Leaders and Masses

Author(s): Richard M. Pfeffer

Source: Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Vol. 31, No. 1, China's Developmental
Experience (Mar., 1973), pp. 157-174
Published by: The Academy of Political Science
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Leadersand Masses*

RICHARD M. PFEFFER

TheChinese
Communists
of
(CC) undertheleadership
MaoTse-tung
the
basic
and
necesmethods,
values, goals
developed
andpolitical
leaders
sarytomakebureaucrats
reasonably
responsive
and accountable
before
established
andvast
theyactually
complex
bureaucratic
hierarchies.
Thisearlydevelopment
in the1930os
and
in no smallpartto theCC'sdualcommitment
1940sis attributable
to vanguard
andto meaningful
massparticipation.
This
leadership
dualcommitment
the
CC
to
at
the
confront
the
outset
issue
required
ofhowthevanguard
is torelateto themassesofpeopleovertime.
Theparticular
ofrelations
created
tended
patterns
they
simultaneously
toencourage
and
on
the
responsivenessaccountability partofleaders
tothepeopleandtoencourage
andactivesupport
onthe
participation
fortherevolutionary
movement.
partofthemasses
TheCC created
thesepatterns
ina probecause
theywereengaged
tracted
war
both
the
and
people's against
Kuomintang imperialism
andbecausetheybelieved
in thekindof society
in these
implicit
TheCCwonprimarily
because
succeeded
in
patterns.
developing
they
andinstitutions
leaders
thatenabled
them
tolearnfrom
andtoserve
themasses
tomobilize
them.
and,thereby,
Suchleaders
andinstitutions
a mosteffective
check
onbuprovide
reaucratic
rule.Theyalsomaybe moreeffective
in achieving
many
* The authorexaminedthis
subjectat greaterlengthin his "ServingthePeople
and Continuing
the Revolution,"
China Quarterly(October-December
1972), pp.

620-53.

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158

1RICHARD M. PFEFFER

idealsofdemocracy
and goodgovernment
thanAmerican-type
instiof
which
have
a
democratic
tutions,
produced static,
privatized
system
elitism.Withthedevelopment
of large-scale
in China
bureaucracies
after1949,however,
were
Maoistvaluesandmethods
frequently overshadowedby moreconventional
to
and
approaches industrialization
in
the
Revolution
and
wake
the
Cultural
of
(CR)
governance.
During
andideals,developed
in theYenan(1937-45)and
Maoistinstitutions
finalcivilwar (1945-49)periods,have beenrevivedand adaptedto
China'ssociety
ofthe1970s.
Liberation
Before
China'scrisesin thetwentieth
in Chineseleaders
century
generated
a recognition
oftheneedforan organized
partytoleadand
vanguard
educatethe backwardmasses.Sun Yat-sen,ChiangKai-shek,and
Mao Tse-tung
all supported
theideaofa tutelage
periodduringwhich
the vanguardis to organizein a sustainedmannerthe attackon
China'sdeep-seated
socioeconomic
problemsand to raisethe consciousnessof thepeople,enablingthemeventually
to displacetheir
tutors.The CC, personified
by Mao, wentfarbeyondothersin their
to massparticipation,
and classstruggle
commitment
egalitarianism,
as themeansforachievingthecollective
In
good. the eyes of the
Chinacouldbe savedand thecollective
of the
interests
Communists,
theexploiting
classesofChina
peoplewellservedonlybydismantling
and by ensuring
thatthenewleadersremained
identified
intimately
withthemasses.
Variousmeansweredevisedto accomplish
thisidentification.
Local leaders,forexample,
were
recruited
from
the
frequently
impoverishedmasses.Leadersat all levelssharedin thecommon
self-sacrifice
of war and revolution,
lifeeschewingbourgeoisand semifeudal
stylesand engagingin manuallaborsideby sidewithpeasantsand
workers.
thedevelopfacilitated
Radicallydecentralized
organization
mentofbasic-level
in whichmembers
institutions
oflocalcommunities wereencouraged
to influence
issuesand personnel
collectively
mostcritical
to theirexistence.
andrectification
Ideological
campaigns
werecarriedout to shapeand consolidate
thevalue consensusand
forsucha decentralized
movement
personnel
required
revolutionary
tocohereandprogress.
One of theconstantthemesof thesecampaigns
was thattheCC
hadtoservetherealneedsofthepeople.Butiftheexistence
ofthevan-

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ANDMASSES159
LEADERS
1

ofthemasses,thatsamebackguardis justified
by thebackwardness
wardness
theirpresent
meansthemassesat timeswillnotunderstand
needsand frequently
the relationship
will not understand
between
immediate
needsandfuture
Who,then,is to decidethe
development.
the
needsof themasses?In suchcasesthevanguardmustenlighten
how
is
masses.This,though,
raisesseveralarchetypal
First,
problems.
ofitsviews?Second,whois
thevanguardto achievemassacceptance
whichafterall stillcarrieswithinit
thevanguarditself,
to enlighten
self-interests
and constraining
valuesand habitsof theold society?
a role
And,finally,
how,ifthevanguardis to playso determinative
of themassesto be
in therevolutionary
is theconsciousness
process,
to
the
so
raised
as
beingtransconsistently
guardagainst vanguard's
and
its
formed
class
to
facilitate
intoanother
beingphasedout
ruling
ofitstutelage
role?
TheChineseCommunists'
"solutions"
to theseproblems
continuing
lie in substantial
in
the
of
the
Maoist
part
quality
ongoingrelationand influestablished
Education
between
and
masses.
ship
vanguard
encein therelationship
in
is a two-waystreet.
imbalances
Prolonged
therelationship
either
the
whereone
on
hand,
commandism,
produce
by thevanguardgetsout of touchwithmass needsand tolerances,
dictateswhatthemassesshoulddo and thereby
meandiscourages
activesupportand growth,
or tailism,on
ingfulmassparticipation,
theother,
theimmediate,
limited
consciousness
ofthemasses
whereby
determines
and
decisions future
narrowly
vanguard
development.
A dialectical
interaction
betweenleadersand massescharacterized
practical
politicsat thegrassrootslevel.The qualityof therelationwas
control,
ship
epitomized
by a kindof mass-basedcommunity
in thelast halfof the1940s,inintensified
which,as classstruggle
cameto meansomething
classcontrol
creasingly
approaching
by the
in
rural
of
each
poor-and-lower-middle-peasant
community
majority
theliberated
zones.
Mass-basedcommunity
controlmeantmanythings.In the first
it
meant
that
new
of community
werecreatedon the
place
feelings
locallevel,by whichtheenemiesand thepeoplewereredefined
and
newconcepts
ofjusticewereformulated
andpracticed.
Withthesense
ofnewcommunity,
ofcooperation,
ofresisting
andstruggling
feelings
were
enhanced.
that
meant
control
together
governParty,
Community
cadresgenerally
workedamongthepeople,sharing
ment,andmilitary
a more-or-less
commonexperience
and language.It meantthatthe
localleaders,at least,werecloseto thepeople,ableto learnfromthe

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160

RICHARD

M. PFEFFER

massesas wellas to teachthem.The management

oflocalaffairs
no
was
remote
from
the
masses.
longer
As partofmass-based
control
a varietyofmassmeetcommunity
was developedand spreadin whichevil landlordsand
ing formats
scoundrels
wereassaulted
andphysically
andmadetoconfess
verbally
theircrimes.In thesesamemeetings
poorpeasantsforthefirsttime
confronted
theiroppressors,
and developed
spokeof theirbitterness,
their
ownsenseofcollective
classconsciousness.
Mass meetings
wereheldnotsimplyto ridthecommunity
oftraditionalexploitation
but in additionas psycho-administrative
devices
to ensure,forexample,theeffectiveness
of self-regulating
taxcollectionsystemsin borderregionareas.Mass meetings
also wereheld
to ensurethatcadres,especially
wouldbe madeto
Partymembers,
theconstituencies
confront
theyweresupposedto lead and serve.In
thatconfrontation
themassescouldbe educatedby thecadres,while
thecadres,in turn,wereeducatedregarding
theneeds,hopes,tolerand
of
the
masses.
these
rectificaances, capacities
Through
open-door
tionmeetings
themasseshad theopportunity
to activelyparticipate
in shapingtheperceptions
and behaviorof thelocal leadership
and
in putting
on
the
cadres
be
to
These
pressure
responsive.
politically
mass meetings
werecommunity-based
trials,involvingpubliccriticismandpublicself-criticism,
whichlocalleadershadtopass.
through
from
such
was a growingconsensusand
Stemming
participation
attachment
to manyof theprinciples
and goalsof therevolutionary
Fromsuchwidespread
movement.
and intensecommitment
emerged
a senseofprincipled
Men
worked
and
saw
their
workin
government.
termsof contributing
to therevolution.
for
themselves
Working
by
forthemovement
was something
fromwhichthemassesof
working
menandtheir
leaderstookgreatsatisfaction.
Thesenseofcommunity
andpatterns
ofbehavior
thatwerecreated
in theliberated
zonesof Chinaextended
to nearlyall areas of life.
is theextent
towhichtheCC wereabletoapplytheirconcerns
Striking
andmethods
toadministration,
towarfare,
toproduction,
toeducation,
and to politics.The mass line,forexample,was not limitedin its
to politicalinstitutions
but was appliedas well to ecoapplication
and evenmilitary
institutions.
In the1940s the
nomic,educational,

CC consolidatedtheirhighlyintegratedmodel of revolutionary
governanceand developmentand appliedit across the board. The movement,relativelyspeaking,was at one in theoryand practice.

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LEADERS

AND MASSES

161

1949-65
in 1949,oncetheCC werevictorious,
oncethey
Butthequestion
as the
hadtodealdirectly
withdomestic
andinternational
problems
whether
would
effective
be
of
a
was
they
government nation-state,
and
self-confident,sufficiently
self-motivated,
sufficiently
sufficiently
to be givenin practice
to theMaoistrevoagreedon thepriority
the
elements
of
tradition
to maintain
the
movement's
lutionary
and
collectivist, responsive
egalitarian,
revolutionary
participatory,
andcontent.
whatwasnot
Wouldtheybe abletosustain
elan,style,
a romantic
andrevolutionary
butalsoa goodgovernsimply
struggle
ment?
ofhaving
without
the
towin
Or,seemingly
imposed
necessity
a people's
this
lose virtue?
war,wouldthey
In retrospect
itis clearthattheapparent
needtocentralize
rulein
order
withtheimtomanage
andguidethenational
unit,combined
and specialization
in the
of hierarchy
peratives
implicit
seemingly
ledin the1950Sto
andspreading
ofmodern
technology,
mastering
thedisintegration
oftherevolutionary
movement
andto thedominance
and
rulebetween
ofnonrevolutionary
1949 1965.Theintegrated
Maoistmodel
forrevolutionary
anddevelopment,
successgovernance
fulbefore
themovement
toindustrialize
andtogovseriously
sought
ernall China,wasrejected
as a comprehensive
Inmodelthereafter.
in
the
the
somewhat
out
of
stead,
early1950s CC,feeling
perhaps
theirdepthas theyhadin the192os,onceagainadopted
a Soviet
model.Thatmodelof ruleandindustrialization
stressed
specializaandstratified
centralized
bureaucratic
tion,hierarchical
relationships,
individuated
material
andconventional
technomethods,
incentives,
After
oftheSovietbureaulogicaldevelopment.
1949,thedominance
cratic
modelwas somewhat
butnotreplaced,
offset,
by theMaoist
of
salient
the
style revolutionary
development, during hightideof
in1955-56
socialization
andtheGreat
LeapForward.
Thealternation
between
theSovietmodelandtheMaoistmodel
a dualistic
Butthegrowing
bureaugaveChinese
politics
quality.
craticinstitutions
forachieving
generally
agreed-upon
goalswere
antithetical
toMaoistcampaigns
andconcerns.
ThetwoChihighly
nesemodels-the
dominant
onetiedtoSovietstyleindustrialization
andruleandtheothertotheChinese
tradition--howrevolutionary

evercomplementary
for
theymayhavebeenas a complexstrategy
remained
As timewentby,
revolutionary
development,
disintegrated.
variousgroupswithintheelitesincreasingly
attachedthemselves
to

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162

1RICHARD M. PFEFFER

one or theother,makingthestrugglein thelast halfof the 1960s for

of the systemthroughreintegration
transformation
essential,if not
inevitable.
An earlierattemptat reintegration
duringthe GreatLeap Forward
had failed.As a resultof the economicdisruptionsof the threehard
yearsof 1959-61, thedominantgroupin thePartyleadershipcame to
feel thatmore stringent
effortsat bureaucraticcoordinationand "rationalization"were requiredonce again. In theearly196os hierarchical decision making was reemphasized;middle-levelbureaucracies
and the
wereexpanded;and generallythegap betweenadministration
masseswas restored.
of a rule
The Party,thus,came to presideover the implementation
and developmentstrategythat,on theone hand,seemedto be dictated
process
by certaintechnologicalimperativesof the industrialization
and, on the other,seemed likelyto thwartrealizationof the movement's ultimaterevolutionary
values, of which the Partyitselfwas
to
be
the
supposed
organizationalembodimentand guardian.It was
hoped in vain that the Partysomehowcould keep "politicsin commovemand," thatit couldpreservetheendgoals of therevolutionary
ment and make governanceand industrialization
serve those goals.
Butitcouldnot.
This failureof the bureaucratizedParty explains the "reversion"
in recentyearsto theMaoist traditionof community
controland mass
What
the
in
Chinese
participation.
impelled
leadership the 194os and
what has impelledthe Maoist leadershipduringand since the CR is
necessity.In the 1940s the narrowneed was to win the war of national liberationand thenthe civil war. In the 196os and 1970s the
need has been to achieveindustrialization
withoutsacrificing
the revand participation.
collectivism,
olutionarygoals ofegalitarianism,
To achievethesegoals one cannot,followingtheSovietmodel,rely
almost exclusivelyupon bureaucraticand politicalelites. For elites,
Mao has believed since the 1930s, tend to become self-serving,
as
Maopowerin class societyinevitablytendsto corruptpowerholders.
ists, then,mustrelyin substantialpartupon the masses to "educate
the educators."But, if Maoists cannot rely exclusivelyon .elites to
continuethe revolutionuntil its finalgoals are realized,neithercan
If revolutionary
theyassume the masses will remainrevolutionary.
elitesat some pointaftervictorytendto becomerulingelites,revolutionarymasses at some point tend to become ruledmasses, and the
movementturnsintononrevolutionary
rule.
revolutionary

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LEADERS AND MASSES

163

These tendenciescannotbe overcomeby formulasor technicalgimaftera revmicks.Coping with themappearsto require,particularly

and
brilliant
movement
come
to
has
assertiveleadpower,
olutionary
a
of
conscious
commitment
to final
ership, continuinghigh degree
goals, and the drivingforceof mass participation.This trialecticat
its corerequiresrevolutionary
politics-the buildingof new and shiftcoalitions
the
among
ing
relativelydeprivedclasses and groups in
the societyin supportof continuingthe revolution.These coalitions
mustbe mobilizedthroughpersuasion,by convincingthemasses that
theircollectiveinterestsare best servedby continuingthe revolution.
Fortherevolutionto be continued,in short,themassesof peoplemust
be convincedits continuancewill servethem.And the most effective
way to convincethemis forthecontinuingrevolutionin factto serve
thepeople.
The CR and Its Institutional
Aftermath
The reason that many of the institutionsflowingfromthe CR are
reminiscent
of the 1940osdoes notlie in lingeringromanticism,
carried
by fondmemoriesof the"good old days." The reasonis thattheessential necessityfor these institutionsremainsthe same, althoughthe
specificcontenthas changed.The essentialnecessityis to convincethe
masses that theirinterestsare best servedthroughtheirsupportfor
were successful
continuingthe revolution.Because these institutions
in the 1940s in coping with this problemand because today they
again appear at least morelikelythan any othermethodsto achieve
success, the institutionalaftermathof the CR bears markedresemblances to the 1940s. The CR representsthe returnto the integrated
Maoistmodelofrevolutionary
governanceanddevelopment.
As such,one of the major thrustsof the CR has been to pave the
The CR and the continuingrectiway forincreaseddecentralization.
ficationmovementsassociatedwith it can be seen as necessarypreludes to radicaldecentralization-necessary
in the sense thatpersonnel and ideologiesfirsthad to be rectifiedif radical decentralization
was not to lead eitherto intenselocalism led by entrenchedlocal
elitesor to thereestablishment
of elaboratecontrolbureaucracies.Given this sortof decentralization,
the revivalof various formsof mass
and community
controlmay be creatinga moreresponparticipation
sive politicalsystem.The extensivebureaucracies,
theone
particularly
associated
with
the
civilian
of
the
previously
wing
Party,may well

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164

M. PFEFFER
RICHARD

notbe resurrected.
Or attheleast,suchbureaucracies,
iftheyareresurarelikelyto be substantially
a
offset
rected,
by systemofmass-based
as
well
as
forenhancing
other
mechanisms
control,
community
by
theaccountability
and responsiveness
and political
of administrative
leaders.
controlin Chinatoday,of course,is relative,
notabCommunity
solute.The rectified
nationalleadership
continues
to playa vitalrole
in determining
and coordinating
nationalpolicyand in formulating
thebroadguidelines
forcommunity
But withinthese
development.
limitsthetransformation
to
have
been
substantial.
The scope
appears
ofcommunity
control
hasbeenbroadened
andvigorous
have
attempts
beenmadeto promotethemass line approachto decisionmaking,
atthebasiclevel.
particularly
themasslineapproachintothedecisionEffectively
incorporating
makingprocess,though,is easiersaid thandone.Whileit maybe
massparticipation
and superrelatively
easyto incorporate
patterned
visionintobasic-level
decisionmakingin ordertoenforce
somedirect
and accountability
on thepartoflocalcadresto their
responsiveness
constituent
toenforce
suchresponsimasses,it is muchmoredifficult
on
at
cadres
levels.
artifice
of
some sort is
There,
higher
bility
as
a
functional
of
the
kind
of
required
approximation
dailycontact
and familiarity
basic-levelcadresand the massesenjoywitheach
other.If thecadresabovethelocallevelare notmadeto appreciate
conditions
at thegrassrootsand arenotkeptamenableto collective
massinfluence,
thenthesignificance
ofthemasslinewillbe severely
curtailed.
is
themassesthatcontinuing
therevolution
Similarly,
persuading
in theircollective
interest
If
effort.
of
members
the
requiresgreat
massesaretobe persuaded
to sacrifice
certain
for
immediate
interests
thecollective,
must
come
to
believe
that
they
through
participation
in collective
decisionmakingtheyare benefiting
as well
materially,
as psychologically,
in significant
areaslikeeducation,
oldage security,
andhealth.
Whatinstitutions,
the
then,havebeenrevivedor createdthrough
CR to deal withproblemsof accountability
in
and responsiveness
for
China'svanguardsystem?Are, example,variousoutputinstitu-

tions made to servicethe needs of the people? If so, how? Are the
masses encouragedto participatein shapingcommunity
development?
In whatways? Are basic-levelcadresinstitutionally
made to confront
theirconstituents?
Are higherlevel cadresmade more empatheticto

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LEADERS
ANDMASSES 165
1

the problemsof the masses? Do the masses have an opportunity

for
inputsintoprovincialand centralgoverningorgans?
The open-doorrectification
of China's
process,the transformation
educationalsystem,the establishmentof May 7 cadre schools, and
the extensionof directclass representation
in China's revolutionary
committees
all seem to suggestthattheCC are tryingto build greater
responsivenessand accountabilityinto the system.Throughthe creative applicationof the Maoist core elementsof communitycontrol
and mass participation,
the Maoists are tryingto enlistmass support
forcontinuing
therevolution.
One vital way in whichthe masses have
Open-doorRectification:
directlyparticipatedin the CR and its aftermathhas been in the
rectification
and rebuildingof basic-levelPartyand government
committees.Althoughtheformsof mass participation
have variedand its
intensityand frequencyappearby 1971 to have been sharplyreduced
as the new committees
were set up, the complexrealityof mass parin
rectification
can hardlybe denied.
ticipation
Since 1968, the Chinese press and radio repeatedlyhave referred
to the anxieties and hesitationsconnectedwith mass participation
and to the conflictengenderedbetween"left" and "right" factions
over the extentto which rectification
should be carriedout through
mass criticism.The very mentionof these problemssuggests that
mass participation
has not been a mereformality.
the critical
Further,
of
rectification
has
been
asserted
and
reasserted
importance open-door
in no uncertainterms.In Maoists' eyes thereis no way to resolve
basic politicalcontradictionsand to assure the continuationof the
revolutionotherthan throughcontinuingor repeatedopen-doorrectifications
ofbasic-levelunits:
Practiceprovesthatit is therevolutionary
masseswho are mostconcernedabouttherectification
ofthePartyand also understand
bestthe
situationof thePartyorganization
and Partymembers
of theirown
units.Onlyby carrying
out theopen-door
on
rectification,
by relying
themasses,can weprevent
theworkofPartyrectification
from"taking
theold roadandrestoring
theold order,"and canwe better
purifythe
and
and
build
Partyorganizations
organizationally ideologically
every
bulwarkarmedwiththeThought
of
Partybranchintoa strong
fighting
Mao Tse-tung.
In termsof increasingaccountability
and responsivenessthe practice of open-doorrectification
servesmany relatedfunctions.First,it
forand a sense of meaningfulpargives the masses an opportunity

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166

I RICHARD

M. PFEFFER

ticipation,mobilizingthemto judge the conductof Communistsand

cadres. Second, such trialsby the masses undoubtedlymake leaders
more sensitiveto theirconstituencies.
And, third,the process facilitates exposingand weeding out those withinthe Partywho cannot
pass mass examinationand provokingand revealingthroughstruggle
new activistsamong the masses, who thencan be recruitedinto the
Party.Open-doorrectification
helps thePartyto be informedof mass
and
to
be
at
feelings
practical the grass rootslevel. It stimulatesthe
masses to be active and responsibleand provokesall to heightened
consciousness.
The EducationalSystem:One of the main purposesof the CR was
to transform
China's educationalsystem.The educationalgoals of the
CR include:(I) greatlyincreasingtheenrollment
in schoolsof children
of thepoor and lower-middle
peasantsand workers;(2) makingeducation serve the concreteneeds of the masses; (3) reducing,if not
and culturalelites' statusand hierarchieliminating,the technocratic
cal controlof education,and preventing
theirrevival;and (4) "putting
in
command
of
which
means inculcatingin those
education,"
politics
connectedwith the educationalsystemMaoist revolutionary
values,
methods,and goals as thehigheststandardsforjudgingall othertheories and practices.Significantsteps to achieve thesegoals have been
takenin schoolsat all levelsin thelastfewyears.
In the case of ruralprimaryschools,sometimein the fall of 1968
remainingstate-rununitswereplacedunderthecontrolof production
brigades.This renewedemphasison local communitycontrolof educationby themasseswho are mostdirectlyaffected
by it is predicated
on communityself-reliancein supportinglocal education.Self-reliwiththeleveragenecessaryto
ance, in turn,providesthe community
influencelocal education. With communitycontrol,for example,
are increasingteachers,likeothermembersof thebrigadecommunity,
ly being paid on the basis of workpointsratherthan being paid
as teachingmembersof the
wages by the state. Theirperformances
are
evaluated
other
members.
Theirshare of distributions
brigade
by
on
the
overall
of the brigadein productionas
depends
performance
well as on the evaluationof theirworkin publicmeetingsby fellow
brigademembers.In thissetting,issues such as the qualityof education and teacherpromotionscan becomemattersin whichthe poorand-lower-middle-peasant
majorityof the communityplays a major
role.
decision-making

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LEADERS
ANDMASSES
167

The stepof tyingthematerialwelfareof teachersdirectly

to the
in
which
contributes
teach
also
to
the
of
reedubrigade
they
process
thegulfbetweenteachers
and commune
catingteachers
by reducing
members.
Insteadof beingcadrespaid by thestate,theyare made
accessibleto mass supervision
and are betterintegrated
withthe
massesandwithproductive
labor.Moreover,
as a resultofmass-based
the contentof ruraleducationappearsto have
control,
community
shiftedmoretowarddirectly
servingthe needsof peasants.These
a minimallevelof generalintelschools,in additionto inculcating
a
and
amount
of politicalsocialization,
ligencetraining
large
largely
function
as community
centers.
vocational-training
Thesamepractical
serviceorientation
alsoseemsapplicable
tohigher education.
In implementing
teamsofworkers,
thistransformation,
of thePeople'sLiberation
peasants,and members
Army(PLA) have
actedas guidesin thestruggle,
and transformation
criticism,
process
andintheactualshaping
ofthecontent
andform
ofeducation.
Chinesedocuments
andvisitsbyforeigners
tovariousChineseuniversities
confirm
thatstudents
enrolled
since1970 haveindeedmostly
beenchildren
ofworkers,
and
whogenerally
peasants, PLA members
have had twoyearsor moreof practicalexperience.
Visitsconfirm,
and poorand lower-middle
too,thatolder,veteranworkers
peasants
withabundant
but
limited
formal
education
practical
experience only
also are beingenrolled,
thoughto dateonlyin verysmallnumbers.
visits
confirm
thatuniversity
in general
and collegestudents
Finally,
have been recommended
foradmissionby fellowmembers
of their
the
work
masses
of
their
units,thereby
production
giving
community
whoknowmostimmediately
theircharacter
and talentsa directsay
in whogoeson to highereducation.
It further
appearsthatwhileat
related
to theneedsof
collegemostsuchstudents
disciplines
study
theirworkunitsof origin,to whichmostgraduatesare expected
to
return
inordertohelpimprove
and
production management.
of highereducationno
Consequently,
graduatesof institutions
will
be
who
cadres"-cadres
longer
"three-gate
passedfromthegate
of privileged
the
of
family,
through gate school,and thencethrough
thegateofemployment
in technical,
work
or managerial
intellectual,
untouched
oflifeforthevastmajority
relatively
by thehardrealities

of China's less privilegedmillions.Thus, the quality of one of the

major recruitment
pools for membersof the upperbureaucracywill
be significantly
changed.

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r68 1 RICHARD

M. PFEFFER

in educationcan be
Many aspects of the ongoing transformation
seen in the case of Kiangsi CommunistLabor University(KCLU).
KCLU is an agricultural
universityestablishedduringthe GreatLeap
Forwardand explicitlyfoundedupon Maoist premisesthateducation
should serve proletarianpoliticsand should be combinedwith productivelabor. At the universitytoday half the students'timeis devotedto productivelabor.The schoolhas 132 campusesand approximately50,000 students,rangingfromthe main campus of about
outsideNanchang,to quite
i,ooo studentssituatedin thecountryside
small campusesof ioo-plus studentssituatedin many of the eightynine countiesof Kiangsi. The universityruns more than 390 cultivated farms,treenurseries,and animal-husbandry
farms,and about
factories
Its
curriculum
is
dividedbasically
throughout
Kiangsi.
25o
into fourdepartments:agriculture,forestry,
animal husbandryand
medicine,and farmmachinery.
veterinary
Of the 1,ooo studentson themain campus,about 3oo are the children of workers,while another6o percentare childrenof poor and
lower-middle
peasants.The percentageof childrenfrompeasantfamilies is said to be still higherat branch campuses,suggestingthat
thesemaybe locatedin moreremoteruralareas.
Each of thebranchcampusesis underthe jurisdictionof the revolutionarycommitteeof the countyin which it is located. The main
educationaltaskof each branchis to servetheconcreteneeds of these
counties,while the primarypurposeof the main campus is to train
teachersforassignmentto variousbranchcampuses.Thus,theorientation of KCLU as a whole is towardrecruitingstudentsfromworker
and peasant familiesand towardservinglocal needs in the counties
ofKiangsiProvince.
theeducationalsysMay 7 CadreSchools: If throughtransforming
temand open-doorrectification
it is possibleto institutionalize
a reasonable degree of responsivenessand accountabilityon the part of
basic-levelcadresand teachersto themassesof theirlocal community,
it is muchmoredifficult
to institutionalize
the same qualityof direct
bureaucrats.Severalmechanisms,includrelationshipforhigher-level
ing the settingup of May 7 cadre schools and the practiceof direct
representation
by membersof the masses in importantgovernment
bodies, have been experimented
with in an effortto cope with this
problem.
The May 7 cadreschoolshave been set up nationwidesince October 1968 by territorial
and functionaladministrative
units.They are

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LEADERS
ANDMASSES 169

facilities
locatedin thecountryside
to whichadministrapermanent
tivecadres
from
alllevelsofgovernment
abovetheproducandParty
tion-unit
levelarebeingsentbyrotation
forideological
revolutionization.Itisexpected
thatallsuchcadres
willhavespent
atleastsixmonths
ina May7 school
onrotation
cadrerotaAfter
that,
bythemid-197os.
tionforreeducation
andto
intheseschools
is expected
torecommence
continue
indefinitely.
Theschoolsserveas partial,
functional
forthedirect
substitutes
and continuing
involvement
withthemassesthatonlybasic-level
cadres
canexperience.
cadres
areeffectivethem,
Through
higher-level
to simulate
cadreschools
thisexperience.
ly required
By contrast,
before
theCR,assertedly
influenced
bytheLiulineoncadretraining,
aresaidtohavebeenmuch
moreseparated
from
themassesandfrom
the"three
Inprethantoday's
schools.
greatrevolutionary
struggles"
CR schoolsthecadresreputedly
worecadres'clothing,
ate cadres'
at best,carried
outa
Suchcadres,
food,andspokecadres'language.
kindofdivorced
andfailtheir
mistakes
self-cultivation,
considering
behind
closeddoors.Theybecame
accustomed
ingsalmost
exclusively
to thinking
of themselves
as leaders,
notas commoners;
to living
than
as
rather
and
to
comfortable,
lives;
arduous,
relatively
restoring
a mark
oftheir
status
thetraditional
andbourgeois
disdain
formanual
laborandforthecountryside.
a
in
to
came,
short,
They
approximate
newruling
with
its
own
world
outlook
class,complete
self-justifying
andlines.
TheMay7 cadreschools,
on theviewthatonemust
predicated
takesociety
itself
as thegreatschoolforlearning
Marxism-Leninism,
forlearning
aboutclassstruggle,
andforunderstanding
andlearning
toapplycreatively
Mao'sThought,
combine
manual
labor,
ideological
andmassworkin an atmosphere
a
ofselfstudy,
pervaded
by spirit
hardwork,
and"revolutionary
masscriticism."
reliance,
self-sacrifice,
laboris seenas a necessary
butnota sufficient
Taking
partinmanual
condition
forbringing
cadres
backtothereality
ofmasslifeandfor
theirideological
transformation.
The setting
the
confronts
directly

cadrewiththeobjectivestruggle
forproduction
and class struggle,
the
reflected
within
him.
thereby
sharpening
struggle
In theconfrontation,
interconnections
betweenvariouselements
of
the bourgeois-revisionist
world view are broughtout. The view of
manual labor as demeaningand as punishment,and the beliefthat
officialsare "one grade higherthan otherpeople," or, alternatively,
theview thattemporarily
doingmanual labor can be usefulforcareer

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M.PFEFFER
170 RICHARD

advancement
a "plateof gold"through
manuallabor)are
(getting
From
their
atMay7 cadreschools
cadres
challenged.
experiences
many
arereported
to haverealized,
forexample,
thattheyhad despised
manuallaborlargely
becausetheysubconsciously
believed
thatas
cadrestheyweresuperior
to ordinary
On theotherhand,
peasants.
theCR arealso
manycadresdiscouraged
bytheirtreatment
during
to
have
understood
that
a
cadre
is
no
more
burdensome
reported
being
thanbeinga peasant
andthattherealobligation
all
of is toservethe
peopleandtherevolution.
The aimof thematerial
in thecadres'livesat these
alteration
schoolsis to promote
a subjective
changein cadres'worldoutlook,
torevolutionize
their
andbehavior.
Thepurpose
is tocreate
ideology
newleaders
whodo notplacethemselves
abovethemassesandwho
canintuitively
understand
theproblems
ofthemasses.
it
would
be
naive
toexpect
orpermanent
transAlthough
complete
formation
ofcadres'
valuesthrough
theMay7 school
experience,
anyonewhohasvisited
these
schools
andconversed
withcadres
presently
andwithothers
whohaveattended,
cannotbutbe proattending,
andsenseofpride
withwhich
cadres
foundly
impressed
bytherespect
discuss
theimpact
oftheschoolexperience.
Thefactthat
uniformly
cadresencountered
in China,all of whomhadpreviously
attended
theMay7 cadreschools,
withworkmingled
easilyandunabashedly
ersandpeasant
somecircumstantial
evidence
of
may,perhaps,
provide
theutility
oftheschools.
DirectClassRepresentation:
ButeveniftheMay7 cadreschools
arereasonably
successful
inrevolutionizing
thatcannot
manycadres,
ensure
thatthepractical
and
collective
interests
ofthe
understanding
masses
willbeeffectively
once
the
cadres
have
reimbedded
represented
themselves
inChina'sbureaucracies.
theCC aretrying
Consequently
in other
thelikelihood
ofsuchrepresentation.
One
waystoincrease
andworker
classesrepresented
ingoverning
wayisbyhaving
peasant
committees
andworkers,
often
byother
peasants
bymodelmembers
ofeachclass.
forexample,
havebeenestablished
committees,
at
Revolutionary
alllevelsofgovernment
since1967upontheunderstanding
thatthey
shouldincludesubstantial
numbers
of massrepresentatives.
These
committees
appearin facttohaveincluded
suchrepresentatives,
es-

peciallyat the local level, to a degreehardlyappreciatedby Western

analysts.
The primaryobservedcharacteristic
of the process of settingup

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LEADERS
AND
MASSES171

committeeshas been the increasingdominanceof the

revolutionary
PLA in thesecommittees.Commentators
have noted that,as of December1968, twentyof the twenty-nine
provincial-levelrevolutionchairmen
committee
active
were
ary
militarymenand ninewererevoFrom such
lutionarycadres,while none were mass representatives.
factscommentators
have concludedthat the role of the masses was
downgradedas theCR waned.
By contrast,verylittlehas been made of the factthatof the then
estimatedtotal of 216 membersof provincial-levelrevolutionary
committeesthe compositionof the 85 percentwhose backgrounds
were known was surprisinglyequally divided among the military,
thecadres,and themasses.These statisticsassumegreaterimportance
when one realizesthattheydeal withthehighestlevels of provincial
and regionalgovernment.
The masses in factare less well represented
relativeto the PLA in the chairmanships
of provincialrevolutionary
committeesthan theyare in the standingcommitteesof these committees.Similarly,themasses appearto be less well represented
in the
in
the provincialrevolutionarycommitstandingcommitteesthan
teesas a whole.
This is partof an understandable
pattern:thelowerone goes in the
the
more
the
are to be represented
masses
hierarchy,
by delegates
likely
who themselvesare workersor peasants.
The lowerone goes in the hierarchy,
the easier it is forgoverning
committeesto involve mass representatives
and the more sense it
makes forthe masses to have a directsay in what,at the mostbasic
level, amountsto theirlocal community.This seeminglypatterned
increasein theproportionof membersof themasses who act as representativesof the masses in formalgovernmentalunits as one goes
down towardthelocal community
may well be one mannerin which
China's prevailingbalance betweencentralizationand decentralizationis formally
institutionalized.
Substantiallyrepresentedat the pinnacle of the Chinese political
system,with approximately
one-quarterof the CentralCommitteeof
theCCP composedof modelworkersand peasantschosento represent
the masses, the masses seem likely to get a decenthearingin the
CentralCommittee,wheremattersare most centralized.With much
at the base of the hierarchy,the
greaternumericalrepresentation
masses seemlikelyto have a veryinfluential
voice in local community
affairs.
So, if it is truethatthe role of the masses has been reducedfrom

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172

RICHARD M. PFEFFER

its "destructive"highpointin the CR, it seems also truethat,at least

the roleof the
to theextentone can taketheirnumbersas significant,
has
increased
masses in government
measurablyas compared
organs
with most periodsbetweenthe early 1950osand the CR. Unless one
expectedChina to be governedby Red Guards,it is theincreaserather
than the decreasein the potentialrole of the masses that should be
noted.
AdaptingChina's DevelopmentalExperience
These are a numberof institutionalized
ways in whichpoliticalleaders
and bureaucrats
in Chinaare encouragedto be responsiveand accountable to theirimmediateconstituents
and to the Chinesepeople as a
whole.It is temptingto thinkthatsome of China's innovativeinstitutions,such as the May 7 cadre school,mightbe successfullytransplantedto otherdevelopingcountriesor advancedindustrialcountries
like the UnitedStates. But this is the same technocratic
fallacythat
counterrevohold
that
of
which
theories
spawned
counterinsurgency
lutionariescan utilize the techniquesof revolutionariesto win the
accountheartsand mindsof thenativepopulation.Institutionalizing
and
hearts
and
to
the
like
responsiveness
people,
winning
ability
not
Americans
is
a
matter
as
should
of
minds,
by
merely
technique,
now recognize.
The reasonthatChinese-type
institutions
cannotbe adaptedto most
othersocietiesis not, as some undoubtedlywill argue,primarilybecause China is more authoritarian,
or its citizensmore indoctrinated
or betterorganizedthan those of othersocieties; nor is it because
China is less industrializedthan, say, advanced industrialsocieties.
Rather,it is primarilybecause the Chinese people are committedto
achievingrevolutionaryideals that have not yet been embracedby
the majorityof peoples in most developingcountriesand are hardly
even discussedany moreby people in advanced industrialsocieties.
Much of China's developmentalexperiencecould in factbe adapted
by trial and errorfor use elsewhere.But it could be meaningfully
to values, life-styles,
and
adaptedforuse only in societiescommitted
consonant
with
China's.
goals
It is theprofoundcommitment
on thepartof vanguardand masses
alike in China to social justice,to egalitarianism,to the supremacy
of the collectivegood, and to meaningfulmass participationthatenables Chineseinstitutions
to achievewhatsuccessestheydo at reason-

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LEADERS
ANDMASSES 173

able cost. The continuingvitalityof this commitment

makes the institutions
describedin thispapermorethanmereformalities.
Whethersuch institutions
could be adoptedby any but revolutionsocieties
is
a
moot
ary
question.That theycouldnotbe adoptedin the
UnitedStates as presentlyconstituted,
however,is beyond question.
In China, forexample,thereis an unparalleledsense of the public
interestand a relateddeep commitment
to servingthe people. This
consciouscommitment
makes sacrifices,
such as thoseinvolvedin attendingthe May 7 cadre school, worthwhileto most cadres. In the
UnitedStates,by contrast,exceptin timesof crisisthepublicinterest
is definedas the productof interest-group
liberalism."The people"
are fractured
is controlled
intopluralistinterests,
and thegovernment
that
the
as
interests
dominate
federal-housby private
publicinterest,
ing scandals,the recentrise in milkprices,and numerousotherphenomenamakeall tooclear.
In China the attachmentto extendingegalitarianismin theoryand
practiceprovidesthebasis forinfusingcadreswitha sense thatthey
are not betterthan peasants. In the UnitedStates even the call for
egalitarianismis seen as threatening.Economicequalityis still opposed as "creepingsocialism."Across the board,we have settledfor
equalityof opportunity-whichis to say gross inequalityin practice
-and rejectedeventheidealoffullequality.
In China, difficultas it may be for Americansto believe, mass
participationin basic-level politics is sustained and intimate.In
Americawe have acceptedtheinevitability
of elitedominationof our
and
have
for
settled
formalisms
like biannual elections
system
again
and the narrowcompetitionthat exists betweenelites althoughwe
know theyare inadequatesubstitutesformeaningfulmass participation and eliteaccountability.
This sense of settlingand loss of ideals forgovernancehas led to
such cynicismand apathyin Americathatcorruption
in government
no longerangersor even interestsus. In this context,adoptingChiwhichgrewout of the CC's revolutionagainst
nese-typeinstitutions,
social injustice,privatism,and staticelitism,would be tragic-comic.
Americahas much to learn fromChina, but it does not wish to
learn.Americais in need of radicalchange,but thereigningaphorism
of the day is the conservative"politicsis the art of the possible." In
our anxietyto preservethe statusquo, we have imprisonedhope and
strivento forget,as Max Weberhas said, "thatman would not have
attainedthepossibleunless timeand again he had reachedout forthe

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174

RICHARD

M. PFEFFER

impossible."This is the firstlesson we can relearnfromChina's developmentalexperience.Afterthislessonit will notbe simplya matter
of learningbut a struggleforpower.

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