European Journal of Marketing

Mapping the values driving organic food choice: Germany vs the UK

Susan Baker Keith E. Thompson Julia Engelken and Karen Huntley

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Susan Baker Keith E. Thompson Julia Engelken and Karen Huntley, (2004),"Mapping the values driving
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Mapping the values driving

organic food choice

Organic food
choice

Germany vs the UK
Susan Baker
Cranfield School of Management, Cranfield University, Cranfield, UK, and

Keith E. Thompson, Julia Engelken and Karen Huntley

995
Received August 2002
Revised November 2002

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Silsoe College, Cranfield University, Cranfield, UK

Keywords Organic foods, Consumer behaviour, Cross-cultural studies, Germany,
United Kingdom
Abstract The organic food market is one of the most promising in Europe, although national
markets have developed at different rates. In Germany, organics share of total food turnover is 2.7
per cent compared with 1 per cent in the UK. This study explores the reasons why the behaviour of
consumers in the UK and Germany has been so divergent despite both groups of consumers
holding similar attitudes about organic foods. This was done by investigating the underlying values
driving food choice behaviour using means-end theory and Laddermap 5.4 software. In both cases
the dominant means-end hierarchies were uncovered and the cognitive process mapped. Although
similarities emerged with respect to values concerned with health, wellbeing and the enjoyment of
life, product attributes sought in order to achieve these values were different between the groups. A
major difference was found in the absence among the UK group of any connection between
organic food and the environment.

Introduction: organic food markets in Germany and the UK

The organic food market is one of the most promising in Europe, enjoying rapid
growth within a relatively static overall market for food. However, within Europe
national markets have developed at very different rates. Germany is the leading
European market for organic food with an estimated turnover of DM 6.9 billion, or
2.7 per cent of the total food turnover, whereas in the UK organic food accounts for only
1 per cent of total food turnover. However, the UK market is growing at a much faster
rate than that of Germany (Mintel, 1998/1999; Soil Association, 2000; CMA
(Deutschland), 1999; CMA (UK), 1999).
Germany
Organic agriculture in Germany started in 1924 following the bio-dynamic principles
proclaimed by Rudolph Steiner. It was 60 years before the market for organic food
really started to take off from a growth rate of 4 per cent p.a. in the 1980s (Frohn,
1996) to 17 per cent p.a. during the following decade, to reach 2.7 per cent of total food
industry turnover by the end of the 1990s (CMA (Deutschland), 1999). In response,
organic agriculture became increasingly important, and by 1998 Germany had the
Ms Karen Huntley was omitted from the list of authors when the article was originally published.
The work was based on research undertaken by a collaborative team, which included
Ms Huntley, who should have been acknowledged as a co-author. Ms Huntley should be included
as a co-author in any future citation.

European Journal of Marketing

Vol. 38 No. 8, 2004
pp. 995-1012
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
0309-0566
DOI 10.1108/03090560410539131

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996

second largest area of certified organic land in Europe after Italy. Although the rapid
expansion of organic farmland continued, by December 2001 Germany (with
632,165 ha in production) had dropped to third place, below the UK (679,631 ha) (CMA
(Deutschland), 1999; SOL, 2002). Most of the organic agricultural and processed food
products in Germany are regulated by one of the nine member associations or
kologischer Landbau eV, Darmstadt
certifying bodies of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft O
(AGOEL). These regulations are more stringent than those of the European Union
(EU), which only guarantee a minimum basic standard (AID 1218, 1998).
German consumers are exceptionally aware of nutrition and environment issues.
According to Balderjahn (1985) the typical organic food consumer is environmentally
and socially conscious, with a general distrust of society, industry and modern
technology. The most important attitudes underlying organic food purchase are distrust
in conventional food (Fricke and von Alvensleben (1994), and health (Baade, 1988;
Brombacher, 1992; Frohn, 1993, 1996; Muller, 1993; Forster, 1993; Kesseler, 1994;
Prummer, 1994; Fricke and von Alvensleben, 1994). For younger people (25-34 years)
environmental aspects were more important (Forster, 1993; Prummer, 1994; Fricke and
von Alvensleben, 1994; Meier-Ploeger, 1996). German consumers believe that organic
products contain more nutrients, fewer residues, and that they taste better. They are
dissatisfied with conventional (i.e. non-organic) farming and seek support for organic
farming (Prummer, 1994; Frohn, 1996). However, these negative attitudes towards
conventional farming methods may be on the wane following Fricke and von
Alvenslebens (1994) observation of increasing trust in conventional food products. This,
they suggest, might eventually lead to a decrease in the demand for organic food in
Germany.
UK
In the UK organic farming started in the 1930s. In a major step forward the Soil
Association (the biggest association for organic farming in the UK with over 2,000
registered producers and processors) was founded in 1946. Standards, which reflect EU
regulations, are controlled by the UK Register of Organic Food Standards (UKROFS)
within the Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA). Although
the UK market for organic food accounts for only 1 per cent of all food and drink sales
(1999/2000), demand is growing by 20 per cent p.a. In the 1990s production of organic
foods in the UK lagged behind the increasing demand, and in 1998 the UK ranked only
15th out of 18 European countries in area farmed organically (Willer, 1998), and 70 per
cent of the organic food products sold in the UK had to be imported (Soil Association,
2000). However, if the German response to increasing demand was strong, the UK
response was characterised by SOL as incredible; between 1998 and 2001 organic
farmland in the UK increased by 1,250 per cent to 679,631 ha., thereby overtaking
Germany in absolute terms, and putting UK in second place in Europe, after Italy (SOL,
2002).
British consumer attitudes towards organic food are similar to those of the
Germans, in that the key drivers behind the growth in demand are reported to be
concerns about food safety and healthiness. A national survey by Mintel (1998/1999)
revealed that 45 per cent of respondents mentioned fear of genetically modified
organisms (GMOs), chemical residues from pesticides/antibiotics and food additives.
This was confirmed in a study conducted by the Product Development Centre (2000) in
which (81 per cent) said that they buy organic food because of concerns about
pesticides and herbicides, and 73 per cent because they are worried about GMOs. As

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with their German counterparts, British organic food buyers think that organic food
tastes better than conventionally produced food. Consumers are said to develop an
interest in organic food for their own benefit or that of their family, and only when
these health and quality needs are satisfied do they embrace wider issues such as the
environment and animal welfare (Soil Association, 1999).

Organic food
choice

The purpose of the study

Studies in both national markets indicate that consumers purchase organic food for
similar reasons: health, taste and fear of chemicals and GMOs, as well as concerns
about environmental issues and animal welfare. Nevertheless, although British and
German consumers appear to hold very similar attitudes and beliefs regarding organic
foods, the markets for organic food in each country have developed at markedly
different rates. It seems that similar attitudes are not leading to similar buying
behaviour in the way that is suggested in the literature (e.g. Bareham, 1995; Fricke and
von Alvensleben, 1994; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975).
The purpose of this study was to explore the reasons why the behaviour of
consumers in the UK and Germany has been so divergent despite both groups of
consumers holding very similar attitudes towards organic foods. This was done by
investigating the underlying values driving food choice behaviour and comparing the
values that drive German and British choices in respect of the decision to choose
organic foods.
The aims were:
.
to identify consumers personal values influencing organic food choice behaviour
in Germany and the UK;
.
to determine the dominant means-end hierarchies used to achieve these values by
both German and UK organic food consumers; and
.
to compare the dominant perceptual orientations of German and UK
consumers in order to identify any differences in the values sought or the
means of achieving them.

997

Values
Values guide the selection of human behaviour (Schwartz and Bilsky, 1987). They are
used to choose and justify actions and to evaluate people, self and events, and thus
connect the individual and society (Grunert and Juhl, 1995). They can be used to find
out why people act in certain ways. Generally, values can be described as beliefs about
some desirable end-state.
Grunert and Juhl (1995) defined values as cognitive patterns by which individuals
orientate themselves in their environment. They help to know and understand the
interpersonal world. Thus values are criteria used to select and justify actions and to
evaluate people and events. Consumption activities are related to the set of values a
person possesses in that people purchase products to achieve value-related goals
(Solomon et al., 1999).
Rokeach (1973) defined values as lasting beliefs that specific modes of conduct or
end-states of existence are personally or socially preferable to others. This set of values
forms a value system, an, enduring organisation of beliefs concerning preferable
modes of conduct or end-states of existence along a continuum of relative importance.
According to Rokeach (1973) human values arise from culture, society and its
institutions, and from personality. All people everywhere possess the same values, but

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998

to different degrees. What differentiates one culture from another is the ranking of
different values. Usually within a culture most members agree upon the values that are
important to them, but between cultures there can be large differences. This is most
obvious between cultures like America and Europe, or Asia and Europe. However,
there are also significant cultural differences within Europe. The UK is perceived to be
closer to the North American approach, which is more rigorous and competitive.
Germany follows the Germanic-Alpine approach, in which relationships and their
development are regarded as more important (Dussart, 1994).
Therefore, as values are shared by people within a culture, the concept of values is
of particular importance in cross-cultural research. Similarities within and differences
across cultures values can be used in analysing and explaining specific behaviours of
members of these cultures (Grunert and Juhl, 1995). This is particularly relevant in an
increasingly global marketplace where it is necessary to understand the purchasing
behaviour of consumers all over the world. We propose that such cultural differences
will cause consumers in the UK and Germany to seek different value-goal
combinations in making purchase decisions in this case the decision to buy
organic or conventionally produced food.
The measurement of values
Early instruments used to investigate values, such as the Rokeach Value Scale, identify
specific values like sense of belonging, enjoyment in life and warm relationships with
others (Rokeach, 1973). However, as pre-established lists these instruments have not
proven to be cross-culturally valid (Grunert et al., 1993). One reason for this, suggested
by Grunert et al. (1989), is that the semantic meaning of values may differ between
cultures. More cross-culturally valid instruments for values research are the Schwartz
Value Survey, which uses a very elaborate set of 56 different values organised in 11
motivational domains (Schwartz and Bilsky, 1990) and the means-end chain model
(Gutman, 1982). The means-end approach, incorporating a laddering technique to
reveal, rather than impose, values has gained most support, and has been extensively
used in a wide range of consumer studies. Of particular importance to our choice of
method for this study is that this method has been shown to deliver valid results in
cross-cultural studies (Valette-Florence, 1998).
Means-end theory
Means-end theory explains how product attributes facilitate consumers achievement
of desired end-states of being (or values) such as happiness, security or enjoyment
(Gutman, 1982). In a means-end chain there are three levels of abstraction associated
with a concept such as food choice:
(1) Attributes.
(2) Consequences of consumption.
(3) Important psychological and social consequences and values.
Attributes represent the observable or perceived characteristics of a product. Concrete
attributes reflect the physical features of the product, several of which may be
combined in the more subjective attributes, such as quality. Consequences are still
more abstract, reflecting the perceived costs or benefits associated with specific
attributes. These are sub-divided into two types; functional consequences that include
direct, tangible outcomes derived from consumption, and psycho-social consequences

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involving intangible, personal and less direct outcomes. The latter can be either
psychological in nature (e.g. how do I feel about consuming organic food?) or social (e.g.
how do others feel about me consuming organic food?). Finally, according to the
seminal work of Rokeach (1973), personal values are highly abstract centrally held,
enduring beliefs or end-states of existence that people seek to achieve through their
behaviour. In summary, products have attributes, the consequences of which are
sought by consumers to satisfy the core values by which they are driven (Figure 1).
The A-C-V chains are summarised in a hierarchical value map represented
graphically in a tree diagram. In contrast to methods like multidimensional scaling or
factor analysis, this diagram shows linkages between key perceptual elements that are
the basis for distinguishing between products of a certain product class across the
levels of attributes, consequences and values (see, for example, Figures 2-6) (Reynolds
and Gutman, 1988).

Organic food
choice

999

Procedures
Choice of the location
We sought to create equal conditions for the survey in both countries, and to match
typical consumers of organic produce. However, an inhibiting factor was the relatively
small amount of data available for the UK, as little research regarding organic food
consumption has been conducted here.
In Germany, Lower Saxony (Niedersachsen) was selected as a representative area
because it is located relatively centrally in Germany, and the proportion of residents who
buy organic produce is close to the German average of 25.5 per cent (CMA (Deutschland),
1999). The majority of the German consumers buy their organic produce in specialist
organic food or health-food shops (Ploger et al., 1993; Prummer, 1994; Meier-Ploeger,
1996) and at weekly markets (Meier-Ploeger, 1996). Therefore, respondents for the survey
were enlisted via specialist food shops and weekly markets in Lower Saxony.
Few data are available on regional organic food consumption in the UK, but organic
consumers are more likely to be female, ABC1, living in the South and readers of
broadsheet newspapers (Soil Association, 1999). Letchworth (Hertfordshire) was
chosen as the area because it has close to the average national income level, is
relatively central, and also for practical reasons. In the UK, 68 per cent of the public use
specialist organic food shops, 59 per cent use health-food shops as the major outlet for
organic produce and 15 per cent use direct marketing and box (home delivery) schemes
for their purchases (Soil Association, 1999). Therefore respondents were recruited via
the specialist organic food shop and the box scheme of Fairhaven Wholefoods, in and
around Letchworth.

Figure 1.
Example of the attributeconsequence-value chain

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1000

Figure 2.
Hierarchical value map
German consumers

Choice of the respondents

Consumers using box/delivery schemes usually get their produce only once a month.
Therefore, purchase of organic fruit and/or vegetables at least once a month was regarded
as regular. A total of 32 regular consumers of organic produce were recruited in both
Germany and the UK. In each country four of these were interviewed for the elicitation
phase, a further four participated in pilot interviews, the remaining 24 participated in the
one-to-one laddering interviews. Although small, this number of non-randomly selected
subjects was considered to be appropriate for this essentially qualitative research method,
in which statistical viability and generalisability were not sought.
Elicitation of distinctions between organic and non-organic fruit and vegetables
Adams-Webber (1979) suggested that distinctions elicited from individual subjects are
more personally meaningful to the individual. However, in order to ensure consistency
we decided to establish a standardised list of differences between organic and
non-organic fruit and vegetables for use in both countries by means of preliminary
interviews. Two of the researchers are bilingual in German and English. Terms such as
organic and fresh produce were defined to each respondent. Back translation was
undertaken to ensure that German and English definitions had the same meaning.

Organic food
choice

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1001

Figure 3.
Hierarchical value map
UK consumers

Respondents were asked what organic fresh produce they had purchased within the
last month and why they preferred these products to the non-organic versions. The
distinctions mentioned by German and British respondents were content analysed to
establish those with common meanings, using two researchers and an external referee
to minimise bias. The resulting distinctions were made bipolar, then translated and
back translated for use as the product attributes that form the starting point for the
laddering interviews in the next stage of the fieldwork (see Table I).
Laddering interviews
Laddering is a one-to-one interviewing technique employing a series of directed probes
to reveal how subjects link product attributes to their own underlying values. Central
to the method is the premise that lower levels imply the presence of higher levels, so
that product attributes have consequences that lead to value satisfaction. The purpose
is to determine the chain, or ladder, of linkages between the attributes, consequences
and values in relation to choices made (Reynolds and Gutman, 1988).
Four one-to-one pilot interviews were conducted in each country in order to
anticipate any problems and to find solutions. As a result, some minor adjustments
were made before proceeding with the main fieldwork mainly to incorporate
reassurances to respondents about the nature and purpose of the interviews. The
main interviews started with an explanation of the interview process and any
questions from the respondent were answered. In order to facilitate the relaxed
atmosphere necessary for the respondent to answer freely it was emphasised that
the purpose of the interview was not to check their knowledge or their consumption
of organic food. Following the collection of demographic information, the terms

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Figure 4.
Hierarchical value map
German consumers

Figure 5.
Hierarchical value map
German consumers

Organic food
choice

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1003

Figure 6.
Hierarchical value map
UK consumers

organic and fresh produce/fruit and vegetables were defined to the respondent.
The list of attributes pre-established in the elicitation stage (see Table I) was then
presented and the respondent was asked to name the attributes of most importance
to them when purchasing organic produce, and to identify their preferred poles. In
order to avoid response bias as a consequence of using the pre-established list,
respondents were allowed to add attributes that were of importance to them
personally. They were then asked, why is that important to you?. The laddering
process then continued with repeated probes using the question, why is that
important to you? after each response. The answers typically led from attributes to
consequences of rising levels and finally to the personal values of the respondent.
The interview stopped when respondents could not provide any further information.
When respondents struggled to articulate an answer one of the range of techniques
proposed by Reynolds and Gutman (1988) was employed to move the interview
forward without influencing the subject. These interviews, which lasted between 45
minutes and one hour were tape-recorded and additional notes were taken.
Depending on the respondents preference the interviews took place at their home or
in a room provided by Gut Adolphshof in Germany or by Fairhaven Wholefoods in
the UK. Each respondent received a gift voucher to the value of 15 Deutsche Mark
or 5.
Content analysis
Content analysis serves to reduce the raw data in order to facilitate interpretation.
Following transcription of the interviews the next step was to identify the attributes
(A), consequences (C) and values (V), and then categorise them into individual

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1004

summary codes with common meaning that reflected what was said. This process was
undertaken by two bilingual researchers and two other coders, one German and one
British. The interjudge reliability between the coders was 97 per cent for both
countries. For next step, the allocation of content codes to the A-C-Vs, the intercoder
agreement was 97 per cent for the German list and 93 per cent for the British list. A
level of 85 per cent agreement is regarded as satisfactory (Kassarjian, 1977).
Disagreements were resolved by discussion.
A total of 63 codes were elicited: 25 for attributes, 24 for consequences and 14 for
values (Tables I-III).

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Hierarchical value maps

Analysis was undertaken using Laddermap 5.4 software. The data were transformed
into implication matrices listing how often one concept led to another concept.
Klenosky et al. (1993) recommend that elements with a high incidence of indirect
relations (i.e. indirect AQC, direct AQBQC) should be included in order to avoid
bias through under-weighting the associations recorded for the more verbose subjects.

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
Table I.
List of summary codes
and abbreviations used
for the attributes

Seasonal
Regional
Absence of pesticides, chemical fertilisers,
post-harvest chemicals and wax
Lessens environmental damage
Known origin/producer
Healthiness
Size of producer
Rate at which the produce is grown
Taste
Not genetically modified
Texture of the flesh
Texture of the peel
Appearance of the produce
Ripeness
Safety of the agricultural workersa
Trust in the grower and producer
Produced naturally
Traditional farming methods
Home/UK grown
Animal welfare
Varieties (traditional)
Service
Quality
Working conditions of the agricultural workers
Other influences

Seasonal
Regional
PFPHW
Env-Imp
Knoworig
Healthy
Size
Rate
Taste
Not GM
Text flesh
Text peel
Appear
Ripe
Workers
Trust
Production
Tradition
UK
AW
Varieties
Service
Quality
Workcon
Other

Note: a The original list of distinctions mentioned working conditions of the farmers and employees.
The German respondents took this to relate to the working conditions in general, while the British
regarded this more specifically as the safety of the agricultural workers. Given that these
interpretations led to different consequences and values, two content codes were developed to account
for this

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Organic food
choice

26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.

Preservation of the physical environment

Health-related
Enjoyment of food
Ability to live in tune with the seasons
Avoidance of unnatural things
Protection of wild animals/wildlife
Personal protest
Nature as the basis for human life
(Farm) animal welfare
Support for organic movement
Certainty that the produce is truly organic
Nostalgia
Pleasure/enjoyment/contentedness
Responsible/moral behaviour
Relationships and co-operation with others
Avoids fear/risks of unknown
Saves financial resources
Caring for family
Ease of use of produce
Ability to feed and sustain the population
Support for farmers
Productivity duties and hobbies
Lower prices
Safety of workers

Enviro
Health-rel
Enjfood
Live-Seas
Avunat
Wildlife
PP
Bas-Lif
Farm-Anim
Supp-Org
Organic
Nos
Pleasure
Moral
Rel-Others
Fear
Save-Money
Care-Fami
Ease
Feed
Supp-Farm
Prod
Price
Safety

Table II.
List of summary codes
and abbreviations used
for the consequences

50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.

Wellbeing and health

Belief in nature
Enjoyment/quality of life
Respect for other creatures
Respect for other people
Personal achievement
Security
Family
Warm relationships with others
God/creation
Care for future generations
Happiness
Responsibility for oneself
Patriotism

WBH
Nature
Enjoyment
Resp-OC
Others
Achieve
Security
Family
Relations
Creation
Future
Happiness
Resp-OS
Patriot

Table III.
List of summary codes
and abbreviations used
for the values

For clarity, data from the implications matrices were rendered graphically into
hierarchical value maps (HVMs) one for each country (Figures 2 and 3). By trial and
error a cut-off level of four (direct and indirect) relations was found to yield the most
informative and stable set of relations. All connections below this level were ignored.
The strength of association between attributes, consequences and values is indicated
by the width of the connecting lines according to the numerical strength of the link;
thicker lines indicate stronger association. These thicker lines were used to identify the
dominant perceptual orientations for each group (Figures 4-6).

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Results
The German and UK hierarchical value maps contain similar consequences and values
but the German map is richer, especially with regard to the number of attributes,
leading to significantly different value chains. This may be due to a wider German
vocabulary, as suggested by Baker (1996) who also obtained more elaborate maps in
German than in English. However, it may also be due to cultural differences, and to
more widespread consumption of organic food over a longer period of time in
Germany, resulting in more familiarity, a wider organics vocabulary and, hence,
more complex value chains.
Dominant perceptual orientations: Germany
When the weaker pathways were eliminated, three dominant perceptual orientations
for German consumers were revealed:
(1) Health/enjoyment.
(2) Belief in nature.
(3) Animal welfare.
The first two are connected by the attribute (A3) absence of pesticides, chemical
fertilisers, post-harvest chemicals and wax which, therefore, plays a central role for
German consumers (Figures 4 and 5).
Health
The strongest chain in the German health-related dominant perceptual orientation
leads from the attributes (A23) quality and (A9) taste via the consequence (C27)
health-related to the value (V50) well-being and health strongly supported by the
chain (A3) absence of pesticides, chemical fertilisers, post-harvest chemicals and wax
Q (C30) avoidance of unnatural things Q (C27) health related Q (V50) well-being
and health. All of which are coherent and sensible links except for the connection
between taste and health. Although not immediately obvious, it may be that taste is
dependent on quality and, therefore, an indicator of healthy food.
Enjoyment
A second value chain leading to (V52) enjoyment/quality of life was retained in
Figure 4 despite a weak relationship between (C28) enjoyment of food and (C38)
pleasure, enjoyment, contentment because both consequences are concerned with
enjoyment through the consumption of organic food, and perhaps should be combined.
Belief in nature
The second dominant perceptual orientation showed a strong concern for nature
through the chain (A3) absence of pesticides etc. and alternatively (A2) regional Q
(C26) preservation of physical environment Q (V51) belief in nature (Figure 5).
Animal welfare
A final dominant perceptual orientation, not connected to the other two, was concerned
with the welfare of animals as illustrated by the chain (A20) animal welfare Q (C34)
(farm) animal welfare Q (V53) responsibility for other creatures (Figure 5).

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Dominant perceptual orientations: UK

The UK consumers dominant perceptual orientations were far less complex or,
possibly, more focussed and concise. Whatever the reason, there were fewer consequences
and considerably more weak chains in the UK hierarchical value map (Figure 3). When
the latter were removed two dominant perceptual orientations were revealed: health,
enjoyment and achievement and respect for others/workers (Figure 6).
The strongest of the UK consumers dominant perceptual orientations was (A6)
healthiness Q (C27) health-related Q (C47), productivity duties and hobbies Q
(V52) enjoyment/quality of life. This also led into the terminal values (V50)
well-being and health and (V55) personal achievement. An additional starting
point was (A10) not genetically modified, which was moderately associated with the
consequence (C27) health related. Curiously, (A10) not genetically modified was
only very weakly associated with (V51) belief in nature, so that chain was not part of
a dominant perceptual orientation (see Figure 3). The strong associations (A9) taste
Q (C28) enjoyment of food, and (A17) produced naturally Q (C26) less
environmentally damaging were both eliminated because they formed incomplete
chains with very weak links to any terminal value.
Discussion
Although superficially similar the dominant perceptual orientations of UK and
German organic food consumers differed widely. The greatest similarity was found
between the UK (Figure 6) and the German health and enjoyment-oriented dominant
perceptual orientations (Figure 4), in that both show the values (V52)
enjoyment/quality of life and (V50) well-being and health to be sought via the
consequence (C27) health related. However, the UK and German dominant perceptual
orientations shared only one attribute (A10 not genetically modified), and the shared
values were generally delivered via different routes. For example, whereas the UK
group get from the attribute to the value via the consequence C27 health-related, the
German group proceed via (A10) not genetically modified Q (A3) absence of
pesticides, chemicals etc. Q(C32) personal protest Q (V55) personal achievement.
However, the link between GMOs and pesticides suggests that there may be some
confusion.
The most noticeable difference between German and UK organic food consumers
was the absence among the UK group of a dominant perceptual orientation connected
with nature or the environment. Whereas the German group sought (V51) belief in
nature via the chain (A10) not genetically modified Q(A3) absence of pesticides and
chemicals Q(C26) preservation of the physical environment Q (V51) belief in
nature, the UK dominant perceptual orientations do not acknowledge nature, or the
environment at all. For the UK group (A10) not genetically modified is linked directly
to (A27) health-related. Curiously for study of organic food consumption, although
the attribute (A3) absence of pesticides, chemicals etc. was mentioned quite
frequently by the UK group, it was so weakly associated with (C26) preservation of
the physical environment, and that so weakly linked to any terminal value, that it was
eliminated from the dominant perceptual orientations altogether (Figures 3 and 6).
An alternative health-related chain in the German study was (A23) quality Q (A9)
taste Q C27 health related then (C28) enjoyment of food, which was very weakly
associated with (C38) pleasure, enjoyment, contentment which was strongly linked to
(V52) enjoyment/quality of life. The link between quality and taste seems
self-evident, but that between taste and health is a little more obscure. Possibly, a

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pleasant taste is an indication of quality. Alternatively, taste is a precondition because

there might be a tendency to eat less healthy foods if the taste of organic food was not
as good. As mentioned earlier, it is possible that the single weak link in this chain
(between (C28) enjoyment of food and (C38) pleasure, enjoyment, contentment)
should have been collapsed into a single consequence at an earlier stage. Significantly,
the attribute that this very strong German chain is based on (A23) quality was not
mentioned by the UK group at all.
The German concerns for nature and quality may offer reassuring confirmation of
national stereotypes, but the remaining difference between the two groups challenges
such notions. Whereas the German group adopted the British stereotype of concern for
animals through the strong chain (A20) animal welfare Q (C34) (farm) animal welfare
Q (V53) respect for other creatures, the UK group were instead concerned for the
welfare of the workers through (A15) safety of agricultural workers Q (V54)
responsibility for other people (Figures 5 and 6). However, this chain was incomplete,
lacking any consequences linking the attribute to the value, consequently it was not clear
quite how the UK group were linking organic food to the welfare of agricultural workers.
Conclusions
The purposes of the study were to identify the terminal values sought by UK and
German consumers of organic foods, to find out how each group sought to achieve
these values and, finally, to determine whether there where any differences between the
two groups. We concluded that although there were similarities between the two
groups with respect to values concerned with health, well-being and the enjoyment of
life, the product attributes sought in order to achieve these values were completely
different (UK healthiness and not genetically modified; Germany taste and
quality). An even more profound difference between the groups was found in the
absence among the UK group of any connection between organic food and the
environment. Even the genetic modification of produce was linked to health, rather
than the environment. This central role of health, to the exclusion of almost all other
factors, confirms the findings of Baker et al. (2002).
A major antecedent of means-end analysis was the Grey benefit chain (Young and
Feigin, 1975) developed by Grey Advertising Inc. for advertising strategy formulation.
Subsequently, means-end research has frequently been used to develop successful
communication strategies that lead consumers along a chain of stepping stones from
product attributes to their desired terminal values e.g. Mulvey et al., 1994; Reynolds
and Rochon, 1990; Becker, 1998; Reynolds et al., 1995; Reynolds and Gutman, 1988;
Vinson et al., 1977).
The findings of our research confirm our proposition that despite superficially
similar attitudes, cultural differences will cause consumers in the UK and Germany to
seek different values, and means of achieving those values, when making purchase
decisions in this case the decision to buy organic foodstuffs. Our findings underline
the need, in an increasingly global marketplace, not to view foreign markets through
our own cultural norms. The UK samples linking of non-GM foods with health benefits
suggests something of an I orientation, in that they perceive the advantage of a
non-GM choice to result in a positive benefit for themselves personally. On the other
hand, the German samples linking of non-GM foods with an absence of pesticides, the
preservation of the environment and a belief in nature reveals rather more of an us
orientation, in that they see the choice of non-GM foods as having a benefit for society
as a whole.

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This differing mindset poses issues for those seeking to take a regional (i.e.
pan-European) view on the positioning and communication of non-GM foods within the
food chain. Activities that focus on capitalising on the strength of the linkages in each
market would therefore result in two distinct campaigns; the proposition in the UK
would focus on health benefits while the German proposition would focus on the
advantages for the environment. At the very least this would entail two sets of
messages, materials and media choices. Those seeking to capitalise on the benefits of a
unified campaign would ultimately have to re-educate one of the two markets to accept
an alternative sets of benefits. This would be a longer term, more high risk and costly
process.
In terms of the further development of both markets, it is useful to look at the issues
raised through this research across the food chain, i.e. from plough to plate. The Soil
Association in the UK and the CMA in Germany are, in effect, intermediary bodies,
working to both push demand among consumers and to pull farmers into adopting
organic farming practices. It would make an interesting follow-on study to investigate
the value chains of organic foodstuffs producers in both markets to understand
similarities and differences there and to ascertain whether using insights into
consumer motivations would be of benefit in marketing the idea of organic food
production to farmers.
An interesting development emerging among British supermarkets is the growth of
consumer-centric own label ranges. These new ranges Taste the difference and
Freefrom at Sainsbury, for example have a clear retail marketing focus on
consumers, not products. This represents a shift in the retailers mindset away from
competing with manufacturers product brands and an attempt to build a brand
around the attributes of consumers. These types of brands focus on what a particular
group of consumers finds important and a range of products, spanning many
categories, based on these consumer attributes (expressed as dietary needs or
preferences) is then developed. Only retailers can do this and by doing so, they are
building brand propositions which, by definition, lie beyond any single manufacturers
reach (Marketing Week, 2002). These ranges open up further opportunities for
developing sales of organic foods.
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