Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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F. Graeme Chalmers
Assistant Professor, Department of Fine Arts,
Sir George Williams University, Montreal.
Art serves as an aid in identifying social
position. Adrian Gerbrands,1 a Dutch
anthropologist , posits that the social status
aspect is the most common function of art,
excepting the religious one. In this paper
some historical , ethnological, and contemporary aspects of this phenomena will be
examined.
The maintenance of a hierarchical social
structure seems to directly encourage the
development of certain art objects. Where a
society has developed to include presidents,
kings, the priesthood, etc. as established institutions, there appears to have arisen the
need to express and strengthen these social
positions through symbols such as crests,
monuments, insignias, seals, and wearing
apparel. The carved house fronts of the New
Zealand Maori, the totem poles of the Northwest Coast Indians, and the elaborate headdresses of the Plains Indians each symbolized
the status of the " owners " in their societies.
Egyptian funerary art is a similar example
of conspicuous display. Wingert2 reports that
302
303
Despite folk art and a tradition of craftsmanship, the Puritans in America thought the fine
arts to be a frill in life essentially the avocation of the idle and rich. We might say that
what has been described in other places as
a "new renaissance in American culture"
(I would ask when was the old one?) may be
said to have been caused by a dec lining
Puritanism. However, the "protestant Work
Ethic" wh ich viewed life as a struggle to
attain economic prosperity has contributed in
part to this " renaissance." By indulging their
appetite for the arts (i.e. by casually placing
an impressively heavy art book along with
Christmas tickets to the " Nutcracker" on a
coffee table in a " family room" hung with
impressionist reproductions ) status seeke rs in
the North American middle class can suggest
that they are , in fact, attaining economic
prosperity.
In his study on the nature of art publics,
Watson 9 used the attendance reco rds of the
1913 Amory show to formulate a typology of
art publics. Watson gives the following
description of the "status-seekin g group :"
The interest in art as tar as this public is
concerned is patently a disguise for attaining values that have nothing to do with art.
Members may seek to associate with
artists and may even collect their works,
yet neither the artists nor the works are in
fact the ends pursued. It is, instead, the
feeling of status that they feel can be
gained from such associations and activities and for this reason , such people are
called "s tatus-seekers. " The negativism of
this public is derived from their lack of
commitment to art; their concern is to be
among the avant-garde of taste. In consequence, there is a perpetual need to
change artistic loyalties as new artists and
new movements manifest themselves.
304
by reason of his talents. "How far this distinction goes is a minor matter. It may vary
from modest app reciation in his own family
circle or village community to a privi leged
position at the court of the oba of Benin."
Some Western artists d isclaim their role in
the dealer-collect or business. Instead they
see art as the great equal izer and wish to
share their vi sions and experience with the
"common man." Cindy Nemser12 states that
for many young artists:
... collecting and connoisseurs hip are
abhorrent activities, symptomatic of the
evils everywhere apparent in our materialistic, object oriented culture. These artists
refuse to make objects that will be treasured as examples of virtuosity and expert
craftsmanship , or contemplated as icons of
pure sensibility. They are no longer
interested in creating decorations for the
eyes of the rich and privileged. Art, to
them, is not meant to be savoured only by
those on the art scene or by people
affluent enough to muster up the price of
admission to the Museum of Modern Art.
They want to make an art that will speak
of universal experience, an art that is
accessible to all, an art that tears down
barriers between art and life. This kind of
art, they believe, must burst the tight
confines of museums and galleries and
reach out to everyman.
sold." (b) "By producing works so uncompromisingly big, stark and unwieldy that no
bourgeois could seek to use them as flattering decor or status symbols. (c) "By producing
works of an impersonal or non-gestural
character which lend themselves to massproduction, and which, therefore, everyone
can own rather than just the wealthy elite."
The avant-garde is thus producing work
which is fundamentally democratic in character designed for consumption by all.
Art, then , has a specifically economic aspect
which philosophers may have tended to
ignore as isolated from, and irrelevant to, the
meaning of art. Louis Harap wrote that
philosophers " ... have too little understood
how the economic permeates all aspects of
the creative process. In the past sociologists
have viewed art as the expression of the
artist's milieu or of vague " racial" or "social
forces." Only the materialists, he states,
The Intersection
William Kluba, 1974
305
the prestige and power of the owner obviously influences the way we perceive art
objects and the activity of artists. For the
creator a work of art may be a means of making money and winning fame, prestige and
social power. For a good many dealers and
museums, as well as collectors, art consists
entirely of valuable objects for purposes of
investment and display. In mankind there
seems to be an innate desire to display one's
achievements. Evidences of vanity and
prestige-seeki ng can be found in the most
ancient archaeological records.
In my paper " The Study of Art in a Cultural
Context" which is to be published in the
Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism I take
scholars in aesthetics and art criticism to task
because they often " are inclined to conceive
of the work of art as an isolated object, as if
the social setting for which it is created and
in which it is presented were merely accidental. "ls I will not reiterate my argument here.
My own inquiry into the nature of art, and
into talk about the "why" of art , and into talk
about the talk about the why of art, of which
my concerns about the visual arts and social
status are but a part, have indicated that
visual art is useful for a number of social and
institutional purposes. For example, art may
have a pivotal role in transmitting, sustaining,
and changing culture as well as in decorating
and enhancing the environment. Art directly
and indi rectly may bolster the morale of
groups to create unity and social solidarity
and also may create awareness of social
issues and lead to social change. Art may
serve as an aid in identifying social position
and can be considered as a commodity that
may increase the power and prestige of the
owner. Art may express and reflect religious,
political , economic, technological , leisure and
play aspects of cu lture. At times the artist
may be a magician, teacher, mythmaker,
sociotherapist, interpreter, enhancer and
decorator, ascriber of status, propagandist
and catalyst of social change. In a culture
the predominance of any aspect and the role
of the artist are conditioned by the particu lar
values of that culture.
Unti l we are presented with further information we must hold the aesthetic attitude to be
a social phenomena dependent on the
inherited nature of the individual and his
culture. I believe aesthetic experience is a
result of enculturation and increasingly of
306
REFERENCES
1. Gerbrands, A. A. Art as an Element of Culture
Especially in Negro Africa. Minlsterie van Onderwijis, Kunsten en Wetenschappen mededelingen van
het Rijkmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Lelden. No. 12.
E. J . Brill, Leiden, 1957.
2. Wingert, Paul S. Primitive Art, Its Traditions and
Styles. Oxford University Press, New York. 1962.
3. Brown, Roger L. "The Creative Process in the Popular Arts" International Social Science Journal
20:4, 1967. pp. 613-24. (p. 615).
4. Toffler, Alvin. The Culture Consumers. Pelican,
Baltimore, 1964.
5. Dobbs, Stephen. " The Arts In America: Handmaiden to Commerce and Leisure". Unpublished
paper read at the National Art Education Association's Pacific Reg ional Conference, Portland, Oregon,
1970. (pp. 1-2).
6.
Ashton , Dore. "Here and There" Arts and Architecture 83:January, 1966. pp. 8-9. (p.8).
7. Harap, Loui s. Social Roots of the Arts. International Publishers, New York, 1949. (p.152).
8. Veblen, Thorstein . Theory of tha Leisure Class.
New York. 1899.
9. Watson, Bruce A "On the Nature of Art Publics"
International Social Science Journal 20:4, 1968
(p.675)
10 Lynes, Russell. "Art and the Affluent Society"
Canadian Art 18: September, 1961. pp. 301-5.
11. Gerbrands. op.cit. (p.133).
12. Nemser, Cindy. "Revolution of Artists " Art Journal
29:1, 1969. p.44
13. Sutherland, Roger. "Art and Democracy" Studio
International 176: December, 1968. p. 240.
14. Harap. op.cit.
15. Mitchells, K. " Work of Art in Its Social Setting and
in Its Aesthetic Isolation" Journal of Aesthetics
and Art Criticism 25:4, 1967. pp. 369-74. (p.369).
Night Flight
William Kluba, 1973