Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Indiana University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the Folklore
Institute.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
FELIX J. OINAS
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
399
clinationto expresstheirjoys, sorrows,and griefin songshascontributed to the preservationof folkloretradition.Thus it was possible,even
as late as 1965,to hearthe tellingof fascinatingstoriesand the singingof
beautifulsongs perhapsmore melancholythan cheerfulin Medjimurje
(to the northof Zagreb),on the Adriaticislands,andin the neighborhood
of Ni? in Serbia,whichI had a chanceto visit.Probablythe bestpastures
of folklore in Yugoslavia are Montenegro,Krajinain northwestern
Bosnia,and Macedonia,some of whichI had visitedformerly.
The maincentersfor the collectionand studyof folklorein Yugoslavia
are the folkloreinstitutesin Croatiaand Bosnia:Institutefor Folk Art
(Institut za narodnu umjetnost)in Zagreb, Croatia, and the Department
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
400
FELIXJ. OINAS
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
401
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
402
FELIX J. OINAS
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THESTUDYOF FOLKLORE
IN YUGOSLAVIA
403
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
404
FELIXJ. OINAS
The Yugoslav epic songs fall clearly into two verse types: (a) the long
verse, the so-called bugarstice verse, having fourteen-eighteen, usually
fifteen-seventeen syllables in a line, and (b) the so-called deseterac, with
ten syllables in a line. The relationship between these two verse types and
their chronology still belong to the disputed questions of Yugoslav
folklore. It has been pointed out that the vocabulary and the syntax
of the epic bugargticediffer from the vocabulary and syntax of the popular
poetry, a fact which has led to the conclusion that bugarstice was used
originally in art poetry. Some scholars (A. Schmaus, M. Gavazzi) maintain that the bugarstice is older than the deseterac verse, whereas others
(e.g., T. Cubelic) represent the opposite view.
Gavazzi found a tale and a song in the Gradisce area (east of Austria),
inhabited by the Christians who emigrated there in the sixteenth century
from the southwestern portion of Croatia. Since both the tale and the
song appear as bugarsticesongs in southern Croatia, Gavazzi concludes21
that the bugarsticemust have been in use in Croatia before the departure
of the Croatians to Gradisce. Schmaus applied the analysis of style (the
double epithet) in his study on bugarstice,22and, likewise, concluded
that the bugarstice is older than the deseterac. Cubelic maintains that
bugarstice songs constitute in their form, language, and way of expression a special group, which is different from all other folksong groups.
Since bugarsticesongs appear in a restricted area and in a definite period
of time (sixteenth-eighteenth centuries) and since their language is close
to the old written language, Cubelic concludes that "literarily educated
people directly participated in the creation of bugarstice."23
One of the most important general works on the Yugoslav epic is
Matija Murko's Tragom srpsko-hrvatske narodne epike (In the Footsteps of the Serbo-Croatian Epic).24 This work is a report of Murko's
field trips in Yugoslavia from 1930 to 1932, supplemented with factual
material drawn from literature. It gives a broad picture of the state of the
Yugoslav epic, from the "biological" point of view, between the two
World Wars. The author concentrates especially on the singers, but dis21
I (1951), 203-220.
22
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
405
4-5, 277-285.
29
Salko Nazecic, Iz nage narodneepike (Sarajevo, 1959).
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
406
FELIXJ. OINAS
the people's attitude toward the hajduks:the people forgot their brigandage
and began idealizing them as freedom fighters against the Turks.
Concerning the question of the origin of the Yugoslav heroic epic, the
Soviet Russian theories have been transplanted to Yugoslavia. A significant role in this transfer was played by Nikolaj Kravcov, an expert on
Yugoslav folklore in the Soviet Union. In 1933, Kravcov outlined his
theory of the origin of the Yugoslav epic in the military aristocracy.30
This was in line with the theory of the origin of the heroic epic prevailing
in the Soviet Union at that time. However, after this theory was declared
erroneous in the Soviet Union in 1936 and was replaced by the theory
of the popular origin of the epic, Kravcov returned to the problem of the
Yugoslav epic. In an article published in Russia,31Kravcov emphasized
the historical character of the Serbian epic. He did not mention his former theory, but his repeated references to the people32 and his silence
about the military aristocracy showed clearly that he had abandoned
his former theory and was following the official Soviet viewpoint.
Vojislav Djuric took up Kravcov's former theory of the aristocracy
as the creator of the epic in 1949 and again in 1950 and subjected it to
a detailed and crushing criticism,33although Kravcov himself had evidently discarded it. The same criticism was reprinted, with hardly any
changes, by Djuric in his anthology of popular heroic songs four years
later.34 While criticizing Kravcov, Djuric went to another extreme,
"looking for and proclaiming the democratic and high moral qualities
of folksongs practically everywhere, even there where they have not so
much been expressed, overlooking a whole series of other important
peculiarities of folk poetry."35
The theory of the popular origin of the Serbo-Croatian epic has been
generally accepted by Yugoslav folklorists. Kravcov reiterated his new
80
xxxv.
35 Maja Bogkovicov,-Stulli, "Studium lidove slovesnosti ...," p. 37.
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
407
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
408
FELIX J. OINAS
The study of the structure of the Yugoslav epic has been pursued successfully by the Austrian scholar Alois Schmaus. In his book, Studije
o krajinskoj epici (Studies on the Krajina Epic),4' Schmaus studied in
great detail the special tendencies appearing in the development of the
epic in Krajina (northwestern Bosnia). The epic of the Moslem population in Krajina differs from the epic of the remainder of Yugoslavia in
that it shows traits, although just at the initial stage, characteristic of
long epics, such as Nibelungenliedor Kalevala. Schmaus showed, utilizing
the methodology worked out by A. Heusler, H. Schneider, etc., that the
Krajina epic is characterized by the broadening of the epic songs crosswise, rather than lengthwise, that is, building up the cross-section of a
song rather than stringing the songs mechanically one after another.
The action in the Krajina epic is developing toward double-strandedness:
it takes place, for example, in the hero's and the enemy's camps. Characteristic is also the so-called center (sredina, Schauszene): a person, having
occupied a central position, gives account of everything that is going
on in range of his vision.
In a small structuralstudy,42Schmaus gives examples of the functioning
of the principle of dominance in Yugoslav folklore. He shows how in
the area where the epic dominates (central areas of Yugoslavia), the
ballads and lyric songs acquire typically epic traits; whereas in the area
where the epic-lyric dominates (peripheral areas of Yugoslavia), the epic
loses much of its narrative character.
The structural approach has been applied also by some Yugoslav
scholars, notably by Maja Boskovic-Stulli and Tvrtko Cubelic.43Stulli
seeks to answer the question: what happens to a fairy tale when it is
recast into an epic song? She finds that, in addition to numerous external
changes, there are basic changes affecting the structure. Whereas in
tales the hero is in search of adventures, the corresponding epic songs
stress the hero's exploits as the manifestation of his physical power and
prowess. Cubelic, discussing the Yugoslav epic folksongs as a whole,
emphasizes that there exists a natural and a literary uniformity in the
Yugoslav folksongs as a definite literary form and a definite method of
the oral expression; and that there exists a uniform problem in the sense
41 A. Schmaus, Studije o krajinskoj epici (RJAZU, 297) (Zagreb, 1953).
42
Alois Schmaus,"Gattungund Stil in der Volksdichtung,"RK, IV (1957), 169-173.
43 Maja Boskovic-Stulli,"Sizeinarodnihbajki u hrvatosrpskimepskim pjesmama,"
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
409
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
410
FELIXJ. OINAS
were created in the Srem monastery under the influence of the Serbian
liberation movement at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of
the nineteenth centuries. Mati6's theory was based on the fact that all
the Kosovo songs, except one, were recorded by Vuk in Srem, and that
neither Vuk nor his correspondents had found them elsewhere. The
appearance of the Kosovo songs in various places later was attributed
by Matic to the influence of the folksong collections of Vuk and others.
Matic's theory was met with sharp criticism which was rather well
substantiated on the part of N. Banasevic, V. Latkovic, N. Ljubinkovic,
and others. But the problem of the origin of the Kosovo songs has not
yet been solved. "The fact that the songs of this cycle differ essentially
in their contents, style, the limited number of variants, etc., from other
Serbo-Croatian epic songs remains an open and very significant problem
facing the scholarship in the future as well."52
A number of studies have been published on individual epic songs or
groups of them. Especially important are the studies of the late Ivan Grafenauer, a Slovene scholar. Grafenauer'sfield of specialization was legends
and legendary songs, especially those centered around King Matjaz.53
He applied the cultural-historical method and endeavored to discern
the ancient social and cultural substrata.
M. Boskovic-Stulli, in her study of the song of the old Vujadin,54
showed how different milieu and different periods of time can reshape
the song tradition. In another study,55 she connected the figure of the
strong herdsman, who had the courage to stand up even to the king,
with the peculiar social-political conditions prevailing in the Dinarian
area for centuries.
Matija Lopac studied folksongs of the type of "Dusan's Marriage,"56
which centered around the difficult tasks the hero had to overcome in
order to obtain the bride. The author's attempt to find the explanation
for the difficult tasks in marriagecustoms is not convincing. N. Banasevic
discussed some knotty questions in a blind woman's version of the
"Maiden of Kosovo."57 Radoslav Medenica presented a summary,
62
189-240.
Maja Bogkovic-Stulli,"Pjesmao starom Vujadinu,"SE, XIII (1960), 65-77.
5 Maja Boskovic-Stulli,"Pjesmao silnom cobaninu,"RK, IX (1963), 231-238.
MatijaLopac, "Narodnepjesmetipa Vukovepjesme'ZenidbaDuganova'u svijetlu
etnologije,"EP, II (1960), 85-152.
54
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
411
without examples, of his extensive study of "Banovic Strahinja,"58concentrating on the relationship between the variants. Tihomir Djordjevic
wrote a series of notes on Yugoslav folk poetry,59including the legends
about Prince Marko's promise to return and to liberate and unite the
Serbian people, and his retreat to a cave after the appearance of firearms. Anna Savic Rebac found elements of dualism in a legendary
song and traced them back to Bogomilism.60 Mira Sertic compared a
song sung by different singers after the lapse of some time and made
pertinent observations about the variants.61
The following studies of detailed problems deserve mention: N.
Banasevic's discussion of the names of vilas (Mandalina, Andjelija, Katarina, etc.) in folksongs; S. Matic's article on the verbal duel in folksongs;
and the same scholar's discussion of the verses of songs quoted by Vuk
in his Rjecnik (Dictionary) to illustrate the use of Serbian words.62 The
last mentioned study shows that the Rjecnik is an important source for
songs of which there are no other records.
Lyric songs, ballads, and romances are amply representedin Yugoslav
folklore, but have failed to arouse keen interest on the part of SerboCroatian folklorists. The most significant studies are written by Slovene
scholars, especially by Ivan Grafenauer and Zmaga Kumer. Grafenauer's
monographs on "The Beautiful Vida" and "The Penitent Sinner"63give
57 N. Banasevic,"Kosovska djevojkai neka Vukova tumacenja,"PKJIF, 26 (1960),
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
412
FELIXJ. OINAS
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
413
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
414
FELIXJ. OINAS
1-2, 14-27.
Stipe Banovid,"Tri priloga za prou6avanjehrvatskenarodne i umjetnepoezije,"
80
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
415
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
416
FELIXJ. OINAS
Parry and Albert B. Lord, Srpskohrvatske junacke pjesme, II: Novi Pazar, Srpsko-
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THESTUDYOF FOLKLORE
IN YUGOSLAVIA
417
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
418
FELIXJ. OINAS
ABBREVIATIONS
BIPF
EP
GEl
GEMB
GEMC
GSAN
JAZU
NSF
NU
PKJIF
RJAZU
RK
SAN
SAZU
SE
SEZ
SS
ZEMiV
ZMS
ZNZO
ZREI
ZRFF
ZRIPK
ZRSAN
This content downloaded from 109.121.60.138 on Fri, 23 Oct 2015 08:05:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions