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MALINQWSKI
HE .uprising in Warsaw is st &he end of its seventh
week. The citizens have battled against the G e q n k s
for almost fifty days with magnificent courage and
heroism. In Warsaw proper the battle is being waged by
the entire population; men, women, and children have
joined the tight insupport of the underground army and
the fighting detachments of all political groups, including
the battalions of the Communist Polish Workers Party.
For the third time since the beginning of this war
,Warsaw is the symbol of a peoples struggle. Five years
after the defense of the capital in 1939, ,a year and a half
after the Battle of ,the Warsaw GZzetb in 1943, the
citizens of Warsaw are again paying a high price for their
countrys right t o freedom and independence. The democratic and progressive character of ,this struggle is t e d mony to ,the spirit prevailing in Poland today. For the
backbone of the undergmund and of the underground
army is the peasant and lzbor movements, which are
steeped in the traditions of democracy.
The present Battle of Warsaw is one of the greatest
tragedies of our t h e . For many long days the people of
Warsaw have been prevented from receivingsufficient
help from their allies largely by the still unresolved diAid
t
y of obtaining Russian cooperation in facilitating.
British and American aid. The U. S . 5. R., according to a
Tass statement of August 10, di~sclaimedall responsibility for the ilnsurrection in Wxsaw. w h a t is more, t h e
plight of the Polish fighters and the significance of heir
struggle have been &nost completely ignored by the fibera1 press of England and America. It is q&cialIy important, therefore, that we examine the conditions which
precipitated this struggle.
According to plans agreed upon by the Polish government and the leaders of the underground, the u p r k n g
was to coincide with the Gennan retreat from Warsaw.
On JuIy 30, through themedium of the Kosciuslco Broadcasting Station
MOSCOW,
the Polish groups in t h e
U. S . S. R., whicI1 for more than .two years. have accused
the Polish government of delaying the uprising, again
gppealed to the people of Warsaw to revolt against their
German oppressors (reported in the Manchester GtcrtrdL-m
on August 2 2 ) . Apparently, all Polish groups were now
i n agreement that She moment had come when Warsaw
was .to rise and engage the enemy in open war. As the
Germans began their evacuation of the city, they inddged
in their. usual mass executions and ordered the transfer
of factories, iogekher with their workers-the flesh and
bbod of the Polish underground army-to
the Rei&.
~
B4S
ias
ONTR4RY to the presss theory that it reports the news
straight, without reference to editorial oplnions, a
study conducted by t h i s bureau shows that Rooseveltand
Deweypapersdiffer sharply in the content of their front
pages. They devotealmostexactly the same proportion of
&eir front pages to the campaign, but they choose somewhat
different subjects and often angle the news.
Mora than half the stories in-the Roosevelt papers were
pro-Roosevelt;almost half of those in &he Deweypapers
favored the Republicans. In m3-1group the conteiit of about
one in everyfivestorieswas
favorable tothe opposition.
Three of every ten campaign stories on the front pages of
the Roosevelt papers were neutfal in content; between three
and four of every ten were neutral In the Dewey papers. B o t h
groups wereeven more partisan in terms of space than in
terms of nmlber of stories. Thus 56 per cent o the 2,089
column inches given to &e campdgn In the Roosevelt papers
was pro-Roosevelt or anti-Dewey material; 51 per cent of the
2,289 campaigninches in papers for Dewey favored him.
About one-fourth of the space in Roosevelt papers was neutral; $5 per cent was unfavorable to the Administration,
The NATION