Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2015 John Wiley & Sons A/S. Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd
ACTA PSYCHIATRICA SCANDINAVICA
Auwera3, H. Matschinger4,5,
S. E. Baumeister3,*,
M. C. Angermeyer6,7,*
1
Signicant outcomes
Attitudes towards persons with mental illness become more negative with growing age in all birth
cohorts in Germany.
Against a backdrop of loneliness and higher suicide rates, stigma might have particularly grave consequences in old-age. Older people should thus receive the full attention of antistigma eorts that
have so far largely focused on young persons.
Limitation
Being conducted in Germany, this rst ageperiodcohort analysis of attitudes towards persons with
mental illness is likely valid only for Western industrialized countries.
Introduction
Schomerus et al.
However, attitudes may also change over the
course of life: a review of studies examining social
distance towards persons with mental illness found
age associated with negative attitudes towards persons with mental illness in most countries, older
people expressing more negative attitudes than
younger individuals (6). So far, however, this phenomenon has received little attention. Given the
cross-sectional nature of most studies, it remained
unclear whether the correlation of age and negative
attitudes reects a true age eect, or whether it represents a cohort eect based on improving tolerance towards persons with mental illness in
younger cohorts.
Trend studies using repeated cross-sectional surveys within the same population have so far
focused on time period eects on the prevalence of
stigmatizing attitudes (for example refs. 3, 7). Period eects reect general attitude changes within a
specic time frame, caused for example by economic or societal changes, but potentially also by
population wide antistigma campaigns. These
studies used age as a control variable to account
for demographic changes between surveys, but in
doing so, separating the contribution of age,
cohort and period was not possible. Disentangling
age, cohort and period eects is methodologically
challenging because of the perfect collinearity of
the three time variables (period = cohort + age).
Hence, although the respondents age is controlled
for in most and elicited in virtually all population
studies on attitudes towards mental illness, age or
cohort eects have so far not been examined specically. We do not know whether stigmatizing
attitudes towards persons with mental illness
change regularly over the course of life, nor have
we identied whether they follow a cohort pattern.
A potential role of age in stigma has not been conceptualized.
Knowing whether attitudes towards persons
with mental illness do in fact worsen with growing
age is important given the massive demographic
change towards an ageing society in western industrialized countries. Attitudes of older persons are
becoming more inuential because their share of
the general population is growing (8). If attitudes
towards persons with mental illness deteriorate
over the life span, the average level of tolerance
towards persons with mental illness in a society
will decline simply because the proportion of older
persons increases. Higher stigma in old-age could
aggravate the problem of high suicide rates among
older persons: recent studies show a link between
high stigma levels, high suicide rates and low helpseeking (911), which could be of particular relevance in older persons (12, 13). A true age eect in
2
Using data from three repeated cross-sectional surveys in Germany, we want to nd out whether stigmatizing attitudes towards persons with mental
illness increase with age, and to what extent they
follow a cohort pattern.
Our study is based on data from three methodologically identical population-based cross-sectional
surveys among German citizens aged 18 years and
over conducted in 1990, 2001 and 2011, results of
which have been published previously (1, 16, 17).
In all surveys, samples were drawn using an identical random sampling procedure with three stages:
(i) sample points (electoral wards), (ii) households,
and (iii) individuals within the target households.
Target households within the sample points were
determined according to the random route procedure, that is, a street was selected randomly as a
starting point from which the interviewer followed
a set route through the area (18). Target individuals within households were selected using random
digits. Informed consent was considered to have
been given when individuals agreed to complete
the interview. Fieldwork was carried out by GETAS (Hamburg) in 1990 and by USUMA (Berlin) in
2001 and 2011. Data in 1990 were gathered in two
waves, wave 1 in the old German states (April
1990) and wave 2 in the new German states
(November 1990) shortly after reunication.
Our combined study sample from all surveys consisted of 7954 participants. 119 participants had
missing values in one of the analysed variables.
The nal study sample thus included 7835 participants, 3925 receiving the schizophrenia vignette
(1990: N = 873; 2001: N = 2438; 2011: N = 614),
3910 subjects receiving the depression vignette
(1990: N = 802; 2001: N = 2500; 2011: N = 608).
As in both samples from 1990, the population
from the old (West-) German states was underrepresented, we weighted this sample to arrive at a
proportion of 80:20 for old and new German states
for the schizophrenia and depression sample
respectively. This is representative of the overall
German population and identical to the old/newproportions in the samples from 2001 and 2011.
The stigma of mental illness has been conceptualized as a cognitive and emotional process that
results in separation, status loss and discrimination
of aected persons (14). Most studies use the desire
for social distance as a measure of discriminatory
attitudes (6). Social distance scales measure willingness to engage in various everyday activities
with a person with mental illness. In this study, we
use a scale developed by Link et al. (19), encompassing the following social situations: rent a
room, work together, have as neighbour, let take
care of a little child, have marry into family, introduce to friends, recommend for a job. With the
help of ve-point Likert scales, respondents could
indicate to what extent they were willing or unwill-
Schomerus et al.
Table 1. Number of subjects of each age group at each period
Age
1990
2001
2011
402
517
489
340
401
289
76
93
114
104
120
107
439
523
441
356
443
298
79
97
116
112
93
111
Schizophrenia
In the combined sample, age at examination ranged from 18 to 93, birth-cohort from 1900 to 1993
and social distance from 0 to 28. Table 1 shows
the number of individuals in each age group for
1990, 2001 and 2011.
In both linear and nonlinear PLS, a two components model showed better model t than a
one-component model for schizophrenia and
depression. We thus report results for the two components models only. The results for the linear PLS
regressions are shown in Table 2. The model with
two PLS components explained 2.46% of the variance (R2) in social distance for schizophrenia and
2.28% for depression (one-component model:
schizophrenia R2 = 1.65%; depression R2 = 2.10%).
Age effects
For both disorders, the linear model showed a signicant age eect (Table 2): Independent from
4
Coefficient
Age (years)
Cohort (years)
Period (1990 ref.)
2001
2011
R2
95% CI
Depression
Coefficient
95% CI
0.032
0.000
0.025, 0.040
0.006, 0.007
0.031
0.022
0.025, 0.038
0.028, 0.017
1.528
0.995
2.46%
1.140, 1.868
0.580, 1.380
0.435
0.612
2.28%
0.005, 0.834
0.195, 0.971
Linear models showed a cohort eect in depression, but not in schizophrenia (Table 2). Persons
born in later years exhibited lower social distance
towards a person suering from depression
( 0.021 per year), irrespective of age and period
eects. Comparing the earliest and most recent
birth-cohorts (1900 and 1993), this eect cumulated to a dierence of 2.0.
In our nonlinear models, a Wald test conrmed
a nonlinear relationship between birth-cohort and
Summarizing our ndings, our study shows a consistent age eect in depression and schizophrenia.
Over the life span, there is a considerable increase
of social distance towards persons with mental illness, irrespective of time period or birth-cohort.
Cohort eects, in contrast, dier between disorders. While attitudes towards a person with schizophrenia were similar across birth-cohorts, attitudes
towards a person with depression became more
tolerant in younger cohorts until the 1970 cohort,
but then deteriorated again. Our ndings also conrm the previously observed period eect of rising
social distance particularly towards persons with
schizophrenia, this increase occurring predominantly between 1990 and 2001 (1).
Before discussing the implications of our ndings, the limitations of our study have to be considered. First, focusing on time variables and social
distance, our study did not account for other predictors of social distance such as certain illness
Schomerus et al.
formation of attitudes than time and age eects. A
reason for this dierence could be that symptoms
of depression are closer to everyday experiences,
making their perception more amenable to dierences in cultural framing. Symptoms of schizophrenia, in contrast, are outside most peoples
everyday experiences and are perceived equally
strange and frightening regardless of subtle cultural changes across dierent birth-cohorts. Our
ndings demonstrate that current eorts to
improve attitudes of young persons need to intensify and improve. A more tolerant cultural climate
with regard to mental illness among younger
cohorts does not seem easily accomplished in both
depression and schizophrenia.
Why do attitudes towards persons with mental
illness worsen over the life span? Two general models describe changes of attitudes during the course
of life, the impressionable years model and the
life-long openness model (30). The impressionable years model postulates that attitudes change
particularly in young years and then remain relatively stable (31). This model would explain cohort
eects in attitudes towards mental illness and is
consistent at least with our ndings regarding
depression. However, the impressionable years
model clearly does not explain the linear age eect
found in both disorders. The second model, the
lifelong openness model (30) postulates that people are open to attitude change lifelong, depending
on their personal experiences (32). Generally, this
is more consistent with our data, but it still
remains unclear why attitudes change to the worse.
Previous research has shown that experience of
mental illness and contact to people with mental
illness are generally associated with more tolerant
attitudes and not with a stronger desire for social
distance (16); hence, accumulating personal experience with mental illness over the life span should
not increase social distance. However, as mentioned among the limitations of this study, we were
unable to control our models for personal contact
with people with mental illness.
Two dierent perspectives on attitudes and
social behaviour over the life span may explain our
results. First, studies of political attitudes have
consistently found growing conservatism with
growing age. A cross-sectional study of 30 000 persons in the U.S. found a sharp increase in conservative attitudes particularly between age 40 and 60
(33). Growing social distance towards a person
with symptoms of mental illness who is behaving
in a non-conforming manner might thus reect
more conservative attitudes.
The second observation explaining our ndings
is more closely linked to the actual content of the
6
Declaration of interest
GS reports having received speakers honoraria from Lundbeck. MCA reports Lecturer fees from AstraZeneca, JanssenCilag, Eli Lilly, and Pzer. Research grants from GlaxoSmithKline and Lundbeck. All other authors declare no potential conict of interest.
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Appendix
Vignette schizophrenia