Farcical repetition of history

CID arrives at major breakthrough in Eknaligoda investigations

UPFA constituents aim at alternate alliance with SLFP going solo
MR yet to officially associate with minor parties alliance

Wednesday, October 14, 2015

There was a string of political assassinations targeting prominent Tamil
politicians during the first half of the Rajapaksa rule, starting from
November, 2005.
Nearly a month after former President Mahinda Rajapaksas ascension to
power, a prominent Tamil Parliamentarian was shot dead by a gunman
while attending a Christmas midnight mass at St. Mary's Church in
Batticaloa. Pararajasingham, a journalist turned politician, was identified by
many in the South for his pro-LTTE viewpoints and it was no secret that the
TNAs politics, at that juncture, was eclipsed by the military power of the
LTTE.
Government authorities dubbed Pararajasinghams assassination as a
mysterious political killing for which no party claimed responsibility. They
said only the Parliamentarians wife and his security officer, a Policeman
attached to the Battocaloa Police station, were aware of the
Parliamentarians decision to attend the midnight mass. His wife too was
among the eight people who were injured due to the attack.
St. Mary's Church is located in a former High Security Zone between two
important military camps in the East. There was ample military presence in
the area and it did not require a lot of wisdom to understand that the
culprits could only have escaped with the complicity of some members of

the security forces. The slain Parliamentarians family had blamed that a
certain paramilitary group operating in the East should be held responsible
for the killing.
Quite obviously, fingers were pointed at the group led by Vinayagamoorthi
Muralitharan alias Karuna, who defected from the LTTE in 2004. The second
in command of the Karuna group was Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias
Pilleyan who later fell out with Karuna and became the Chief Minister of the
Eastern Province.
It was common knowledge that Karunas group,
which later formed the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai
Puligal (TMVP) party, was hugely backed by the Sri
Lankan military. For obvious reasons, the Sri
Lankan military was playing the Karuna card
against Prabhakaran in an attempt to gain a
higher bargaining position in the faltering peace
process. Random killings were taking place across
the country and fingers were pointed at the LTTE
and paramilitary groups, backed by the Army. Pararajasingham, Nadaraja
Raviraj and T. Maheswaran were prominent Tamil politicians who got killed
amidst this smokescreen created by random killings.
Saturday night drama at Pilleyans Batticaloa residence
The controversy surrounding Pararajasinghams murder took a new turn
when the CID arrested two suspects last week in connection with the
incident. The two suspects were former Batticaloa Municipal Council
member Edwin Silva Krishnanandaraja alias Pradeep Master and Rangasami
kanaganayagam alias Gajan Mama. They were close associates of former
Eastern Province Chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias
Pilleyan. A few days after the arrest, suspicions were directed at the former
Chief Minister, an ex-militant of the LTTE, in connection with the murder.
A group of CID officers investigating into the matter left for Batticaloa on
Saturday afternoon in search of the former Chief Minister, who is now a
political non-entity. They first visited the personal residence of
Chandrakanthan to question him over the murder. To their disappointment,
the family members of the former Chief Minister informed the CID officer
that he was not home and they were unaware of his whereabouts. The CID
officers suspicions grew as they spotted the former Chief Ministers vehicle
parked near the house. That was an indication that Chandrakanthan was
attempting dodge the Police inquiry into the murder.

The CID then deployed a phalanx of security officers around the former
Chief Ministers house, expecting his return at any moment. Another
group visited Chandrakanthans brothers house to see if they had any
information about the politicians whereabouts. They said they too were
unaware of his movements.
At this point, the CID told Chandrakanthans family members to inform the
former Chief Minister to be present at the CID office on Sunday at 5.00 p.m.
There was some uncertainty on Sunday as to whether the former Chief
Minister would turn up for the questioning. While on his way to Colombo, he
informed the CID that he was coming. The former Chief Minister,
accompanied by his lawyer, arrived at the CID at 5.30 p.m. After the
questioning, the CID took measures to arrest the former Chief Minister
under a 72-hour detention order.
What requires emphasis is the fact that the killing took place when Karuna
and Pilleyan were together, after their defection from the LTTE. There were
speculations that at the time the killing took place the Karuna group had
some links with the members of the security forces. However, it is too early
even to speculate that members of the security forces are linked to
Pararajasinghams killing. While maintaining its links with the Army, the
Karuna group also waged a battle with the LTTE and Pararajasingham was a
supporter of the LTTE at the time.
Eknaligoda tortured for five days and murdered in Welikanda?
Investigations into Prageeth Eknaligiodas disappearance took a new turn
last week with the CID teams visiting the Girithale army camp where the
journalist had allegedly beenheld after his abduction, two days before the
Presidential election in 2010.
The CID has already taken into custody 11 members of the military
intelligence unit in connection with the journalists disappearance. The
majority of suspects who are presently in custody are ex-members of the
LTTE who defected from the organization with Karuna and Pilleyan. That
leaves space for outsiders to draw parallels between Eknaligodas
disappearance and other political killings such as Pararajasinghams
murder.
The CID also took the suspects into the Girithale camp, under the protection
of the military police. After perusing reports pertaining to the vehicle
movement at the camp during the period of abduction, the CID got the
suspects to identify the places where the journalist had allegedly been held.

According to highly placed Police sources, the journalist had been detained
at the Girithale army camp for more than five days. During the first two
days, he had been questioned over a booklet titled family tree and his
alleged associations with former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka who
was then a Presidential candidate. After questioning, the journalist had
been subjected to torture for nearly three days, a Police source who wished
to remain anonymous told the Daily News.
It has now been established that Eknaligoda had been detained at Girithale
with the knowledge of top military officers who were in charge of the camp.
It is also clear that senior officers who were handling military intelligence at
the time were also aware of the abduction and the subsequent
disappearance. As a result, several big names in the Army have already
come under the searchlights of investigators, sending ripples across the
countrys defence establishment.
The investigation teams have already found some evidence to suggest that
the journalist had been taken to Welikanda from the Girithale camp. But
nothing concrete has been established so far. Some suspect that the
journalist was killed in Welikanda. However, the CID is yet to officially
declare that the journalist, who was a vociferous critique of the Rajapaksa
rule, had been killed.
We already have evidence and information to take legal action against the
suspect for abducting the journalist. But, we need concrete evidence to
determine his fate. We need to know whether those who abducted the
journalist had killed him. Then, we will take legal action against culprits for
killing Eknaligoda. That is why the investigation has consumed a lot of time.
We dont want to come up with a half-baked prosecution, a senior official,
who is heavily involved in the investigation, told the Daily News.
The other challenge for the CID team is to identify the authority that
issued orders to disappear the journalist. Nothing has been transpired so
far about the person who issued the order as the suspects are keeping it as
a closely guarded secret. However, the Eknaligodas family had already
stated in public that a senior official, who was involved in the countrys
defence establishment over the past 10 years, should be held responsible
for the abduction. But, the CID investigations into the matter are solely
based on evidence.
Indecisiveness on LG polls
A strong sense of indecisiveness looms large over the Local Government
election scheduled for March. There is no decision so far on the electoral

system that will come into effect at the Local Government election. While
the President and the SLFP prefers the new electoral system, the UNP is
pushing for the current system. The Elections Department has told the
government that it can finalize delimitation within six months, if the
government decides to conduct the Local Government election under the
new electoral system.
Although the Prime Minister has said there is no reason to refrain from
holding the Local Government election in March, political circles in Colombo
are still not too certain about timelines of the election. However, the
postponement of the election is disadvantageous for the ruling party in
more ways than one. Under the present circumstances, only the UNP can be
identified as the ruling party as it has a majority stake in the national unity
government.
However, the Local Government election is now turning out to be a threecornered fight with the UPFA facing a split ahead of the election.
Weerawansa and co. attempt to revive 2004 strategy
A major step in this direction was the formation of a national movement
with the participation of several constituent parties of the UPFA. The prime
objective of this new alliance, titled National Movement to protect the
Motherland, is to oppose the governments commitment to conduct a war
crimes inquiry.
A discussion in this regard was held at the Abhayaramaya, the de facto
political office of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, on October 9 with
the participation of minor political parties of the UPFA. During the meeting,
the group decided to appoint Ven. Muruththettuwe Ananda Thera, Prof.
Induragare Dhammarathana Thera, Dr. Medagoda Abhayathissa Thera,
Bengamuwe Nalaka Thera and Fr. Sarath Hettiarachchi as the patrons of the
movement.
Mahajana Eksath Peramuna Leader and UPFA Parliamentarian Dinesh
Gunawardena has been appointed as the Chairman of the movement while
Prof. G. L. Peiris has been appointed as the Secretary. National Freedom
Front Leader and UPFA Parliamentarian Wimal Weerawansa is the National
Organizer of the movement.
Udaya Gammanpila has been appointed as the Cultural Affairs Secretary of
the organization while Gevindu Kumaratunga serving as its Administrative
Secretary. Parliamentarian Gamini Lokuge has been appointed as the
Treasurer.

The National Movement to Protect the Motherland has been formed as a

socio-political movement and one can easily draw parallels with this
movement and the Patriotic National Movement (PNM) formed in 2003 to
make way for the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA). Some who were
heavily involved in the affairs of the Patriotic National Movement (PNM)
were behind the formation of the National Movement to Protect the
Motherland.
It is important to examine the circumstances leading to the formation of the
Patriotic National Movement (PNM), a front organization for the UPFA.
Among the key figures involved in the formation of the movement were
Ven. Elle Gunawansa Thera, Wimal Weerawansa, Mangala Samaraweera,
Anura Bandaranaike and Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera. Wimal Weerawansa,
at that point, was the Propaganda Secretary of the JVP while Bandaranaike
and Samaraweera represented the SLFP-led Peoples Alliance.
The main objective behind the setting up of the PNM was to hinder the
peace process initiated by the UNP government in December 2005. The
PNM dubbed the entire peace process as a betrayal and mobilized masses
against it. As Weerawansa was heavily involved in the affairs of the PNM,
the JVPs the organizational strength was behind the movement and it also
had the backing of a section of the SLFP.
The LTTE was at the zenith of its military power at the time of the
movements formation. Although the organization was negotiating with the
government, they also strengthened their military apparatus, raising
serious doubts over its commitment to the peace process. The South was
suspicious over the bonafides of the LTTE and there was a strong criticism
that the government was soft-pedaling the LTTE matter. The PNM cashed in
on the fears of the South and consolidated their position in the countrys
socio-political sphere.
Twisted roles of Mangala and GL
Through public meetings, rallies and seminars, the organization stressed
the need for a patriotic political alliance to counter the peace process of
the UNP-led government. It laid the foundation to form the UPFA, an alliance
between the SLFP, the JVP and several other political parties in the
opposition. The UPFA was formed just months ahead of the Parliamentary
election in 2004 and the coalition managed to defeat the UNP with a margin
of nearly 20 seats. Wimal Weerawansa and Mangala Samaraweera played
decisive roles behind the formation of the coalition and it was led by the
then President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga.

The minor parties of the UPFA are now attempting to stage the same play
with some different characters, after a lapse of 12 years. Wimal
Weerawansa, has chosen to play an important role in the drama like in
2004, but he does not have the same strength he had in 2004 as the
Propaganda Secretary of the JVP. Dinesh Gunawardena, who played a
'supporting role' in the UPFAs formation in 2004, has become a key figure
in the new national movement.
Interestingly, Mangala Samaraweera, a key player in the PNM and the UPFA
in 2004, is playing a pivotal role in the countrys inquiry into war crimes
allegations and international humanitarian law violations. Former President
Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, now a Patron of the SLFP, is to head
the governments mission for national reconciliation and she has become a
staunch supporter of the war crimes inquiry. Arjuna Ranatunga, another
founding member of the PNM, is currently holding an important Cabinet
portfolio, under the national unity government.
In a strange twist of events, Prof. G.L. Peiris, a key member of the UNPs
governments negotiation team who earned the wrath of the likes of
Weerawansa, is a front-liner of the newly formed national movement. Prof.
Peiris, the chief architect of former President Kumaratungas power
devolution package in the mid-90s, has now reinvented himself as a
staunch nationalist with Sinhala-Buddhist leanings!
On the other hand, dynamics have shifted in an unimaginable way 12 years
after the UPFA's formation. The Rajapaksa government has militarily
crushed the LTTE, the biggest challenge the country faced at the time of the
UPFAs formation. Even the Tamil National Alliance has abandoned the idea
of a separate state and its leader has been appointed as the Opposition
Leader of the countrys legislature, positioning the party strongly in Sri
Lankas national politics. The impact of the Rajapaksa governments
military victory against the LTTE has lost its validity as the former President
overplayed it for his own political gains. The ultra-nationalist campaign,
which forms the ideological base of the new national government, suffered
defeat at two national level elections, within a period of nine months. It is
no longer a popular slogan as it used to be in 2004.
All the groups involved in the new movement are minor political parties that
do not have island-wide presence. The largest political party in the
movement, the NFF led by Weerawansa, has only five seats in Parliament.
As stand-alone entities outside the umbrella of the UPFA coalition, they can
hardly secure a seat at a national level election. In this context, it is difficult
to imagine - at least at this point - that the new movement will be a prelude

to a grand political coalition like the UPFA, twelve years ago.

The popular face they are trying to promote is former President Mahinda
Rajapaksa. However, former President Rajapaksa, who led the UPFAs
unsuccessful election campaign in August, is yet to officially associate
himself with the new alliance. He will have to step out of the SLFP the
party of which he was a member for more than 45 years to extend his
support formally to the newly formed national movement. It, needless to
say, will be a tough task for the former President who is now a mere
Parliamentarian of the opposition.
The UNP and the SLFP, the two main political parties, are on the same page
about the domestic war crimes investigation, supported by international
stakeholders. Both parties have expressed clearly that the country cannot
rule the need for a credible domestic mechanism that can earn the faith of
the international community. This agreement will not allow the new national
movement to piggyback on a mainstream political party, in its bid to gain
political power.
Against this backdrop, the national movement will only ensure the political
survival of the UPFA minor parties who will be left out by the SLFP in the
near future. With the SLFP going solo, the minor constituents will be
deprived of organizational strength to carry out an island-wide campaign
when it comes to an important election. The movement against war crimes
inquiry and patriotic rhetoric associated with it will be their last straw
where the elections are concerned.
Posted by Thavam