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TERRA MARIQUE

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TERRA MARIQUE
Studies in Art History and Marine Archaeology
in Honor of Anna Marguerite McCann
on the Receipt of the Gold Medal
of the Archaeological Institute of America

Edited by

John Pollini

Oxbow Books

iv

Published by
Oxbow Books, Park End Place, Oxford OX1 1HN

Oxbow Books, John Pollini and the individual authors 2005

1-84217-148-8

A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library

Front cover: The deified Augustus flanked by personifications of


Land and Sea, relief from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias. (Photo: Scala Grafik, Izmir)
Frontispiece and back cover: Anna in academic robes. (Photo: Chad Benton Ploth, New York)
Frontispiece to Part II: Anna in scuba gear. (Photo: Anna M. McCann, New York)

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Oxbow Books, Park End Place, Oxford, OX1 1HN
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Printed in Great Britain by


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Contents
Preface .............................................................................................................................................................................. vii
Contributors ................................................................................................................................................................... viii
Introduction John Pollini ................................................................................................................................................. ix
Anna Marguerite McCann: A Tribute John P. Oleson and James Russell .................................................................. xv
Publications of Anna Marguerite McCann ................................................................................................................. xix
Abbreviations ................................................................................................................................................................. xxii

PART I: Art and Archaeology


1 The Verucchio Throne and the Corsini Chair: Two Status Symbols of Ancient Italy
Larissa Bonfante .............................................................................................................................................................. 3
2 Fashioning Plancia Magna: Memory and Revival in the Greek East during the Second Century AD
Catherine de Grazia Vanderpool .................................................................................................................................. 12
3 Sestius at Cetamura and Lurius at Cosa? Nancy Thomson de Grummond ........................................................ 30
4 Excavating a Priceless Heritage: Scientific and Other Applications Used by the Brown University
Exploration of the Petra Great Temple Martha Sharp Joukowsky ..................................................................... 40
5 Terra Sigillata: The Workshop of Publius at Arezzo Philip M. Kenrick ..................................................... 56
6 Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an Indicator of Openness to Trade Archer Martin ......................... 61
7 Dionysos at the Altar of Rhea: A Myth of Darkness and Rebirth in Ptolemaic Alexandria
Maria Teresa Marabini Moevs ..................................................................................................................................... 77
8 The Armstrong and Nuffler Heads and the Portraiture of Julius Caesar, Livia, and Antonia Minor
John Pollini ................................................................................................................................................................... 89
9 The Parachutists Antiquarium: Pierres Errantes at Calvi (Corsica) James Russell ............................... 123
10 The Eruption of Vesuvius and Campanian Dressel 24 Amphorae
David Williams and David Peacock ......................................................................................................................... 140
11 Living Architecture: Living Column and Vegetal Urn. Shared Motifs in Roman Wall
Painting and Neo-Attic Furnishings Sara Yerkes ........................................................................................... 149

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PART II: Marine Archaeology and Technology


12 Deep Water Archaeology Robert Ballard ............................................................................................................. 171
13 Further Evidence of the Specialized Religion of Phoenician Seafarers Aaron J. Brody ............................. 177
14 Aristophanes, Acharnians 44554 and the Trireme Rowers Gear Lionel Casson .......................................... 183
15 Swimming Over Time: Glimpses of the Maritime Life of Aperlae Robert L. Hohlfelder ........................... 187
16 Design, Materials, and the Process of Innovation in Roman Force Pumps John Peter Oleson ................ 211
17 Portus Romae? Geoffrey Rickman ......................................................................................................................... 232
18 Phoenician Shipwrecks and the Ship Tyre (Ezekiel 27) Lawrence E. Stager .................................................... 238
19 The Port of Cosa and Economic Romanization in Gaul and the Danube Valley
Elizabeth Lyding Will ................................................................................................................................................ 255
Index ................................................................................................................................................................................ 263

vii

Preface

The essays collected in this volume range from more general to more technical topics, reflecting the interests of
Anna Marguerite McCann. In producing this work, we have followed for the most part the style and abbreviations
of the American Journal of Archaeology. Other abbreviations used will also be found in the list of abbreviations,
coming after McCanns list of publications. Standard abbreviations for Latin and ancient Greek sources will be
found in the list of abbreviations in The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed., edited by S. Hornblower and A.
Spawforth (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1996). For anything not in the OCD, please refer to the Greek-English
Lexicon compiled by G. Liddell and R. Scott, revised and augmented by H. Stuart Jones with the assistance of R.
McKenzie (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1996) and the Oxford Latin Dictionary ed. by P.D.W. Glare (Oxford: Clarendon
Press 1982).
Each essay is self-contained, with notes and a comprehensive list of bibliographical references at the end of
each article. All black and white illustrations (figs.) are integrated in each article, with the exception of color
images (pls.), which are to be found at the end of this volume. Within each article we have attempted to be as
consistent as possible. Among the different essays, however, there will be some differences in punctuation and
spelling of terms, as well as in American and British orthography, according to the preference of the individual
authors.
I would like to thank all of the authors for their patience in the production of this volume. Special thanks are
owed to Robert Taggart for his generous subvention and to Sarah Monks for her expertise, diligence, and assistance
in the editing and production of this volume. Lastly, I thank my wife Phyllis, optima et semper per tot labores
dulcissima, for all her help and support in this endeavor.
John Pollini, Editor

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Contributors

ROBERT D. BALLARD
Institute for Exploration, Mystic, Connecticut, USA

JOHN PETER OLESON


University of Victoria, British Columbia, Canada

LARISSA BONFANTE
New York University, New York, New York, USA

JOHN POLLINI
University of Southern California, Los Angeles,
California, USA

AARON J. BRODY
Pacific School of Religion, Berkeley, California, USA
LIONEL CASSON
New York University (Emeritus), New York, New
York, USA
NANCY THOMSON DE GRUMMOND
The Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida,
USA
ROBERT L. HOHLFELDER
University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado, USA
MARTHA SHARP JOUKOWSKY
Brown University (Emerita), Providence, Rhode
Island, USA
PHILIP M. KENRICK
Independent Scholar, Appleton, Oxfordshire,
England, UK
MARIA TERESA MARABINI MOEVS
Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey
(Emerita), New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA
ARCHER MARTIN
The American Academy, Rome, Italy

GEOFFREY RICKMAN
University of St. Andrews (Emeritus), St. Andrews,
Fife, Scotland, UK
JAMES RUSSELL
University of British Columbia, Vancouver, British
Columbia, Canada
LAWRENCE E. STAGER
Harvard Semitic Museum, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA
CATHERINE DE GRAZIA VANDERPOOL
The American School of Classical Studies at
Athens, Princeton, New Jersey, USA
ELIZABETH LYDING WILL
University of Massachusetts (Emerita), Amherst,
Massachusetts, USA
DAVID WILLIAMS and DAVID PEACOCK
University of Southampton, England, UK
SARA YERKES
Independent Scholar, Santa Barbara, California,
USA

ix

Introduction
John Pollini

In 1998 Anna Marguerite McCann received the Gold


Medal of the Archaeological Institute of America for
her distinguished archaeological achievements. On
December 29 of that year a special Gold Medal
Colloquium, organized and chaired by Nancy T. de
Grummond, was held in her honor at the 100th Annual
Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America in
Washington D.C. James Russell of the University of
British Columbia gave the opening paper on Dr.
McCanns numerous accomplishments. Presenting
papers at this colloquium were the following, in order
of presentation:
John Peter Oleson, University of Victoria,
Archaeology on Earths Last Frontier: Deep-Water
Archaeology at Skerki Bank
Elizabeth Lyding Will, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, The Port of Cosa and
Economic Romanization in Gaul and the Danube
Valley
Lionel Casson, New York University (emeritus),
Romes Trade with India
Philip Kenrick, University of Oxford, A New
Catalogue of Signed Italian Terra Sigillata: What
36,000 Vessels Can Tell Us about Roman Craft and
Trade
Maria Teresa Marabini Moevs, Rutgers University, Hellenistic Text Illustrations and Arretine
Pottery1
John Pollini, University of Southern California,
A Portrait of a Sex-Slave Stud (?) in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York2
Larissa Bonfante, New York University, Out of
the Water: The Wooden Throne from Verucchio
Because of the success of the colloquium, it was
decided to publish the papers of the speakers, along
with essays of other colleagues and friends, in a volume
in honor of Anna Marguerite McCann highlighting
subjects representative of her interests in ancient art

and underwater archaeology and technology. In a few


cases in which original papers presented at the
colloquium had already been committed to other
publications,3 participants substituted other papers. In
all, nineteen essays were contributed to the present
volume. These works are thematically divided into two
parts and arranged alphabetically by author: one part
reflecting Annas general interests in ancient art and
archaeology, especially sculpture; the other, her
specific expertise in underwater and port archaeology
and technology.

Part I: Art and Archaeology


In the first essay of Part I, The Verucchio Throne and
the Corsini Chair: Etruscan and Roman Status
Symbols, Larissa Bonfante considers two extraordinary round-backed thrones of a type which long
remained a status symbol in northern Italy and beyond
the Alps, from the Iron Age down to the Late Antique
period. Both are decorated with scenes of daily life or
rituals important for their respective societies. The late
eighth century BC wooden Verucchio throne represents lively little figures, with important men and
women carried on four-wheeled chariots. The iconography has recently been shown to reflect ritual actions
which also include various phases and tasks of woolworking and weaving. Some details, as well as the
original purpose of the throne, are as yet uncertain.
The Roman marble throne dates from the late Republic.
Its decoration, carved in low relief with lively, consciously primitive-looking figures, originally inspired
by the same Orientalizing Etruscan art, is reminiscent
of the hammered bronze relief decoration of Iron Age
northern Italian situla art. This marble throne was
evidently commissioned by an aristocratic Roman
general who wanted it to reflect the exotic foreign art
he had seen in the course of the northern campaigns he
had fought, perhaps with Julius Caesar. The simi-

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larities between the two thrones raise intriguing
questions about the social structure of different areas
of ancient Italy. Neither throne has any mythological
reference. Most tellingly, both testify to the importance
and prestige of their owners families in their original
context: one in the emerging aristocratic society of the
Etruscan cities; the other in the Roman oligarchic
society of the end of the Republic.
In Fashioning Plancia Magna: Memory and Revival
in the Greek East During the Second Century AD,
Catherine de Grazia Vanderpool discusses the statue
type and civic ideology of a prominent Hadrianic
benefactress in the Roman East. Thanks to a wealth of
inscriptions, monuments, and sculptural representations dating to the Hadrianic period that were
excavated at Perge in southwest Anatolia, Plancia
Magna is for us one of the best-known female
benefactors, at a time of notable private civic philanthropy. One of the most common images used in
contemporary presentations of elite women, including
Plancia Magna, derives from a pair of statue types
developed in Athens in the late fourth century BC. As
explored in her essay, these types, which recur
especially beginning under Hadrian, are suggested here
to embody a conscious reference to those ideas of
citizenship and civic behavior developed particularly
in the latter part of the fourth century BC in Athens and
revivified, most notably under Hadrian and his
successors. The ideology incorporated in these statue
types can also be linked to the philosophy behind
Hadrians institution of the Panhellenia, with its seat at
Athens and with its notions of panhellenic citizenship.
Plancia Magna and her contemporaries are thus
portrayed as part of a Greek nation, as well as of the
Roman Empire.
Nancy Thomson de Grummond discusses loomweights that have significant implications for manufacture and trade in Sestius at Cetamura and Lurius
at Cosa? At Cetamura del Chianti, an inland hilltop
settlement near Siena, excavations by Florida State
University have revealed a Hellenistic Etruscan
settlement contemporary with Republican Cosa. Of
particular interest is an artisans zone with slag from
metal-working; a kiln for making brick, tile, and
loomweights; and numerous utensils for spinning and
weaving. A large paved room, Structure C, may have
been the center for a textile workshop. In an adjoining
building, Structure A, was a large cistern dating from
about 150 BC, probably going out of use in the first
quarter of the first century BC. Among the Hellenistic
debris within it was found a loomweight stamped
tidily on the top with an S and made of a fabric
differing from the weights known to have been made
at Cetamura. Also in the artisans zone was found a

loomweight stamped with an asterisk. These marks


may be compared with stamps from the Sestius firm,
well known at Cosa from the amphora trade. Elizabeth
Lyding Will, who contributes to this volume (below),
had already noted that the Sestii also produced lamps,
bricks, and Arretine pottery and had suggested that
the Cetamura stamp may indicate a fifth category of
diversification in the Sestius enterprises. Nancy de
Grummonds essay also includes discussion of two
Greco-Italic amphora stamps from Cetamura of
M.LVRI and EUTACHEI (the latter published for the
first time here) that indicate the trade connections of
Etruscan Cetamura. A review of marks on loomweights at Cosa revealed that there were three weights
found there with the initials M.L. (two on the
Capitolium and one in the House of the Skeleton), a
rather unusual marking, tantalizingly reminiscent of
the stamp of Marcus Lurius from Cetamura.
In Excavating a Priceless Heritage: Scientific and
Other Applications Used by the Brown University
Exploration of the Petra Great Temple, Martha Sharp
Joukowsky presents research methodology for the
eight years that Brown University has been excavating
in Jordan at the Petra Great Temple with the aim of
improving our understanding of the elusive Nabataeans who constructed the Great Temple. The
scientific and other applications that they have used
include surveying, artifact studies and databases,
neutron activation analysis of pottery, analysis of
plaster samples (fresco pigment analysis), palynological analysis, studies of stone weathering,
consolidation-restoration, dendrochronology, and the
creation of a digital archaeology program for the
excavation. Besides a brief description of the Great
Temple, some of the results are presented to elucidate
various problems associated with the excavation.
The publication of the second edition of the Corpus
Vasorum Arretinorum in 2000 has created new
opportunities for studying the Italian terra sigillata
industry. In Terra Sigillata: The Workshop of Publius
at Arezzo, Philip M. Kenrick is concerned with the
minor Arretine workshop of Publius, which is
enigmatic by reason of the large number of slave (or
dependent) names associated with a very modest
output, combined with the absence of any signatures
denoting the master alone. Kenrick suggests that the
abbreviation PVBL or PVBLI found on the stamps of
this workshop may not refer to an individual at all, but
may denote servi publici and hence some kind of (shortlived) municipal involvement by the colony of
Arretium in the flourishing local craft of fineware
production.
In Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an
Indicator of Openness to Trade, Archer Martin

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examines fourth-fifth century AD contexts, located
from the mouth of the Tiber to a non-navigable
tributary, to see how openness to trade is reflected in
the com-position of pottery assemblages. This study
suggests that several elements vary as a reflection of a
sites position along trade routes. Amphoras decline
from a substantial majority on or near the coast to a
significant minority on navigable stretches farther from
the sea and finally to a relatively unimportant presence
on the inland site. They also tend to come increasingly
from local or regional sources. Where trade connections
are strong, imported fine wares will dominate assemblages. Import substitution for fine wares takes place
where there is a certain barrier to imported wares but
appears to require a minimum level of regional
circulation to be present. Imported cooking wares can
be present in significant percentages on the coast but
drop off and then disappear the most readily of all
imports, except for imported common wares, which
are never more than a feeble presence. Consideration
of the composition of pottery assemblages promises
to provide important evidence for interpreting the sites
where they are found, beyond what is offered by the
examination of the various ceramic classes in isolation.
The essay by Maria Teresa Marabini Moevs,
Dionysos at the Altar of Rhea: A Myth of Darkness
and Rebirth in Ptolemaic Alexandria, is part of an
ongoing project to provide visual documentation to
the Grand Procession of Ptolemy Philadelphus, a
spectacular pageantry occasioned by the celebration
of a quinquennial festival, which was described by
Athenaeus of Naukratis in his Banquet of the Learned.
This great procession consisted of lesser ones in honor
of various divinities, of which only the procession of
Dionysos was described in great detail. The life of the
god was displayed on tableaux vivants mounted on
carts. The culminating episode, Dionysos at the Altar
of Rhea, was a very rare myth recording the gods
recovery from madness through the intervention of
the Great Mother Rhea. In her essay Moevs identifies
the representation of this scene on a Roman terracotta
plaque in which the child Dionysos is squatting on an
altar with his arms raised in the traditional gesture of
supplication. This image of Dionysos emerging from
the darkness of madness recalls the iconography of
Harpokrates, or Horus the Child, squatting on the
lotus flower emerging from the chaos of the primeval
water. The intention of the first Ptolemies to unite
their ancestral divinity Dionysos to Horus, traditionally identified with the living Pharaoh, and their
political effort to curb the most unruly manifestations
of the Dionysiac religion, justify the importance
accorded to the myth of Dionysos at the Altar of Rhea
in the Procession.

In The Armstrong and Nuffler Heads and the


Portraiture of Julius Caesar, Livia, and Antonia Minor,
John Pollini discusses two little known basalt portraits
of high quality. The Armstrong Head, representing an
older male, may be an uncanonical portrait of Julius
Caesar, while the Nuffler Head, representing a
younger-looking female, is identifiable as an image of
Augustus wife Livia. Because neither portrait
obviously and unquestionably represents the individuals proposed, this essay also presents a new
consideration of the portrait typologies of Caesar and
Livia, as well as Antonia Minor, to whom the female
head bears some resemblance. The Armstrong Head
seems to be a portrait of Caesar that was freely
interpreted by a Hellenistic sculptor working in Egypt
at the very end of the Republic or in the earlier
Augustan period, while the Nuffler Head of Livia was
probably created some time after the death of her
husband Augustus in AD 14. Since various factors
indicate that both heads may originally have come
from the same context, the Nuffler Head, which
appears to have been created at a later date than the
other sculpture, may have been added to a portrait
group that already included the Armstrong Head. Both
images have suffered damage consistent with their
having been intentionally defaced, quite possibly by
iconoclastic Christians who attacked the images of the
polytheistic peoples of the Empire during the Late
Antique period. Caesar had been worshiped as a god,
so images of him with other members of the JulioClaudian family, especially if set up in a shrine like the
Caesareum/Augusteum at Alexandria, would have
been all the more likely targets of assault.
James Russell presents in The Parachutists
Antiquarium: Pierres Errantes at Calvi (Corsica) a
catalogue of a small collection of six Roman objects
which forms part of a monumental tableau flanking
the war memorial on the parade square of Camp
Raffali, garrison base of the Deuxime Rgiment
tranger des Parachutistes of the French Foreign Legion
located at Calvi on Corsica. Three items are published
for the first time, a sculptured relief stele, a Corinthian
capital, and a funerary inscription, while the other
three, all inscriptions, had been recorded previously.
The extreme brevity of the reports in each case,
however, warrants a more detailed discussion of their
texts. Besides their intrinsic interest as historical and
social documents, the collection provides an interesting
illustration of pierres errantes from antiquity that
have wandered far from their original setting through
human caprice and invites speculation on how they
arrived in Corsica. The Numidian provenance of the
three published pieces is certain, and the unequivocal
North African character of a fourth makes it highly

xii
probable that the entire collection originates from the
same source. The most plausible explanation is that all
six pieces were assembled when the Regiment was on
patrol in eastern Numidia during the Algerian War of
Independence (19551962) and remained in its
possession until its evacuation from Algeria in 1967.
Having by then assumed the status of a trophy, the
collection would have accompanied the Regiment to
its new quarters on Corsica as a reminder of its heroic
past in Africa.
In The Eruption of Vesuvius and Campanian
Dressel 24 Amphorae, David Williams and David
Peacock discuss an important type of Campaniaproduced amphora know as Dressel 24 and its
significance for dating, since its production is tied to
the eruption of Vesuvius in August of AD 79. One of
the casualties of this cataclysmic event, which proved
to be an unprecedented ecological disaster for the area
around the entire Bay of Naples, would have been the
local wine industry, which would have been all but
destroyed at this time. The transport containers for
this wine were the locally made Dressel 24 amphoras,
which are found in great numbers throughout the
Mediterranean, though their distribution stretches
much farther, from northern Europe to India. Many of
these local Bay of Naples amphoras, which are made
from a distinctive volcanic black sand fabric, have been
recognized from a number of Indian sites, including
Arikamedu. These amphoras thus provide an important chronological marker for the early Roman wine
trade, especially with distant India.
In a previous article4 Sara Yerkes investigated the
striking correspondence between some elements in
Roman wall painting of the late second and third styles
and a range of decorative motifs in the Greek
sculptural tradition dating back to the fifth century
BC. In the eleventh and last essay of PART I, Living
Architecture: Living Column and Vegetal Urn. Shared
Motifs in Roman Wall Painting and Neo-Attic
Furnishings, Yerkes attempts to build on her earlier
argument by placing both Roman mural painting and
contemporary Neo-Attic furnishings within a single
larger context, that of Roman villa decoration. Focusing particularly on those motifs condemned as
monstra by Vitruvius (De arch. 7.5.34), her study
examines the increasing vegetalization of architectural
motifs in the first century BC and investigates the
dynamic relationship between the motifs of the living
column and vegetal urn. The interplay of these
motifs makes explicit the flexible and organic nature
of the repertoire of motifs in Roman wall painting, as
well as the origins of these motifs in the popular LateHellenistic villa furnishings mass-produced for the
Roman market.

Part II: Marine Archaeology and


Technology
In the first essay of Part II, Deep Water Archaeology,
Robert D. Ballard discusses the importance of recent
discoveries of ancient shipwrecks far from shore for
the existence of deepwater trade routes. The great
depth of these shipwrecks, low rates of sedimentation,
cold bottom temperatures, absence of light, and, in
some cases, absence of dissolved oxygen, create ideal
conditions for their long-term preservation. In welloxygenated waters, the wooden portions of the ships
have been eaten by wood-boring mollusks, but in the
anoxic bottom waters of the Black Sea the wooden
portions of the shipwrecks are well preserved.
Advances in deep submergence technology make it
possible for social scientists and archaeologists not only
to discover and map shipwrecks in 98% of the worlds
oceans but also, with newly developed remotely
operated vehicles, to excavate these wrecks in
accordance with rigorous archaeological standards.
In Further Evidence of the Specialized Religion of
Phoenician Seafarers, Aaron J. Brody discusses the
recent discoveries of incense burners aboard shipwrecks off the southern coast of Israel and in Pisa as
new material cultural evidence for the cultic practices
of Phoenician seafarers. These incense burners from
the Punic shipwreck at Pisa are in the shape of a bust
of a goddess, presumably Tanit, the only goddess of
the western Phoenician pantheon who was a patron
deity of Phoenician mariners. Further evidence for cultic
links between Tanit and sailors is described, focusing
on caves and shrines where the deity was worshiped
that are close to the sea or harbors. Here are found, for
example, depictions of warships and symbols of the
goddess painted on the walls. Also discussed is the
representation of a smiting god prow figure, which is
depicted on war galleys on coins from the Phoenician
city of Aradus. This new data adds to the picture of the
specialized religious beliefs and cultic practices of
Phoenician sailors already published by Brody.
In Aristophanes, Acharnians 54554 and the
Trireme Rowers Gear, Lionel Casson analyzes
Aristophanes unique description of the launching of a
fleet of triremes. The first three lines of this carefully
structured presentation deal with activities arising
from steps taken by the naval authorities, the next three
with the gear carried aboard by the crews, and the last
three with activities relating to departure. Focusing on
the middle segment, this essay clarifies the meaning of
several terms used in it and discusses the light it throws
on a key question; namely, how the crews were
provided with the abundant amounts of drinking
water they required.

xiii
In Swimming Over Time: Glimpses of the Maritime Life of Aperlae, Robert L. Hohlfelder presents a
recently completed archaeological survey of ancient
Aperlae on the Lycian coast of Asia Minor that has
revealed interesting insights into the maritime life of a
small, mundane, secondary harbor site largely ignored
by ancient writers. Although probably never a primary
port of call for large merchantmen involved directly in
international trade, Aperlae was a vital seaside
community whose life depended on the sea and
cabotage. Isolated from inland settlements by rugged
mountains, this provincial polis was forced to develop
and sustain coastal trade to survive and occasionally
to prosper during its millennial history (ca. late fourth
century BC to ca. late seventh century AD). Its primary
export seems to have been purple dye.
In Design, Material, and the Process of Innovation
in Roman Force Pumps, John Peter Oleson discusses
force pumps, of which approximately 34 have been
found in Roman imperial contexts in Western Europe
and Bulgaria. While the design and precise machining
of the metal pumps have attracted the attention of
scholars for over a century, the pumps executed in
wood remain poorly known and unappreciated. The
wood-block pumps, which survive in greater numbers
than the metal designs and over a wider geographical
area, embody the same principles as the metal pumps,
were probably more effective, and could be produced
locally. The general uniformity of their design raises
questions concerning the process of technical innovation and the spread of new devices in the Roman
Empire.
When considering the Port of Rome in his essay
Portus Romae? Geoffrey Rickman deals with
conceptual problems of definition, in addition to the
analysis of actual physical remains. These conceptual
problems must now be viewed within the context of
the recent work of Nicholas Purcell and Peregrine
Horden on the Mediterranean Sea. Their discussions
of maritime connectivity and the evolution of
faades maritimes in the ancient and medieval
periods prove helpful in understanding the development of Romes port. But their arguments must not be
pressed too far, and the challenge remains to find
exactly the right language to describe the citys link
with the maritime world of the ancient Mediterranean,
an important but neglected topic.
In Phoenician Shipwrecks and the Ship Tyre
(Ezekiel 27), Lawrence Stager discusses his 1999
investigation of two eighth century BC Phoenician
shipwrecks using the remotely operated vehicle system
of Medea/Jason in water 400 meters deep. The site of
the shipwrecks was about 33 nautical miles off the

north Sinai coast. The focus of his essay is comparing


the archaeology of these shipwrecks their crews,
cargoes, and trade networks with gleanings about
Phoenician ships from Ezekiels early sixth century BC
oracle against Tyre, Ship of State, and from Aramaic
bills of lading of Phoenician ships entering Egypt in
475 BC.
In The Port of Cosa and Economic Romanization
in Gaul and the Danube Valley, Elizabeth Lyding
Will considers the impact of the wine transport
amphoras of Cosa on the economy of the northern
provinces of the Roman Empire. Building on Wills
earlier conclusions that the Sestii were connected with
a wine and pottery industry, Anna McCanns study in
the late sixties and early seventies and publication of
the Port of Cosa in 1987 further confirmed that Cosa
had been a commercial harbor and export center for
wine and, on a much smaller scale, for fish sauces. The
clay amphoras found in abundance at the site can be
dated on the basis of closed contexts at the Athenian
Agora and permit a dating of the chief activity of the
Port of Cosa from the later third to the later first
centuries BC. During this time, the Sestii, wealthy
politicians in Rome and landowners at Cosa, maintained a virtual monopoly over Roman wine
exportation to Gaul and even to Germany. The studies
of Elizabeth Lyding Will and others, as well as Anna
McCanns excavations, have resulted in a more
complete understanding of the process by which
economic Romanization came about during the Late
Roman Republic. Not only did the (chiefly provincial)
buyers of the products of Roman Italy consume those
products, but also the shipping amphoras in which the
products were imported were reused by the buyers in
a variety of ways, including as ballistic missiles, loudspeakers, coffins, refrigerators, and ovens, as well as
for storage. These vessels were omnipresent, tangible
reminders of Rome. They remain compelling evidence
of Roman economic power.

Notes
1

Published in two articles: The Hellenistic Roots of Imagery in


Decorated Arretine Vases, RCRF 36, 2000, 4915 and Eruditi,
omosessuali e mimi in caricature arretine di origine
alessandrina, BdA 84, 1999, 136.
Published as Slave-Boys for Sexual and Religious Service:
Images of Pleasure and Devotion, in Flavian Rome: Culture,
Image, Text, edited by A.J. Boyle and W.J. Domink, Leiden: Brill
2002, 14966.
See footnotes supra for places of publication. Abstracts of all of
the papers delivered at the Gold Medal Colloquium are
published in the April issue of the American Journal of
Archaeology 103, 1999, 2924.
S. Yerkes, Vitruvius monstra, JRA 13, 2000, 23451.

xiv

ff

xv

Anna Marguerite McCann:


A Tribute
John P. Oleson and James Russell
Anna Marguerite McCann has excelled in a remarkable variety of scholarly fields, human accomplishments, and service to her profession. She has taught in
a number of respected departments of Art History,
Archaeology, and Classics, directed excavations both
on land and underwater, worked as an innovative
museum curator, and served as a generous and
perceptive board member for numerous scholarly
organizations and museums. A pioneer in several areas
of Maritime Archaeology, she has continued at the
same time to publish in the fields of ancient Greek and
Roman sculpture. She has won prestigious awards for
her books in fields as diverse as Roman sculpture,
Roman harbors, and deep water archaeology, as well
as for a childrens book on deep water exploration.
Anna took her B.A. in Art History and Classics (Phi
Beta Kappa) at Wellesley College in 1954 and received
their distinguished Alumnae Achievement Award in
1997. She has said that she owes her start in
archaeology to the late Professor Barbara McCarthy
with whom she studied ancient and modern Greek at
Wellesley and who encouraged her in her senior year
to apply for a Fulbright to Greece. At the age of 21,
Anna won a Fulbright to the American School of
Classical Studies in Athens, where she spent a year
and says she fell in love with the Greek mountainous
countryside and its sea-swept shores, the warmhearted people, their beautiful art, and all the mysteries
of the ancient world. After that year, Anna returned
with enthusiasm to America to complete her M.A. in
Art History at the Institute of Fine Arts, New York
University in 1957. Her Masters thesis, Greek
Statuary Types in Roman Historical Reliefs, with the
late Professor Karl Lehmann reflects her early interest
in Roman Imperial sculpture that she followed up in
her research for her Ph.D. in Art History and Classics
at Indiana University in 1965. At Indiana and during
her tenure as a Rome Prize Fellow at the American
Academy in Rome from 1964 to 1966, she worked on

her study of The Roman Portraits of Septimius Severus,


A.D. 193211, a definitive book on this emperors
portraits that appeared as a volume in the Memoirs of
the American Academy in Rome.1
It was also at Indiana University that Anna took her
first course in SCUBA diving the only woman in the
class. When asked how she got into underwater
archaeology Anna writes:
I love the ocean and I love to swim. I spent my summers
growing up on the coast of Maine. To be able both to swim
and use my professional training in archaeology seemed
to me the best of all possible worlds. I have been lucky to
have had the support of both a loving family and husband
who encouraged me to go ahead. My dad gave me my first
underwater camera that opened up a new and beautiful
world. Diving with SCUBA was just beginning in the 1950s
when I was in graduate school and I thought it would be a
challenge to learn to SCUBA dive and explore the sea.
Diving appealed to my youthful sense for adventure and it
still does. Maybe adventure was in my genes. My dad was
one of Americas first Naval Aviators in World War I, and
I think his example of courage in exploring the then
unknown was also an inspiration in my particular choice
of profession. Besides being fun to find things underwater,
its even more fun to bring them up, study them, and put
them together. Sometimes they reveal a little piece of
history that would have been lost unless you had found it.
And thats a real thrill to touch the past and find you are
linked to it!

During her years at the American Academy in


Rome, Anna was struck by the potential importance of
the still untouched harbor site of Cosa located on the
seacoast of ancient Etruria, modern Tuscany. In 1965
she began the excavation of both the marshy lagoon
and the submerged outer anchorage. An early believer
in the value of a team approach to complex sites, Anna
synthesized her collaborators efforts in a remarkable
contribution to the history of ancient harbors,
technology and the economy of Republican Rome
The Roman Port and Fishery of Cosa: a Center of Ancient

xvi
Trade (Princeton 1987) awarded the Archaeological
Institute of Americas James Wiseman Award for an
outstanding archaeological publication in 1989.2
In the 1989 JASON Project directed towards the
education of children in technology and archaeology,
Anna moved from shallow to deep-water survey and
excavation with Dr. Robert D. Ballard, President of the
Institute for Exploration, Mystic, CT and Professor of
Oceanography, University of Rhode Island. Together,
using the very latest robotic technology at the site of a
late Roman shipwreck, the Isis, off Skerki Bank, they
demonstrated that controlled archaeological survey
and sampling could take place at a depth of 800m, far
beyond the limits of SCUBA. In this venture, as in a
larger, follow-up project with Ballard in the same area
in 1997, Anna endured initially much ungenerous and
ill-founded criticism. Typically, she chose the route of
scholarly publication3 and intelligent, polite discourse
to win over her critics. The first JASON Project, directed
towards the education of children in technology and
archaeology, won the American Association for the
Advancement of Science Award (1989) and the
Computer World Smithsonian Award (1990).
Other archaeologists are now following in her
pioneering footsteps. It is typical of Annas interest in
the broad dissemination of archaeological information
that she has also presented the results of her research
in numerous public lectures and television programs,
in the popular press, and in a co-authored book for
children: The Lost Wreck of the Isis4 that won the
Childrens Book Council, Outstanding Science Book
for Children in 1990. Most recently, she has published
a popular guide book on the Roman Port and Fishery of
Cosa: A Short Guide, The American Academy in Rome.5
Anna continues with her exploration of the deeper
oceans with the newest robotic technology. In the
summer of 2002, as the archaeological director for
MITs Tuscan Deep Water Survey, she explored the
deeper seas around Cosa using an AUV (an autonomous underwater vehicle) developed in the Ocean
Engineering Department at MIT by Director
Chryssostomos Chryssostomidis. She also continued
with her belief in the need for collaboration with
scholars in foreign countries as deep water archaeology unfolds and helped form a collaboration between
MIT, the Soprintendenza Archeologica per la Toscana
and the American Academy in Rome, in a project that
is ongoing. Formerly Adjunct Professor in the Department of Archaeology, Boston University, Anna is
currently a Visiting Scholar at MIT in the Science,
Technology and Society Program.
Although her work in underwater archaeology
would constitute an outstanding accomplishment in

itself, Anna has carried on a parallel career in ancient


art history. Her book Roman Sarcophagi in the Metropolitan Museum of Art6 won several awards, including
the Outstanding Book Award from the American
Association of University Presses. Anna has also
published seminal articles on Greek and Roman
sculpture and taken part in international conferences
on ancient bronze sculpture.7
Largely as a result of her devotion to her family,
Anna chose not to pursue long-term academic
positions, but she has nevertheless taught with great
success at a number of distinguished institutions
across the United States. She has worked generously
with both undergraduate and graduate students,
inspiring them with her enthusiastic teaching, providing excavation opportunities, and establishing scholarships for their support. She has given herself
generously as well to the important task of lecturing
to the public, in part through the Archaeological
Institute of Americas lecture program and the AIAs
Norton Lectureship in 19941995. She has been a pillar
of support for the AIA for decades, with long service
on the Board of Trustees and as founder of their
committee for Underwater Archaeology in 1985. The
AIA, in turn, honored her with their highest award,
the Gold Medal Award for distinguished archaeological achievement in 1998.8 Anna herself credits her
success to her loving and supportive husband, Bob
Taggart, who over the years has faithfully been by her
side. I am very blessed to have Bob, says Anna, and
we, in turn, as contributors to her Festschrift owe him
our special thanks for his generous support of this
volume.
Throughout all this, Anna has concentrated with
selfless generosity on another goal, inspiring young
people and lay people in general with her own
enthusiasm for the study of ancient art and culture.
Her firm belief in the dignity and importance of every
individual has endeared her to literally thousands of
people in the course of her professional career from
day laborers at Cosa, Italy, and Kenchreai, Greece, to
ambassadors in New York and Rome and she has
helped many students, colleagues, and fellow administrators simply to see more clearly and to think more
humanely. Annas most abiding and endearing
qualities in the eyes of her many friends, however, are
her absolute integrity, her loyalty to her colleagues and
students, and her heartfelt devotion to archaeology.
She exudes a warmth and humanity that inspires all
who come in contact with her to reach beyond
themselves. She is without doubt one of the great
American archaeologists. Where you lay up your
treasure, there your heart will be also.

xvii

Notes
1
2
3

MAAR 30, 1968.


AJA 94, 1990, 296.
Deep Water Archaeology with J. Freed, JRA Suppl. Series no. 13,
Ann Arbor 1994, and Deep Water Shipwrecks off Skerki Bank:
The 1997 Survey with J. P. Oleson, JRA Suppl. Series no. 58,
2004.

4
5
6
7

Toronto 1990.
Litografia Bruni, Rome 2002.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 1978.
The Riace Bronzes: Gelon and Hieron I of Syracuse? From the
Parts to the Whole: Acta, Thirteenth International Bronze Conference
I, Harvard University, 1996, editors C. C. Mattusch, A. Brauer,
and S. E. Knudsen, JRA Suppl. Series 39, 2000, 97105.
AJA 103, 1999, 2567.

xviii

fff

xix

Publications
Anna Marguerite McCann

Books:
Deep Water Shipwrecks off Skerki Bank: The 1997 Survey,
with J.P. Oleson (Journal of Roman Archaeology, Suppl.
58, 2004).
The Roman Port and Fishery of Cosa: A Short Guide. The
American Academy in Rome (Litografia Bruni, Rome
2002).
Deep Water Archaeology: A Late-Roman Ship from
Carthage and an Ancient Trade Route Near Skerki Bank
off Northwest Sicily, with J. Freed (Journal of Roman
Archaeology, Suppl. 13, 1994).
The Lost Wreck of the ISIS, with R.D. Ballard and R.
Archbold (Toronto 1990) [awarded the Childrens
Book Council, Outstanding Science Trade Book for
Children, 1990].
The Roman Port and Fishery of Cosa: A Center of Ancient
Trade, A.M. McCann et al. (Princeton 1987) [awarded
the American Association of University Presses
Outstanding Book 1987; The James R. Wiseman
Book Award, The Archaeological Institute of
America, 1989].
Roman Sarcophagi in the Metropolitan Museum of Art
(Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 1978)
[awarded the American Association of University
Presses, Outstanding Art Book, 1978; Thomas J.
Watson Library, Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Outstanding Art Book, 1978].
The Portraits of Septimius Severus (A.D. 193211)
(Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 30) (Rome
1968).

Book in Progress:
Great Undersea Discoveries from the Mediterranean (for
Oxford University Press).

Articles:
Cosa and Deep Sea Exploration, The Maritime World
of Ancient Rome (International Conference, American

Academy in Rome, March 2003) (forthcoming in the


Supplementary Series of the Memoirs of the American
Academy in Rome).
Response to Cosas Hydraulic Concrete: Towards a
Revised Chronology by E.K. Gazda, in The Maritime
World of Ancient Rome (forthcoming in the Supplementary Series of the Memoirs of the American
Academy in Rome).
The Isis Shipwreck, Skerki Bank, (forthcoming in
Periplus Encyclopaedia of Underwater Archaeology).
London 2004.
Cosa and Deep-Water Archaeology: Skerki Bank and
the Tuscan Coastline, The Archaeological Institute of
America, 105th Annual Meeting (Jan 25, 2004) in San
Francisco, Abstracts, vol. 27, 81.
Skerki Bank: Archaeological Results, Methods and
Recommendations, M.I.T. International Conference
on Technology and Archaeology in the Deep Sea, Jan.,
1999 (forthcoming, Plenum Press).
Cargoes from the Deep, with A.J. Brody, Archaeology
Odyssey, Jan./Feb. (2003) 309.
Roman Shipwrecks from the Wine Dark Sea, John C.
Rouman Lecture Series in Classical and Hellenic
Cultures, University of New Hampshire (Durham 2002)
122.
Skerki Wreck F: An Early Imperial Shipwreck in the
Deep Sea off Sicily, Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum
Acta 37 (2001) 25764.
Lamps and the Dating of Roman Shipwrecks, New
Light from Ancient Cosa: Classical Mediterranean
Studies in Honor of Cleo Rickman Fitch, edited by N.
Goldman. The American Academy in Rome (New
York 2001) 3949.
The Discovery of Ancient History in the Deep Sea
Using Advanced Deep Submergence Technology,
with R. D. Ballard et al., Deep-Sea Research, Part 1. 47
(2001) 15911620.
Amphoras from the Deep Sea: Ancient Shipwrecks
between Carthage and Rome, Rei Cretariae Romanae

xx
Fautorum Acta 36 (2000) 4438.
The Riace Bronzes: Gelon and Hieron I of Syracuse?
13th International Bronze Conference, Harvard
University, 1996, Journal of Roman Archaeology (2000)
97105.
Roman Shipwrecks from the Deep Sea: New Trade
Route off Skerki Bank in the Mediterranean, Context,
Boston University 14.2 (1999) 16.
The Roman Port of Cosa and a New Trade Route in
the Deep Sea, III Jornadas de Arqueologa Subacutica,
Puertos Antiguos y Comercio Martimo, Valencia, Nov.
1997 (Valencia 1998) 3949.
Encyclopedia of Underwater and Maritime Archaeology,
edited by J.P. Delgado (British Museum Press 1997)
11315, s.v. Cosa; 187 s.v. Hamilton and Scourge
Shipwrecks; 2078, 214, s.v. Isis; 237, s.v. La
Madonnina Shipwreck.
Underwater Archaeology, in An Encyclopedia of the
History of Classical Archaeology II, edited by N. de
Grummond (Greenwood Press, Westport, CT., 1996)
113841.
Deep-Water Archaeology Near Skerki Bank off
Northwestern Sicily The Archaeological Institute of
America, Abstracts vol. 19 (1995), 467.
Reflections on Fragonard, Wellesley Alumnae Magazine 48 (1995) review article of J.M. Massengale,
Fragonard (1993).
The Archaeologist and Shipwreck Management
Issues, in Historic Shipwreck Management, Marine
Policy Center, WHOI, Final Report, edited by P.
Hoagland (March 1992) 101.
ROVs for Archaeology: The JASON Project 1989,
Intervention/ROV91, Hollywood, Florida, May 2123,
1991. Conference Proceedings, Marine Technology
Society (1991) 13.
Hi-Tech Link Up for Kids, Archaeology (January
1991) 445.
The Isis: A Late Roman Shipwreck Surveyed by
Robots, The Archaeological Institute of America,
Abstracts vol. 14 (1990) 43.
Diving Into Our Past, World Ocean Floors: Atlantic
Ocean, National Geographic Magazine (January 1990)
n.p.
Technology Then and Now, Newsday (Newspaper)
Long Island, New York, Feb. 12, 1989.
The Roman Port of Cosa, Scientific American, 256.3
(March 1988) 1029.
The Portus Cosanus: A Center of Trade in the Late
Republic, Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Acta, 25
26 (1987) 2170.
The Roman Port and Fishery of Cosa: A Center of
Trade in the Late Roman Republic, British Archaeological Reports International Series 257 (1985) 11556.
Portus Cosanus: Il Primo Porto Romano e la Peschiera

di Cosa, VI Congreso Internacional de Arquelogia


Submarina, Cartagena 1982 (Ministero de Cultura,
Madrid 1985) 295301.
Gisela Maria Augusta Richter (18821972): Scholar
of Classical Art and Museum Archaeologist, with
I.E.M. Edlund and C.R. Sherman, in Women as
Interpreters of the Visual Arts, 18201979, edited by
C.R. Sherman (Westport, Connecticut, 1981) 275
300.
Beyond the Classical in Third Century Portraiture,
in Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt, 12. 2
(Berlin 1981), 62345.
Campagna di Scavo Italo-Americana nelle Acque di
Porto Baratti (Populonia), with N. Lamboglia, Forma
Maris Antiqui 10, 1973/74 (Bordighera 1980) 5661.
Campagna di Richerche Sottomarine Italo-Americana
sul Porto Etrusco di Pirgi (Santa Severa), with N.
Lamboglia, Forma-Maris Antiqui 10, 19731974
(Bordighera 1980) 617.
The Harbor and Fishery Remains at Cosa, Italy,
Journal of Field Archaeology 6 (1979) 391411.
Statue of Trebonianus Gallus, Head of Gallienus,
Head of Diocletian (?), in The Age of Spirituality
(Exhib. Cat.), edited by K. Weitzmann (Princeton
1979) 811.
Two Fragments of Sarcophagi in the Metropolitan
Museum of Art Illustrating the Indian Triumph of
Dionysius, The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 36
(1977) 12336.
The Reliefs from the Palazzo della Cancelleria: A
Hadrianic Document, in Abstracts of the 79th
annual meetings of Archaeological Institute of
American, Atlanta, Georgia (December 2830, 1977)
189.
Necrology: Professor Nino Lamboglia, Journal of
Field Archaeology 4 (1977) 2645.
Underwater Excavations at the Etruscan Port of
Populonia, Journal of Field Archaeology 4 (1977) 275
96.
Excavations at the Etruscan Port of Populonia,
American Journal of Archaeology 79 (1975) 149.
Underwater Archaeologist, Rye Country Day School,
Alumni Bulletin (December 1975) n.p.
Aerial Views for Probes under the Sea, The Etruscans
(Time-Life Books) (New York 1975), 14753 (in
collaboration with the editors).
Underwater Excavations at the Etruscan Ports of
Populonia and Pyrgi, with J. Oleson, Journal of Field
Archaeology 1 (1974) 398402.
Italian-American Cooperation in Underwater
Archaeology, American Academy in Rome, Newsletter
(Fall 1974) n.p.
The Greek Ideal, Wellesley After-Images (Wellesley
College Club of Los, 1974) 1635.

xxi
Double-Headed Jupiter, Echoes from Olympus
(Exhib.Cat.) (University Art Museum, Berkeley
(1974) 45 (supplement).
Excavations at the Roman Port of Cosa, 1972,
International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 2 (1973)
199200.
Excavations at the Roman Port of Cosa, 1971
(abstract), American Journal of Archaeology 77 (1973)
220.
Underwater Excavations at Populonia, 1970, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 1 (1972) 398
402.
Underwater Archaeologist with R. Abrams,
Wellesley Alumnae Magazine (Spring 1972) 267.
Maria SS. di Altomare. A Fourth Century B.C.
Shipwreck Near Taranto, Archaeology 25 (1972) 180
7.
A Re-Dating of the Reliefs from the Palazzo della
Cancelleria, Rmische Mitteilungen 79 (1971) 24976.
Underwater Survey of the Etruscan Port of
Populonia, Muse, Museum of Art, University of
Missouri 5 (1971) 202.
The Fourth International Underwater Archaeology
Congress in Nice, October, 1970, Archaeology 24
(1971) 2734.
The Ancient Port of Cosa, Archaeology 23 (1970) 200

11.
Excavations at the Roman Port of Cosa, 1968
(abstract), American Journal of Archaeology 73 (1969)
241.
The Underwater Archaeology Conference in Miami,
Archaeology 20 (1967) 3023.
Maria SS. di Altomare. An Early Hellenistic Shipwreck Near Taranto (abstract), American Journal of
Archaeology 70 (1966), 192.

Reviews:
The Seaborne Commerce of Ancient Rome: Studies in
Archaeology and History, Memoirs of the American
Academy in Rome 36 (1980), edited by J. H. DArms
and E.C. Kopff, in American Journal of Archaeology 87
(1983), 925, with E. L. Will.
Die Portrts des Septimius Severus by Dirk Soechting, in
American Journal of Archaeology 78 (1974), 2068.
Cape Gelidonya: A Bronze Age Shipwreck by G. Bass,
Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 57.8
(1967), in American Journal of Archaeology 74 (1970)
1056.
Archaeology Underwater by G. Bass, in Archaeology 21
(1968) 723.
The Antikythera Shipwreck Reconsidered by G. Weinberg
et al., in American Journal of Archaeology 71 (1967) 106.

xxii

Abbreviations

Abbreviations of journals and standard reference works are those followed in the American Journal of Archaeology,
with the following additions:
AAA

Atlas archologique de lAlgrie

CLE

Carmina Latina Epigraphica

Consp.

Conspectus Formarum Terrae Sigillatae Italico Modo Confectae

CVArr

Corpus Vasorum Arretinorum

Fittschen-Zanker I

K. Fittschen and P. Zanker, Katalog der rmischen Portrts in den Capitolinischen Museen
und den anderen kommunalen Sammlungen der Stadt Rom I (1985)

Fittschen-Zanker III

K. Fittschen and P. Zanker, Katalog der rmischen Portrts in den Capitolinischen Museen
und den anderen kommunalen Sammlungen der Stadt Rom III (1983)

ILA

Inscriptions latines de lAlgrie

ILS

Inscriptiones Latinae Selectas

OED

Oxford English Dictionary

RCRF

Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum

Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an Indicator of Openness to Trade

61

Chapter 6

Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an Indicator of


Openness to Trade
Archer Martin
Introduction
The value of pottery studies has long been recognized
as a source of dating for archaeological contexts. More
recently much has been done with quantitative studies
of the various classes traded interregionally to
elucidate patterns of commerce. Less work has been
carried out on whole pottery assemblages and what
they can say about the nature of the contexts in which
they were deposited and generally about the sites
where they were found.
The focus of this paper is precisely on variation in
pottery assemblages. There are various factors of an
archaeological nature according to which they could
vary: how they were deposited, when they date, where
they are located. In this study I want to compare
assemblages of a similar nature (fills) and date (c. AD
400450) but of dissimilar location. Another factor
affecting reported data derives from differences in
competence and methods of classifying and quantifying pottery from one project to another. However, as
I am responsible, wholly in three cases and to a large
extent in the other, for the finds processing on which
this study is based, the risk of the last factor being
important is minimized.1
I have chosen three sites along the navigable stretch
of the Tiber and one above a tributary valley to see
what differences one can observe in the composition
of the assemblages as one proceeds away from the
network of sea-borne trade up the Tiber and then
leaves it altogether. The sites examined are: Ostia, the
port at the mouth of the Tiber; Rome, the destination
of enormous flows of goods both from overseas and
from upriver; Lugnano in Teverina, a site on the slopes
of the Tiber valley about 100 km upstream from Rome
where river ports of the Roman period are known;
Chianciano Terme, in the hill country of southern
Tuscany, above the Chiana valley, which is quite an
inland area in Italian terms. Ostia with its facilities in

the river mouth and its two artificial harbors north of


there was, of course, one of the major ports of the
Roman world.2 Rome had harbor facilities along the
banks of the Tiber to receive goods coming upriver
from Ostia and Portus and down from the upper Tiber
valley.3 The Tiber above Rome was navigable in
antiquity and later, with river ports identified above
and below Lugnano at Castiglione in Teverina and at
Seripola near Orte.4 Chianciano Terme, known for its
curative waters even in antiquity, lies on a hillside 7
or 8 km above the Chiana, then a tributary of the
Tiber, which appears to have had limited navigation:5
Pliny (HN 3.5.53) indicates that boats could use the
Chiana when water collected in sluices for nine days
was released, an operation more relevant to downstream traffic than upstream. These assemblages, from
sites whose positions with regard to the overseas trade
network are clear, thus constitute a test case. They can
provide the beginning of a sample against which to
compare other assemblages to determine the position
of sites where it is not clear.
First, I consider the functional groups that make up
the assemblages. Are there differences in the relative
percentages of functional groups that reflect the
assemblages position along the line up the Tiber and
into the hills? A few words are necessary on the
definition of the functional groups. Amphorae are
clearly defined: jars used for transporting liquid or
semi-liquid agricultural produce (in particular wine
and oil but also sauces and preserves). In their primary
use they are of interest merely as containers for the
goods they held, although they could then be recycled
in the domestic setting as vessels in their own right for
storing and carrying. Lamps are also easily distinguished as instruments for illumination by means
of a wick and oil. Cooking wares require fabrics capable
of resisting thermal shock because of their inclusions.
Problems of distinction can arise when such fabrics are
used for other purposes. Fine wares are considered to

Archer Martin

62

be vessels used at the table whose production needs


more than average equipment (e.g., molds or kilns for
indirect firing): typically black-gloss pottery, sigillata
and red-slip ware appearing in standardized shapes.
There can be some uncertainty about where to draw
the line at the lower end of the spectrum: thus I have
included the occasional lead-glazed vessel but
excluded color-coated wares and thin-walled pottery,
the former because they normally appear in the same
fabrics as the local common wares and the latter
because of the risk of creating artificial divisions
between vessels of similar forms in imported fabrics
and local common ware ones. Common wares consist
of the vast range of vessels used in the household for
uses other than cooking, illumination or the upper
range of service at the table: they are thus mostly
vessels for storing and preparing food and other
products, with the possible difficulties in recognition
and definition already mentioned for either end of the
range.6
Second, I am interested in the provenience of the
wares that make up the functional groups. From where
did the assemblages receive the products that make
up the various functional groups? Once again, are there
differences that reflect geographical location with
regard to trade networks? Particularly, is there a
narrowing of the supply area from the seaport to the
inland site?

Ostia
In 1989 excavations were carried out under the floor
of the Casone del Sale at Ostia, the Renaissance
building that houses the site museum. Under the
layers and structures associated with the early modern
period, layers from two ancient phases came to light:
a fill layer in which a series of dolia was embedded and
another that covered the area after the dolia were
removed. The first provided a sample of 1585 fragments of pottery belonging to a maximum of 1581
vessels.7 It can be dated no earlier than the fifth century
because of the presence of 22 sherds of Carthage Late
Roman Amphora 5 and of one example each of the
African red-slip ware vessels Hayes 91B, now dated
from 400/420, and Hayes 61.26, also probably not
produced before the beginning of the fifth century.8
Although there is some decidedly residual material,
most of the datable pottery has beginning dates in the
third or fourth century and final dates in the fourth or
fifth or possibly later.
Amphorae constitute by far the largest group in the
sample, with nearly two-thirds of the total: figure 6.1.
Common wares, with less than one quarter, make up
the next most important group. Cooking wares follow,
at more than 7%. Fine wares, at just above 2%, are
decidedly less significant. Lamps are a minimal
percentage of the sample.


























(VWLPDWHGYHVVHOFRXQWWRWDO


)LQH:DUH
&RPPRQ:DUH

6KHUGFRXQWWRWDO

&RRNLQJ:DUH
/DPSV
$PSKRUDH

Fig. 6.1 Ostia Casone del Sale.

Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an Indicator of Openness to Trade


The fine wares are represented by 37 African redslip pieces from a maximum of 35 vessels and by one
Italian sigillata fragment. The Italian sigillata is
residual, as are the ten African red-slip A pieces from
a maximum of nine vessels and at least part of the
sixteen African red-slip C sherds.
Common wares amount to rather less than a
quarter of the sample. Unslipped pieces (298) of a
single fabric, undoubtedly of local origin, make up
more than three-quarters of them. Sixty-five unslipped
sherds (17.02%) belong to another local fabric. Just
over 3% of the common wares is accounted for by
eleven slipped fragments in the same fabric as the
main unslipped one. Two slipped sherds in another
fabric are probably also local or regional. The only
undoubted imports are six residual fragments of
Aegean thin-walled pottery.
Cooking wares, with 117 sherds of a maximum of
116 vessels, account for just over 7% of the sample.
They are of various origins: regional to the area around
Rome, Campanian, African and Aegean. The Campanian group certainly, and the Aegean in all likelihood, are to be considered residual. The first (coming
to over 8%) consists mostly of internal red-slip fragments. The Aegean pieces (nearly 10%) are all unidentifiable. Thus, the market at Ostia in the fifth
century was divided between African and regional
products. There are two regional fabrics, making up
somewhat more than 40% of the cooking wares.
African vessels make up a nearly equal percentage.
The vessels attested could almost all be contemporary
with the formation of the context in that the dates of
their production reach the fifth century.
The four lamp fragments are all of central Italian
origin. They are unidentifiable typologically and
therefore impossible to date.
Amphorae are attested by 1044 sherds (a maximum
of 1043 vessels) of Italian, Iberian, African, Aegean
and unknown origin. Italy is of some importance, with
116 fragments or 11.11 % of the amphorae from central
Italy and 29 or 2.78% from Calabria and Sicily. The
latter should, however, be considered overseas imports
in that they arrived by ship, while the former are
residual pieces. Iberia is almost equally well represented, with 107 sherds (just over 10%), which are,
however, all residual. The two largest groups come
from the Aegean (247 fragments or 23.8%) and Africa
(470 fragments or 44.3%). The first group is accounted
for largely by fragments of Kapitn I or II (199), with
some belonging to Carthage Late Amphorae 3, 4 and 5,
all amphorae in production until ca. 400 or later. Most
of the African sherds are undiagnostic. The identifiable
pieces are a mixture of some residual types (SchneMau XXXV, Tripolitana I and II) and a rather larger

63

number of ones potentially contemporary with the


formation of the deposit (Africana II, Keay XXV and
XXXII). There are 41 fragments of unknown origin or
3.93% of the amphorae.
There is good reason to think that the sample is
generally typical of Ostia at this time. Excavations at
the suburban church of Pianabella have given a similar
spectrum.9 Between 1998 and 2001 a joint project of
the American Academy in Rome and the Deutsches
Archologisches Institut Rom carried out sondages in
various parts of the unexcavated areas of the city,
discovering, among others, several small fifth century
contexts that give similar percentages.10 Differences
concern wares of minor importance. On the one hand,
the occasional piece of central Tiber red-slip ware is
found alongside the imported fine wares, and on the
other, products from both the Aegean and North Africa
complemented the local or regional common wares at
least up to the fifth century (trilobate jugs in the first
case and mortaria and pitchers in the second).11 Lamps
were also imported to Ostia from North Africa at the
time,12 although none appears in this sample.

Roma (S. Stefano Rotondo)


A fill layer underneath the chapel of St. Primus and
St. Felicianus in the church of S. Stefano Rotondo was
partially excavated in 1987, giving rise to a sample of
1980 sherds belonging to a maximum of 1961 vessels.13
It could be dated to the early years of the fifth century
on the basis of the decorative stamp on an African
red-slip D base sherd, as well as two fragments of
Carthage Late Roman 1 amphorae. Various other
amphora and African red-slip fragments that first
appear during the fourth century were found. There
is some clearly residual material, but the majority of
the datable pieces was in production until the fourth
or fifth centuries. In further work carried out in
various seasons during the 1990s on the south side of
the church two great fill layers were distinguished,
with ephemeral structures on the surface of the lower
covered by the upper. The fill discovered in 1987
appears to be equivalent to the lower one on the south
side, where further raising of the level must have been
needed because of the natural slope of the Caelian.14
Amphorae make up by far the most important
group at S. Stefano, with 1450 sherds of a maximum
of 1444 vessels (nearly three-quarters of the total): fig.
6.2. Next most important is the cooking ware, which
accounts for 248 sherds from no more than 242 vessels
(ca. one-eighth of the sample). Common wares are
slightly less significant in the sample: 195 fragments
from a maximum of 191 vessels (just under 10%). Fine
wares are attested by 67 sherds from no more than 64

Archer Martin

64









 
















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Fig. 6.2 S. Stefano Rotondo 1987.

vessels (somewhat more than 3%). The least important


group consists of 20 fragments of as many lamps,
which amounts to just over 1%.
The fine wares are of Italian, Eastern, North African
and unknown origin. The few pieces of Italian sigillata
and Eastern Sigillata A and the better represented
African red-slip ware A and A/D sherds are all
residual, as is a piece of lead-glazed ware from central
Italy. Much of the African red-slip ware C could be
contemporary with the formation of the context or
only slightly earlier. The African red-slip ware D
fragment has, of course, been mentioned for its
importance in determining the date of the deposit.
One fragment each of two miscellaneous wares is of
uncertain origin, in one case perhaps imported from
the Aegean.
The common wares are all of regional production.
They consist of unslipped vessels (mostly in a single
fabric of clearly local origin), color-coated vessels (in
the same fabric as most of the unslipped specimens)
and two residual fragments of thin-walled pottery.
There are cooking wares from six origins. The most
important is made up of sherds of two local fabrics,
accounting for 142 pieces from a maximum of 137
vessels or ca. 57% of the total cooking ware. Four
more pieces (together somewhat less than 2%) are

attributed to Italian origins: three residual Pompeianred ware sherds from Campania and another fragment
of unknown Italian provenance. African cooking ware
is the most important one from outside Italy: 91
fragments from no more than 90 vessels or ca. 37% of
the total. Ten fragments of Aegean origin make up
just over 4%. There is finally a sherd of unknown
origin.
Lamps are represented in the sample by 19 fragments of more or less local origin (two possible
imitations of African types and 17 probably attributable to Loeschcke VIII) and one unidentifiable African
specimen. They are thus all contemporary with the
formation of the context or slightly earlier.
The sample contains amphorae of Italian, Iberian,
Gaulish, African, Eastern and unknown origin. With
just over 70% of the sample (1028 sherds from a
maximum of 1023 vessels), African amphorae are far
more important than all the others put together.
Iberian and Eastern amphorae make up something
less than 5% each (72 and 66 sherds respectively),
although the Iberian sherds are to a large extent
residual and the Eastern ones mostly contemporary
with the context or even significant in dating it. Italian
amphorae account for little of the sample, with less
than 1.5% (22 sherds of a maximum of 21 vessels),

Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an Indicator of Openness to Trade

65







 













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Fig. 6.3 Lugnano Period V.

although some more could be hidden among the 261


(18%) of unknown origin. Most of the Italian sherds
are from Calabria and Sicily: seven specimens of Keay
LII and nine undiagnostic body sherds that probably
come from the same type. Spello amphora sherds
account for the others.
This context has already been seen to fit into the
picture offered by other Roman contexts of slightly
earlier and somewhat later dates.15 It is also useful to
consider a more recent publication of a very large
context dating to about a century earlier, as it pays
particular attention to fabrics and proveniences and
gives some attestations of pottery not found at S.
Stefano Rotondo.16 Among fine wares it shows the
presence of a Central Tiber red-slip ware alongside
the African red-slip wares.17 There are also imported
common wares from southern Italy or northern
Tunisia18 and from northern or central Tunisia.19

Lugnano in Teverina (Poggio Gramignano)


The Period V loci, which constituted the fill of the
main rooms of the villa in which an infant cemetery
was installed,20 contained 10,543 fragments of pottery
that belong to a maximum of 9553 vessels.21 The most
recent finds: African red-slip D types Hayes 76 and

82A,22 amphora type Keay LVIIC23 and lamp type


Bailey S, group I,24 indicate that the fill was deposited
in the mid-fifth century, although there is a considerable amount of earlier material.
The most important of the five functional groups in
Period V loci at Poggio Gramignano is cooking vessels,
with nearly half of the sherd count and rather over
that of the maximum number of vessels (fig. 6.3).25
Amphorae are in second place, with just over one-third
of the sample. Next come the plain wares at ca. onetenth. Fine wares diverge in importance by sherd count
and maximum vessel count because of the large
number of joins, but they are in fourth place either
way. Last are the lamps, with a fraction of a percentage.
The fine wares attested are: black-gloss ware, Italian
sigillata, African red-slip ware and central Tiber redslip ware (sigillata chiara italica). Regional production
is very important. Central Tiber red-slip ware accounts
for ca. two-thirds of the fine ware. The first two classes,
many centuries older than the context, are represented
by small quantities. It is uncertain whether they should
be considered regional products or ones brought from
elsewhere in central Italy, as the black-gloss ware has
parallels in that part of central Italy and Italian
sigillatas production area includes the Tiber valley
north of Rome. Overseas supply of fine wares at

66

Archer Martin

Lugnano was more than episodic but far from


dominant, at somewhat less than one-fifth of the
maximum number of fine ware vessels. African redslip ware A, A/D and to a large extent C are residual,
while the African red-slip ware D is contemporary
with the formation of the context or only slightly older.
The common wares are represented mainly by
color-coated and painted vessels, with only a relatively
small quantity of unslipped vessels and some thinwalled pottery. The examples of color-coated and
painted pottery all belong to a fabric group considered
local or regional. The unslipped fragments are
attributed to four fabrics, the most important of which
is local, while the others come from the wider region
(the area of the Central Apennines-Latium and the
area between the right bank of the Tiber and the sea).
No opinion is expressed about the origin of the thinwalled fabric, although its description corresponds in
general to the local and regional wares.
The cooking wares are also divided into various
fabrics, all of which can be referred to the area of the
Central Apennines-Latium or to the area between the
right bank of the Tiber and the sea. They are therefore
also all local or regional in the wider sense.
The lamps are almost all of generically central
Italian origin. These may not be strictly local or
regional but cannot have been brought from far away.
The exceptions are of unidentified, possibly imported
origin: a Firmalampe (not northern Italian) and a
Bailey S(iv) lamp.
The amphorae came from five areas of the
Mediterranean: Italy, the Iberian peninsula, Gaul,
North Africa and the eastern Mediterranean, with a
few of unknown origin. The most important group,
with two-thirds of the estimated number of amphorae,
is from Africa. It consists mostly of unidentifiable body
sherds. The identifiable pieces date in a few cases to
the early and mid-Roman periods but largely to the
late Roman or even Vandal periods. The next most
important group, which should be examined in its
subdivisions, is made up of Italian amphorae. Spello
and Empoli amphorae, made between the Tiber
valley and the Tyrrhenian coast up to about 300 in the
first case and into the fifth century in the second,
make up almost one-fifth of the amphorae. Imports
from Calabria and Sicily (Keay LII amphorae and
sherds in the same fabric), which were produced from
the early fourth to the late fifth century and beyond,
are of little importance at Lugnano, with less than 1%.
Classic amphorae of central Tyrrhenian Italy, (Dressel
1, Dressel 24 and unidentified amphorae sherds with
the relevant fabrics), which are residual pieces of
centuries earlier, come to nearly 7%. Iberian
amphorae, mostly residual but in a few cases con-

temporary with the deposit, which are of various


proveniences within the peninsula, account for just
over 3%. Eastern amphorae, which are interesting
because most of them could be contemporary with
the formation of the context, come to somewhat under
2%. The Gaulish sherds are both residual and of little
importance (under 1%).
There is scarce comparative material for this
assemblage. Earlier archaeological excavations on the
same site were carried out following clandestine
digging.26 Various layers were found, some of which
were compromised by the unauthorized activity. The
limited quantities of pottery from these layers,
published together, show a similar range of material:
Italian sigillata, African red-slip ware A, C and D and
Italian red-slip ware; local common and cooking
wares; a lamp fragment; amphorae mostly from Africa
with some from Iberia and from the region (Spello
type). From a villa site at Alviano a few km. north of
Lugnano an assemblage has been published that
derives from trenches dug to plant grapevines, mostly
cutting through the fill layers overlying the villa, as
well as some construction phases of the building.27
Although most of it is not stratified, the material
collected gives some idea of the wares that arrived
there: fine wares in some quantity (black-gloss ware,
Italian sigillata, African red-slip ware A, C and D),
common wares, cooking wares (including two fragments of African cooking ware), amphorae (from Italy,
Spain and Africa) and several lamp fragments. The
Period V assemblage at Poggio Gramignano is thus
probably a representative sample.

Chianciano Terme (Mezzomiglio)


At the site of Mezzomiglio at Chianciano Terme, a
pool, first part of a spa complex and then a watering
hole, was gradually abandoned and filled in through
the discarding of material beside the central section of
the pool kept open as a source of water (Period 6).28
The context yielded 1597 sherds from a maximum of
1103 vessels. The best evidence for its dating is its
stratigraphic position above the Period 5 contexts,
which date to no earlier than the second half of the 4th
century because of the presence of Hayes 67 among
the African red-slip D ware.29 Among the Period 6
material two Hayes 50A/Lamboglia 40 vessels and a
Hayes 50A/Lamboglia 40 bis vessel in African redslip ware C are slightly older than that.30 The spatheia/
Keay XXVI spikes among the African amphorae must
also date from the fourth century or later.31 There are
some clearly residual pieces, although most are not
easily datable.
Common wares are by far the most important group

Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an Indicator of Openness to Trade



67



























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Fig. 6.4 Chianciano Period 6.

at Mezzomiglio, with more than two-thirds of the


sherds and more than four-fifths of the estimated
vessels (fig. 6.4). Amphorae are the next most
important group, with approximately one-sixth of the
sherds, although less than half that by estimated
vessels. The cooking wares constitute the only other
group significant by both sherd count and estimated
vessel count, although they make up well under 10%.
The relatively good showing of the fine wares by sherd
count is negated by the estimated vessel count, while
lamps amount to little either way.
There are only six examples of fine ware in the
sample at Mezzomiglio, aside from an intrusive postmediaeval glazed piece. Three are residual: a blackgloss fragment in a micaceous, local or regional fabric
and two Italian sigillata sherds. The other three are the
African red-slip C vessels already mentioned, recomposed of many fragments. These vessels account
for somewhat more than half a percent. If, unlike
elsewhere, one classifies the color-coated and burnished wares at Chianciano as fine wares, the group
rises to 3.17%, i.e., to a value within the range for fine
wares in the other three samples, suggesting that these
more refined common wares substitute for fine wares
here.
Well over 90% of the estimated common ware

vessels present an unslipped, micaceous fabric. The


same fabric appears in color-coated and burnished
versions. If the surfaces of many vessels were less
corroded, there might be more of these wares: however, as fragments with the slightest trace of slip or
burnish were counted here, only those that have
entirely lost their surface treatment could have been
erroneously attributed to unslipped common ware.
The slips range from a light wash that tends to
disappear, which is more frequent, to a solid coating
recalling black-gloss or red-slip ware. There were also
several vessels in a micaceous opus-doliare fabric
equivalent to the main common ware fabric. Only two
vessels (vasetti ovoidi e piriformi) had a non-micaceous
fabric presumably derived from somewhere else in
central Italy.
The cooking vessels all present the same micaceous
fabric. It obviously corresponds to the main common
ware fabric but with more inclusions.
Lamps are represented by two fragments. They are
in a non-micaceous, presumably central Italian fabric.
Most of the amphorae are of local or regional origin.
More than 90% of them consist of Spello and
Empoli amphorae in a micaceous fabric similar to
that of the main common ware fabric, while an unidentified fragment is in the same fabric and another

Archer Martin

68

unidentified piece in the opus-doliare fabric. Non-local


central Italian amphorae are two unidentifiable pieces.
Africa accounts for the rest: three spatheia/Keay XXVI,
an Africana II/Keay IVVII , Tripolitana I and two unidentifiable sherds. The first type is contemporary with
the formation of the context, as we have seen, and the
end of the seconds production range reaches up to it,
while the third is residual.32
There is no very useful material to which to compare
this context. At Mezzomiglio itself the other late
contexts gave a similar range of material to Period 6.
The material from the early contexts is too scanty to
allow much to be said, while some imported early
Roman finds from unstratified contexts hint that a
somewhat wider range of fine wares and amphorae
may have arrived then. Little Roman pottery has been
published from the vicinity of Chianciano, none late
Roman in date.33 The material in the fill of a cistern at
Chiusi, a selection of which is presented, ranges in date
from the sixth century BC to the end of the first century
AD, with black-gloss ware, Italian sigillata, lamps,
common wares, cooking wares and amphorae from
Italy, Spain and Africa.34 There is also mention of Italian
sigillata fragments from Chiusi, for the most part
decontexualized pieces with potters stamps.35 Italian
sigillata is considered a massive presence at an

excavation site at Montepulciano, where once again a


selection has been presented.36 Pottery production sites
of late Republican and early Imperial date have been
found in the area: for black-gloss ware near Chiusi37
and for Italian sigillata near Torrita di Siena north of
Chianciano. 38 Excavations and survey work in
connection with the latter brought to light not only
sigillata produced at the kilns but also amphorae,
lamps, color-coated wares, common wares and
cooking wares. The picture of almost total local selfsufficiency drawn from the Period 6 material at
Chianciano could be a function of its later date, as there
may have been more goods circulating in the area in
earlier times than there were in the fifth century. It is
also possible that sites closer to the water courses may
have received more imported goods than hill sites.

Discussion
Functional Groups
Observation of the trends traceable in these four
assemblages suggests that the composition of assemblages by functional group does reflect the geographical location of the sites (fig. 6.5). Ostia and Rome
present relatively similar patterns. Lugnanos diverges







































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Fig. 6.5 Functional groups at all four sites (estimated vessels).

Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an Indicator of Openness to Trade


significantly from them, and Chiancianos is completely different.
Logically, amphorae, as containers for trade goods,
are the most indicative among the functional groups
of how well a site was tied into the trade network. We
see that they account for well over two-thirds of the
total at Ostia and Rome. They drop to about one-third
at Lugnano and to not quite 8% at Chianciano.
Fine wares show some sensitivity to change from
one site to another. They remain fairly steady from
Ostia to Rome and then to Lugnano, between something over 2% and just above 4%, but fall off to well
under 1% at Chianciano. The figures for the first three
sites suggest that where existing regional and interregional trade patterns gave access to fine wares they
will be represented in similar proportions, which are
probably linked to the function they fulfill. The great
drop in the percentage of fine wares at Chianciano
argues that where such trade connections did not exist
for other reasons the demand for fine wares was not
sufficient to call them into being: other products,
undoubtedly to a large extent those at the more refined
end of the common ware spectrum, filled the need.
The rise in percentage at Rome with respect to Ostia
and Lugnano is suggestive, but it would be unwise to
make any further considerations on such a slight



statistical basis as this.


The variation in the common wares (falling from
nearly 23% at Ostia to under 10% at Rome and
Lugnano but rising again nearly 90% at Chianciano)
and the cooking wares (rising from somewhat over
7% at Ostia to over 12% at Rome and then steeply to
almost 53% at Lugnano but falling back to less than
7% at Chianciano) is not readily explicable. It may
simply be the result of chance in the choice of the
samples. It could also well be that vessels in cookingware fabrics at Lugnano served some of the purposes
covered by common wares at Rome and Ostia. It is
therefore probably more instructive to trace the rise of
the combined percentages of common and cooking
wares from about 30% and 22% at Ostia and Rome to
just above 63% at Lugnano and more than 91% at
Chianciano. Their combined percentages at Lugnano
and especially at Chianciano rise undoubtedly because
of the lesser number of amphorae arriving there. The
rise in these wares at Chianciano is mostly caused by
their taking over functions covered elsewhere by fine
wares. It is also possible that common wares at
Chianciano were being used for domestic purposes in
storing and carrying that were fulfilled elsewhere by
recycled amphorae. The discovery of amphorae
alongside domestic wares in the pool area, which had









69






















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Fig. 6.6 Groups (except amphorae) at all four sites (estimated vessels).

Archer Martin

70

Proveniences

been transformed into a watering hole, suggests that


such amphorae as arrived at Chianciano were then
used as water carriers.
The least significant group statistically, lamps, is
only slightly responsive to the geographic variable.
They range from a fraction of a percent or to little
more than 1% at most. This groups frequency is
probably determined mostly by the need for its
function. Once again, as in the case of the fine wares,
the peak at Rome is interesting but requires confirmation from further cases before one can draw any
conclusions.
After seeing that the assemblages at all four sites
vary particularly with regard to amphorae, it is
instructive to compare the assemblages excluding
amphorae from the calculation of the percentages (fig.
6.6). In this case the patterns at all four sites are much
more similar, suggesting that basic household needs
for pottery are relatively constant regardless of
location. Common and cooking wares then have much
less variation, from more than 92% at Ostia, to a low
of just under 84% at Rome, back up to close to 94% at
Lugnano and to above 99% at Chianciano. Lamps
remain of little importance: still well under 1% at
Ostia, Lugnano and Chianciano, although they come
to somewhat under 4% at Rome. The greatest variation
is in fine wares, which go from nearly 7% at Ostia to
over 12% at Rome and back to somewhat above 6% at
Lugnano and then down to 0.64% at Chianciano.

Narrowing the focus from the functional groups


without internal differentiation to consider the
provenience of the wares that make up the groups at
the various sites, one sees other evidence of reaction
to the openness toward trade.
For amphorae one sees a decrease in overseas
containers and an increase in local or regional ones
the farther one proceeds inland (fig. 6.7). At Ostia
almost all amphorae were imported by sea (including
Calabrian and Sicilian ones), with a minimal presence
of containers from central Italy (some of which are
residual). The picture at Rome is essentially the same
as Ostia. At Lugnano the percentage of local and
regional amphorae rises to form an appreciable
minority alongside the majority of containers from
overseas. Local or regional amphorae constitute an
overwhelming presence among the amphorae at
Chianciano, with a few from elsewhere in central Italy
and a minority from overseas.
Import substitution is particularly evident in fine
wares (fig. 6.8). At Ostia and Rome the market is
covered more or less completely by products imported
from overseas. The exceptions in these samples are
constituted by some residual pieces of central Italian
origin (Italian sigillata and lead-glazed ware) or of
uncertain origin. At Lugnano the regional red-slip
ware accounts for ca. two-thirds of the fine wares

100
89.77
90

85.04
81.57

80
73.35
70

60

Local/Regional
Other Central Italian

50

Overseas
Unknown

40

30

18.07

20

19.67

11.12
10

9.09

6.77
3.84
0

0.35

0.19

1.14

0
Ostia

Rome

Lugnano

Chianciano

Fig. 6.7 Proveniences of the amphorae at all four sites (estimated vessels).

Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an Indicator of Openness to Trade

71













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Fig. 6.8 Proveniences of Fine Wares at all four sites (estimated vessels).

attested, alongside some residual pieces of central


Italian origin (black-gloss ware and Italian sigillata)
and a minority imported from overseas (African redslip ware). Local or regional fine wares do not appear
in the Chianciano calculations because it was not
possible to distinguish regional fine-ware equivalents
(to be suspected in the case of color-coated vessels, at
least in forms imitating African red-slip forms) with
certainty within the range of common wares: thus, the
group consists only of a few African red-slip vessels
and some residual Italian sigillata and black-gloss
ware, too little to be statistically significant.
Cooking wares are especially sensitive to the
lengthening of the trade route up the Tiber valley (fig.
6.9). At Ostia overseas imports make up half the
cooking wares attested. They consist essentially of
African cooking wares, which were more important
in previous centuries but still produced at this time,
and some residual fragments of Aegean origin.
Otherwise there are a few residual Campanian pieces
and local or regional wares. At Rome local and
regional wares account for well over half the cooking
wares, while African and Aegean imports fall back
somewhat. At Lugnano and Chianciano there are no
cooking wares other than local and regional.
Common wares are the least susceptible of all the
groups to imports (fig. 6.10). Even at Ostia the only
imports from overseas classified as common wares are

a few examples of residual Aegean thin-walled pottery.


At Rome the common wares are all local, except for a
couple of once again residual thin-walled pieces.
Lugnano has only local or regional common ware. At
Chianciano two pieces of specialty pottery (vasetti
ovoidi e piriformi) appear in a non-local common
ware fabric that can undoubtedly be attributed to some
other central Italian origin.
There are too few lamps in the samples under
consideration to allow for significant conclusions. It
happens that overseas imports (from Africa) are
attested only at Rome in this series, although African
lamps are known in other contexts at Ostia, Rome and
even Lugnano. This is in line with the picture traced
elsewhere, distinguishing central Italy with a lesser
quantity of African products and a greater reliance on
its own products from southern Italy, where African
imports predominate.39 It is perhaps not by chance
that the few lamp fragments at Chianciano belong to
the rare products in a non-local fabric: evidently local
potters could not meet the demand, probably because
it was not sufficient to make it worthwhile for them to
invest in the necessary equipment (in particular
molds). It is not clear to what extent Lugnano
depended on lamp producers from elsewhere in
central Italy because it was not possible to establish
clearly whether any of the fabrics attested is local
rather than generically central Italian.

Archer Martin

72
120

100

100

100

80

Local/Regional

60

Other Central Italian

56.61

Overseas
Unknown

49.57
41.88

41.32

40

20
8.54
0

1.65

0.41

0
Ostia

Rome

Lugnano

Chianciano

Fig. 6.9 Proveniences of Cooking Wares at all four sites (estimated vessels).

Conclusions
This study suggests that the examination of the
composition of pottery assemblages can provide
information about the relationship to trade routes of
the sites where they were found. This is true with
regard both to the simple articulation of the assemblages into functional groups and further to the
proveniences of the wares making up to the functional
groups themselves.
As far as the articulation by functional groups is
concerned, amphorae are particularly significant. They
appear to decrease progressively as one proceeds away
from the center of the trading system. Fine wares are
less helpful, as they seem to be present at more or less
similar percentages regardless of whether the site is
connected in any significant way at all to a trading
system. The other functional groups do not appear to
be sensitive to changes in location with regard to
trading systems.
Observation of the proveniences of the wares that
make up the groups can help to refine the picture of a
sites relative position with regard to trading networks. Thus, if there is not only a strong majority of
imports among the amphorae but also a reliance on
imported fine wares and especially a large percentage
of imported cooking ware vessels, the site should
probably be considered a major node in the trading
system. One trans-shipment beyond such a node, even

to a supremely important destination, appears to be


enough to provoke a significant decline in the presence
of imported cooking wares, even if the picture for
amphorae and fine wares remains similar. A further
stage up the supply line should cause the total
elimination of imported cooking wares, or nearly, and
a serious decline in fine ware imports together with a
rise in the percentage of local or regional amphorae.
Beyond that, there should be very little evidence for
trade at all, even at a regional level.
This study has examined merely four sites along
one tentacle of the Mediterranean trading system. How
representative are the data brought forth? There is some
evidence to indicate that they are indeed typical. It has
been said that a normal domestic mix on Mediterranean
Roman sites should consist of ca. 10% of slip-coated
tablewares, 510% of plain buff wares and 6080% of
commercial amphorae by sherd count and weight.40
More specifically, the usefulness of the model drawn
from the Tiber valley data is shown by the hypothesis
that comparison with it has allowed me to advance in
defining the position of Olympia, for example, with
regard to trade routes: at Olympia, a site of cultural
importance (at least at the time of the functioning of
the sanctuary), situated only some 25 km from the sea
on a small river, the Alpheios, amphorae make up 15
35% of the contexts, and imported fine wares (but not
cooking wares) are present, suggesting that it was in a
somewhat marginal position in relationship to

Variation in Ceramic Assemblages as an Indicator of Openness to Trade

73















/RFDO5HJLRQDO
2WKHU&HQWUDO,WDOLDQ



2YHUVHDV
8QNQRZQ














2VWLD

5RPH

/XJQDQR

&KLDQFLDQR

Fig. 6.10 Proveniences of Common Wares at all four sites (estimated vessels).

Mediterranean trading systems and that navigation on


the Alpheios was unimportant.41 Many more case
studies will be needed, of different geographical areas,
dates and depositional natures, to create a more solid
basis for comparison. 42 It is to be hoped that a
realization of the potential information to be gained
from such studies of assemblages will inspire scholars
to examine them in that light.

Postscript
Since this paper was first written a brief presentation
of the results and the methodology employed has
appeared (unfortunately bereft of the relevant graphs):
Martin 2004.

Notes
1

How to quantify pottery has become an ever more urgently felt


problem as pottery studies have moved from questions of
typology and provenience to socio-economic ones requiring
statistics. The Italian tradition in which I was trained looks
mostly to the sherd count, possibly with weight as a comparative measure. As I was unable to weigh the sherds at all the
sites considered here, I have used sherd count and what I term
the maximum number of vessels. This is the sherd count
corrected to take into account joins and other attributions of
more than one sherd to a single vessel, thus allowing that
otherwise every sherd (from whatever part of the vessel) could
potentially represent a vessel.

The classic account of the port is Meiggs 1973, 5162; see also
Santa Maria Scrinari 1986. The most recent account is Zevi
2001. For Ostias position in various Mediterranean trade routes
see Reynolds 1995, 1306, and fig. 174.
For the facilities see Rodrguez Almeida 1984, 21106; Le Gal
1953, 93111. For the organization of the traffic see Mocchegiani
Carpano 1986; Pellegrino 1986; Le Gal 1953, 21631.
For general accounts of river traffic above Rome see Quilici
1986 and Stanco 1986. For the sites see DAtri and Carretta
1986, Begni Perina 1986 and Morelli 1957.
For the Chiana described as navigable either as a simple
affirmation or with some argumentation see: Quilici 1986, 215
6 (two passages in Pliny, one actually referring to the Tiber);
Pack 1988, 25 (an inscription from Chiusi that could be
integrated to refer to a naupegus); Pucci 1988, 213; Pucci 1990,
23; Casini 1992, 278 (various passages in the Latin sources);
Bertone 1995, 461, and Pasquinucci and Menchelli 2003, 240
(down-stream traffic on the basis of Pliny). Pucci 1988, 2113,
and Casini 1992 put the emphasis on the road system: the Cassia
Hadrianea and side roads. By the early Middle Ages the river
had silted up and became swampy, with the result that it
partially reversed its course to flow into the Arno; it was
regulated eventually to divide at the border between the Grand
Duchy of Tuscany and the Papal States: Mori 1931; Casini 1992,
28. Luchi 1981, 41920, considers the process of Chianas
becoming swampy to be advanced by the early 1st century AD.
In some studies, particularly by English-speaking scholars, the
fine wares and part of the common wares are presented together
as table ware. This has not been attempted here because, aside
from the difficulty that could arise in deciding whether some
vessels (e.g. bowls and basins) were used primarily for serving
or for preparing food, it would require a drastic revision of the
original publications that were produced in a different tradition
of study.

74
7

9
10

11

12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21

22
23
24
25

26
27
28
29
30
31
32

33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40

Archer Martin
Martin 1993, 2068, gives a preliminary account of this context
together with the one above it, particularly with regard to the
dating evidence and the amphorae. The statistics here reflect a
partial revision carried out in 2001, particularly with regard to
the previously unidentified amphora sherds.
For the amphora see Peacock and Williams 1986, 1912 and
Sciallano and Sibella 1991, 104; for the African red-slip types,
see Mackensen 1993, 4301 and 4023 respectively.
Ciarrocchi 1993.
For preliminary information see Bauer and Heinzelmann 1999;
Bauer et al. 1999; Bauer et al. 2000; Martin et al. 2002 (the last
including statistics based on the preliminary classification of a
selection of these contexts: 27485). It is a pleasure for me to
mention the project in this paper, as Anna Marguerite McCann
has supported it and visited the excavations.
Central Tiber red-slip sherds have been found in the AAR/DAI
excavations. For imported common ware imported from North
Africa see Martin et al. 2002, 279; Pavolini 2000, 3569.
See Anselmino 1977, 947: classic North African lamps of the
5th and 6th centuries are particularly well attested at Ostia.
Martin 1991/92. This is a correction of the published total of
1964 fragments.
See Brandenburg 2000, 3841.
Martin 1991/92, 1713.
Pea 1999 (in particular 12) for general information on the
date and nature of the deposit.
Pea 1999, 114.
Pea 1999, 1145.
Pea 1999, 1202.
See Soren 1999.
The statistics on the assemblage result from my own calculations on the basis of the data in Martin 1999a, Martin 1999b,
Martin 1999c, Martin 1999d, Martin 1999e, Martin 1999f,
Monacchi 1999, Piraino 1999a, Piraino 1999b. The statistics
correct some errors in totals and subtotals that crept into the
texts and tables during the wearisome process of checking
numerous sets of proofs, which did not always take into account
the corrections made previously and even introduced new
errors.
Martin 1999c, 246.
Martin 1999e, 35960.
Martin 1999f, 372.
The latter is probably somewhat overestimated, as no joins are
recorded for cooking ware, while there are many for various
other classes of pottery.
Monacchi 198687.
Tomei and Martin 1983.
For preliminary information on the site see Soren 1997; Soren et
al. 1998; Soren and Olivas 1999.
Mackensen 1993, 4034.
Carandini and Sagu 1981, 65.
Peacock and Williams 1986, 203; Sciallano and Sibella 1991, 84.
Peacock and Williams 1986, 1567; Peacock and Williams 1986,
203; Sciallano and Sibella 1991, 84; Sciallano and Sibella 1991,
81.
Pucci 1988, 211, comments on the scarce interest in the Roman
period in the Chiana valley in general.
Callaioli et al. 1988a; Callaioli et al. 1988b. The text of these two
articles is the same.
Bertone 1995.
Paolucci 1997, 1558.
Pucci and Mascione 1993.
Pucci 1988; Pucci 1990; Pucci 1992.
Pavolini 1986, 2467.
Gebhard et al. 1998, 444.

41
42

Martin 2000, 4289.


Far too few studies deal with the composition of assemblages,
and even with those that do, problems can arise concerning the
comparability of the data. Thus, Tarragona, a site with an active
record in late Roman pottery studies that could offer useful
parallels, seems to have a tradition of drawing up percentages
on the basis of an estimate of individuals without giving sherd
counts or weights: TEDA 1989, 4259; Remol Vallverd 2000,
in the discussion of single contexts and particularly of overall
trends (289307).

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