in the North American fashion. This was partlybecause some of the
record and communicationsindustrywere run, and sometimes owned, by the
growingand risingmiddle classes, who tended to be less exclusive in theirtastes.
From the late 1930s, dance band leaders in the Caribbean coastal region- la
costa,as itis generallyknown - who were playinga mixtureofCuban, Argentinian,
Mexican and North American music, began to orchestratestyles said to derive
fromthe local wind band and peasant repertoires- porro,fandango,cumbia,gaitaand which did indeed retain certainof theircharacteristicelements, particularly
in the rhythmicstructureand the percussion section. This music was, as usual,
initiallydespised by local elites in the coastal citiesof Cartagena and Barranquilla,
but soon made its way into theirclubs. By the mid-1940s,the orchestraof Lucho
Bermuidez,one of the most famousband leaders playingthistypeofmusicacostefia,
was playing in elite venues in the interiorof the countryand his success was
emulated by otherCostefiocomposers, bandleaders and musicians such as Pacho
Galin, Antonio Maria Pefialoza and Jose Barros. At about the same time, the
Colombian recordingindustrystartedup in Cartagena and Barranquilla,shifting
in the early 1950s to Medellin, the major industrialcentreof the country.Costefio
music flourishedin Colombia and to some extentabroad as well and by the 1950s
it had become the major national popular musical style (although, of course, foreign stylescontinued to be as or more popular). Bambuco had lost its popularity
although it still retained some status as the 'original' musicacolombiana.A major
shifthad taken place: Colombia was no longer represented either at home or
abroad by a style associated with the Andean interior,centre of power, wealth
and 'civilisation';it was now representedby tropicalmusic fromthe Caribbean
coastal region,seen as poor, backward, 'hot' (climatically,sexuallyand musically)
and 'black' (at least by association, even if many of the musicians in the dance
bands, even the Costefio ones, were whites or light-colouredmestizos).
The contextfor the emergence and rise of this music was, in broad terms,
the rapid social change and process of internationalisationthat was going on in
Colombia and elsewhere.9 Economically,Colombia was expanding internallyas
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10
PeterWade
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Threemoments
in Colombianhistory
11
1978, p. 398); there were also discussions about national values in art (Medina
1978, p. 185).
In cities such as Bogota and Medellin, Costefio music was played in elite
clubs and hotels, but also broadcast on record and live by radio stations.It could
be heard on record in bars, brothelsand cafes, and live at Sunday performances
in public parks where middle-class familiesstrolledin the mornings,but maids
and manual workerstook over in the afternoon.But its presence excited a good
deal of comment,some of it reactionary.
Daniel Zamudio, speaker at the 1936 conferenceon music, lamentedthat'the
rumba and its derivatives, porros, sons, boleros, are displacing our traditional
autochthonousairs, takinga favouredplace in social dances and salons' and added
that 'although this is not of greatimportancefromthe artisticand aestheticpoint
of view, it is none the less certainthat a process of purificationis taking place
since "fashion" may ruin
which, if it is too late, will give rise to a new confusion,
the littletrulygenuine thatwe have'. He links porro, the Costef~ostyle,to Cuban
styles, thus implicitlylabelling it as foreignand also black. He clearly sees the
music as a threatto national identityand thisis doubtless due to his general views
on black music. Rumba belongs, in his view, 'to black music and is a faithful
translationof the sentimentalprimitivismof Africanblacks' - 'this music, which
does not deserve the title,is simian'. Hope lies, forhim, in a process of purification
and as far as black Colombians are concerned 'culturallyspeaking, there is the
possibilityof desrumbarlos
[de-rumba-isingthem] despite theiratavism' since, as
North American negro spirituals demonstrated, 'the black race has valuable
musical representativesat the level of higher sentiments'(Zamudio 1961, Part I,
p. 1; Part IV, p. 77).
A 1944 edition of the national daily, El Tiempo,carried an articleentitled,
'Civilisationof colour' by JoseGers who commentedthat'modernismo
requiresthis:
that we should dance like blacks in order to be in fashion and in line with the
tastes of the latest people'; the culturebest received 'is that which has the acrid
smell of jungle and sex'. Accordingto him:
theblackshave decidedto avengethemselves
ofthebitter
fatetheybearon theirshoulders
[i.e., slavery][ . .. I and theattackis advancingagainstwhatthepreviousmastersheld
mostdear- againsttheirart.[ . .. I Pairsofblondsmustdancewitheffusive
movements
ofthebelly,jerks,contortions,
leaps and savage shouts.The Versalleswaltzis dead. The
dancerand his partnermustjump,swiveltheireyeswhileraisingone leg,movetheirhips
in lewd gyrations,
crosstheireyes and spread theirlegs like frogs... Meanwhile,the
drumsbeat, the gentlemenof the orchestrascreechwitha tragicfury,as if theywere
seasoninga joyfulpicnicofsome 'mister'[i.e., a whiteboss] in a junglein Oceania.12
This piece was illustratedwith a small cartoon of two young women in short
skirts,dancing with 'effusivemovements' - it looks like a pre-figuredversion of
the twistto my eye - which was actuallynot the way Costeftomusic was usually
danced: generally,male-female couples danced together.As before, foreigness
and blackness are linked to threat,confusion, lack of moderation- and sexual
licence. Interestingly,
modernismis connected to blacks and this seems to reverse
the common tendencyto associate blackness with primitivism.In fact,it is more
complex: European modernismas an avant-gardeartisticand literarymovement
had, at this time,taken a primitivistturnand this had influencedLatin American
intellectualcircles(Franco 1967). Modernismis thus seen by Gers as an avant-garde
and disturbingtrend.He also linksit to a liberated- to him,threatening- sexuality
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12
PeterWade
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Threemoments
in Colombianhistory
13
More interestingforthe purposes of my argument,however, are otherwritings by non-Costefioson Costefio music - the stuffby the Costefios themselves
can too easily be seen as 'resistance' to nationalisthomogenisation(although this
simple readingis belied by the factthatthese Costefiossaw themselvesas defining
a unifiednational culture).A prominentpiece on Costefiomusic in a non-Costefio
forumwas a 1949 issue of the weekly magazine Semana(the equivalent of Timeor
Newsweek)on the cover of which the Costefio band leader Lucho Bermudez took
pride of place. A long articlededicated mainly to Bermudez explained aspects of
Costefio music to its readers, noting that porro was 'currentlythe most popular
of the festiveairs of Colombia', but that'many people in the interiormaintainthat
it is the noisiest, and some that it is the most vulgar'; none, however, denied its
alegrfa(happiness, joyfulness).It ended with the hope that 'the characteristicairs
of the differentregions of Colombia may achieve in the not too distant future
something like a musical synthesis ... a certain artisticunity'. Certain musical
styles needed to be 'nationalised' in order to be widely accepted.16This portrays
a view of Colombian cultureas moving fromtraditionaldiversityto modern unity
througha process of nationalisationand synthesis- the classic image of cultural
mixturewhich harmoniseswith ideas of racial mixture.But it also representsColombia as a varied, diverse nation: it again acts - this time somewhat more neutrally- as an ethnographyof contemporaryColombia; its very existenceinscribes
diversityat the same time as it envisages unity. It slides between preciselythe
enunciatorypositions thatBhabha describes,seeing the nation as a modernwhole
on the one hand and as a 'symptom of an ethnographyof the "contemporary"
withinmodern culture' (Bhabha 1994, p. 147).
Semana also published an article on JulioTorres, the leader of a vallenato
group - ironicallyfromthe interiorregion- which had had a recenthit. According
to this, music was 'one of the means by which national sentimentis expressed'.
Moreover: 'to despise the importanceof popular music . . . is a criticalabsurdity.
To exalt so called classical music as suitableforthe people and culturedminorities,
is another sociological error.Artmusic does not have to forciblyexclude popular
music, nor vice versa'.17 This gets into a differenthigh-browversus low-brow
debate, but the point is that vallenato accordion music - of a particularregional
origin- is accepted as a legitimaterepresentativeofnational sentiment,even while
that sentimentis assumed to be unitaryin some sense.
Ideas about traditionand modernitywere fundamentalto differentviews
about Costefiomusic and theyrelatedto homogeneityand hetoerogeneityin complex ways. Traditionis necessaryto any nation, since it definesa singularidentity
in a global world of nations: historyis one side of the Janus face of nationalism.
In this case, traditionwas seen as the distantpast when African,American and
European elements co-existedbut were not mixed; mixturewas in this view part
of the progresstowards a unifiedmodern nation. Thus traditioncould be invoked
to explain currentdiversity.From one point of view this was mixturenot yet far
enough on, the elementswere stillnot fused, the continuingpresence ofblackness
and indianness, forexample, was an embarrassment.From another,this was the
lived realityof contemporaryculturaldiversity- each region had its 'traditions'
and these were a valued part of the nation.
Now, Costefiomusic worked between traditionand modernityin ambivalent
ways - largelybecause traditionand modernitythemselvesforma verypowerful
but also ambivalentdiscursivepair. Because of its regionalroots, the music could
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PeterWade
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Threemoments
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PeterWade
Conclusion
My argumentin thisarticleis not plus?a change... Of course, it is partofmy point
thatthereare real continutiesin the discourse on Colombian nationhood fromthe
late nineteenthcenturyto the 1990s. I thinkthis in itselfis an importantpoint for
assessing the change thatthenew 1991constitutioncan be said to represent.But the
argument I am really tryingto make is about how we conceptualise music and
national identity.It is importantto grasp processes of conflictand of resistancein
understandingthe culturalpoliticsofmusic, but I want to get away froma position
which implicitlysets up homogenising elites against diversifyingsubalternsand
which sees music as simple representationsof these social positionings.I thinkthe
Colombian materialshows how such a view, while tempting,is also too simple.
Diversityis encompassed withinnation-buildingdiscourse,perhaps frequentlysubject to strategiesof control,but also as part of an inherentparadox in 'thinkingthe
nationfromwithin',as itwere. How such diversityis read and what is made ofitare
contestedprocesses, but the contestitselfis not over sameness versus difference.
Seeing music as constitutiveof, as well as representing,social positionings
is importanttoo. If music is seen as a means of imagining communities- and
in graspingitsrepresentatherebyconstitutingthem- thenthisopens up flexibility
tional role. It makes it easier to see how a given style of music can be seen as a
national unity and a diversity.What music can represent is more contextual,
depending on whose imaginingsare operatingand in what ways. Costefiomusic
can constitutethe nation as an imagined communitywhen people dancing and
listeningto it imagine othersdoing so all over the country;it representsthe nation
because nationals have imagined themselves as such by listeningto it. Alternatively, it can constitutethe Costefios as a regional group, whetherin theirregion
or as a networkof migrantsin Bogota or Medellin. The process ofimaginingworks
between unity and diversity.This is not to say that the process of imagining
communities,national or otherwise,is a random process. Imaginingsare part and
parcel of the social relationsone lives and are as structuredas theyare. The point
is thatmusic can be a process of imaginingand thus livingdifferentsets of social
relations,ratherthan just representingthem.
Endnotes
1. For Latin America, Rowe and Schelling
(1991, pp. 38-42, 99-101, 151-72) give various cases of nationalist projects, especially
in the context of populist attempts to construct 'the people' as a national body; for
most of these, there is an emphasis on the
imposition of homogeneity by the state or
populist intellectuals. They note, however,
that Octavio Paz's El laberintode la soledad
'offers both immobile archetypes [drawn
from ancient indigenous history] and the
unstable masks of a modern society [drawn
from the Mexican migrant]' (Rowe and
Schelling 1991, p. 163).
2. Middleton's treatmentis complex and these
are his broad criticismsof 'culturalism'as an
approach. Many of the actual studies he looks
at - particularlythe BirminghamCentre for
Cultural Studies approach, exemplified in
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Threemoments
in Colombian
history
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
17
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