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Editorial
Jaan Valsiner
Aalborg University, Denmark
Abstract
This Editorial is a leftoveror maybe a dessertfrom my recent treatise on how
cultural psychology can lead the rest of the discipline out of the loops of dust-bowl
qualitative empiricism1 that is beginning to take form in the social sciences. Cultural
psychology of today operates at the intersection of these social tendencies, running the
risk of being caught in the middle. One of the results of active positivism-bashing and
witch-hunt on dualisms that has gone on for the past half-century is a qualitative
turn in the social sciences. While that turn restores the focus on context-bound
original phenomena as its empirical object, it remains as uninventive in the theoretical
realm as its declared opponents ended up being. It has simply replaced the focus of the
inductive generalization exercise from the field of quantified phenomena (as data) to
that of qualitative descriptions (some rich, some poor) that leave the illusion of
understanding based on our common sense, but do not lead the field into new theoretical breakthroughs. The unique feature of cultural psychologyin all of its various
versionsis the focus on complex human meaning systems. Analysis of such systems
requires a new look at methodology. It is demonstrated how this new look is actually a
historically old onereplacing the primacy of inductive generalization by the dynamics
of generalization that takes place between deductive and inductive lines, with a special
hope for the use of abductive processes.
Keywords
Methodology Cycle, catalysis, movement, innovation
Newer modes of manifestation cannot be stated in atomic terms without doing violence to the more synthetic modes which observation reveals. The qualities of ower
or fruit, for example, cannot be accounted for, much less predicted, from the chemical
formulas of processes going on in the tissue of the fruit tree.
Corresponding author:
Jaan Valsiner, Neils bohr Professor of Cultural Psychology, Aalborg University, Kroghstrde 3, 4.219,
DK-9220, Aalborg, Denmark.
Email: jvalsiner@gmail.com
A method is therefore called for which will take account of this something left over
and above the quantitative, something which presents new phases as the genetic
progression advances.
(Baldwin, 1930, pp.78)
James Mark Baldwin was wise. Trying all his life to understand the developmental
complexity of higher psychological functionsfrom the perspective of his generic
logic (Baldwin, 1915, 2010), he understood acutely the utility of the use of quantication in psychology as a social panacea for appearing scientic.
Nowalmost a century laterwe in psychology have actively failed to listen to
his voice. Instead, we play the game of creating ever new measures of evercomplex (and ephemeral) psychological variables, analyze the results of such
measurements through ever-new (and increasingly modular) standard packages
of data analyses (where we do not precisely know what happens in these packages),
and publish the results in peer-reviewed high impact journals. Psychology has
become an arena for a complex social game of a fashion of appearing scientic at
the expense of alienation of the data from the phenomena and the data makers
from the theoretical and philosophical issues that were fundamental concerns for
their predecessors at Baldwins time.
Baldwins understanding of the mist between psychological phenomena and
the operation of assigning numbers to these was based on two aspects of his
heritagesystematic emphasis on development and the recognition of the holistic
systemic nature of the developing systems. His contemporary traditions of
Ganzheitspsychologie (Diriwachter, 2013) provided him with further support in
the rejection of the whole systems that develop into their constituent elements. It
was in the very end of his lifeafter two decades long enforced exit from the
academic lifethat in 1930 he reached the seemingly devastating conclusion
that quanticationat least in the form of assigning real numbers to qualitative
phenomena (Rudolph, 2013)is invalid for the science of psychology.
Of course nobody listened to the musings of the old and morally discredited
man, and psychology since 1930 has become increasingly quantied. Yet, the problems of that favorite pastimeassigning numbers and using increasingly sophisticated (read: alienating) data analyses techniquesof normal science (in Kuhnian
sense) has its clear limits that have been pointed out in elaborate ways (Michell,
1997; Molenaar, 2004; Toomela & Valsiner, 2010). However, the empirical enterprise of contemporary psychology moves ahead in its usual locally reective ways,
so the constructive critiques of the epistemic practices in the eld are easily
passed by.
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quality that stands behind the quantity as a given, and governs quantityallowing
dierent amounts of it to occur under dierent circumstances. Through that
actsecond reversal of the dominance within the sign pair (quality<>quantity)we arrive at a new qualitywhich is that of being high (or low) in
the given quality (cheating). Quantitative gradations become qualitative entities
high cheaters are morally wrong and low cheaters can become morally
right if they repent and restrict their cheating tendency. As a result, a framework of new essentialist characters projected into the human mind is created.
Psychology is lled with constructed entities believed to be essences of the
human mind. In reality, psychology here has only demonstrated its capacity to
generate new signsthe common sense term (cheating) becomes substituted by a
measure of cheating that is supposed to be scientic. Such making of science is
akin to making narratives about miracles. Such narratives look realistic and are
functional in our everyday lives. Yet they are cultural constructionsmade available through our use of signs. Our pet dogno matter how she or he wags her or
his tailis unlikely to interpret us in terms of our personality characteristics.
But we ourselves do.
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were going on in the second half of the 19th century. In his Principles of Psychology
(published rst in 1890), he both overviewed the knowledge of his time and pointed
to a number of critical features of that knowledge. His concerns remain valid also
in our times.
First of all, James observed, psychologists of his time trusted the use of common
language, to the point where the meanings of the words were taken as if these were
the phenomena to which these words commonly refer. The naming of a psychological state is not the same as the state itselfI feel angry is not the same as the
feeling that triggered such signication, but a state of saying-I-feel-angry (James,
1950, p. 190). This feature is captured in the minimal hierarchy of sign constructionthe sign that represents some experience is of meta-level relative to the
experience, and succeeds the experience in irreversible time.4
James formulated this methodological concern as psychologists fallacy
concisely. It is
. . . the confusion of his own standpoint with that of the mental fact about which he is
making his report. (James, 1950, p. 196)
This fallacy of psychologists has led to various eorts to overcome it, all of
which have failed. The behavioral credoof creating the clear distinction of the
observed from the observer (the observed behaves, the observer describes the
behavior) was a sincere but na ve eort to solve James (and psychologys) problem. Borrowing computer metaphors for the description of mental processesas
cognitive science has perfectedmaintains the distinction allowing for mentalistic
description of phenomena but keeping to distanced mechanical description in the
explanations. Projecting the computer metaphor into the human mind reverses the
history of the precedenceminds created computers, not vice versa.
In contrast, a new eort to develop methodology that would match the complexity and dynamicity of human psychological phenomena is the next frontier for
the science of cultural psychology. We need to honor William James critiques of
the psychology of his time by solving the problems that have remained with us over
a hundred yearsin new ways. A way to it is explicit acceptance of the complexity
of the phenomena, and adjusting methodology to it, rather than forcing the
phenomena to t our consensually validated methods:
If we take seriously the notion of holistic empirical investigation, then we must begin
holistically, re-establishing the indissoluable ties between theory, method and procedure and resisting the manualization of research procedures. We must also learn to
develop theories of relations and not simply of elemental properties. Such theories
must concern particular units, elds, or systems of relations and not to be reduced to,
or interpreted in the terms of, other systems. Methodologically, this kind of unit
analysis requires a research situation that is functionally equivalent to the phenomena
being modeled and thus also requires more contextualized and dynamic observational
techniques and environments. (Clegg, 2009, pp.174175)
Thinking in science should survive manualizationand relevant social representations such as objectivity, methodology, and data need to be clearly
conceptualized.
Thus, objectivity is a moral value, rather than a state of aairs that stands out all by
itself. The call for purity through objectivityencoded into numbers and analyzed
statisticallyhas thus proliferated in the social sciences beyond the bounds of
rationality. Morality discourses are politicaland in the case of ethics of objectivity in the social sciences, it is the role of these discourses in the guidance of what
we are supposed to want to know.
If we were to claim that objectivity involves reliance on facts, the same question
remainswhat is a fact? What is the meaning of the data? A refreshing answer
for this is:
Historically the concepts of data and facts came into language around the 16th century. Although they are generally used synonymously today, data and facts are
derived from dierent etymological roots. Datum means literally a thing given or
grantedles donnees in French. Factum means things done or performed. The
German word for fact implies a thing doneTatsache. The Latin verb facere, to
do, is the root of factum as well as of feat, manufacture, factory. Data are thus
given to things, not thoughts. Datum and factum are past participles, referring to
the nished past. (Kvale, 1976, p. 91)
The nished nature of the facts and data are a natural result of our inquiry as it
is delimited within irreversible time. Yet, science is not collecting facts and classifying these into pre-established categories. Instead, science explores new knowledgewhich, from its beginning, is not knowledge at all. It may be an insight,
Valsiner
a hint, a hypothesisbut not a fact. The scientic enterprise in knowledge construction precedes the establishment of facts, and facts are linked with the theoretical contexts in which they were generated. We need to understand the process of
knowledge constructionwhich happens through the methodology process.
(a)
(b)
All explanation for
psychological phenomena
Is made by attribution to
here: MIND or BRAIN
10
Environment
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11
Not establishing such ties is impossible for an open system, but selective ways of
establishing these are the relevant information about the system.
2. The nature of the environment (structured, quasi-structured, random, etc.)
what it could aord the system that is establishing relations with it?
12
3. The expectationsencoded both into the psyche and the environmentof different social others that are expected to orient the System<>Environment
relations. These can include immediate actions by others (e.g. mother to child in
a church be quiet!), set-up explicit signs in the environment (e.g. an instruction Silence! at the entrance to a church), or historically formed signs that
guide the relation with the environment in macro-time (e.g. the architectural
features of a church that emphasize the notion of it being a special place and
other social representations encoded into multiple sign forms).
4. The goal orientations of the given person, dealing with oneself (1), the structure
of the environment (2), and the social guidance (3).
Valsiner
13
Science starts from intuitionalbeit one that is educated in the process of initiation into social practices of science (see center of Figure 4). The ways how such
initiation works diers across disciplines. The educated intuition is in the very core
of all science. The rst question for a researcher iswhat research questions are
worthwhile to ask in the rst place. Intuition here comes rstyet it is educated,
not na ve, andnot pure. There are many layers of personalcultural needs that
turn an ordinary person into a scientist. Here, the scientist and artist function
similarlythe emergence of an idea is hidden somewhere in the internal innity
of our mind.
Methodology is in the center of our knowledge creation. Yet it is an ambiguous
termoften considered to be a synonym of method. I keep strictbut
inclusiveseparation of the twomethod is part of methodology, but the
latter cannot be reduced to it. Figure 4 presents a model of methodology that
has been the core in my building up the system of semiotic cultural psychology
(Branco & Valsiner, 1997). It is not a new idearather, it restores the basic notion
of methodology as a system of generalizing thought to psychology at large and
cultural psychology in its unique form. The latter is of holistic kinddisallowing
the breakdown of the whole into elements. Instead, we will examine particular
mutual relations within the cycle and spell out their implications.
14
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15
16
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17
18
Items like this can be given to subjects with dierent pre-set response
templatesTRUE versus FALSE, or a Likert scale between these two
options. If the response is TRUE (or FALSE), it becomes analyzed as if it
represented the real self-reection of an internal quality of the person. That is
consistent with the intra-individual reference frame.
However, if we now shift to the Individual-Socioecological reference frame, the
seemingly simple statement about oneself becomes quite complex. Dierent
emphases and contextualizations can be given to dierent parts of the statement:
a. I am easily bothered by people making demands in me (P ! E);
b. I am easily bothered by people making demands on me (P E);
c. I am easily bothered [BUT I WANTOR NOT WANTTO BE!] by people
making demands on me (P ! {P<>E}]; and
d. I am easily bothered [BUT OTHERS SAY I SHOULDOR SHOULD
NOTBE!] by people making demands on me (O ! {P<>E}].
A quadruplet structure like the one shown here replaces a unitary question of a
regular questionnaire. Either outcome answertrue or false (oreven
worsequantication of that opposition on a scale) is a result of a microgenetic
process that involves all four foci.
So, instead of a study of personality, we have here a study of the adaptation
process of a person as a whole to the structure of ones environment. Traditional
personality psychology makes the attribution of causality for human conduct to
some imaginary personality characteristicspsychologys equivalent to ether or
phlogiston in physics or chemistry. The cultural psychology of semiotic mediation
would turn the research question from ontological statements (I am bothered by
X, Y, Z) into under what conditions would the meaning I am bothered emerge
Valsiner
19
at all in ones encounter with the social world. And, furthermore, once it
emergeshow is it circumventedafter all, we create meanings that make our
encounters unpleasant, but we learn to neutralize these.
Methods of movement
What our Methodology Cycleas applied to cultural phenomenaleads to is the
focus on human activities in constant movement. Our psychological functions
operate as we movewalk, run, drive, dance, or even sleep. We move between
home and workplace or school. We go on a pilgrimage (Beckstead, 2012)or to a
psychologist, which itself is also a kind of a pilgrimage. Rarely are we in a static
positionsit down and act in ways expected from us in psychology laboratories
20
or classrooms. Such periods of staying in one place are pauses between movementsthey are the context within which innovationan act of
movementoccurs.
If method construction in cultural psychology were to remain tting psychological phenomena, the primacy of the persons-on-the-move would need to be
encoded into the ways in which methods are constructed. In cultural psychology,
the key feature is the regulation by signsand hence the methods need to demonstrate how the presence of signs organizes the psyche. This is best observable when
the previous organizational form is either demolished or made dicult to be put to
work in real life. The testing conditions start from the top.
Figure 5 illustrates the basic focus of empirical investigative tactic in cultural
psychology of semiotic dynamics. The subject is givenor is discovered to have
ones ownspecic goal direction (moving11 from position A to position B).
Once the subject has begun the move, the researcher either detects (in natural
conditions) or inserts (in experimental conditions) a meaning that suggests or
demands the opposite to the suggested and started move. This conictbetween
established and sought-for goal, and the border that prohibits access to it (meaning block in Figure 5) triggers the microgenetic process of adaptation to the
changed situation.12 It can entail boundary behaviorstruggling against the
border, trying to break through the barrier; or exiting from the setting, or,
likewise, bypassing the barrier reaching the goal. The process of meanings-based
construction is expected to reveal the basic psychological processes that are
involved in human ways of adapting to the environment and of the environment
to oneself. In that process, semiotic mediating devicessigns and cultural tools
come into use in specic time moments.
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21
22
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23
Here in a brief statement, we have backward reference to actual activity in the past
(reading forbidden books) that implies the contrast to what she did not do (refrain
from reading such books) and the forward impact onto the act nowopening a
book (without reading it yet) rather than not opening it (an alternative that would
avoid the tension in the making). She still opens the book and immediately passes
judgment on it on the basis of the past real event that involved crossing boundary
(forbidden). The impact of the past tension re-constructs new tension, in the new
act. Figure 7 provides a generic structure of TEM.
The consideration that the real and the imaginary are equalyet distinguishedsources for psychological data derivation. This feature keeps the TEM
method apart from other ways of looking at life-course trajectories. The latter take
stock of the actualized pasts, orif looking into the futureabout the expected to
be actualized future (e.g. any inquiry into adolescents future life plans).
Furthermore, descriptions of life course trajectories of the actualized past (and
future) fail to consider the central point of the immediate presentwhere the
future is being negotiated. The TEM model does, it is located in the present (however miniscule time moment it may bea microsecond or a year), querying peoples looking forward (pre-factum) and backward (post-factum) in their subjective
lives (inquiry into internal innity) through their social life events (external
innity).
Since all moments of the present are those of an individual person, the TEM
model is an example of application of idiographic science (Salvatore & Valsiner,
2010). It is universal in its schemeTEM model captures any process of negotiation of past and future, for any individual person in the World, being centered in
the movement onwards from the here-and-now state. Yet, its material is
uniquethe phenomena of the vanishing present are not only individual features
of the person but also transient events within the life of the person. We here have a
unity of the universal model that maps onto the absolute uniqueness of every life
moment. Generality is expressed in the constant production of noveltya point that
24
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25
Funding
The writing of this Editorial was supported by the Niels Bohr Professorship grant from the
Danish Ministry of Science and Technology.
Notes
1. To appear as Valsiner, J. (2014) Invitation to cultural psychology. London, England: Sage.
2. A real life example of this process is the fate of the notion of intelligencesince the 1920s,
it has become defined through the method that is devised to measure it.
3. This tension has led to the post-modernist denial of the possibility for generalization and
consideration of knowledge as always local (e.g. Geertz, 1983).
4. While it is true that James allows for temporal co-existence of the experience and its
naming (1950, p. 190, footnote)in the case of enduring experience (e.g. feeling
depressed can last long, including in time the claim I feel depressed)the meta-level
nature of sign mediation relative to the object of such mediation remains in place.
Hundred years and more have not changed the situation in psychologythe displacement of the original phenomena by the labels (words, ratings, etc.) attributed to them
remains the confusing hindrance for psychological science.
26
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27
constricted version of normal distribution. Variability amplification is the opposite process that moves outwards from the normal distribution and generates ever-new forms
that may expand the distribution and alter its form.
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Author biography
Jaan Valsiner is the Niels Bohr Professor of Cultural Psychology at Aalborg
University in Denmark, and Professor of Psychology and English at Clark
University, USA. He is the founding editor (1995) of the Sage journal, Culture
& Psychology and Editor-in-Chief of Integrative Psychological and Behavioral
Sciences (Springer, from 2007). In 1995 he was awarded the Alexander von
Humboldt Prize for his interdisciplinary work on human development.