An Appraisal of Postcolonial African

Philosophy
Steve Odero Ouma
PhD

As early as the 17th century, the issues that today confront the post colony in Africa had
been identified and philosophised about. As illustrated by these scholars, Africa’s destiny
would forever have to deal with its historical confrontation with Europe either in the form of
slavery or colonialism. In this regard, the works of three main African political philosophers
and schools of thought, whose works virtually form the foundation of African politics in the
post independence period to date are of direct relevance. They are Africanus Horton,
Wilmot Blyden and Casely Hayford. This article asserts that the issues addressed by these
three political theorists are those that the continent has been confronting since the
colonial period to date. The philosophies of these scholars need not only to be embraced,
harnessed and channelled appropriately but critically analysed and improved upon. A brief
overview of the content of these philosophies would suffice.

● Africanus Horton: Civilisation Theory

Africanus Horton1 strongly believed in a universal conception of civilisation and historical

advancement; that all mankind emerges from a primitive state of barbarism and gradually
brings to himself the benefits of a civilised life. Further, that nations rise and fall. A once
flourishing and civilised nation at some point degenerates into a semi-barbarous state and
1
James Beale Horton was born in 1835 from “recaptive” parents in Gloucester Sierra Leone Africa. His
parents had been set free from a slave ship on its way to America. Horton spent his youth in an
African religious and social life setting that was dominant in Gloucester. He attended Fourah Bay
College in Freetown Sierra Leone and was offered the exceptional chance of studying medicine in
London in order to prepare for service in the British West African forces. This fact has led to his critics
referring to him as the “Black Englishman”. When moving from King’s College in London to the
University of Edinburgh to take medical doctorate he added “Africanus” to his name. Having been
admitted to the British army, he served in many places along the West African coast acquiring
extensive knowledge of the geological, economic, social and political conditions in the coastal zone
and participating according to what position allowed, in political matters.

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those who have lived in utter barbarism after a lapse of time become a standing nation.2
Horton had a universalistic view of cultural development which was based upon a rather
practical concept of civilisation. According to him, to be civilised simply means to be
economically advanced, politically and militarily strong and culturally sophisticated. He
spoke of the industrial regeneration of Africa. With this concept of civilisation, the task at
hand could be put forth as follows:

‘to raise the nations of Africa from the debased and degraded state to which they
have fallen, both morally and physically, to free them from the bloody and
demoralising influence of beastly superstition; from polygamy; from domestic
slavery; from the paralysing effects, as regards productive industry, of customs and
institutions which... prevent the creation of that capital by which alone the works
3
necessarily attendant on civilisation can be executed.’

Horton believed that this task could never be accomplished without outside intervention
and help. According to him, in order to make an forward step in the career of civilisation, a
prospective nation requires contact with already civilised nations. These were the European
nations and in this vein, he appreciated any European element entering Africa, whether in
the capacity of merchants or pioneers of civilisation, or in that of missionaries. However, he
is quick to caution against submitting to servility. He denounces in the strongest terms
possible, any unjust abuse, any unfounded criticism against the African race.4 In his
discourse, Africans are perfectly fit for modernisation, thereby rendering the remaining
issue for Africa a practical one, namely, how to organise and stimulate the modernisation5
process. He submits that in politics, development depends on infusing the true principles of
civilised government including the election of rulers. Without enlightened and modern
government none of the modernising policies which he considers essential would be
possible. He metes an assault on the African way of life and colonialism in his political
philosophy. In his view, African tribal lords cannot promote development and neither can a

2
Horton J (1868) West African countries and peoples, British, and native: With the requirements
necessary for establishing that self-government recommended by the Committee of the House of
Commons 1865 and a vindication of the Negro race (Reprinted: 1970).
3
See Horton J as above at 7.
4
See Horton J as note 23 above at 4.
5
Modernisation meant the transformation of African states from their state at the time to that akin to
that existing in the West in terms of education, social life, economics and politics.

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hesitant, inconsistent and self serving British colonial policy. Horton's views on civilisation
went contrary to the prevailing views at the time on the subject which characteristically
linked civilisation with race. Africa was considered uncivilised and racial theorists argued
that the African race was incapable of civilisation. Horton, on the other hand pointed to
environmental causes to explain why Africa was lagging behind. He accepted the opinion
that Africa was in a state of barbarism far behind Europe. But he forcefully argued that it
was an irrefutable logical inference that this difference arose entirely from the influences of
external circumstances what he called "Natura una et communis omnium est."6

Some of these circumstances included black Africa's isolation through the Sahara desert
from the mainstream of world-cultural development which was supposed to have moved
from Persia, to Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, Rome and to the Western world. Hence
central to Horton's vision was the development of modern states in Africa. On the whole, he
suggested the creation of Western type political institutions. For instance, in Sierra Leone
where he resided, a constitutional form of government had to form the basis of
administration, consisting of a House of Assembly which had to be composed of men
elected by the people, as it would be difficult for the Government to stand without popular
confidence and the only means by which that could be secured was by giving the people the
power to elect one branch of the legislature akin to the European administration system. In
summary, Africanus Horton believed in Africans but not in African cultures.

● Edward Wilmot Blyden: African Regeneration Theory

Edward Wilmot Blyden7 was a radical; a Pan-Negroist8 from the very beginning. While
Horton believed in African and not their cultures, Blyden believed not only in Africans and

6
See Horton J as note 23 above at 6.
7
Edward Wilmot Blyden was a self educated and self made man. He was born in a family of free
educated blacks on the Danish Caribbean island of St. Thomas in 1832. He went to the United States
of America for studies in theology but could not be admitted to University because of racial
discrimination that prevailed at the time and so he decided to go to the free negro republic of Liberia
in 1850. He taught learned Latin and Greek all by himself while devouring contemporary popular
political writings.
8
Pan-Negroism is the idea that all black people in the world are essentially one and should reunite.
African culture should not be replaced by Christian 'civilised' culture but be protected against this
'alien' influence.

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their cultures but that these were superior to those of the Westerners. In so doing, Wilmot
Blyden challenged the core element of Africanus Horton’s discourse on civilisation and
modernisation and created a new Afrocentric or “African Regeneration” discourse.
According to Blyden pride of race was essential for Negro progress, a dictate of nature as
well as a divine commandment.9 It was incumbent on the Negro to bring out, discover and
develop this specifically African style in all aspects of life. This ideally meant developing
African religious expression, African education, African social organisation and African
political order. Blyden found many succinct expressions for this idea such as: "Be
yourselves...if you surrender your personality, you have nothing left to give the world," and
"the African must advance by the methods of his own. He must possess a power distinct
from the European.10" In matters educational, he favoured a curriculum specially designed
for African students to be taught in indigenous institutions by Africans. Blyden developed a
more radical dimension of his theory of African Regeneration later in his life such as the idea
of a specific “African Personality”. He defined the “African Personality” in contrast to the
European which was identified as harsh, individualistic, competitive, combative, non-
religious and materialistic. He described the African as softer by nature, cheerful,
sympathetic, possessing a willingness to serve and spiritual. In fact, in a letter to Booker T
Washington a renowned civil rights activist in the United States of America (USA) Blyden
wrote;
“The spirit of service in the black man is born of his spiritual genius… the supple,
yielding, conciliatory, obedient, gentle, patient, musical spirit that is not full of
offensive resistance – how sadly the white man needs it! … Let him fight the battle
of government on the stump, at the polls and in the legislative halls. We cannot
compete with the Anglo-Saxon. He is dreadfully determined, so intolerant and self
assertive, intent upon carrying his point at all hazards, having in good view of
course; but the wheels of his mind and good understanding need oiling sadly with
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the oil of African good nature.”

9
Lynch H (1967) Edward Wilmot Blyden: Pan-Negro patriot 1832-1912 chapter 4; See also, Blyden W
(1887) Christianity, Islam and the Negro race 71.
10
Hensbroek P (2000) African political philosophy; An inquiry into families of discourse at 51, quoting
Blyden from a speech “Race and study” given in Sierra Leone in 1895.
11
Lynch H (ed.) (1971) Black spokesman; Selected published writings of Edward Wilmot Blyden contains
th
a print of a letter to Booker T. Washington dated November 28 1894.

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In essence, Blyden argued that the contribution of the Negro towards world culture would
therefore be that of peacemaker and a conserver of the spirituality of the world. The core of
Blyden’s discourse was that regaining African historical and cultural identity and developing
indigenous institutions was central to realising the regeneration of Africa.

● John Casely Hayford: African Indigenous Self Rule Theory

John Casely’s12 theory of “African Indigenous Self Rule” is blend of Blyden’s radical theory of
“African Regeneration” and Horton’s subservient “Theory of Civilisation”. Whereas for
Horton economic and technological modernisation in European terms was the key to
Africa's future and for Blyden cultural authenticity was the key to Africa’s regeneration,
Casely called for the renovation of indigenous political traditions as the basis for an
indigenous path to modernisation. His conclusion was clear namely that there is no
alternative for the Africa except to build on its indigenous traditions.13 According to his
political theory, healthy growth comes from within. By Africans assuming control of their
own affairs and developing their indigenous institutions, Africa would be liberated and
eventually emerge as a giant among other nationalities. It would be costly not to take this
course as Africans would forever be “hewers of wood and drawers of water in their own
country”.14 This position effectively meant that the solution to Africa’s state was not in
striving to be “civilised” in the Western sense as Horton would suggest nor was it in total
alienation and subjugation of European culture as would Blyden. Casely advocated for an
appreciation and embracing of the African culture while making modification on it to suit
the world over dominant European culture. This is what he refers to as modernisation from
within.

12
John Casely Hayford was a journalist and Cambridge trained lawyer. Casely was probably the most
comprehensive and representative political theorist of the decades in British West Africa having read
extensively the works of both Horton and Blyden. Of his Horton and Blyden’s work he said; “There
was a theoretical policy and a practical one, the latter having as its aim such a shaping of
circumstances as would for ever make the African in his own country a hewer of wood and a drawer of
water unto his Caucasian protector and so-called friend.” Casely’s theory on African Indigenous Self
Rule was a hybrid of both Horton and Blyden’s works.
13
Hayford J (1969) Ethiopia unbound; Studies in race emancipation (Reprinted from 1911) 8.
14
See Hayford J as above at 119.

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It is submitted the contemporary state of affairs in the world calls for an embracing of
Casely Hayford’ s theory of African Indigenous Self Rule with some modifications as the way
forward in tackling the problems presently facing the African continent. It is submitted that
subjugation of the African culture and elevation of European or Western culture and ideas is
not the solution but part of the problem. Neither does the answer lie in total rejection and
degradation of the Westerner and his way of life, which has ceased to be Western and
become global, and exaltation of the African and his culture. What is required is a blend of
the useful elements of Horton and Blyden’s theory.