Professional Documents
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EUROPEAN
COUNCIL
RESEARCH
NATIONAL
FOR SOVIET ANDEAS T
TITLE :
AUTHOR :
CONTRACTOR :
Abram Bergson
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR :
Abram Bergso n
622- 2
DATE :
February 2, 198 2
Author
Titl e
Martin Weitzman
D . Gale Johnson
Edward Hewett
Robert Campbell
Joseph Berliner
Abram Bergson
Seweryn Bialer
Douglas Diamond,
Lee W . Bettis ,
Robert Ramsso n
10
Leslie Dienes
11
Murray Feshbach
12
"Agricultural Organization . an d
Management in Soviet Society :
Change and Constancy "
"The Foreign Sector in th e
Soviet Economy : Development s
Since 1960, and Possibilitie s
to the Year 2000 "
Granting all th e
is
flawed by limi-
Granting all th e
J.
force can change only slowly, but if the CIA is at all reliable on oil ,
natural resource exhaustion should be decidedly more costly to th e
USSR in the years ahead than it has been hitherto . The margin betwee n
these two aspects, .28
therefore, should dwindle if it does no tvanishloger
possibility ,
In sum if my projection of TPP is not too far from the mark, the Russian s
should find it difficult in future to raise the rate of growth o f
calculated factor productivity much above the very modest tempo that ha s
30
_ore likely a decline from thi s
prevailed lately :, 91 percent yearly .
tempo is in prospect . I have now ventured well beyond TPP, the primar y
concern of this essay, and often into areas that are being explored i n
other contributions to this volume .
Content s
I.
II .
III .
IV .
V.
VT .
VII .
Productivity Growth
p.
p. 6
p . 11
p . 15
p . 23
p.
Conclusions
p . 40
Notes
p . 47
Appendix :
Sources and Methods for Table 1
p. 58
Bibliography
p . 61
30
3.
I
Productivity Growth
4.
well-known reasons, such computations should yield higher growth rates than
Greenslade ' s for those intervals .
Table 1 .
Average Annual Rates of Increase, Output, Factor Inputs and Factor Productivity ,
USSR, 1950-75 a
(percent )
Material sector s
All sectors
1950-60
1960-70
1970-75
Gross product
5 .89
5 .26
3 .83
7 .55
3 .95(3 .92)
3 .69(3 .75)
3 .72(3 .66)
3 .78(3 .72)
Labor
1 .16(1 .11)
1 .74(1 .84)
1 .79(1 .70)
Employment
1 .55(1 .30)
2 .08(2 .01)
Hours
- .38(- .19)
- .33(- .17)
Capital
9 .49
8 .00
Farm land
3 .33
.18
Factor productivity
1 .87(1 .90)
1 .51(1 .46)
1960-70
1950-60
1970-7 5
5 .53
3 .9 2
3 .63(3 .71)
3 .65(3 .56 )
.98( .90)
1 .28(1 .41)
1 .37(1 .25 )
1 .63(1 .60)
1 .43(1 .12)
1 .67(1 .60)
1 .17(1 .15 )
.16( .10)
- .44(- .22)
- .38(- .19)
.20( .10 )
7 .86
9 .47
9 .06
8 .7 3
1 .04
3 .33
.18
1 .0 4
.11( .16)
3 .63(3 .69)
'
1 .83(1 .75)
.26( .35)
a 0utput for all sectors is the gross national product, and for material sectors, the gros s
national product less the gross product (i .e ., net product plus depreciation)of housing and divers e
services, chiefly health care, education, science and repairs and personal care . Factor inputs are i n
each case of essentially the same scope as output .
Fixed capital is taken to represent capital generally, and the sown area to represent farm
land . On the parenthetic figures on employment and hours, and the corresponding data on factor input s
and productivity, see the text and Appendix . Factor inputs are aggregated by use of a Cobb-Dougla s
formula with these " earnin,-,share " weights : for all sectors, labor, .62, capital, .33, and for farm
land, .05 ; for material sectors, labor, .62, capital, .32, and farm land, .06 .
For
years since 1950, index number relativity in measure o f
aggregative
Soviet output appears to be quite modest, indeed so much so that i tis
hardly perceptible in some relevant data . 2
probably does understate the retardation in output growth since the fifties .
There must also be a corresponding understatement of retardation in productivit y
growth as calculated from those data .
II
Some Methodological Issue s
the trends in factor productivity for the whole economy are somewha t
changed . The tempo remains modest, indeed for years prior to 1960 it i s
distinctly lower than before (see Table 2, columns for which =
.12) .
As a result the sixties now bring some acceleration, but the tempo agai n
slows in the seventies . For material sectors, with the shift to = .5 ,
the earliest tempo is likewise much reduced, but remains relatively high ,
3
so that growth decelerates over the whole period as before .
Judging from the econometric inquiries,
= 0 .5 is within th e
= 0 .5 implies a notabl y
high factor share and rate of return for capital in early years . If onl y
on that account, results of the econometric inquiries perhaps may properl y
be discounted at this point . 4
Factor input coefficients in the Cobb-Douglas formula are supposedl y
given by income shares that are imputable to the factors when earning s
rates correspond to relative marginal productivities . In the CE S
formula, a similar correspondence is supposed to obtain between facto r
input coefficients that appear there and such imputable income shares i n
the base year . In applying both formulas here, I obtain the neede d
coefficients from income shares indicated when the rate of return o n
capital is 12 percent . That was usually the lower limit allowed,in a
1969 Soviet official methodological release, for "normative coefficient s "
for appraisal of investment projects (Gosplan USSR
et . al ., 1969) .
7a
= 1.0; = .12
5=
0 .5 ; = .12
= 1 .0 ; p = .06
= 0 .5 ;F= 0 . 6
All sector s
1950-60
1 .87
.01
2 .66
.8 7
1960-70
1 .51
1 .12
2 .14
1 .73
1970-75
.11
.32
.70
.81
Material sector s
1950-60
3 .63
1 .40
4 .47
2 .38
1960-70
1 .83
1 .14
2 .59
2 .00
1970-75
.26
.50
.94
1 .11
How closely actual returns might have approximated that limit, however ,
is an interesting question .
Here too, therefore, experimentation with alternative assumptions i s
in order . For this purpose, I consider a possible reduction in th e
postulated rate of return on capital to 6 percent . With that, as was t o
be expected,, factor productivity grows somewhat more rapidly, but th e
variation in tempo over time is essentially as before (in Table 2, compar e
columns for/ = .12 and .06) . These results hold for both the whol e
economy and material sectors .
Farm land in the USSR is publicly-owned but made available withou t
charge to those who till it.5 Here too the needed earnings share i s
imputed rather arbitrarily, but I take as a benchmark Western, especiall y
U .S .,experience . Unless the resulting share (5 percent of the GNP an d
6 percent of gross material product) is implausibly wide of the mark ,
any error at this point could only affect our results very marginally . 6
Factor productivity growth during 1970-75 is found to be especiall y
slow . That is true regardless of the computation, although with
as
low as .5 the all-sector tempo during 1950-60 is even lower than that fo r
1970-75 . For present purposes, the most recent Soviet performance is o f
particular interest, but the interval 1970-75 is a very brief and somewha t
dated one from which to gauge any enduring trends . The terminal year o f
that interval was marked by a harvest failure that was severe even b y
Soviet standards . For that reason too the 1970-75 tempo is difficul t
to interpret . It should be observed, therefore, that the recent growt h
of factor productivity continues to be depressed, though not as much a s
before, when we refer to decadal periods terminating in very recent years
9.
(Table 3) .
Period
Al l
sectors
Materia l
sector s
1950-60
1 .87
3 .6 3
1960-70
1 .51
1 .83
1965-75
.94
1 .3 2
1966-76
.86
1 .22
1967-77
.76
1 .12
1968-78
.57
.91
Sovie t
of inputs during
United
(Bergson ,
1978-C, chs . 9-11 ; also Bergson, 1968 ; Cohn, March 1976) . These results res t
on use of the Cobb-Douglas formula with a 12 percent return imputed to Sovie t
capital, but the Soviet performance is still undistinguished when alternativ e
methodologies are employed (Bergson, 1979) .
I have been considering productivity growth In the USSR both fo r
the economy as a whole and material sectors .
Western productivit y
research has very often focused on the first of these two spheres, but ,
for familiar reasons revolving about the conventional practice of measurin g
service output by inputs, the second is decidedly of more interest here .
to
To sum up/this point, then, in respect of Soviet productivity increase in
10a
1) .
is
indicated
by my initial calculations
the deceleration
degrees,
That
is
also
in alternative
evident,
though in somewhat
differen t
How the Soviet performance during post-WW II years compares with tha t
under the pre-WW II five year plans is uncertain, but
seem to compare well with
it
does no t
II I
Productivity Growth and Technological Progres s
factor inputs,
here .
in
3 .63
3 .2 6
1960-70
1 .83
1 .2 9
1970- 75
.26
- .21
12 .
contrary sort, is the failure in the case of farm land to allow for th e
undoubted deterioration that occurred as the cultivated area was expanded .
If only climatically, the deterioration must have been particularl y
marked under Khrushchev ' s famous New Lands Program, with its attendan t
great increase in the cultivated area in Kazakhstan and Siberia . I n
view of the limited share of farm land in total output, however, th e
10
resultant distortion in our data must be slight .
On similar reasoning, we may also discount, I think, the magnitude o f
a comparable distortion, due to the failure to account for inputs o f
mineral resources . The distortion is comparable to that in the case o f
farm land, for here too there must often have been a qualitative
appraisal s
that lately have been published on Soviet oil to conclude that suc h
diminishing returns have indeed come to prevail, at least lately, in tha t
industry (see CIA, June 1977 ; NATO, 1974) . In the USSR diminishin g
returns have by all accounts also been encountered in respect of numerou s
minerals other than oil . .
As for the magnitude of the resultant distortion of factor productivity ,
of
we may obtain some indication/that if we consider that,on the average ove r
the years studied, the ratio of mineral resource inputs to the GNP, excludin g
selected services, in the USSR should not have been far from 9 .3 percent ,
that being approximately the magnitude of the ratio in 1966 .
The rea l
cost per unit of mineral output increased perhaps about 1 .5 percent yearly ,
or by 45 percent overall, during the period 1950-75 . 11
Soviet final output net of resource costs would have grown by 0 .14 o f
a percentage point (i .e .,
(1976),
the comparativ e
IV
Technological Progress Prope r
Adjustment t o
obtain .TPE,percentage points
to account for :
1950-60
3 .63(3 .69)
- .37
1960-70
1 .83(1 .75)
- .54
1970-75
+.65
.26( .35)
- .47
aAssumed negligible
Labor quality
improvement
due to
educational
advance
Natural
resource
exhaustion
+ .14
Adjustment t o
obtain TPP, percentage points ,
to account for :
Farmindustry
labor
transfers
- .39
- .13
- .33
- .12
- .30
- .12
. . .
lb .
1473
178 7
Non-farm
1761
207 3
Farm-city price differences favor the farmer in the USSR as in the West ,
though probably to a less degree .
But Russia began industrialization with a vast agricultural labo r
force, and in 1950 farmers still constituted nearly three-fifths of al l
workers . In such circumstances in the West, the productivity of margina l
farm workers has often been low relatively to that of marginal industrua l
workers, whatever the comparative levels of average earnings . Despite it s
non-market economy, the USSR should not be an exception to that rule .
Soviet industrialization has been notable, however, for the relativel y
limited contraction occurring in the farm labor force . Although the far m
labor force was accordingly still large in 1950, transfers of farm labor t o
industry have still been comparatively restricted more recently (Table 5) .
The resulting gains in output relative to resource cost should have bee n
reduced on that account .
We must try, though, to assess the gains qualitatively . To do so ,
I apply separately to farm and non-farm sectors Cobb-Douglas
, IC
Table 5 .
(millions )
1950
1960
1970
197 5
Farm
41 .4
38 .4
36 .4
34 . 8
Non-farm
29 .4
43 .2
60 .1
67 . 5
All
70 .8
81 .6
96 .5
102 .3
17
however, has been transfer of labor from family enterprises in trade, craft s
and the like . In the USSR, such enterprises were already largely eliminate d
under the early plans . Resultant gains in output, therefore, shoul d
have been realized before the years on which we focus .
In economics texts, exploitation of economies of scale i sualy
assumed to be quite another thing from application of a novel technolog y
that enlarges the opportunity set of a production unit . The distinctio n
nevertheless is not always easy to make in practice, but scale economie s
are considered here as falling outside of TPP and so as a further source
. 18 .
Scal
omies, then, should not have been very consequential in the period studied
econ
assum e
20 .
been modest . Possibly, as suggested, there could have been some retrogression . But any evaluation of the complex matter at issue must be speculative ,
and mine is clearly no exception . That should be borne in mind .
r
That completes my accounting for possible sources of divergence, firs t :
between TPE and factor productivity as initially calculated, and, now, between TPP and TPE . Here, in sum, are the results, in terms of annua l
percentage growth rates . :
Factor
productivity ,
materia l
sector s
(Table 1 )
TPE
TP P
1950-60
3 .63
3 .40
2 .8 8
1960-70
1 .83
1 .43
.9 8
1970-75
.26
- .07
.16
My initital calculations were inexact and the adjustments that have now bee n
made are egregiously crude, but the indicated deceleration of TPP is shar p
The presumption is that TPP, along with TPE and productivity growth as initially calculated, has slowed in the course of time to a relatively lo w
tempo .
18
22 .
in
Table 6 .
Table 6 . Comparative Indicators of Technological Change, USSR and Western Countries, 1960-73 a
Item
1960 b
USSR
USA
UK
5 .66
7 .80
20 .33
2 . AC transmission lines of 30 0
kv and above, share of total ,
percent
5 .3
2 .4
.31
.32
8 .32
1973/1960 c
FRG
Japan
USSR
USA
UK
FRG
Japa n
5 .96
5 .94
1 .7
1 .6
1 .7
1 .9
2. 5
2 .1
n .a .
2 .0
n .a . e
n .a .
2 .7
n .a .
.02
4 .1
13 .4
1 .2
56 .1
136 . 0
16 .3
27 .8
25 .1
6.8
2 .1
7 .8
20 . 7
.07
3 .8
3 .4
1 .7
2 .7
11 .9
5 .6
1 .3
0 .8
1 .4
2 .1
1 .0
4 .1
n .a .
23 .9
16 .1
n .a .
n .a .
1 .1
1 .0
.9
0 .36
.04
59 .0
.8
7 .91
6 .4
3 .0
.03
1 .46
1 .14
0 .11
n .a .
n. a.
5 .7
2 .4
32 . 5
3 .2
5 .9
n .a .
(continued )
Table 6, (continued )
1973/6 0
1960
Item
USSR
USA
UK
FRG
Japan
USSR
USA .
.98
4 .28
5 .12
5 .07
5 .92
3 .4
.07
1 .70
1 .16
.94
1 .26
UK
FRG
Japan
3 .9
2 .6
3 .2
2.9
16 .4
8 .0
7 .0
13 .9
9.6
2 .1
8 .1
1 .8
1 .5
0 .2
1 .7
1 .3
3 .1
4 .3
33 . 5
20
411
156
108
59
2 .7
1 .5
2 .0
2 .5
5 .4
USSR
USA
UK
FRG
Japan
1956
1954
1960
1955
195 7
16
12
11
1955
1962
1958
1954
196 0
17
16
14
10
1948
1938
1941
1941
194 2
25
21
23
23
21
1941
1937
1944
195 4
17
15
18
21
1956
1954
1962
1955
14
16
6 . Nuclear powe r
First commercial station
Years to 2 .0 percent o f
electric power
1954
1957
1956
1961
n .a .
21
14
n .a .
1958
1952
1956
1958
195 8
13
13
12
Item
7 . NC machine tool s
First prototype
Years to 1 .0 percent o f
machine tool output
195 3b
18+
15+
n .a . c
n. a.
15
24 .
24a .
All outlays
All outlay s
excluding thos e
for defens e
and spac e
1967,
1967,
Country
1975
circa b
197 5
circ a b
United States
2 .9
2 .2
1 .2
1. 4
France
2 .2
1 .5
1 .5
1. 1
West Germany
1 .8
2 .2
1 .6
2.1
United Kingson
2 .7
2 .1 c
1 .9
1 .6 c
Japan
1 .8
2 :0 d
1 .8
2 .0 d
Italy
0 .6
n .a . e
n .a .
USSR
2 .9
1 .4
n .a .
.9-1 .0 c
3 .7
24b .
Thousands
Year
USSR
USA
USSR
US A
195 0
125 .2
158 .7
14 .7
26 . 2
195 5
172 .6
254 .3
18 .5
39 . 0
196 0
273 .0
380 .9
27 .5
55 . 8
196 5
474 .5
494 .5
42 .6
67 . 0
197 0
661 .9
546 .5
54 .2
66 . 8
1975
873 .5
534 .8
66 .0
61 .5
25 .
defense and space component has been inordinately large compared with tha t
20
in Western countries other than the United States . The margin of superi ority that the Russians enjoy over Western countries as to the share of R
and D in the GNP is largely, if not entirely, obliterated when reference i s
made to civilian R and D alone (Table 8) .
The Soviet margin of superiority is reduced the more if allowance i s
made for the familiar fact that a ruble is not always a ruble . Especially
in the case of military expenditures it is often more than a ruble . I n
respect of both manpower and supplies, priorities to the military secto r
of one sort or another mean that the effective share of defense in R and D
outlays in the USSR is greater than data on R and D outlays in rubles migh t
indicate (Ofer, 1975) .
In seeking to understand the sluggish technological progress in th e
the USSR, then, Western analysts have rightly stressed the Soviet preoccupatio n
with R and D for defense . R and D is devoted, however, to creation of not onl y
new weapons but new products for household consumption . Here available productivity measures perhaps are not as incomplete as often assumed in thei r
coverage, but no doubt they are incomplete . Moreover, ther e
is at this point something of a counterpart in the West to the inordinatel y
large Soviet allocation of R and D to defense . Of the continuing, vast flo w
of new models and kinds of consumers' goods that is a proverbial feature o f
Western mixed economy, a good part can require no R and D to speak of fo r
their generation, but a significant fraction of R and D must often go t o
generation of new goods for households (see National Science Board, 1977 ,
pp . 29, 251-253 ; Denison, 1962, pp . 241-244) . As for the USSR, varietie s
of consumers ' goods are often observed still to be relatively limited, and
27 .
27a .
28 .
technological borrowing could be a source of sluggishness in TPP . Where- as in the case of the USSR--consider a ble funds are actually expended on TP P
relevant R and D, inordinate borrowing from abroad must put in doubt the effectiveness of R and D administration . For the USSR that would tend to compoun d
misgivings already in order .
Of interest, therefore, is a massive inquiry by Sutton into the ori gins of Soviet technology . Sutton (1973, p . 370) summarizes in this wa y
his findings as to the sources of technologies employed in some 76 activitie s
in a wide range of industries :
In the period 1917 to 1930 no major applied technologie s
originated in the USSR . In the period 1930 to 1945 only tw o
such processes originated in the USSR, but in another fiv e
areas the Soviets developed and applied some major techno logy and we find both Soviet and Western processes used .
In the period 1945 to 1965 three processes were of Sovie t
origin and again five technical areas used both Soviet an d
Western processes .
If the USSR borrowed foreign technologies extensively during the perio d
in question, it was not alone in doing so . Since World War II the USA b y
all accounts has been by far the chief contributor to the world ' s technological pool . Not only the USSR but most Western countries must have borrowed extensively of foreign technology, with the USA as a principal source .
It seems doubtful, however, that the borrowing by Western countries coul d
have matched that by the USSR, as depicted by Sutton . In any compariso n
between the USSR and the West, due regard must be paid the still not ver y
advanced Soviet development stage . Reliance on borrowing might be expected
29 .
30 .
continued . The effectiveness of R and D, however, should not have deteriorated . There may well have been some improvement . Here, therefore, n o
explanation is found of the slowdown in TPP . I turn next to the Soviet i
e
nther
novation process . Perhaps we can gain insight there into the slowdown as
well as further understanding of the relatively slow pace of Soviet TPP .
VI
Conditioning Factors : The Innovation Proces s
Understood to embrace not only the first introduction but later sprea d
of new technologies, innovation is generally agreed to be a flawed proces s
in the West . Most importantly, patents may be used to preven tdisemnation of new technologies . Even if that is not done, and licensing i s
allowed, the fees charged must be viewed as an uneconomic impediment ,
for as the primers teach new technological knowledge is from a socia l
standpoint ideally distributed as a free good . In the absence of patents ,
commercial secrecy can still constitute an effective barrier to the sprea d
of new technologies .
In the USSR, restrictive patents are practically unknown 23 an d
commercial secrecy too, although sometimes reported, can be of onl y
relatively limited significance . The Soviet innovation process, however ,
has limitations of its own, and these could easily be an important caus e
of the relatively modest pace of TPP in the USSR .
The limitations relate in part to the behaviour of the individua l
enterprise (predpriiatie) . The enterprise under Soviet centralist planning ,
of course, has only restricted autonomy, but, with responsibilities typicall y
limited to a single production unit, its management possesses detailed knowledg e
of technologies
31 .
use . How vigorously potential innovations are pursued and what is achieve d
by their introduction necessarily depends on the management ' s interest i n
engaging in such activities . That interest is very often weak at best . Evidence of this began to surface long ago, but owing chiefly to Amann ,
Berry and Davies (n .d .) and Berliner (1977) we now grasp more clearly tha n
we could before the main underlying causes : proverbial bureaucratic hurdle s
attendant on obtaining clearances and interdepartmental cooperation for a
new technology, with
its associated variations in inputs and outputs ; uncertainty as to results an inevitable feature anywhere that seems often compounded under centralist pla
. supplies are required ; nig,partculyifnovekds quipmentor
relatively modest material rewards compared with those obtainable if a risk y
innovation is not undertaken .
Here as elsewhere the system ' s directors have been aware of and hav e
struggled to alleviate defeciencies, but apparently with only limited success . Writing in 1977, for example, the distinguished Soviet economist ,
Academician A .G . Aganbegian had this to say on the Soviet innovation process :
. . .The introduction of many experimental systems is being hel d
up by the excessive complexity of the instructions concernin g
the rights and possibilities of enterprises in this regard .
Every change, even an insignificant one (in table of organization, pay, personnel assignments) requires paperwork o f
such proportions as to make even the most optimistic executives lose their taste for change .
Here is how Z . Sirotkin, Chief Design Engineer of the Belorussia n
Motor Vehicle Plant and USSR State Prize Laureate,viewed matters regarding
32 .
33 .
34 .
sluggish TPP in the USSR, therefore, must be the state trading monopoly ,
which carefully controls and mediates foreign access to Soviet markets and
35 .
36 .
averaged 6 years and 10 months, or "3 1/2 to 4 years longer than a character istic West European lead time ." For machine tools, Soviet performanc e
is compared with that of " advanced " Western countries . The particula r
West European countries considered in the case of chemicals are no t
indicated . In both cases, a comparison with less advanced Western countrie s
would also be of interest .
I have been focusing on aspects of the Soviet innovation process tha t
prevailed more or less generally during the period studied . Like the fact s
set forth previously on R and D, those that have been considered regarding innovation appear to fit in with our prior finding as to the likel y
substandard Soviet performance regarding TPP . We also inferred previously ,
however, that the pace of TPP in the USSR has slowed . We discovered n o
explanation for this slowdown in the sphere of R and D . I turn for a n
alternative explanation to aspects of the innovation process that migh t
have caused its performance to vary over time . These admittedly do no t
act in only one direction, but on balance they could have produced
slowdown in TPP .
One feature affecting the Soviet innovation process over time ha s
already been alluded to : reforms in working arrangements bearing o n
coordination and managerial incentives . These apparently have not bee n
especially effective, but should at least have been more a source o f
acceleration, than of retardation of TPP . The reforms in manageria l
compensation, for example, should have been to the good, thoug h
incentives for risk-taking must still be weak .
The impact on the Soviet economy of technology transfers to th e
USSR - that have been occurring under detente since around the mid-sixties
Jo .
machinery .
Although "indirect effects " through diffusion are supposedly also represented, the underlying statistical analysis hardly could have capture d
these fully . The calculation is also not intended to and could no t
represent gains to the USSR from any and all technological borrowing ,
whether occurring through machinery imports or otherwise . But, to repeat ,
the gains from such borrowing in pre-detente years could well have bee n
even greater . On this view, detente may only have arrested a downtren d
that was in process as catch-up phenomena were progressively exploite d
.26
In the course of time, opportunities for borrowing technologies from
abroad should have declined in any event, but they would have diminishe d
the more as a result of any slowing of technological progress in the West .
In fact, the pace of Western advance has apparently slowed .
In th e
United States, the chief contributor to the world ' s technological pool ,
the slowdown has been marked . It seems to have occurred, however ,
primarily since 1973 (Denison, 1979, p . 105) . Soviet TPP would hav e
been affected, but only in the most recent years .
To the extent that new technologies are embodied in and requir e
introduction of new sorts of capital goods, the innovation process i s
in part but an aspect of capital replacement policy . We must record i t
as one more source of sluggishness in Soviet TPP, therefore, th e
tendency in the USSR to discount obsolescence as a factor warrantin g
capital replacement, and to seek rather to prolong service lives through
39 .
expand more or less in step with the growth of GNP, expansion of industrie s
primarily serving the investment and defense sectors has come to be muc h
more nearly in balance with expansion of those primarily serving consumption . I offer it as a hypothesis which I cannot try to verify her e
that in the USSR TPP has traditionally been more rapid in the former tha n
in the latter industries . If so, the structural change that has occurre d
could be one more reason for a slowdown in TPP in the economy generally .
40 .
VI I
Conclusion s
I have distinguished between two concepts of technological progress :
technological progress proper (TPP), representing in a restricted way th e
introduction and spread of new technologies enabling the community to increase output at a given resource cost, and technological progres s
extended (TPE) . The latter embraces not only the foregoing causes of a n
increase in output at given resource cost but also others, such as incentiv e
reforms, amelioration of a historically distorted resource allocation ,
weather fluctuations, and so on .
In this essay I have focused primarily on TPP, but technologica l
progress of either sort should be manifest in corresponding variation s
in output per unit of factor inputs, or factor productivity, as such a
coefficient has come to be called . For purposes of quantitative appraisal ,
therefore, I first compiled data of a conventional sort on the growth o f
factor productivity . After allowing for changes in factor inputs no t
initially accounted for, I obtained measures of TPE . By adjustin g
additionally for the impact of causal aspects other than the introductio n
and spread of new technologies, I also derived measures of TPP .
The initial computation of factor productivity is flawed by limitations in both underlying data and methodology, while further adjustment s
to derive TPE and then TPP are often conjectural at best . In the upshot ,
however, TPP is found to have generated these annual percentage increase s
in output per unit of factor inputs in material sectors of the Sovie t
economy :1950 -60,2.88;1960-70, .98 ; 1970-75, .16 .
Granting all th e
41 .
42 .
has now been in effect in the USSR for over six decades . There is no
indication now of its prospective demise . Impediments to labor transfer s
originate chiefly in a commitment, apparently deemed fitting in
socialist society, to minimize involuntary unemployment . As for incentives, the system directors hitherto have proceeded with distinc t
caution in this regard . The USSR today is not notable for egalitarianism ,
but large and conspicuous managerial bonuses, such as might be needed t o
induce more adequate interest in innovation, probably are felt to b e
politically, if not ideologically dubious .
The slowdown in TPP is not due to any deterioration in workin g
arrangements--as indicated, these should have improved . Rather, th e
reduced pace of TPP probably reflects the unfolding of other forces ,
principally the progressive exploitation of " catch-u p " opportunitie s
present after the war and the shift in the course of time towards a
structurally more nearly balanced growth . By now these forces hav e
practically run their course and should not be a further source o f
retardation of TPP in future .
Encouragement of forded to technology transfers from the West b y
detente must have served to dampen somewhat the slowdown in TPP, but a s
Afghanistan reminds us such transfers can be discouraged as well a s
encouraged . Soviet technological borrowing from the West must suffe r
in any event should the recent slowdown in Western technologica l
advance persist .
WO can only speculate as to the sum of the diverse forces determining the future pace of Soviet TPP . A distinct acceleration is no t
precluded, but more likely advance will continue at a slow pace more or
43 .
44 .
to 0 .4 of a
.
44a
In sum if my projection of TPP is not too far from the mark, the Russian s
should find it difficult in future to raise the rate of growth o f
calculated factor productivity much above the very modest tempo that ha s
30
. :.ore likely d decline from thi s
prevailed lately :, 91 percent -yearly .
tempo is in prospect .
I have been referring to productivity in material sectors . I t
should be recalled, therefore, that for the entire GNP productivity growt h
has been distinctly slower than for material sectors alone : during 1968-78 ,
.57 compared with .91 percent annually . Productivity growth for the entir e
GNP has for some time been drifting downward relatively to that for materia l
sectors (Table 3) . There is no basis to think that trend will be reverse d
in future . I have now ventured well beyond
TPP,
the primar y
concern of this essay, and often into areas that are being explored i n
other contributions to this volume .
44b .
45 .
easily be abandoned .
In discussing prospective TPP and TPE, I assumed that in futur e
Soviet planning will continue to be of the centralist sort . Should tha t
system of planning finally be abandoned, the alternative presumabl y
would be some form of market socialism that would allow relativel y
great autonomy to the enterprise and involve extensive use of market s
as a coordinating device . With such a change in working arrangements ,
the presumption must be that both TPP and TPE could be affected favorably,
46 .
32
but that too must be left for another inquiry .
The subject of this essay, Soviet technological progress, is a familia r
one . To my profit, I have been able to draw here on much previous researc h
by Western scholars . It is striking, however, how much remains unsettled .
That is inherently so regarding prospects for the future, but uncertaintie s
also abound regarding past trends . To resolve such doubts I have ofte n
been able only to offer conjectures,
must be, it may serve at least to underline the need for still mor e
research on an important theme .
Footnote s
according to further
computations ,
the observed divergence for 1950-60, between Cohn (1970) -- Bergson (1974 )
and Greenslade (1976) could be due practically in its entirety to th e
difference in the nature of the weight imputed to " services " , particularly th e
reduced interest allowed on housing and the exclusion altogether of interes t
on other fixed capital in the former computation . For purposes of compilin g
data that are comparable to those available for Western countries, however ,
there is, I think, much to say for the Cohn (1970)-Bergson (1974) procedure ,
so the Greenslade tempo for 1950-60 might be
understated at least on that account .
considered as somewha t
47a .
capital in the base year is, for the whole economy, .52 of tha t
for labor, and, for material sectors, .54 of that for capital . With
1 .0, of course, the same shares obtain for 1950 . With = .5 , =
however, the corresponding ratios in 1950 are 2 .1 and 2 .4 . On the rate s
of return on capital that such earnings shares might imply, se e
Bergson (1979) .
5More precisely, without explicit charge . Under the governments'
complex arrangements for procuring farm products, Soviet farmers, o f
course, have by no means been allowed to retain for themselves th e
entire proceeds of their labor .
6 To return to the rates of interest allowed on capital, that o f
12 percent, as indicated, was suggested by norms used in Soviet project
9
I assume one female worker to be equal to 0 .7 of a male worker .
Earnings of female workers appear to have averaged about that amoun t
relatively to those of male workers in the USSR . See Riurikov (1977 ,
pp .
on the branch and sex structure of the labor force, the indicated discount means that with adjustment for changes in sex composition employ ment growth would on the average be compounded by .05 of a percentag e
point yearly over the period 1950-75 .
10
in cultivated area in the fifties, when the New Lands Program was i n
full swing, would raise factor productivity growth during that decad e
by one-tenth of one percent .
11
The volume of mineral resource inputs relatively to GNP in 196 6
is inferred chiefly from data in Treml et al .
that the gross output, less net exports of minerals, in 1966 amounte d
to 15 .4 billion rubles at producers ' prices . This represents, I believe ,
a nearly comprehensive total, but, improperly for our purposes include s
some fabrication and also limited inputs of minerals into the minera l
extraction branches themselves . In the light of Becker (1969, pp . 477-478) ,
I raise the indicated total to 18 .9 billion rubles in order to allow fo r
subsidies . This is 9 .3 percent of the Soviet
49a .
50 .
51 .
20
For Western countries, reference is to defense and spac e
R and D that is government funded and supposedly represents activitie s
that are " directly related to military purposes . "
calculate . On the other hand, allowance ' for possible biases referred t o
below, n . 26 and p . 00, would have a contrary affect . In the summar y
tabulation in the text, I assume that the adjustment rate for natura l
resource exhaustion that was derived for 1970-75 applied to each sub-interva l
considered .
19 A chief source of incomparability in the R and D expenditure
data is the exclusion of capital expenditures from U .S . totals . Depreciation ,
however, is apparently included in R and D outlays of the U .S . busines s
enterprise sector . With the exclusion of investment in construction ,
the Soviet R and D ratio for 1965 falls to 2 .4 and for 1975 to 3 . 2
percent .
higher education . Such outlays are omitted from data for the Unite d
States and some other Western countries . On the other hand, the Sovie t
data are probably less inclusive than most Western data in respect o f
outlays for the development of prototypes . On the comparative scope o f
Soviet and Western Rand D data, see Nimitz (1974) ; Nolting (Sept ., 1973) ;
OECD) (1977) ; Campbell (1978) .
wit h
achieve comparability / Western data . The result should be broadl y
indicative of the size of Soviet allocactions to defense and spac e
relatively to those in the West .
21
54 .
a restrictive en -
also Manevich
al
growth of inputs .
26
It remains to say that Soviet Imports of Western machinery hav e
been relatively very small through much of the period studied, though ther e
1955 .
56 .
27An
.4 = .146 x 2 .9) .
readily seen, it would vanish if the growth of employmen t
..
56a
57 .
31
rates of growsh o f
Here are the annual percentage/ " science " and new fixe d
58 .
Appendi x
Sources and Methods for Table 1
1.
Gross product .
(a) Employment .
this i s
For all sectors,/civilian employment plus th e
in 1970 .
For both all and material sectors, I assume hours in 1975 averaged th e
same as in I974 . For all sectors, I also adjust the resulting variatio n
to allow for the fact that in the case of services changes in hours ten d
to have no effect on calculated output .
59 .
osnovnye fondy i n
TSU (1961, p . 85), TSU (1971, p . 60), TSU (1973, p . 60), TSU (1978, p . 41) .
The Soviet data refer to fixed capisal gross of depreciation and cover ,
among other things, draft and productive livestock . For material sectors ,
reference is to fixed capital as represented by corresponding officia l
dasa for " productive " sectors .
is
4. Farm land. This/ sown area as given in TSU (1961, p . 387), TSU (1966 ,
p . 284), TSU (I978, p . 224) .
5. Factor share weights . The underlying absolute data, which ar e
follow
intended to refer to 1970,/ (billions of rubles) :
Al l
sectors
Materia l
sector s
Labor
202 .1
161 . 2
Capital
I05 .2
84 . 1
16 .1
16 .1
Farm land
For all sectors, the labor share is obtained as the income of households ,
currently earned, less imputed net rents, plus social security charges, a s
given in CIA (Nov . 1975, pp . 3, I0) . For capital, I allow a 12 percen t
also allow this rate on livestock for fattening and young livestock, a s
given in ibid .,
Reference s
Abbreviation s
CIA : Central Intelligence Agenc y
JEC : Joint Economic Committee, United States Congres s
OECD : Organization for Economic Cooperation and Developmen s
TSU : Tsentral'noe statisticheskoe upravlenie
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