Professional Documents
Culture Documents
LINGANQUAN
48
tivism rooted in the AMP. Despite some interesting and noteworthy points made in his work, we cannot accept the basic views
in Melottis book.
The main purpose of the following article is to discuss the relationship between the AMP and ancient Chinese society. In doing
so, however, I will also contend against Melotti on several issues.
49
which all Teutonic races started history, and the above village
communities were found to be, or to have been the primitive form
of society everywhere from India to Ireland. The inner organization of this primitive Communistic Society was laid bare, in its
typical from, by Morgans crowning discovery of the true nature
and its relation to the tribe. With the dissolution of these
50
ownership. In classical antiquity, state property and private property coexist together. Citizenship is a prerequisite for property
ownership. In the Germanic ownership system, private property is
the foundation of society. Public property is only supplementary to
private property. The commune existed only among individuals
and their lands. Marx believed that under the Romans and Germans, the primitive social order was destroyed because of the development of slavery and serf systems. In some Asian countries,
however, the commune system survived because slavery here does
not destroy working conditions, nor does it change its nature.
Marx labeled this mode of production-which was based on primitive communes-as the Asiatic Mode of Production. Marx pointed
out in the Preface to the Critique of Political Economy of 1859: In
broad outlines Asiatic, ancient, feudal, and modern bourgeois
modes of production can be designated as progressive epochs in
the economic formation of ~ociety.~
When Marx initiated the concept of the AMP, he treated it as a
primitive social order. It is different from the primitive communal
(tribal) society that we commonly understand today. As a form of
ownership, the AMP is a tribal public system in nature. Because of
this nature, Marx and Engels labeled it primitive society.
Nevertheless, Marx and Engels did not think the AMP was a classless society without exploitation and oppression. Under the AMP,
there existed a relationship between the exploited and the exploiters as well as the despotic monarchies living on the surplus
labor of the commune. In Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations,
Marx clearly pointed out that under the AMP, the individual
never becomes an owner but only a possessor; he is basically himself the property, the slave of the person who embodies the unity
of the comm~nity.~
In The Preparation of Materials for Anti-Diihring of 1877,
Engels wrote, In self-established communities, equality did not
exist, or only to a very limited degree for full members of individual
communities, which in any case were saddled with slavery.6
In 1877, Morgan completed Ancient Society. Upon finishing
reading this book, Marx and Engels changed their views a great
deal about the history of primitive society. For instance, Marx initially believed that the earliest form of social organization was the
product of evolution from family into tribes. Only then did he learn
that the tribe was the primitive and spontaneously developed
52
cal system. Marx did not have time to verify the order of the development of socioeconomic formations in precapitalist society during his lifetime. This task was completed by Engels after Marxs
death. This order is known as primitive tribal society-slavery-feudal societyaapitalist society.
It should be pointed out that although Marx and Engels no
longer treated the AMP as the original social formation after the
188Os, they did not abandon an important point made earlier-that
some oriental countries (including Russia) had long preserved the
communal structure as well as communal landownership. Furthermore, they still occasionally referred to communal landownership
as primitive communal ownership in their writings. For instance,
in his second draft reply to Zasulich, Marx wrote, by the way,
Russian communal ownership is the most modern form of classical
types. The latter means the classical type had experienced a process of evolution. (In the third draft Marx crossed off this
sentence.) In his letter to Kautsky dated February 16,1884, Engels
wrote about the Java commune, primitive communism there provides the best and the broadest foundation for exploitation and the
despotic system today, as in India or Russia.l0 Of course, Marx
and Engels did not mean that Russia or Java were still in the stage
of primitive communal society by the time of their writing. They
merely meant that in these places communal landownership was
still characterized by faint traces of primitive communism. Measured by our standard today, however, this kind of view is not
scientific. Though the situation in Java is not clear, in the case of
Russia, according to Marxs letter to Zasulich, the village commune was characterized by dual ownership-public and private
ownership. Even without considering the superstructure of despotism, the Russian case, based on its ownership system, still cannot
simply be regarded as primitive communism.
D u e t o the lack of analytical reading of Marx and Engels
works, some people in the AMP debate have lumped the AMP as
a special social economic order together with the AMP as an
ownership system. As a result, they either denied the AMP as a
class society, or treated the AMP as a special social formation that
never changed. This constitutes an important reason why the
debate has not been resolved for a long time.
The issue of ownership is crucial in determining the mode of
production. Form of ownership, however, is different from mode
53
of production. For instance, state ownership is a form of ownership, but it can exist in a variety of social formations of different
nature. Communal ownership can be found in both tribal communes as well as in the village commune. The former is a mode of
production in primitive communal society. The latter is a mode of
production in the transitional period between primitive communal
society and private ownership society. In some states, this communal ownership can be preserved over a long period of time even
in a class society. Despite the fact that Marx and Engels believed
that the Asiatic ownership system is the foundation of the AMP,
they nevertheless differentiated between these two concepts.
Among Marx and Engels works, only in The Preface to the Critique
of Political Economy and the first chapter of volume 1 of Capital is
there a direct mention of the Asiatic Mode of Production and
the ancient Asiatic mode of production. Even in these two
places, the Asiatic mode of production is referred to as a specific
socioeconomic formation. The Asiatic ownership system so frequently mentioned by Marx and Engels therefore cannot be
treated as a synonym for the AMP. In most cases, Marx and Engels
meant property ownership in their discussion of the AMP. The
AMP as a specific socioeconomic existence, however, is much
more complicated than just the form of public property ownership.
As mentioned before, when Marx and Engels formulated the concept of the AMP in the 185Os, they had pointed out the close association of slavery and exploitation with the communities characterized by this type of mode of production and this form of public
ownership. Later on, in his The Workers Movement in the United
States, Engels further clarified the point: In Asiatic and classical
antiquity, the predominant form of class oppression was slavery,
that is to say, not so much the expropriation of the masses from the
land as the appropriation of their persons.l In the AMP debate,
some people only quoted Marx and Engels discussion of the
Asiatic ownership as primitive communism; others emphasized
Marx and Engels belief that the form of class oppression under
the AMP is slavery. These opinions resulted in endless disagreement. If we can separate the two concepts-the Asiatic ownership
form and the Asiatic Mode of Production-this argument will then
come to a solution.
In addition to separate analysis of the AMP and the Asiatic
form of ownership, Marx and Engels also frequently touched on
54
54
woman marries; and upon death people can be next to each other
in the public burial ground. Thus people will love each other.
Animals will be abundant; houses will be well kept; and people
will live happily. Every dung should be provided with a doctor and
all the various herbal medicines. Every herb should be tested as a
cure for disease. Let the diligent take care of orphans and the
virtuous educate our children. Appoint experts on burial ceremony to conduct funerals properly and have people attend them.
Use scholars to revive rituals and to compose music; train commoners to fight as soldiers; and conduct archery to develop
solidarity. Let people hunt and farm together and train to act in
concert.
This passage provides not only information about the Spring
and Autumn and Warring States periods, but also a vivid picture of
the bucolic life in village communes. These village communes were
generally formed by a number of individual families. [Under the
village commune system,] the urban area is divided into li oE
twenty-five families, and the rural area is divided into a four Equal
Field System of thirty-two fa mi lie^."'^ The commune landownership form is the well-field system. In Zhou Rites-Land Officials-xiao-si-tu it is mentioned that land should b e divided according to the well-field system: nine people form one unit, and
four units form one yi. When King Tengwen sent Bizhan to Mencius to inquire about the well-field system, Mencius replied:
When people die or move, their families cannot leave the land.
The families in one unit pin] should take care of each other and
help each other in daily life, in sickness and in defense. They then
will become good neighbors. One square mile will form a unit,
and each unit has nine hundred mu,among which, one hundred
mu is public land, and the other eight hundred mu is distributed
to eight families. They cultivate the public land first before they
farm their own.16
The private land here referred to is the land assigned to peasants. The public land is the land of the village commune. The assigned land goes through periodic redistribution. He Xiu made a
note in Xuangong 15 to the Sprhg and Autumn Annals:
The sages invented the well-field system to distribute land according to families. One married couple is given one hundred mu of
land. The Sikong (title) is to supervise the equal distribution of
good and bad land. The best land is farmed every year; the secondrate land is farmed every other year; the bad land is farmed every
other two years. In this way nobody will have all the good land to
himself or suffer from the bad land in total. To secure a balanced
agriculture, the land therefore needs to be redistributed every
three years.
This case fits well into the characteristics of the AMP described
by Marx: the individual has no property but only possessions; the
community is properly speaking the real proprietor-hence property only as communal property in land.
Marx wrote that the property ownership formation based on
the form of public landownership can express itself in a variety of
ways.
For instance, as is the case in most Asiatic fundamental forms, it
is quite compatible with the fact that the integrating entity which
stands above all these small communities may appear as the superior or sole proprietor, and the real communities therefore only as
hereditary pos~essors.~
The well-field system of the Western Zhou has dual characteristics with its property ownership form: the communal landownership of the village commune and the state landownership of the
feudal lords. In The Book of Poetry--Bei-shan, it is recorded that
in all the world, there is no land which is not the kings land. This
remark is a clear reflection of the state ownership of the slaveowners land. This characteristic of the property ownership of the
A M P determined that
part of the communes surplus labor belongs to the higher community, which ultimately appears as a person. This surplus-labor
is rendered both as tribute, etc., and as common labor for the
glory of the whole community, partly in the form of the glorification of the real despot, partly of the imagined tribal entity, the
GOCI?~
58
tributary grain for the worship of heaven and the tax revenue for
the state. This tributary grain is for the imagined tribal entity,
the God; and the tax revenue is to satisfy the need of the real
despot-the feudal lords.
If the saying in all the world, there is no land which is not the
kings land reflected the lack of private landownership in Western
Zhou, the Zhou king was then no less than the ultimate owner of
land. Likewise, the saying that throughout the land all are subjects of the king indicates the Zhou kings ownership of his subjects. Not only did the members of the commune not own their
land, to some degree they were the property and slaves of the
despotic king. Not much difference exists between this kind of
slavery system and other forms of class oppression. The oppression
of the Zhou feudal system expressed itself in the form of live human burials. Similar to the Shang dynasty, there existed live human
burials in the Western Zhou. The majority of the human burials
were slaves, although some were not slaves. This live burial system
continued to exist among the slaveowners and royal families until
the time of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods.
Despite some opposition, Qinmugong used live burials of good
people ( s d i a n g ) in the state of Qin. This case indicates that in
ancient China wives and children were only slaves of the father in
the family, and the citizens only slaves of the king in the state.
It is based on the general characteristics of the AMP that we
consider Marx and Engels AMP theory applicable to the Western
Zhou period. The social reality of Western Zhou, of course, is
much more complicated than what Marx and Engels discussed. In
the following, I will compare the AMP discussed by Marx with the
society of Western Zhou.
First, Marx and Engels believed that climate and territorial
conditions, especially the vast tracts of deserts, extending from the
Sahara, through Arabia, Persia, India, and Tartary, to the most
elevated Asiatic highlands, made artificial irrigation by canals and
waterworks the basis of oriental agriculture.20 This view was distorted by Wittfogel t o create the theory of oriental hydraulic
society. Despite the close connection between irrigation and agricultural development in ancient China, irrigation was nevertheless
not highly developed in the time of Western Zhou. Only during
the periods of the Warring States and the Qin-Han period, in
which the village commune had disintegrated, did irrigation be-
59
their rulers in two ways: on the one hand, the ruler of the state
represents heaven; he is the hope of his people. People love their
ruler as their parents, respect him as the moon and sun, worship
him as god and heaven, and fear him as thunder and storm. O n
the other hand, if the ruler leaves people in poverty and gives
heaven no tribute, then the people will be in despair and rise in
revoIution.u
It is not surprising that part of Marx and Engels definition of
the AMP does not concur with the historical reality of ancient
China. Quite to the contrary, it would be a surprise if it did. In researching Chinese ancient society, we can neither explain Chinese
history solely according to M a n and Engels discussion of China,
nor can we ignore Marx and Engels teachings just because their
words do not accord exactly with the Chinese situation.
One view expressed in the AMP debate believes that China remained as an Asiatic society with a special class structure until it
was invaded by the Western colonial powers. For instance, in Man
and the Third World,Melotti wrote:
Until the last century the typical structure of Asiatic society survived more or less unchanged, having at its base the self-sufficient
production of isolated village communities and at its summit a
despotic power that exploited them while performing, with varying degrees of efficiency at different times, the essential functions
of water control. In theory all the land, or at any rate most of it,
belonged to the State, and in practice the State bureaucrats were
the beneficiaries and constitute the actual exploiting class.=
61
62
The debate over the AMP indicates that a large gap exists between
Chinese scholars and scholars abroad over Marxs theory on social
economic formations. In his book, Melotti summarizes this difference as the opposition between the unilinear view and the
multilinear view.
It should be noted that past historical research had a tendency
to simplify and dogmatize the five production modes in China and
abroad. This tendency of dogmatism has seriously hindered the
healthy development of the historical field. More than a century
65
has passed since the time when Engels wrote his book The Origin
of Family, Private Properfy and the State. During these one hundred years, there have been many new discoveries and fresh research in the field of archaeology, in the studies of nationality, and
in history. These new discoveries provide us with rich and valuable
materials for our understanding of the pattern of sociohistorical
development. Along with these discoveries, the question of how to
use these discoveries has become a serious issue in our research.
However, it is inappropriate simply to use the argument of unilinear or multilinear as the summary and illustration of this issue. Both unilinear and multilinear views can be interpreted in
many different ways. The multilinear view, for instance, can be interpreted as a denial of the universality of historical development
for various countries and nationalities. This universality, accidentally, just happens to be one of the most basic points of view of
Marxism upon which we must insist. Lenin pointed out:
Materialism provided an absolutely objective criterion by singling
out production relations as the structure of society, and by
making it possible to apply to these relations the general scientific
criterion of recurrence whose applicability to sociology the subjectivists denied?2
The multilinear view, therefore, cannot reflect this repetitive
pattern in the social system. O n the other hand, this universality
should not deny the richness and versatility of the individual states
and nationalities in their national history. As Lenin stated, while
the development of world history as a whole follows general laws,
it is by no means precluded, but, on the contrary, presumed, that
certain periods of development may display peculiarities in either
the form or the sequence of this d e ~ e l o p m e n t . The
~ ~ unilinear
view can easily be misinterpreted as an absolute uniformity that ignores the diversity of individual national histories.
According to Melottis multilinear theory, China, India, Egypt,
and other countries all fall into the category of Asiatic society,
and Russia belongs to semi-Asiatic society. None of them, therefore, went through the stages of slave and feudal society. Consequently, in world history, only ancient Greece and Rome went
through the stage of slave society. This opinion is nothing new but
a reflection of the dogmatic attitude toward the theory of five pro-
duction modes. And it will not lead to the discovery of the patterns
of sociohistorical development. When some scholars are able to
break through the influence of dogmatism, others remain confined
to it.
Marx and Engels treated ancient Greece, Rome, and medieval
Europe as the models for slave society and feudal society. They did
not, however, confine slave society solely to ancient Greece and
Rome,or feudal society solely to medieval Europe. Otherwise,
they would not have defined the economic law of motion of modern society [as] the natural law of its movement.34 Marx wrote:
The relations of production in their totality constitute what are
called the social relations, society, and, especially, a society at a
definite stage of historical development, a society with a peculiar,
67
feudal society in Chinese history. On the other hand, in post-QinHan China, the form of landlord landownership and feudal tenant
taxation became highly developed. How can we deny it as a form of
feudal society? How can we confuse it with the Asiatic Mode of
Production? Some contend that feudal society existed in Japan but
not in China. Such an opinion does not have a firm foundation, as
the various systems in Japanese feudal society were deeply influenced by China, notwithstanding the difference between Japanese feudal society and that of medieval Europe.
Marx wrote, It is not the articles produced, but how they are
produced, and by what instruments, that enables us to distinguish
different economic epoch^."^^ Furthermore,
whatever the social form of production, laborers and means of
production always remain factors of it. But in a state of separation
from each other either of these factors can be such only potentially. For production to go on at all they must unite. The specific
manner in which this union is accomplished distinguishes the different economic epochs of the structure of society from one another:
From these two passages, it is clear that the method and form
by which the means of production are integrated with labor is the
most important criterion in our judgment of the nature of social
economic existence. If in its national history the basic characteristics of the slave and feudal production mode are apparent and
predominant, that nation, then, should not be disqualified from
having slave or feudal society in its history just because it had a different experience from ancient Greece, Rome, and medieval
Europe.
One other issue is whether primitive society could develop directly into feudal society, [instead of] into slave society. The slave
system and the feudal system are two closely related forms of exploitation. As Marx stated:
Where man himself is captured together with the land as an
organic accessory of it, he is captured as one of the conditions of
production and thus slavery and serfdom arise, which soon debase
and modify the original forms of all communities, and themselves
become their foundation$2
In this passage Marx assumed that both slavery and feudal society could directly arise from primitive tribal communes. Engels also
69
70
Complete Works),3:Z.
3. Complete Work,46:part 1, p. 4%.
4. Selected Wotks,
283.
5. Complete Works,46,part 1, p. 493.
6. Ibid., 20:66fM9.
7. Ibid., vol. 23, Preface to the Third Edition of Capital, p. 390.
8. Selected Work,19432,448,450.
9. Ibid., 4172.
10. Complete Works,36:112
11. Selected Wmks,4258-59.
12. Complete Works,25890-91.
13. Complete Works ofLenin, 13:255.
14. Umberto Melotti, Manc and the Third World,Chinese trans. (Commercial
Press, 1981) [English edition,Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 19721.
15. Jine, In S e m h ofAncient Rim&: The Study of IT
16. Mencius-King Tengwen.
17. Complete Works,46: part 1, p. 481.
18. Ibid, p. 473.
19. Ibid.
20. Selected Works,264.
21. Complete Works,46:part 1, p. 472.
22. Ibid., 19449.
23. Zwzhuun, Henggong Year 3 [The author has made a mistake about the
year: it should be Henggong Year 21.
24. Ibid., Xianggong Year 14.
25. Melotti, Manc and the Third World.
26. Three Kingdoms: The Book of Wei-Biography of Sima Lang.
27. Complete Works,20581.
28. Selected Works,3220.
29. Complete Works,25891.
30. Xunyu, The Book of Hun, vol. 8.
31. The Works of Luruangong, vol. 22.
32. Complete Worksof Lenin, 1:120.
33. Selected Worksof Lenin, 4690.
34. Selected Works,2208.
35. Ibid., 4:213.
36. Complete Works,25:940.
37. Selected Works,4212-13.
38. Ibid., 1:212.
39. Complete Works,25:892.
40. Ibid., 23204.
41. Ibid., 2444.
42. Ibid., 46:part 1, pp. 49&91.
43. Ibid., 35:131.
44. Ibid., p. 125.
45. Complete Works of Lenin, 21~38.