PKS and Its Policy on GenderGender-related Issues:

An Observers Notes

Syamsuddin Arif
If someone is able to separte sugar from its sweetness,
he will be able to separte Islamic religion from politics.
1
- K.H. A. Wahab Chasbullah

Introduction

In June 1999 Indonesia, the world largest Muslim nation87% of its total of 220
million people being Muslim, witnessed extraordinary events: the Pemilu, Indonesian
acronym for general election (pemilihan umum). It was indeed remarkable because the
voting was the second truly democratic election in the nations history (the first such one
dating back nearly half a century ago in 1955), and was considered by many observers to be
by and large free and fair, involving several hundred millions of ballots, over half a million
polling candidates and some hundred thousand polling stations.2 In this election, the
newly born Justice Party, or Partai Keadilan (one of 48 contesting parties), obtained 1.4
million votes, winning 7 seats in the parliament (DPR [Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat], or
Council of People Representatives), 26 seats in DPRD I (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat
Daerah Propinsi, or Provincial Council of Peoples Representatives), and 163 seats in
DPRD II (Regional or Municipal Council). This was by no means a small achievement for
the relatively unknown latecomer. However, falling short of the electoral treshold (a
minimum 2% of the total votes), the party changed its name into Partai Keadilan Sejahtera
(PKS), or Prosperous Justice Party, so as to participate in the subsequent, April 2004

Paper presented at conference on Neue Willkr gegen Frauen in Indonesien: Frauenrechte zwischen
Islamisierung und Demokratie, July 15, 2006 at KSHG Mnster, Germany.
1
As quoted by Allan A. Samson, Conceptions of Politics, Power and Ideology in Contemporary
Indonesia, in Political Power and Communications in Indonesia, ed. Karl D. Jackson and Lucian W. Pye
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), 214.
2
Described as a proportional system with district characteristics, the June 1999 election was indeed unique,
where each voter cast a single vote for a political party. The 27 provinces were retained as electoral districts,
ranging in magnitude from four to 82 seats. The number of seats won by each party in each province was
determined using the principles of proportional representation, and each candidate on each party list was
linked by the party to one of the second-tier districts (kota, city authorities, and kabupaten, authorities in
non-city areas) within the province.

elections, in which it won 7.3 per cent of the vote and 45 seats, making it the seventhlargest party in Indonesias parliament.3

FAQ about PKS

PKS was established in Jakarta, the announcement of which was read on April 20, 2003 in
front of more than 40,000 people in Monas Square, Jakarta. As successor to Partai
Keadilan (founded in Jakarta, August 9, 1998), it acquired practically everything belonging
to the latter, including all the council members and cadre.4 The Party founders adopted
the name Keadilan Sejahtera to emphasize its official opposition to KKN (Indonesian
abbreviation for corruption, collusion and nepotism) as well as indicate its mission and
vision of a welfare state in which justice should prevail. If PKS was considered the bestperforming party in the 2004 parliamentary election, it was due to the fact that it had
vigorously campaigned on a platform of combating the wide-spread practice of corruption,
violence and injustice.5 PKS declares its commitment to create clean and good governance,
stressing not the Islamic state but the paramount importance of moral integrity and
professionalism.

Although basically urban and university based, PKS members, which have grown from
60,000 in 1999 to between 400,000 and 500,000 in 2004, come from diverse backgrounds,
intellectually, ethnically and culturally.6 Most of its leaders are lecturers and researchers. It
3

More on this see Mitsuo Nakamura, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia: Observations on the 2004 General
and Presidential Elections (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Law School ILSP, 2005).
4
The fusion of PK and PKS was accomplished on July 3, 2003 before the attorney Tri Sulistyowarni in the
latters office in Pamulang, Tangerang.
5
See Saiful Mujani, Fenomena PKS, in the website of Jaringan Islam Liberal, 04/04/2004;
http://islamlib.com/id/index.php?page=article&id=536
6
A historical account of the partys emergence and its membership is summarized neatly by Sadanand
Dhume in his article, Radicals March on Indonesia's Future, in the Far Eastern Economic Review, May
2005, vol. 168, Issue 5: In the 1980s Indonesia was rapidly urbanizing. Political life on campus was sharply
curtailed. Many college students were the first in their families to acquire a higher education or, for that
matter, to live in a city. The Tarbiyah movement quickly caught on. It gave its members a sense of purpose
and dignity, simple ideas of right and wrong, a framework for understanding the changes taking place
around them. From Bandung it spread to the rest of the archipelago. By the early 1990s it controlled
student movements in virtually all of Indonesia's largest and most prestigious public universities. By 1998,
the first generation of Tarbiyah activists had risen to positions of influence in the bureaucracy, in
universities, in state-owned corporations. That year, with the end of the Suharto era, they emerged in the

is important to note that the party considers itself a cadre party and not a mass party. Its
goal is not short-term electoral gain but propagating a correct interpretation of Islam as a
way of life. In this connection I should mention Greg Fealys interesting observation that
with the exception of PKS, most Muslim-based political parties are election only parties
which are moribund at the branch level, still involved in money politics so that party
cadres are not emerging, lacking a detailed policy platform, beset by internal
communication problem between the elites and the grass roots localities, and suffering
from internal splits and petty power struggles.7

As can be gleaned from its official statement, PKS has a strong belief that Islam can guide
humankind to prosperous life, both material and spiritual, in this world as well as the next;
that prosperity can only be realized through individual achievement (futuh khassah) and
collective political victory (futuh ammah) by means of persistent piety, honesty, and hard
work.8 The party is aimed to serve people, solve their problems, help them improve their
life quality (economically, culturally, etc), transform them into a madani society, and
bring them closer to the prophetic ideals. We aspire to build a strong country that offers
justice and prosperity, both materially and spiritually, said party president Tifatul
Sembiring, adding that PKS is convinced that democracy in Indonesia is one that
recognizes and upholds religious values.9 In this endeavor it seeks to cooperate with
various organizations and institutions, national and international (taawun ala l-birr wa ttaqwa).
Since PKS proclaims itself first and foremost a party for dawah, that is, inviting people to
accept Islam which is supposed to bring peace and bliss, order and justice on earth
(rahmatan li l-alamin), to unite them as brothers and sisters regardless of their differences,

open with their own political party. They called it the Justice Party. Its symbol: a stalk of rice-Indonesia's
staple food-flanked by two crescent moons symbolizing Islam. Nevertheless, I deplore Dhumes
tendentious coverage and his unwarranted labeling of PKS as radical.
7
See Islam in Modern Indonesia, Proceeding of a Joint Conference Sponsored by the United StatesIndonesia Society (USINDO) and the Asia Foundation (TAF), February 7, 2002, Washington, D.C., p. 32.
8
The following Quranic verses are said to be the source of inspiration for PKS: surat al-Shura 13, al-Nur 55,
al-Saff 10-13, and al-Anam 153.
9
Michael Vatikiotis, In Indonesia, Islam loves Democracy, International Herald Tribune, Tuesday,
February 7, 2006; http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/02/06/opinion/edvatik.php

ethnic or otherwise, dawah becomes the central principle underlying the party strategies
and motivating its members. This explains why for PKS members (so it seems to me) it is
politics that serves dawah, and not the other way round. Specifically, it means that PKS
policies will have to manifest the following characteristics: comprehensive (shamil),
reform-minded (li l-islah), constitutional (shari), moderate (wasat), firm and consistent
(istiqamah), committed to progress and development (numuww wa tatawwur), gradual
and balanced approach (tadarruj wa tawazun), priority and public good consideration
(awlawiyyat wa maslahah), problem-solving (hulul), future-oriented (mustaqbali),
transnational and universal (alami). To sum up, let me quote in extenso what the former
party president Hidayat Nur Wahid himself once said:
We will work hand in hand with all Indonesians to prevent the
country from breaking apart, and from descending into chaos and
insecurity. PK[S] also wants to be a pioneer in upholding Islamic
values within a framework of national unity and integrity. We
must work hard to ensure the real voice of Islam is heard in
Indonesia and even in the world at large. We must speak out
boldly in defense of a dynamic, moderate Islaman Islam that
upholds the sanctity of human life, reaches out to the oppressed,
respects men and women alike, and insists on the fellowship of all
humankind. Such is the true Islam of the Prophet, we believe,
that some are now seeking to destroy.10

What PKS is Not

In order to clear up some prejudices and misgivings about PKS, it would be useful to
highlight what this nascent party is not.

PKS is an avowedly Islam-based party that is modernist in outlook, viewing the core values
of Islam as consistent with modern world. It shares the notion of a nation state of
Indonesia (NKRI) and therefore is not pressing for an Islamic state. The party is politically
10

Hidayat Nurwahid and Zulkiflimansyah, The Justice Party and Democracy: A Journey of a Thousand
Miles Starts with a Single Step, in Asia Program Special Report (Woodrow Wilson International Center
for Scholars), No. 110 (April 2003), p. 20.

moderate and tolerant, supporting the rule of law, believing that political legitimacy
derives from both religious (shura) and non-religious factors (i.e. the will of the people
through free and fair elections),11 and maintaining that Islam contains the basic concepts of
human rights, allows protected status for certain non-Muslim citizens,12 and strongly
supports education and advancement of women.

In other words, PKS is not a secular (anti-religious) party that is thoroughly poweroriented or merely using religion to achieve political goals. It is neither radical (trying to
eradicate the current status quo) nor liberal (applying laissez-fair policies), neither
revolutionary (seeking to abolish the Republic and reestablish the Caliphate) nor anarchist
(having no respect for the law),13 neither fundamentalist (opposed to modernity and
reform) nor extremist (going beyond the proper limits), neither fanatic (giving absolute,
unduly support to certain individuals or institutions) 14 nor fascist (attempting
undemocratically and inconstitutionally to impose state control over all aspects of life).15
PKS is against racism, aggression, violence and terrorism, which is why it condemned the
US military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq.16 No wonder if PKS wholeheartedly
11

On August 2, 1999, the party accepted the result of votes though with a remark that the elections was on
the one hand considered relatively luber (acronym in Indonesian for direct, open, free, secret), but
unfortunately neither honest nor fair (jurdil). The judgement was made on the basis of statement given by
the Election Surveillance Committee (Panwaslu) that the 1999 elections was still far from being jurdil. The
acceptance letter was signed in KPU office on Monday afternoon (2/8).
12
As a matter of fact, minority communities have often fared relatively well under Islamic rule, as was the
case with the Jews and Christians in Medina and Andalusia (Muslim Spain). For, in general, non-Muslims
living under Muslim control are permitted to practice their religions without obstacles. Muslim men are
even instructed to allow their Jewish or Christian wives to practice their faiths freely. Minorities could, if
they wish, have their own courts and apply their own laws in civil matters. See Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah,
Ahkam Ahl al-Dhimmah, ed. Subhi Salih (Beirut: Dar al-Ilm li al-Malayin, 1961.
13
Thus in one of the resolutions issued following its national convention (Munas I), July 23-31, 2005 in
Jakarta, PKS urged that the Ahmadiyyah case be handled wisely, while at the same time stressing that
violence and anarchism will only aggravate rather than solve the problem.
14
In a national gathering to celebrate the end of Ramadhan (Silaturahim dan Halal Bihalal) held in Jakarta,
on January 20, 2001, the Party President Hidayat Nur Wahid declares that PK has nothing to do with all
the negative consequences of Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur)s controversial leadership.
15
Thus, for example, on September 19, 1998, the Party President Dr Ir Nurmahmudi Ismail addressing the
masses in Yogyakarta declared that PK categorically rejects any attempt to impose the adoption of Pancasila
as the sole ideological basis (asas tunggal) by all social and community organizations in the country.
16
On Monday, October 8, 2001, more than 150 PK MPs from all over Indonesia came to the US Embassy in
Jakarta to protest what they considered to be crimes and terrors committed by the US. The protest was
repeated 11 days later, with more than 40,000 people streaming onto the streets, after which was founded a
National Solidarity Committee for Afghanistan (Komite Indonesia untuk Solidaritas Afghanistan - KISA),
led by Dr Salim Segaf al Djufri.

supports the cause of Palestinian people and opposes the Israeli aggression.17 PKS is also
quick to respond to disasters, increasingly involved in humanitarian works, helping people
indiscriminately at home and abroad as they did to many victims in Maluku, Banten, Aceh,
Yogyakarta as well as in Pakistan and Palestine.

PKS on Gender Issues

The Party is cognizant of the fact that as human beings both men and women are Gods
vicegerents on earth, equally responsible before Him, each having the same dignity, rights,
duties and rewards as individual.18 They have to work as partners and support each other.
PKS also realizes that womens participation in politics is as important as the vital role they
play in the family and society building. According to Tifatul Sembiring, the party has 8,3
million constituents and 500,000 active cadres nationwide, of which 57% interestingly are
women.19 In the 2004 election, 40.3% of PKS candidates for the parliament were women,
well above the minimum 30% required by the new law. At present, however, only three
out of its 45 representatives in the parliament (DPR) are women, namely: Dra Yoyoh
Yusroh (Commission VIII Religion, Social Affairs, Women Empowerment); Dra Aan
Rohanah, MAg (Commission X Education, Youth, Sport, Tourism and Culture); and
Nursanita Nasution, SE, ME (Commission XI Finance, Planning, Banking, etc).
Though making up 10.41% only, PKS women fared still better compared to their
counterparts from PPP (5.26%)and PBB (0%).

The party has just begun and will continue to generate more opportunities for women to
participate actively in the political, economic, social, and cultural life of the nation, while
maintaining their dignity and integrity; to pay more attention to women-related issues; to
encourage and enable them to voice their opinions, promote their cause, realize their
17

In April 2002, besides staging a mass demonstration against Israel, the PK set up a Committe of Justice for
the Liberation of al-Aqsa (Komite Keadilan untuk Pembebasan al-Aqsha - KKPA) to be led by Dr Ahzami
Zami'un Jazuli.
18
One has to bear in mind that women's rights are established by the Qurn and the Prophet (peace be
upon him).
19
Burhanuddin, Islamisme, PKS, dan Representasi Politik Perempuan, in Jaringan Islam Liberal website
(citing Republika, 17/10/2004); http://islamlib.com/id/index.php?page=article&id =1080.

potentials, and make positive contributions in the nation building, while holding fast to
the values of Islam; to give them proportional access to fill in strategic posts; and to make
the institution of family into one of the core bases for political education.

In response to the new election laws pertaining to women representation in politics (UU
Pemilu No.III, Th. 2003, Pasal 65), PKS has set itself a target of 300% increase of women
members in the national parliament as well as regional legislative councils by 2009.20

To illustrate the partys commitment to promoting and advocating womens cause, suffice
it to mention the following: PKS urges that a legislation be made concerning Indonesian
women labor overseas (especially those working as house maidens in countries like Saudi
Arabia, Singapore, Malaysia, Hongkong, etc.), which would protect them against all kinds
of abuses and violent, inhuman treatment.21 The party also asks the Minister of Women
Empowerment to take the necessary measures against certain industries that are producing
goods deemed unfriendly and harmful to children, whether physically or psychologically.22
Recently, the party demands that there be a special carriage for women commuters in the
overcrowded train operating in and around the capital (Jakarta), so as to minimize the risk
of frequently reported sexual harassment.23 Furthermore, along with 143 organizations,
PKS supports the anti-pornography bill (RUU APP) which it deems crucial to help stamp
out lingering obscenity in the country as seen in television programs and stem the growth
of porn industry, to protect children, preserve womens dignity, and safeguard the
family.24
20

See PKS Canangkan Peningkatan Jumlah Aleg Perempuan 300%, in national daily Suara Merdeka, July
29, 2005; http://www.suaramerdeka.com /cybernews/harian/0507/29 /nas10.htm.
21
See TKW Sering Jadi Korban Penganiayaan Majikan, in Fraksi PKS DPR RI website; http://fpks-dprri.com/new/?op=isi&id=1576.
22
See Program Pemberdayaan Meneg PP Harus Sentuh Semua Kelompok, in Fraksi PKS DPR RI
website; http://fpks-dpr-ri.com/new/?op=isi&id=1770.
23
See Desak Gerbong Khusus Wanita Dibahas Dalam RUU Perkeretaapian, in Fraksi PKS DPR RI
website; http://fpks-dpr-ri.com/new/?op=isi&id=1856.
24
Asked why her party is supporting the bill, Ms Yoyoh Yusroh said: Our society badly needs the
pornography bill. Pornographic acts (on television) and publications, which have so far gone unchecked,
have damaged our children's morality, and it has to be stopped. The unchecked availability of
pornography has also ruined many marriages. We also disagree that the bill would imperil the right of
women to dress as they choose. Having deliberated the bill, we would protect women from becoming
victims of globalization. We would protect them from becoming victims of multinational firms that

With regard to the anti-pornographic bill it would be worthwhile to look at some of the
objections raised by those who oppose it. The bill should not be passed into a law because,
according to them:
a. It would confine and subjugate women
b. It would curtail artistic freedom
c. It would violate the national principle of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Diversity in
Unity)
d. It would negate the state ideology (Pancasila)
e. It would pave the way for the enforcement of Islamic (Shariah) law

The first objection misses the point because, on the contrary, the bill is intended to free
women from exploitation, to respect and protect them against sexual abuse and violence,
trafficking and forced prostitution. There is abundance of data revealing that sexual
offenses such as harassment, molestation and rape often begin with and are due to
consumption of porn. Even in countries like the United States, the argument that
pornography exploits women has long been one of the flashpoints for social debates about
porn industry. Now, reportedly hundreds of thousands of men have become addicted to it,
leading to anti-social behavior, and causing divorce and family breakups.
The second argument is tempting but not convincing, because artistic expressions are not
prohibited by the proposed law, as long as it is produced and displayed in its proper place,
for legitimate purposes and for certain people. This is why even famous artists such as
Soetardji Calzoum Bachri does not oppose the bill.25 One may also add that freedom is
philosophically a paradoxical notion. Freedom cannot exist without its counterpart, that
is, non-freedom (constraint, boundary, limitation). And this non-freedom may mean
either that you are forced to make choices, or that you have to limit yourself, otherwise

make women "markets" for their (fashion) products. See her interview in the Jakarta Post, April 7, 2006,
Pornography
bill
going
strong
in
the
House,
also
available
at
http://
www.thejakartapost.com/yesterdaydetail.asp?fileid=20060407.A01.
25
See Presiden Penyair Dukung RUU APP, in national daily Republika, June 6, 2006; http://
www.republika.co.id/koran_detail.asp?id=251096&kat_id=6.

you will affect other peoples freedom. So, if artists want to have freedom, they will have
to respect other peoples freedom and limit their own.
Similarly, the third objection seems to ignore the fact that the bill excludes traditional
modes of dress, ethnic traditions, cultural expressions and rituals, so that the people of Bali
and other provinces need not worry about it, because their culture is not going to be
affected. Exception is made also for educational, medical or legal purposes. So, the
plurality of Indonesian culture and tradition will remain, because the bill was not created
to disintegrate the nation.26

The fourth argument is equally refutable since it fails to recognize that one of the
Pancasila sanctions kemanusiaan yang adil dan beradab (humanity that upholds justice
and morality), whence it would go against this very principle to let pornography prevail,
morality decline, evil reign, and the nation sink. As a matter of fact, the Majlis
Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR), or Peoples Consultative Assembly in one of its 2000
resolutions concerning the importance of strengthening the unity and integrity of the
nation (TAP MPR No V/MPR/2000 tentang Pemantapan Persatuan dan Kesatuan
Nasional) clearly affirms that the crisis which has plagued the nation is primarily due to
the abandonment of religious and cultural values which should have served as moral
guidance in all spheres of life.

Fifth, the accusation of some people that the bill is being hijacked by pro-Shariah groups
is a sheer fantasy. The bill does not represent the true, standard Islamic law, which is why
it does not impose the wearing of Islamic headscarves on women. It is just a means to stop
porn reaching the public, to enable regulation of elements of porn in the common media,
as well as a weapon to curb the growth of the sex industry in Indonesia, lest the country be
26

This is why even the Muslimat of NU supports the bill, arguing that it is meant to be regulation and not
restriction, being grounded on the principle of religious as well as cultural pluralism and, finally, it covers
both economic and cultural perspectives. This was expressedly stated by its leader Khofifah Indar
Parawansa (former Minister of Women Empowerment), who also remarked that many of those who
oppose the bill have not seen it themselves and are not informed about the exceptions pertaining to
culture, sport or health. See Muslimat NU dukung RUU APP, in Detik News website;
http://www.detiknews.com/index.php/detik.read/tahun/2006/bulan/03/tgl/27/time/
214636
/idnews/566533/idkanal/10.

the next heaven for pornography (second only to Russia, according to the Associated
Press).27

Finally, let me once again quote Hidayat Nur Wahids illuminating statement which also
represents PKS stance vis--vis the Shariah issue: I see the Shariah is something that can
create a super human being, provide the people with morality, enable the existence of a
prosperous society and enforce the laws. For instance, I criticized a colleague in Aceh who
emphasized on qanun [i.e. law] to punish gamblers yet there exists no such qanun to
stamp out corruption. I made an issue of that because it is not in line with the principles of
justice. What should be done first is create regulations on corruption. Only then, create
rules for other matters.28

Concluding Remark

PKS seems, at first glance, the most successful manifestation of Islam in the public and
political realm. The party is among the latest in a series of overtly Islam-inspired parties
since the fall of Suharto in 1998. Unlike its competitors, however, PKSs success at the polls
(PKS share of the vote increased by 650% between 1999 and 2004) has been due, in part,
to an intensive, personalized method of mobilizing and to an ability to translate its
platform of social justice into a political language of honesty and care (Bersih dan
Peduli), demonstrating its commitment to establish good governance while downplaying
its Islamist agenda.

27

Or like the United States of America where the so-called adult entertainment is so lucrative and
profitable that it's become part of the mainstream culture -- readily available, easily accessible, and all but
impossible to legislate away. See, for example, CBS News, Porn In The U.S.A. Sept. 5, 2004 edition.
28
See Tempo interview with Hidayat Nurwahid, Those who oppose Syariah hide behind Pancasila, in
AsiaViews, Edition 23/III (June 2006).

10

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