CHAPTER-IV

SOCIETY, INSTITUTIONS AND EVERYDAY LIFE

INTRODUCTION
It has been said that the introduction of Islam was not a 'fundamental
revolution in the basic conditions of Indian life; for though it affected a change
in classes and their relative position, it could not uproot the old institutions and
Mithil or Tirhut still continued to be a stronghold of Brhmaism, averse to all
such changes and influences accruing from the new order that came to
dominate other parts of India.1 George Grierson has observed that "Mithil, a
country with an ancient history, tradition of which it retains to the present day,
is a land under the domination of a sect of Brhmaas, extraordinarily
devoted to the mint, anise and cumin of the law. For centuries it has been a
tract too proud to admit other nationalities to intercourse on equal terms, and
has passed through conquest after conquest from the north, from the east
and from the west without changing its ancestral peculiarities".2 The
distinctive feature of the Hindu society during the period was the system of
castes and sub-castes as it is today. Of the various castes and sub-castes the
Brhmaas, though not so strong numerically were by far the most important
caste owing to their hereditary priestly functions and influences.
The society as a whole in medieval Mithil presented the age-old
spectacle with the same Brmaas, Katriyas, Vaiyas and dras
constituting its vital limbs with their privileges and traditions intact. The laws of
Manu had no sympathy for the 'lower castes' of the society and the
Brhmaas resisted for long the foreign influence with all their resources and

Thkura, Upendra, Aspects of Society and Economy of Medieval Mithil, New Delhi, 1989,
p.4
Grierson, G.A., Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. V, pt.II, p.4

112

succeeded to a considerable extent in their ceaseless efforts with the result

that Mithil remained the least influenced tract with little to gain from the new
light that flashed all over the horizon of the country.
EXISTENCE OF A FEUDAL SOCIETY
Feudal characteristics are noticeable in Mithil since post-Gupta
period, when 'the practice of land grants became an all India feature'.3 Swati
Datta has observed that Brhmaas of northern India in considerable
numbers were on move throughout the period c. 475-1030 A.D. The number
of migrations increased considerably in the years following c. 750 A.D. At the
same time it was generally after c. 750 A.D. that emigrations from places or
localities like Varendr, rvasti, Mithil, Kolca, Hastigrma, Hastipada and
Madhyadea began.4 She also holds, on the basis of epigraphic records, that
Brhmaas went to live under the Rrakas in Maharashtra, some under
the Plas in Bihar and Bengal and Paramras in Madhya Pradesh by far the
largest number migrated to Orissa, where they settled down under the various
ruling houses.5 One of the folk-songs of Maithili, which is still very popular in
Mithil, attest to the fact that many Brhmaas of this region migrated to the
land of Jaganntha of the Oiy dea (Orissa).6

arm, R.S., Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India, 3 edn., Delhi, 1991,
pp.194-95.

Datta, Swati, Migrant Brhmaas in Northern India : Their Settlement and General Impact c.
A.D. 475-1030, Delhi, 1989, pp.1-73.
Ibid.
The folk-song compiled by Balbhadra and published by Lakshmi Nayak, Patan Puri under the
title 'Tirhutiy Bhajan' runs thus:
Jagannathiy ho bhai,
Dn ke sratiy mana me rkhiha,
Bb ho birje oiy dea me,
Paira me gaalai kakaa bhaiy nkhi sa khasalai nora,
b nahi bharos hoiya bb ke lagabai gora,
Kona mukhe mandira bhaiy kona mukhe kebara,
Kona mukhe baithala hetah dn saradra,
Jagannathiy ho bhai.

5
6

rd

113

Some of the scholars believe that Brhmaas were invited to come and
settle in the court of a king or feudal chief. Puspa Niyogi explains, that
Brhmaas of Bengal, had gradually built up a solid reputation, which
sometimes spread beyond the borders of Bengal.7 Similar might have been
the case with Maithila Brhmaas, too, since a considerable number of
Brhmaas are today found settled in Uttar Pradesh, Bengal, Orissa, Madhya
Pradesh etc.
Some among the immigrants came to be employed as teachers, priests
military officials, ministers, writers and composers of inscriptions, most of
them, sometimes individually, sometimes as a family and sometimes as
members of a large group of Brhmaas, not related to one another, were
endowed with lands and villages. The specific inclusion of wells, reservoirs
and other irrigation facilities in grants of the early period, point to the fact that
the lands donated, were definitely cultivable. Usually the transfer of lands was
accompanied by the authority to collect taxes, which varied from kingdom to
kingdom and period to period.8
The practice of land grants continued in Mithil during Oinawra period
when ivasimha is said to have granted some acres of land to a Muslim saint
Makhdm Shh, for the maintenance of Khanqh.9 Bhairavasimha is said to
have dug out hundreds of tanks, gave away towns and pattanas (hamlets)
and performed Tulpuruadna.10
Thus, it has been rightly observed that medieval Mithil was essentially
a feudal state, and her entire social structure was based on feudal pattern,

8
9
10

Niyogi, Puspa, Brhmanic Settlements in Different Subdivisions of Ancient Bengal, Calcutta,

1967, p.24.
Datta, Swati, op. cit., pp.84-114.
Lal, Bihari 'Fitrat', Ain-i-Tirhut, p.83.
Introductory verse 7 of the Mahdnaniraya of Vcaspati Mira, cf. Nepal Catalogue, p.112.

114

though not exactly of the western type.11 Feudalism has been the basis of all
social and political developments. The famous digest writer Cadewara
Thkur opined that the ministries were to be on a hereditary basis.12 He,
himself a feudatory and a minister of the Karata dynasty under
Harisimhadeva, has fully discussed the legal status of the feudatories in
Mithil.13 The title Thkkura is translated in Rjanti Ratnkara as barons in
Mithil. The Vara Ratnkara presents a picture of the contemporary social
classes.14
The king along with the feudal barons had all the means of coercion in
society. ridharadsa has collected a few poems relating to this aspect of
social life. He has depicted in his anthology, Saduktikarnmta that in a feudal
society ordinary folks were condemned to lead a life of poverty.15 The caste
system helped a great deal by forging a common bond that resulted in the
formation of a coherent society. The references in Vishupurna attest that it
was the duty of everyone to earn his livelihood in accordance with his caste.16
The element of conservatism and orthodoxy was reigning supreme in those
days.
However, the advent of the fourteenth century A.D. ushered in an
important landmark in the history of Mithil. The change was the introduction
of the Panji Prabandha and the institution of Kulinism.
THE PANJI SYSTEM AND KULINISM
The unique institution of Panji which is peculiar to Mithil, meant for all
the upper castes of the Hindus here, has continued and grown only for
11
12
13
14
15
16

Chaudhary, R.K., Mithil in the Age of Vidypati, p.105.

Jayaswal, K.P., Rjanti-Ratnkara, Chap.II, p.10.
Ibid., p.60
Journal of Indian History, Vol. XXXVIII, p.202.
Cf. Chaudhary, R.K., op. cit., p.105
Vishupurna, Gita Press Edition, pp. 230, 244.

115

Brhmaas and (Kara) Kyasthas. The Panji literature has an encyclopaedic

volume and it constitutes the main basis for socio-economic history of Mithil
during the period under review. It was during 14th century that the institution of
Panji Prabandha was reorganized properly by the last great ruler of the
Karta dynasty of Mithil.17 According to Grierson, the Panji records are one
of the most extraordinary series in existence.18
The system of keeping genealogical registers is maintained in most
parts of our country. In the North-Western India, the bhats are professional
genealogists, in the Eastern India panjiyrs, kulkarikas and ghatakas are the
people who keep genealogical records of the important lineages belonging to
the higher castes, and in the Southern India, however, the system of keeping
genealogical records does not seem to have been equally well-organised. In
the Northern Bihar especially among the Brhmaas and Kyasthas of
Mithil, the system of Panji Prabandha is characterized as one of the most
significant social institutions which produced far reaching consequences.
'Panji' is a Sanskrit word which would mean a register and Panjivaddha
or being included in the Panji would, thus, mean registered. The brhmaas
of Mithil and Kyasthas here are expected to have been registered in the
Panji. Before the marriage of a Brhmaa is fixed, he has to obtain a
certificate from the keeper of the Panji called the Panjikra which would mean
that the prospective bride is not a swajana of the bridegroom, and that there is
no stric bar in the marriage of the two. As the panjikra issues the
certificate, he enters the name of the parties in his Panji.

17

18

Jh, Parmevara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, Maithili Akademy, Pat. P.83: "ake r
Harisimhadeva Npatevapark (1248) tulya Janistamadyani amitabdke dwija ganea panji
prabandha ktah. This date, however, is not unanimously agreed upon. According to another
view, for example, it was organized in 1313 A.D. of Mithil under the Karatas, Sinha C.P.N.
p.93.
Gerierson, G.A. Bihar Peasant Life, p.375.

116

All the ancient law-givers of India, such as Gautama, Manu,

Yjavalkya, and subsequent Nibandhakras (digest-writers) have, therefore,
emphasized the rules which directly help the preservation of the purity of
blood.19
Caevara Thkura,20 a famous digest-writer of Mithil, of a period
slightly earlier than the period of Panji prabandha of Mithil, also informs us in
detail about rules and customs of marriage based on stric injunctions.
Apart from all these accounts mentioned above, Kumrilas book
Tantravrtika (7th century A.D.) offers some valuable information related to
rules and regulations of marriage then observed in India. They are similar to
those that we find in Mla Panji of Mithil. Thus, Kumrilas Tantravrtika corelates the ancient Smti-writers of India and Panji prabandha of medieval
Mithil. The relevant passage from Kumrila is as follows:
Viistanevahi Praytna Mahkulna Prirakanti tamanam.
hetunn

Rajabhibrahinecha

Anevahi

Swapitpitmahdiparam

Paryabismarnrth Samha Lekhyni pravirtni.

Tathcha Pratikulan Gunadoasmaraatadnurupah Pravirta Nivirtayo
Driyante.

19

20

For details see Manusmti, Chapter III, loka 4, 5 and 7; Yjavalkya smti chapter I, loka
52, 53; Ray Ganesh, Maithila Brhmana Ebam karaa Kyastaka panji Kara, Bharatpur,
Distt. Darbhanga, 1984, p.26; Mithil Bhrati, Ank 3, 1971, p.8. In these sources, we find
Manu saying that one should marry a girl who is of one's own vara, who is not of Sapida of
one's mother and father upto seven generations and who is not of the gotra of one's father.
Manu, thus, gave importance to the purity of blood and prescribed no marriage relations with
Hnkriyn nipurusam (one who fails to maintain one's caste and creed). Both Yjavalkya
and Gautam have suggested that a distance upto five generations from mother's side and
seven from father's side be maintained by the two marriage parties. We also get references in
Vaistha and Visu Pura that if a marriage relationship is made within a range of seven
generations from father's side and fifth from mother's side, it is a kind of sin. In Vlmiki
Rmyan Vaistha is seen citing the family tree of Rma and Janak citing genealogical
records of St.
Mithil Bhrati, Ank, 3. 1971, p.14.

117

First line of the passage indicates that to save ones caste is to save
self which is ones ultimate responsibility. Thus, a person who succeeds in
protecting ones caste is a Mahkulina21 (super caste). Caste is related to birth
and a child born of a legally married couple is a pure one. It was not an easy
task as marriage relationship was made after examining both maternal and
paternal sides of the groom, with a distance up to the seventh generation from
fathers side and upto the fifth generation from mother's side, and such
marriage relationship one could attain only after special efforts. Those who
succeeded in doing so were to be called Mahkulina.
The second sentence of the passage, mentioned above, refers to
Samha-Lekhyni.22 It appears that upper caste people such as Brhmaas
and Katriyas used to maintain a Samuha-Lekha to protect their self and
caste. Under such a custom genealogical records of thirty-two families, i.e.
sixteen from fathers side and sixteen from mothers side, which finally cover
seven

generations,

were

maintained,

Thus,

tradition

of

keeping

genealogical records in the name of Samuha-Lekha was not a new

phenomenon for the people of medieval Mithil.
The only difference between the Samuha-Lekha and Panji Prabandha,
is that during the period of Kumrila, Samuha-Lekha was prepared
individually while in Mithil, in 14th century A.D., it came to be compiled and
reorganised under the royal patronage, and a set of trained persons as
Panjikrs were assigned to complete and maintain the genealogical records.
Thus, Panji institution of Mithil seems to have an old tradition and can be
dated back to the days of ancient Smti writers.
As regards the origin of Panji system or Kulinism in Mithil it has been
observed that the history of kulinism in Mithil can be traced to diura, if not
21
22

Mithil Bhrati, Ank. 3. 1971, p.2

Ibid., p.3

118

earlier; and it was later systematised by the Kartas in Mithil and the Senas
in Bengal. The Banagon copper plate23 edited by D.C. Sircar makes it very
clear that the local brhmaas of Bihar attached a great importance to the
brhmaas of Kolca (Kanauj), one of the most renowned sects of the
learned brhmaas.24 According to hi, a ura royal family in ancient Bengal is
known but mo genuine ruler name diura known to the history of east India
is a petty chief who is mentioned by Vcaspati Mia of Mithil in his
Nyyakaika, in the passage : nija-bhuja-viryamsthya-urn-diura-jayati.
Vcaspati Mira composed his Nyyasuci in V.S. 898/c. 841 A.D. Hence,
diura, his contemporary, must have flourished in the middle of the ninth
century. D.C. Sircar holds that he was a petty chief of North Bihar, who may
have been a vessal of the Plas of Bengal and Bihar. Legends may have
grown around his name for his activities in connection with the setting of his
dominions, of certain Brhmaa families coming from Kolca.25 Equally
interesting is the fact holds that the reverential attitude of the east brhmaas
of Kolca seems to have been an important factor in the growth of peculiar
social institution known as kulinism in north Bihar and Bengal.26
He further states that this diura became famous in the legends
regarding the settlement of Kolca brhmaas in Bengal and that the
institution of kulinism was borrowed from north Bihar. Interestingly, the
Banagon copper plate is supported by the Pachobha copper plate,
discovered from the heart of Mithil, as it also refers to Kolca brhmaas.27
Referring to the king diura, R.C. Majumdar observes, King diura
is a pivot round which the genealogical accounts move. No positive evidence

23
24
25
26
27

Sircar, D.C., Select Inscriptions, Cal., 1942, pp.52-54.

Majumdar, R.C. (ed.), History of Bengal, Patna, p.625.
Sircar, D.C., op. cit., pp.52-54.
Ibid.
Chaudhary, R.K. Select Inscription of Bihar.

119

has yet been obtained from his existence, but have undoubted references to a
Sura family ruling in the Western Bengal in the 11th century A.D. diura may
or may not be a historical person, but it is wrong to assert dogmatically that he
was a myth, and to reject the whole testimony of the kulajis on that ground
alone."28
The brhmaas of Mithil kept alive the orthodox tradition of castes and
prided themselves on their purity and claimed to be free from the Buddhistic
influence. They looked upon the people of Magadha as impure and it seems
that diura who is said to have been ruling somewhere in Mithil invited
brhmaas from Kolca and made rigorous rules for the protection of
brahmanism. Except in case of sacred pilgrimages across the Gaga, fresh
initiations were considered necessary for anyone visiting Magadh. After
having established the system of kulinism, diura granted land to the
brhmaas who came from Kolca or were related to them. Since the great
phiolosopher Vcaspati is a Brhmaa of Mithil, it may be suggested that he
laid the foundation of kulinism in his territory. From here it spread to Bengal,
Assam and other parts of India. Hence, the institution of kulinism in Mithil
can be traced to diura.29 The full credit for systematizing it goes, however,
to the Karta rulers of Mithil.
However, according to Upendra Thkura,30 the tradition of the view
tracing the origin of kulinism to diura suffers from certain contradictions.
First of all, the historicity of diura is completely shrouded in obscurity; and
secondly, the suggestion that the great Vcaspati Mira flourished in Mithil in
the court of legendary king diura, who ruled over certain parts of Mithil,
stands unsupported by historical evidence. He further argues that Vcaspati
28
29
30

Majumdar, R.C., History of Bengal, Pat., p.630.

Choudhary, R.K., Mithil in the Age of Vidypati, pp.109ff.
Thkura, Upendra, Aspects of Society and Economy of Medieval Mithil, New Delhi, 1989,
p.26

120

refers to diura in Nyyakaik but that is just by way of comparisons which

make it perfectly clear that he had no connection with him whatever. diura
passed for a legendary figure and as such he was well-known to Vcaspati
and others in Mithil. Thus, the institution of Panji (kulinism) can be, according
to this opinion, traced to Kumrila rather than to diura. Thus, we have to go
back to the time of the Smtikaras, and particularly to Kumrila to trace its
origin.
Ramanth Jh has also mentioned nine features which reflect the
social value of Kumrila's society. These are31 :
(i)

To protect religion, protection of self and caste was an essential task.

(ii)

Brhmaas and Katriyas attached great importance to protection of

the self and caste.

(iii)

For that, marriage must have been arranged as prescribed by stras.

(iv)

For marriage relationship, up to date genealogical records was a must

which

Vlmiki

tells

us

through

Janaka

as

"Pradane

Kulan

Niravaekhtaha Kulajaten Vaktabyam."

(v)

Hence people used to maintain genealogical records under the system

known as Samuha-Lekha.

(vi)

Permissibility of marriage relationship (adhikra) was checked.

(vii)

For marriage relationship merit and demerit of a family (Kula) was

considered. Those who established relation with a good family earned
Prava and who established relations with an inferior family earned
Niva.

(viii)

31

Hence, there was a gradation in the society based on merits of family.

Mithil Bhrati, Ank. 3, 1971, p.11.

121

(ix)

Those found pure and perfect were called Mahkulna.

Thus, the above features of Kumrila's society are similar to those we

find in Panji Prabandha of Mithil. Panji has no relation with a mythical ruler,
diura and its origin can be traced to ancient Smti writers. Mithil has been
a strong centre of custom and practices, prescribed by the Hindu law-givers.
Panji Prabandha was organized keeping Smti writer's views in mind, to save
the traditional values and the Hindu way of life.
It is said that Raj Nnyadeva of the Karta dynasty tried to organize
the society of Mithil, but he could not complete the work and, finally,
Harisimhadeva completed it. Both Ballla Sena and, Harisimhadeva Katiryas
were and their ancestors came from Karnataka in South India. It does not
seem possible that Harisimhadeva was influenced by the caste organization
of Bengal as suggested by some modern scholars.32 It has been suggested
that the Panji Prabandh was finally compiled in ke 1248 (1327 A.D.), three
years after the end of Harisimhadeva's reign, though the compilation was
started much earlier. The entire credit for re-organising the society of Mithil in
the light of this new social setup was given to Harisimhadeva for having
initiated this bold and revolutionary measure and for that he is still
remembered in Mithil. Thus, from all available evidences it seems that
compilation of Panji was effected a few years after the beginning of
Harisimhadeva's reign (possibly in 1309-1310 A.D.) which later came to be
copied by different authorized panjikrs when Harisimhadeva was no more on
the scene.33
There were certain factors which seem to have encouraged
Harisimhadeva to make the system of Panji more systematic and regular than
it was until then. Firstly, medieval Mithil had to face some Muslim invasions,
32
33

Ramanth Jh's article in Mithil Bhrati, Ank. 2, 1970, p.110.

JBRS Vol. LXIII-LXIV, 1977-78, p.443ff.

122

and their impact must have necessitated the hardening of caste rules.
Secondly, on account of geographical factors, the people of Mithil had
already acquired insular habits. They kept themselves isolated and their
emphasis on the Smtic studies enabled them to solidify their conservative
outlook. Thirdly, the idea of maintaining the pristine purity of their race and
culture lay at the root of social organization based upon old ideas. Finally, the
aim of this social organization seems to have been to conserve the purity of
blood and uphold the distinctive mark of culture. Moreover, the vastness of
Samuha-Lekha, necessity of its maintenance and day to day rectification and
updating and general people's lukewarmness towards it might have
encouraged the marriage relationship within a prohibited degree. Such an
alarming condition needed reformation and re-organisation of the society
immediately.
The immediate and the most glaring cause of the origin of Panji
system, according to Paramewara Jh, is said to have been an incident
which took place in the village Satghra of Mithil.34 Pandit Harinth arm
was a great scholar in that village. Once he left his home to attend some
educational conference outside Mithil. His wife was a noble lady and used to
visit daily the temple of Muktinth in the village of Devahr,35 and prayed for
the well being of her husband who was out of the village on the particular day.
Once a miscreant, belonging to Dusdh caste, tried to molest her at a solitary
place inside the temple. But as the lady was a pativrat (faithful wife) the
miscreant died before he could hold the hand of the lady.
But some of the members of the miscreant's group spread a rumour
that an 'outcaste' had molested her. Thus, her chastity was questioned. The
lady was debarred from participating in any social and religious function. The
community members asked her to go through an ordeal. The innocent and
34
35

Jh, Paramevara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, Pat., p.83.

Ibid., p.83.

123

honest lady accepted it. After uttering 'Nhamaa cndla gmin' (I have not
cohabited with a 'Cndla' (sinner), she touched the burning iron rod. But her
hand was burnt and the allegation seemed to have been proved by the
ordeal. Thus, the propaganda of the miscreants worked, the community
member boycotted her, and she was left alone. The innocent lady wept before
many persons and requested various pandits to give her one more chance of
proving her innocence. They agreed and pleaded for giving her one more
chance

before

'Dharmdhikranik'.

the
36

religious

minister

of

the

Maharaja

called

The request was granted, she was asked to go in for

another ordeal. This time she uttered 'Nhama swapatibytirikta cndgamini'

(I have not cohabited with any Cndala other than my husband).37 This time
she had no burns. Now it became clear that Harinth arm himself was a
Cndla. This news spread like wildfire. Pandit Harinth Sharm was
declared a Cndla and the lady was acquitted of the charge.
The above incident appeared to be a mystery to the people as a man
like Harinth arm was proved to be a Cndla. Maharaja Harisimhadeva
got worried supposedly apprehending a similar thing with other learned
pandits of his court. The king ordered an enquiry into the validity of Harinth
arm's marriage. After examining the genealogy of the couple, previous
relationship was found between Harinth arm and his wife and it was
discovered that they had married within the prohibited degrees. As he had
disregarded the marriage code he became a Cndla.38 His wife was the
daughter's daughter of his first cousin (father's brother's daughter's daughter).
Such an incident was an act of incest to the community as she was the
descendant of her grand father and was within the prohibited degree. Not only
the parties to such a consanguineous marriage were guilty of having
transgressed the rule, but even the offspring of such a union was similarly
36
37
38

Jh Paramewara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, Maithili Akademi, Pat., p.83.

Ibid., p.83
Ibid., p.83-84

124

treated.39 It seems that Pandit Harinth arm was not an exception. There
might have been others too, who might not have followed marriage rules and
regulations as there was no proper system for it.40
Subsequently, Maharaja Harisimhadeva ordered the registration and
collection of as much information as could be found on genealogy. He
appointed certain pandits headed by pandit Raghudeva Jh41 and handed
over the records to them and asked them to keep a complete genealogy of
each individual of the community. He authorised them to issue the 'Swasti
patra' (the permit of the marriage), so that the marriage could not be
performed within the prohibited degree. This is how the evolution of marriage
rite among the brhmaas in Mithil seems to have been taken place.
Hence, under the authority of the then king the Panji was reorganized.
Harisimhadeva deserves the credit for having reorganized the genealogical
records of Mithil with the help of his minister Surykaraa Thkura, known as
'Lekh' (an officer in the Mithil Panji).42 According to N.N. Basu, he was the
chief Minister of Harisimhadeva and was well known to all students of the
social history Mithil.43 Thus a commission was formed to organize Panji
institution after verifying the Mlas and gotras. 168 mlas 19 gotras of
Brhmaas of Mithil are mentioned in Panji literature.44 Each stock or Mla,
however, has several braches. One mla of Kayapa Gotra, for example,
whose place of origin was Mandra (Madhubani) has as many as 84 different
branches. To indicate this, another place name was added some time later,
during the years following the consolidation; indicating the name of the village

39
40
41
42

43
44

Jh, Rmanath, Maithili-Brhmao k Panj Vyavasth, Darbhanga, p.6.

Mithil Bhrati, Ank. 3, 1971, p.6.
Jh, Paramewara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, p.83-84.
Basu, N.N., Social History of Kamrup, Vol.II, p.158, ff. Also J.K. Mira's History of Maithili
Literature, Vol.I, p.27.
Basu, N.N., op. cit., Vol.II, p.158ff.
Jh, Parmevara, op. cit., p.85.

125

where that branch had its home. The common ancestor who was proved to be
the earliest known progenitor of all different branches of that stock came to be
known as Vijipurua.45
Common belief among the brhmaas is that the members of one
gotra are the descendants of one common ancestor. Members of one gotra
are united by blood relationship. Thus, gotra is a group of persons, belonging
to one family and marriage within the same gotra is strictly prohibited. The
conception of family by gotra is later development. This conception of family
by Gotra was clear during the period of Cndogya Upaniad,46 where
Gautama questioned Satyakma jbla, a young boy who approached him for
education, to what gotra he belonged. Here gotra exactly means a family
name. In Mithil also the Gotra means a large family, and marriage
relationship can not be made between the persons, having same gotras. The
brhmaas of Mithil observe the Pravara exogamy also. There are two kinds
of Pravaras among the brhmaas of Mithil i.e. Tpravara and Pach
Pravara. The gotras having three illustrious ancestors were called Tpravara
and the gotras having five illustrious ancestors were called Pachpravara.
Thus, Pravara is named after some is. All these give introduction of an
individual's vasa (dynasty).47 It is, thus, apparent that after verifying mla,
gotra and pravara with strict accuracy, the Panji system or the consolidation
of genealogy was completed. It may be mentioned here that we find a
rectification in marriage system of Mithil from the time of Harisimhadeva or
slightly before his period. The smti writers prescribe marriage with a girl who
is not under relationship up to the seventh generation. Yjavalkya clearly
observes thus:

45
46
47

Mithil Bhrati, Ank. 2, 1970, p.114.

Karandikar, S.V., Hindu exogamy, Bombay, 1929, pp.33, 34.
Thkura Krishna, Brahaman Vansh Vivekah, Darbhanga Union Press, 1909, p.9.

126

'Pacamn Saptamadurdhwrd Matritah Pitstatha'48

Hence, there has been a departure49 from the rules of marriage
prescribed by the ancient law-givers. It appears that such a custom was
prevalent in Mithil even before Panji prabandha and when social reformation
and organization was initiated by Harisimhadeva and his ministers, the
marriage rules mentioned above, were given a legal status in the society.
Despite these arrangements the people had to face the hurdle of
adhikr. There were limited Mlas of Brhmaas and in such a condition
following a distance up to the seventh generation, of a girl from father's side,
was not an easy task. Hence a rectification might have been made in the
society, even before Harisimhadeva, and legality to follow a distance of
relationship of a girl from father's side, up to the sixth generation only was
granted by the society.50 This must have eased the problem of marriage
negotiation as chances of getting adhikra became broader.
The genealogies are first recorded in the record called Mla Poth in
which the details of family marriage alliances and social status are written
down. Genealogies are further transferred from Mul Poth to Uttedha-Poth.
The latter is also arranged more briefly Mla wise. In this Poth which
genealogists consult during marriage negotiations only the names of the
males occur. It should be noted here that in the original Panji records of
Mithil even the names of women were recorded. For a socially permissible
marriage, the Panjikras see to it that the bride and the bridegroom do not
come within a prohibited degree as prescribed in Panji Prabandha which is
now recorded in Uttedh-poth.

48
49
50

Yjavalkya Smti, chap.1, loka 53.

Mithil Bhrati, Ank. 3, 197, p.7.
Ibid.

127

Thus a girl and a boy can have the adhikra for marriage when the
paternal side of the bride has no relations within the sixth generations and
from the maternal side upto the fifth generation. This is known as Solaha
Kula.51
The re-organisation of Panji system brought about a remarkable
change in the social organization of Mithil. Maharaja Harisimhadeva not only
suggested that Panji should be recorded systematically, but panjibadha
should also be classified according to status. According to O'Malley
Harisimhadeva settled the respective ranks of three sections of Mithil
subcastes of Brhmaas (of the region) and made marriage rules for them.52
It has been said that Harismha's intention was to encourage religious
observancy among the people of his land,53 and also to maintain the purity of
caste and blood by avoiding the forbidden degrees of relationship and
marriage in strict conformity with the stric injunctions.54
The Brhmaas were, thus, divided into three subcastes : (i) rotriyas,
(ii) Yogyas, and (iii) Jaybaras.55 However, in due course of time when
Brhmaas belonging to the lower category in cadre used to marry into an

51

52
53
54
55

Mira, V., Cultural heritage of Mithil, p.294. These 16 ancestors are : (1) Bride's father's
grandfather's grandfather, (2) Bride's father's grandfather's maternal grandfather (3) Bride's
father's grandmother's grandfather (4) Bride's father's grandmother's maternal grandfather (5)
Bride's father's maternal grandfather's grand father. (6) Bride's father's maternal grandfather's
maternal grandfather. (7) Bride's father's maternal grandmother's grandfather (8) Bride's
father's maternal grandmother's maternal grandfather (9) Bride's mother's grandfather's
grand father. (10) Bride's mother's grandfather's maternal grandfather (11) Bride's mother's
grandfather's maternal grandfather (12) Bride's mother's grandmother's maternal grandfather
(13) Bride's mother's maternal grandfather's grandfather (14) Bride's mother's maternal
grandfather's maternal grandfather. (15) Bride's mother's maternal grandmother's grandfather
(16) Bride's mother's maternal grandmother's maternal grandfather.
Besides the girl should not be mtri sapinda and the girl should not be the child of stepmother's brother (Kath-mm)
O'Malley, L.S.S., Indian Castes Customs, p.57
JBORS Vol. III, p.516.
JBRS, Vol. XXXII, p.55. Also, Thkura, U., History of Mithil, p.357ff.
Jh, Parmewara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, p.84.

128

upper castes category, a new subcaste among the Brhmaas came up

named as 'Panjibaddha.'56
The original criteria for fixing a place in the social hierarchy were (i)
birth in a respectable family, (ii) ideal conduct, and (iii) high learning. Those
who were rigidly devoted to the performance of their 'Nitya Karma', 'Naimittika'
duties and acquired knowledge by the study of the stras, and born in pure
families of Brhmaas were called rotiyas. The yogyas (the capable) were
families which were not full fledged rotriyas but capable of becoming rotriya
on the basis of their attainments, they were described as yogyas, considered
to be fit for registration. However, the jaybras could not be considered to be
fit for the same. They could attain the high position by making relations with
rotriyas and yogyas. Since the jaybras had been considered fit for
matrimonial relationship by one who was already registered, they got
something like a certificate of merit (Adhikraml) and hence eligible to be
registered in Panji and, therefore, called Panjibadha. Thus, such people who
might originally belong to the highest families but had fallen down to such a
status that they could not be given the status of being capable (yogya), in
course of time, by dint of their worth and works succeeded in establishing
marriage relationship with the registered people, became known as
Panjibadha. It appears that gradation in the society was an automatic
consequence of the Panji prabandha and it should not be attributed to
Harisimhadeva directly.
The position of the family in the hierarchy was not static or permanent
like kulinism of Bengal and there was the provision to rise and fall. If an
individual belonging to an inferior family earned reputations due to higher
learning and ideal brhmaical conduct, he was upgraded. Inspite of social
stratification, there was a provision of improving ones social status by

56

Ibid., p.84.

129

establishing marriage relationship with the upper class Mlas. Those who
failed to establish such relationships with the Mlas of an equal status for at
least three generations, came down as ghastha or fallen from the original
track. If a man of lower mla continued to establish marriage relationship with
upper class Mlas, his social status came to be upgraded in due course and
this could be done through the system known as Vyavasth or the price paid
for either coming down or going up, in the inverse ratio, or vice-versa. The
natural result was that the older flexibility of determining social status on the
basis of good works gave way to that on the rigid criterion of birth alone. We
are told that even the founder ruler of Darbhangrj, Mahevara Thkura,
could not be excluded from social discardation. His son Subhnkara Thkura
had to face considerable difficulties in settling his marriage in good family
owing to the not very high social status of his maternal grandfather. He had to
shift his residential and official headquarters to Bhaura near Madhubani.57
The Panji institution led to the growth of two functional classes namely
the Panjikras and the ghatakas58 (Marriage contracts), in due course of time.
These do not form separate castes, but they are a section of the Brhmaa
community. The Pajikra keeps genealogies and issues swastipatra which is
like permit for a marriage. The ghatakas help the parties in negotiating
marriage. The permits for the marriage of the Brhmaas are issued after the
verification of the seven principles fixed by the Panji system, as already stated
in this chapter, through Panjikras.
No marriage can be performed without undergoing the process of
Siddhanta. Brhmaas of Mithil decided to hold annual meetings during the
marriage season where the Panjikras would assemble for performing the
acts of 'Aswajanapatra' (marriage certificate) and 'Siddhanta' (marriage
57

JBRS, Vol. XLVIII, 1962, p.28. Also Mithil Bhrati Ank-4, 1977, p.86.

58

Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnakra, Cal., p.27. "Nradak sahodar aisan ghatak". Also, Grierson,
Bihar Peasant Life, p.373.

130

permit).59 Such places were six, viz. Paratapur, Sajuar, Rosera, Sahasaula,
Banagon Mahii, and Sourath. During the time of Maharaja Chhatra Singh
Bahadur (A.D. 1807-1839), out of six places however, the meeting of Sourath
alone was organised yearly which is still continuing.60 In ancient times when
the brhmaas of Mithil could not go from village to village in search of
brides or bridegrooms for their sons and daughters for fear of being
interrupted in their daily performance of the agnihotra ceremony (i.e. the
ceremony of offerings of oblations to the consecrated fire), they founded a
'Dharmaketra' in the village of Surath in the district of Madhubani (which was
formerly a part of Darbhanga).61
Vidypati too has given importance to genealogical records. Akulina
deserved no sympathy from him. Caste and creed were the determining
social factors of life.62 According to Vidypati, a man born of infamous lineage
was bound to turn out evil minded.63 According to our poet, a country where
the caste rules are not observed is a mlechcha country.64
Hence, it is obvious that the contemporary writers like Jyotirivara,
Vidyapti, Vcaspati etc., thus, were supporters of the idea of Panji
prabandha in some way in Mithil during the period under review. Even during
the reign of Harisimhdeva books on Smtis and nibandhas were written and
compiled for the protection of orthodox social setup in Mithil.65
59

60
61
62

63
64
65

Jh, Paramewara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, p.184. Also, Grierson G.A., Bihar Peasants Life,
p.375. Grierson writes that "once a year, there are great meetings of these Brhmaas at
Saurth, near Madhubani and other places, where Panjirs assemble and write up the
registers. They also arrange after consulting their registers and give certificates to the parents
certifying that the marriage is lawful, and that the parties are not within prohibited degrees of
affinity. These certificates are called Adhikr Mla or Asujan Patra. The settlement of the
conditions of marriage is called Siddhant".
Ibid., p.184.
Singh, S.N., History of Tirhut, Calcutta, 1922, p.199.
Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No.458, "Akulina sayan yadi kaya sadavawa". Also,
Vidypati, Purua Parik, Pat., Tale 6.
Ibid., Pat., Tale 13.
Vidypati, Dnvkyaval, pp.10-11
Jh, Paramewara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, Pat., p.80

131

Among the Kyasthas also, genealogies were collected and compiled.

It is said that the so called Panji system was also introduced among the
katriyas, vaiyas66 and gopas during the time of Harisimhadeva.67 However,
excepting kyasthas, none of these castes could establish the system of Panji
prabandha. Referring to the panji prabandha, Pamewara Jh observes that
the enlightened katriyas of that period appeared to have declined to accept
the Panji system were given a low place which was not acceptable to them.
Among the kyasthas also, genealogies were collected by Panjikras and
they are also classified in different stocks or Mlas. Among the karaa
Kyasthas the main gotra is Kyapa and the important Mlas are the
following68 - (i) Balain, (ii) Biya, (iii) Sisava, (iv) Kothipala, (v) Narangavali, (vi)
Pakli, (vii) Vattikavala, (viii) Mahuni, (ix) Mandich, (x) Basantpur, (xi) Athor,
(xii) Gadhakab etc. The Kyasthas of Mithil were also divided into
Bhalmanuas and Ghasthas according to their Mlas. It is believed that
they were divided into twelve important mlas in the names of those twelve
persons who had accompanied Nnaydeva from Karta country to Mithil.69
Vinod Bihari Verma writes that in ke 1232 (A.D. 1310) r ankara
Datta Mallik of Sisab Mula was entrusted by King Harisimhadeva to prepare
the Panji of Kyastha on the same pattern as that of the Brhmaas. Mantri
Gunapati helped ankara Datta in this task who is said to have been the
uncle of Gunapati.70 It seems that while ankara Datta was assigned the task
of compiling the Kyastha Panji, Harinth Upadhyya with the active co-

66

67

68

69
70

Ibid., p.87. Also Ras Behari Dsa, Mithil Darpan, pp.11-16. Also, J.K. Mira's History of
Maithili Literature, Vol. I, pp.38-38.
Jh, Ghanananda, Ghatakraj, p.27, as cited in R.K. Choudhary's Mithil in the Age of
Vidypati, p.115ff.
Jh, Paramewara, Op. cit. p.87ff. Also Ghananand Jh, Ghatakraj, p.39. Also Roy's Maithil
Brhmaa ebam Kara Kyasthaka Panjikaran, p.62ff.
Dsa, Ras Bihari, Mithil Darpan, II, p.15ff.
Verma, Vinod Bihari, Kyasthak Panji Prabandha, p.47ff.

132

operation of Harisimhadeva and his minister Surykara Thkura completed

the Brhmaa Panji and, finally, laid the foundation of kulinism in Mithil.
Like the Brhmaas the Kyasthas were also divided into four main
groups71 (i) those twelve kyasthas who came from Karta country including
the family of ridhara Dsa were placed in the first group, (ii) the second
group comprised those twenty families which were invited to come to Mithil
for settling down after the establishment of Karta dynasty, (iii) the third
group consisted of those thirty families which came to Mithil later, and (iv)
the fourth group was composed of those families which were last to settle
down there during the reign of Karta dynasty.
The Panjikras were among them just like those among the Brhmaas
of Mithil. The difference between the Panji of Brhmaas and Kyastha was
regarding the siddhnta a process by which a Panjikra verifies the seven
principles and issues the swastipatra. It should be noted here that the
siddhnta among the Brhmaas is generally performed two or three days
before marriage, but among the Kyasthas it was usually performed three
years or four years before marriage. So a number of negotiations could not
survive as such a long duration caused various troubles.72
The second cause of the Panji systems instability among the
kyasthas was greediness of the Panjikras and described by Paramewara
Jh. If one Panjikra was needed, dozens of Panjikra used to come with
swastipatra without any invitation. It was not possible to pay remuneration to
all the Panjikras by the concerned parties.73 Thus, in course of time, this
system appears to have lost its strictness among the Kyasthas.

71
72
73

Choudhary, R.K., Mithil in the Age of Vidypati, p.112.

Jh, Paramewara, Mithil Tattva Vimara, Pat., pp.85-86.
Ibid., p.86.

133

In case of Bengal, the Panji prabandha was maintained under the

name of kulaji. The kulaji is found among the Brhmaas of Bengal like the
Panji of Mithil. The kulaji literature of Bengal is very rich and it was
sponsored by Ballla Sena. He is said to have divided the Bengali Brhmaa
community into four parts, namely (i) Kulina, (ii) Siddha rotriyas, (iii) Saddhya

rotriyas, and (iv) Kastha rotriyas.74 The king applied very democratic
methods. According to Vcaspati Mira, he laid down nine virtues as the
criteria for the kulaji. The brhmaas who possessed all of them were called
kulinas: Those who possessed only eight virtues were called Saddha
rotriyas and those who possessed seven virtues were called Saddhya
rotriyas. All the remaining Brhmaas were in the grade of kastha rotriyas.
The kulajis are, however, unanimous, rather a rare thing, that the rank of
kulina was personal and the distinction was conferred upon only sixteen or
nineteen Mlas.75
Placing all the kulinas in the same grade the king allowed them to
marry the daughters of non-kulinas. It was Lakamaa Singh who deviated
from old practices and then made the system a complex one. Lakamaa
Senas periodical classification is known as samkaraa.76 Abstruse
philosophical ideas were also introduced into the system of kulinism during
the reign of Lakshamna Sena. There was still one saving grace. Kulinism had
not yet become a hereditary rank. Thus, during the period under review the
Panji of Mithil and the kulaji of Bengal clearly show cultural ties between
Mithil and Bengal during the period under review.
R.C. Majumdar opines that the reorganisation of the society in Mithil
was not followed on the pattern of kulinism prevalent in Bengal.77 In Bengal
74
75
76
77

Majumdar, R.C., History of Bengal, Vol.I, Pat., 1971, p.629.

Ibid., p.630.
Ibid., 1971, p.630
Mithil Bhrat, Ank. 2, 1970, p.110

134

there was a dearth of the pure Brhmaas (Sadbrhmaa) and, hence, five
Brhmaas belonging to five gotras were invited from kanyakubja by Ballla
Sena for settling down in Bengal and they were given handsome property by
the king. The offsprings of these Brhmaas who protected the purity of the
blood came to be known as kulina. In Mithil there was no dearth of pure
Brhmaas and class division, too had a different pattern over there.
Risely, following G.N. Datta, believes that The system of kulinism was
borrowed some centuries ago by the Brhmaas of Bengal from Mithil. U.
Thkura observes, As we know that the Bengali kula panjika texts are known
after some avowedly Mithil Smti nibandha authorities on marriage, such as
Hari Mira, Vcaspati Mira, etc.78 The earliest kulaji texts do not go beyond
the later half of the 15th century A.D. where as Maithila texts of the Panjikras
date back to the 14th century A.D. Following, N.N. Basu, Thkura again
claims that the system of keeping genealogical records among the Kyasthas
of Assam could have been borrowed from Mithil. It is not known when
exactly kulinism went to Bengal from Mithil. However, it appears that it went
there when Bengali scholars used to haunt Mithil as students of nyya,
mms and dharmastras. But the most remarkable aspect of kulinism in
Bengal is that it existed there in exactly the same form as envisaged by
Kumrila in his 'Tantra Vrtika. In fact, the mahkulna of Kumrila was not
different either in form, substance, or usage from kula of Bengal which
considerably influenced the social life in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Assam and
Orissa and other parts of India in later days.79
As regards the social significance of the Panji system of Mithil,
Jaykant Mira observes, The Panji prabandha is one of the most important
forces in Maithila life A sympathetic appreciation of the old custom, which
78
79

Thkura, Upendra, Aspects of Society and Economy of Medieval Mithil, p.31.

For details, JBRS, Vol. LXIII-LXIV, 1977-70, p.448 ff. Also, Mithil Bhrat, Ank 3, 1971, p.2ff.

135

has in the past played an important part in preserving the social order and
encouraged a healthy rivalry for virtuous and noble life, should, however,
prevent us from merely condemning it blindly.80 Ramanth Jh describing
this institution says, It constitutes an important landmark in the history of
Mithil. It was primarily a measure of social reorganisation designed to
conserve the purity of Mithil race and to uphold the distinctive characteristic
of Mithil culture, but it set up such new standards of social values that, in
effect, it revolutionised the entire outlook of the society and set the future
destiny of Mithil ...It has weathered all storms that have blown over Mithil
without its roots being shaken, much less uprooted.81 Thus, from several
accounts, it appears that the institution of Panji was a land mark in the social
history of Mithil. Though the institution today has lost its old form and
importance, it can be credited, with saving the community from disintegration
and could keep it closed and compact.
In the field of education also, it can be said that Panji encouraged
higher education and learning in Mithil. Mithil became one of the important
places of learning in India during the period under review. Students and
scholars came from Navdvipa, Ka, Kamrup, Utkala, Bengal, etc. to study
nyya and darshana with the scholars of Mithil. A number of scholars like
Gokulanth Updhyya, Acala Updhyya, Harihara Updhyya, Vcaspati
Mira, Umpati etc. who belonged to the upper echelons of the Panji became
famous in the realm of education and learning. During the reign of
Harisimhadeva books on Smtis and nibandhas were written and compiled for
the protection of orthodox social set up in Mithil.82
Thus, in the 18th century, Mithil emerges as the acknowledged head,
both secular and religious, to the north of the river Sarju. The rotriya rulers
80
81
82

Mira, J.K., A History of Maithili Literature, Vol. I, p.31.

Jh, Ramanth, Harihar Suktimutavali, p.60
Jh, Parmewar, Mithi Tattva Vimara, p.80.

136

encouraged Sanskrit learning and attracted Sanskritists from different parts of

India. Their predecessors, the Karnatas, had worked in the same direction.
In the books mentioned above rites and obligations of the four castes
were clearly defined and viewed from the modern standpoint. It can be said
that old rules were thrashed more and more and people were advised to
abide by the traditional rules and customs. Caevara wrote a number of
digests known as 'Ratnkaras'.83 From these Ratnkaras it appears that all
aspects of life were thoroughly discussed in the light of Hindu law and
customs. It was for the reasons mentioned above that heavy pressures of
Buddhism, Muslims or any other religion could not affect the orthodox and
traditional outlook of the people of Mithil. Panji system deserves a
considerable share of this remarkable cultural achievement.
During the period of Harisimhadeva, a classification was made of
Brhmaas of Mithil according to their scholastic achievements and modes
of life (i.e. cr). As such they, who were men of learning and good conduct,
were placed at the highest order, and they and their descendants are up to
this day referred to by their original villages commonly called Mlagrma. It
should be noted here, for example, that Kharaure Bhour, Mandre Sihouli,
Eudhavare Mahishi, Sodarpuriye Sarisaw, Sodaripuriye Raiyam, Pagulavare
Badhiyam are said to be some of the most respected mlas and if closely
studied it will be seen that these mlas indicated stock of the villages that
remained for a long time the centres of learning in Mithil.84
The system of Panji gave rise to a new class of Panjikras and
Ghatakas, as already mentioned.85 The aspirants for the post of 'Panjikra'
had to qualify themselves at a special kind of examination known as Dhout

83
84
85

Ibid.
Jh, J.S., Education of Bihar, Pat., p.2.
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.375

137

park. It is not, therefore, surprising to note that a number of Panjikras

have also been learned men and at the same time this also highlights the
contribution of the Panji system to the development of education and learning
in Mithil.
Some of the Panjikras made a living from this institution. They used to
get (and do so even now) remuneration for examining the permissibility of
matrimonial alliances between parties in the light of the code fixed under the
Panji system. This system also gave birth to another class of professionals
called Ghatakas (marriage negotiator). Some of them made a living out of
the remuneration they got for carrying such negotiations. However, this class
was not as institutionalised as that of the Panjikras mentioned earlier.
Whereas any one could become a Ghataka, only a certified class of people
had the authority to conduct the business of Panjikaras.
The institution of Panji seems to have been a cementing force among
the brhmaas of Mithil as it gave birth to Sabh Gchh (the orchard which
was the venue of the annual matrimonial meetings) marriages which used to
take place at several places in Mithil. In course of time, however, Sourath
alone of all places continued to hold such meetings or coferences where the
Brhmaas of Mithil gathered for the marriage of their children and do so
even now. This also helped in bringing the cultural synthesis among the
people of the region.
As regards the demerits of the Panji prabandha, it may be regarded as
a medieval institution which suited the needs of the medieval society. But it
seems misfit for the modern society in the light of several factors.86 It helped
the growth of a conservative outlook and appears to have hindered the social
progress. In fact, even today the Brhmaas do not seem to have freed
themselves from its baneful influence. There were already class and caste
86

Thkura, Upendra, History of Mithil, Dar., p.363ff.

138

divisions and the system further created classes within class which fostered
jealousy and hatred and virtually each section tried to beat down the others.
The earlier flexibility of kulinism disappeared in course of time and importance
came to be attached to a person born in high mlas. During the period of
Maharaja Madhava Singh (C.1780., A.D.) the rotriya community formed a
separate organisation known as Sotiai sabha. Maharaja became head of this
organisation and made rotriya an endagamous community in the society.
However, such sabha has no control over this community and rotriyas even
make marriage relationship with other groups of the Brhmaas.
Further, it enjoined that marriages must be arranged between members
of the same subclass or else they must face excommunication and humiliation
by the members of their own subclass. This created a barrier between man
and man and violation of the new social rule led to social ostracism.87 The
kulinism also led to excessive orthodoxy.
Panji Prabandha, in course of time, encouraged child marriage,
polygamy and the system of dowry. The institution of kulinism was
responsible to a great extent for the pathetic condition of the women,
particularly the degeneration of the institution of marriage, during the period
under review.88 The condition of women became worse. Daughters could
easily be sold away by their parents for few coins. The matrimonial alliances
turned in course of time into monetary alliances as higher groups demanded
money from the lower groups.89 Thus, it encouraged the system of dowry
which might have affected the economic life of the people of Mithil during the
period under review. A new class named bikau emerged on the scene.90 A
new ferocious monster of 'bikaus' (the vendors who married sometimes as
87
88
89
90

Thkura, Upendra, History of Mithil. p.363ff.

Choudhary, R.K., Mithil in the Age of Vidypati, p.119.
Thkura, Upendra, History of Mithil, p.363ff.
Risley, Caste and Tribes of Bengal, Vol. I, p.440. Also an Art., of J.S. Jh, K.P. Jayaswal
Commemoration Volume, Pat. 1981, .533ff.

139

many as forty to fifty wives) was born. This emerged in the worst type of
polygamy which gradually became the order of the day. Some of the wealthy
persons who found a lower birth in the Panji structure of Harisimahadeva tried
to improve their position in the eyes of common people by contracting
relationship with Brhmaas of high rank. At that time the rotriyas and
Yogyas commanded great prestige. Even, otherwise influential, zamindars of
the lower order of Brhmaa could not hope for such prestige. But money
showed its power and gradually a way out was found. Now a Brhmaa of low
order could also improve his position by matrimonial relationship with
members of the superior order. The affluent among them began to avail
themselves of this facility for upgradation. Because of the great esteem in
which the Brhmaas of high rank were held they were really very few of
them who could be purchased to degrade themselves by contracting marriage
relationship with low Brhmaas for the sake of money. The result was that
the demand of this small section rose very high. The society gave such an
undue prominence to these Brhmaas that they made marriage a
profession. They came to be known as bikaus, that is, purchasabIe. But they
differed from the purchasable commodity in one respect. Even after receiving
their prices in full they were never under the disposal of the purchaser. They
sold themselves only for the marriage.91 The people of this class started
marrying for the sake of money and prestige which led to the worst kind of
polygamy in coming years. Though inadvertently, the Panji prabandha
contributed to the degradation of the social status of women in Mithil during
the period under review.
Hetukar Jh argues that Panji Prabandha had its genesis in the then
social structure where the notion of the purity of birth was based on the purity
of caste. Introduction of the institution of Panji led to the degeneration of the
Maithila culture whose primary characteristics had been learning and
91

K.P. Jayaswal Commemoration Volume, Pat. 1981, p.533ff, an article of J.S. Jh.

140

character in the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries. This also led to the
vertical hierarchization of four classes of Brhmaas (rotiyas, yogyas,
panjibadhhas, jaibrs). While quoting Ramnath Jh, he maintained that the
panji system became the fundamental basis of the identity of the Maithilas.
The Brhmaas and the Kyasthas got a place in the Maithila identity
whereas rest of the classes were deprived of the same. Besides, the social
stratifications within the Brhmaas and the Kyasthas had vacant the feeling
of collective community which acted as blow to Mithil's cultural and
intellectual asset. It had serious ramifications on the inter-personal and intergroup interactions which came to be based upon the considerations of the
purity of caste.92
SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF THE HINDUS
The social aspect of the Hindus of medieval Mithil can be studied
through the institutions of castes and sub-castes. The system engendered
pride among the higher castes and induced a spirit of inferiority and servility
among the lower caste. This aspect is present in almost all the writings of the
period. As numerous castes and subcastes existed during the period, the
Nibandhakras of Mithil tried to fit in these numerous castes within the
framework of the traditional four varas. Vidypati, relying on the Viupura
points out that a country is a mlecha country where caste rules are not
observed.93 Therefore, one should follow the path of the VeDsa as that was
the only way of righteousness.94
The Smti works of Caevara, Vidypati and Vcaspati speak about
the four-fold social structure based on Varnramadharma besides an

92

93
94

Jh, Hetukar, "Chaudahavin-Pandrahavin Sad Aura Uske Bda Mithilk Smjika Sthit: Ek
Samjastriya Avalokana" (Adhyakshiya Bhsana). Dwitiya Dwivarika Rtriya
Sammelana, Mithil Itihsa Sansthana, Darbhang, 2-3 April, 2011, pp.11-12.
Dnavkyvaliof Vidypati, (ed. Feni arm), Banaras, 1940, pp.10-11.
Prijtaharaa, (ed. George Grierson), p.30.

141

indefinite number of despised castes. Digest writers of Mithil did not subvert
the supremacy of the Brhmaas. As in ancient times we are told of their
unimpeachable conduct and integrity of character. Caevara presents to us
the same strenuous and honest life led by a Brhmaa as in the days of
Daka who observed from sunrise to sunset, the Brhmaa should not
remain idle for an instant, and he should devote himself to his compulsory,
occasional and optional duties, as well as other blameless occupations.
Caevara upholds before us the noble qualities of a Brhmaa. He was to
repeat everyday either the Veda or the Puruaskta hymn or the Puras
according to his academic attainments.95 He had to take meticulous care for
his metier. He was not to serve others, not to follow vile profession and
neither to become a physician nor a usurer nor sell medicine.96 In normal
times, he was not to sell mustards, curds, salt, lac, wine, meat, cows, horses,
elephants, oxen, perfumery, black antelope skin, linen, blue clothes and not to
deal in men and women.97 In extraordinary times he was permitted to become
a cultivator or trader on certain conditions. If he became an agriculturist he
was to give 1/6th of the produce to the king, 1/20th to the gods and was
allowed to retain 1/30th of the produce for himself.98 pastamba, Vasiha and
Yjvalkya had earlier forbidden Brhmaas to transact in men, liquids,
colours, perfumes, food, skins, red and black pepper, corn, sesamum or rice,
curds, milk, clarified butter, wax, honey, lac, blankets, silken cloth, indigo, salt,
oilcake, medicines99 etc. Failing to live by the permissible professions during
emergency, a Brhmaa could beg or take up arms in self-defence.100 In view
of such an ideal conduct, it is not surprising if legists continued to prescribe

95
96
97
98
99
100

Ghastha-ratnkara, ed. Mm. Kamalakra Smrtitrtha (B. I., 1928), pp. 248-249.
Ibid., pp.451-452
Ghastha-ratnkara, ed. Mm. Kamalakra Smrtitrtha (B. I., 1928), p. 439.
Ibid., pp.430-431.
Ibid., pp.435-437.
Ibid., quoting Gautama, p.450.

142

that Brhmaas should neither be enslaved nor given capital punishment.

Both Vardhamna and Vcaspati hold that when a Brhmaa has committed
an offence punishable by death penalty, he is first to be tonsured. If he
repeats the crime, he is to be banished from the country.101
But contemporary literature shows, that the Brhmaas did not lead
such an ideal life. His interests were not always academic. Vidypati narrates
a tale where a Brhmaa boy was averse to the Vedsa and spent his days in
the company of hunters.102 He also implicates Brhmaas in the sale and
purchase of slaves. The introduction of Panji system may have preserved the
purity of birth of high caste Maithilas. But it has also to be admitted that the
system has resulted in ramifications in the rank of Maithila Brhmaas like
rotriyas, Yogyas, Patnjibdhs and Jaibars.103 Merit, intellect and learning
were likely to be sacrificed at the alter of birth.
The position and functions of the Katriyas did not change during the
period under survey. Caevara quotes with approval the views of Manu,
Parara, Hrita and Devala, who laid down that Katriyas were to prosecute
studies, offer sacrifices, make gifts and protect the life and property of human
beings and thereby promote good governance.104 It is surprising that while the
legal position of the Katriyas did not improve there was an increase in their
number and power both in north and south Bihar. The rule of the Kara in
Tirhut between 1097 and 1325 A. D. did not only mean the introduction of
Katriyas to greater political power but also must have witnessed infiltration of
a large number of their caste-men in North Bihar. We shall not be far from
truth if we believe that out of 72 clans of Rjputs mentioned in the eighth
101

Vivdacintmai, translated into English by G.N. Jh) pp.147, 152, 158; Daaviveka ed. by
Kamalakrsna Smrtitirtha), intro. Pp.x-xi.

102

Puruapark (ed. Ramantha Jh, Darbhanga Series No. 1960), III. 16, Maith. Trans.,
p.262.
Mira, J.K., History of Maithili Literature, vol. I., pp. 27-31.

103
104

Ghastha-ratnkara, pp.469-470.

143

kallola of the Vararatnkara105 many must have been inhabitants of Mithil in

the fourteenth century. Amongst the Rjputs mentioned by Jyotirvara, we
can easily spot out some well-known clans like the GupaJhjjhra (Gurjara),
Meda,

Kacchawha,

Cauhn,

Candella,

Gulahauta

(Guhilot),

Pmr

(paramra), those descended from Raghu, Sun and Moon. The another clan,
Gndhavariyas held sway over the greater part of Mithil in the middle ages
and their descendants are still living in the district of Darbhanga, Saharsa and
Purnea.106
The Vaiyas held the third place in social set up. Their occupation was
mainly trade and commerce and also money-lending and agriculture. If the
number of wives possessed by a person be any indication of social status, the
position of the Vaiyas may have improved a little between the days of
Caevara and Vcaspati Mira. Vcaspati tells us that the Vara Ratnkara
(of Caevara) on the basis of the Vedsa declared that a Vaiya was not to
have more than one wife. But Vcaspati himself quoting a text of the
Mahbhrata is inclined to permit a Vaiya to have a second wife, though she
must belong to Sdra caste.107
Digests of Mithil repeat various forms of disabilities from which Sdras
suffered from ancient times. Authors of these texts quote a large number of
older works to prove that the Sdras are born for servile work. Punishment is
recommended for those Sdras who adopt the livelihood of Katriyas and
Brhmaas. But they are allowed to trade in articles like salt, honey, curd,
liquor and clarified butter in normal times.108 Commenting on a verse of

105

106

Varratnkara, (B.I. ed. S.K. Chatterji and B. Misra), p.61. Jotirvara, of course, wrongly
states that Chola, Sena, Pla, Ydava, Nanda, Pupabhti, Puiriyn, Vardhan and people
of Khurasna (=Khorasan?) were Rjputs.
Cf. Chaudhary, R.K., op. cit., p.132.

107

Vivdacintmai, p.243.

108

Ghastharatnkara, p.479.

144

Vysa, Caevara states that a dra does not incur blame by selling liquor
and meat.109
A comparative study of digests current in Turko-Afghn times shows
that the lot of a dra of north Bihar was better than their counterparts in other
parts of north India. No doubt, Caevara and Vcaspati repeat that he has
no right to listen to or recite the Vedsa.110 The authors of the Ktya-kalpataruBrahmacrika and the Bihaddharma Pura not only forbid the dras to
study the VeDsa but also deny privilege of studying the Puras and other
sacred texts.111 But the Maithila nibandhakras were a little more liberal and
none of them hold that the dras should be debarred from studying the
Puras or sacred texts other than the VeDsa. Parara-Mdhavya
prescribes that in no circumstances should a Brhmaa eat the food offered
by dra.112 He also did not like that Brhmaas should live in the house or sit
in the same cart which has been occupied by a dra. But Caevara is
broad-minded and practical enough to allow Brhmaas to accept uncooked
food in normal times and cooked food in abnormal times offered by cowherds,
peasants potters, barbers and dras in general.113 Commenting on the
verses of Yama, he further observes that the prohibitory rule applied to asat
or condemned dras alone. In other words, he does hesitate to allow a
Brhmaa to partake of food given by a dra in order to gain cows, lands
and so forth.114
Caevara distinguishes between good and condemned dras. Their
distinctiveness lies in the articles they sold. Good dras are forbidden to

109

Ibid., p.480.

110

Vivdacintmai, p.243.

111

Krityakalpataru-Brahmacrika, pp.257-259; Bihad-dharma Pura III. 4.15-32.

Parara-Mdhavya, III. 305 and 379-380.

112
113
114

Ghastharatnkara, p.337.
Ibid., pp.334, 336.

145

trade in lac, meat, honey and madder.115 But we are not told which categories
of persons belonged to either of the sections. Whether Kyasths belonged to
the class of good dras is unknown to us. This much is certain that because
of their misuse of administrative posts for personal gain, Caevara looks
upon Kyasths as a vicious element in the State.116 Vidypti also tells us that
they are usually government servants, who practise cruelty to animals, gather
wealth in an unscrupulous manner and covet wives of others. When there
was a departure from such a normal conduct he praises that Kyastha. We
cannot say on the basis of relevant materials as to how far the charges
against them are true. But the Mtangkuumnjali of Ghannanda Ds
composed in aka 1682/1760 A.D. eulogises his ancestors who belonged to
the Karaa Kyastha family of Ambah.117 They were famous for their
learning and grant of charities. His sixth ancestor Mukunda was well versed in
Political Science. His son Jagada was not only a repository of good qualities
but also well versed in the philosophy of Ka.
Digests-makers of Mithil do not acquaint us with the distinction
between mixed and despised castes. Jyotirvara mentions a large number of
people belonging to the manda jt or low castes.118 It is surprising to find that
teli (oil pressers), tti (weavers) and gora (cowherds) have been mentioned
along with dhnuk agricultural labourers) camra (cobblers), ui (dealers in
wine) and hdi. In the forests lived many mlecchas or mixed castes like Koca,
Kirta, Kolha (=Kol ?), Bhil, asa (= Khasa), Pulinda, avara, Chairanga,
Goha, Voa, Nea, Pahali, Podha, Donavra, Sgara, Vntara etc. Along
with the aboriginal tribes like Gonds, avaras, Kirtas, and Bhillas, mlecchas

115
116

Ibid., pp.336, 480.

Ibid., p.501.

117

Puruapark, 4.30, Maithili trans., p.115.

118

Vararatnkara, Text, p.1.

146

like Patagoa, Vavvora, Pukkasa, Pacri, Meda, Mangar, etc. inhabited the
hilly regions.119
The society based on the Vararama ideal as depicted in the
contemporary writings was neither peaceful nor happy as we know that
Mithil was surrounded on all sides, by the enemies, internal and external.
The social relationship was determined by economic tenets and while there
were all the evils of luxurious courts, the outcry of the shocking poverty was
not absent. The criminal classes, referred to by the Vararatnkara, speak in
the tone of the lower cultural ladder. The depressed and backward classes
had possibly no say in the social matter and an evidence in support of this is
furnished by the Likhnvali. Since the Brhmaas occupied a prominent place
in the society, they were patronised by the ruling authority. They also
influenced the king and the royal policy as well. The social picture can be
further gleaned through the pages of the Dhrtasamgamanaka and
Pachasyaka of Jyotirivara. The dras and the untouchables were the
worst affected. Those, who caused injury to others, were declared 'bhtyas' by
the king.120 The contemporary evidences reveal to us that highest duty of a
dra was to serve the Brhmaas as it ensured for him supreme bliss;
whereas service to the Katriyas and Vaiyas ensured his occupation.121
Caevara has prohibited the sale of five specified classes of commodities
by the dras in normal times.122 The dras do not become an outcaste
even by selling meat. Some times laxity of rules is also discernible. According
to Caevara, the food of a good dra may be taken for the purposes of
gaining cows, lands etc.123 Provisions for emergency have also been made.124
119
120

Ibid., Text p. 42.

Rjaniti Ratnkara, p.61.

121

Cf. Parsara-Mdhava I. 418-20; Bhaddharmapura- III, 4-5; 24-25; 31-32.

122

Ghastha, Ratnkara, 479-80.

Ibid., 334.
Ibid., 337.

123
124

147

Even the laws were not favourable to the dras.125 Even if a Brhmaa
reduced a dra to slavery, the former was exempt from punishment.
Vcaspati holds that it is meant simply to deprecate the condition of a
dra.126
The Karaa-Kyasthas in Mithil also played a prominent part in the
then social polity. Like the Brhmaas, they were also influenced by the social
reorganisation introduced by Harisiahadeva. The main function of the
Kyasthas was to write and prepare documents of the state under the direct
supervision of the ruler. The Smtis of Yjavalkya, Uanas and Vedavysa
refer to Kyastha as a caste. During our period, the Kyasthas in Mithil
came to be recognised as a caste and there is a lot of reference about them
in the contemporary literature. In Mithil, the Karaa Kyasthas dominated the
scene. Karaa, as a caste, finds mention in the Smtis. According to the
Prabandhacintmai, the prime minister of Lakmaasena, Umpati, was a
Karaa Kyastha. Karaa Kyasthas, believed to have accompanied their
Karta masters from the south, dominated the scene in the courts of the
Senas of Bengal127 and the Karas of Mithil. Both Baudsa and his son,
rdharadsa, the famous author of Saduktikarmta, were associated with
the Sena Court of Bengal. Vidypati, in his Purua Park, has given a
detailed account of the Kyasthas of Mithil. A Kyastha belonged to a scribe
caste. Kyastha, as a caste, also did the teaching work.128 Kyasthas,
generally, did not enjoy very good reputation and in this connection, Vidypati
gives an example of Sakra, said to be the minister of a Nanda king of
Kusumpura.129 Certain good qualities of a Kyastha have also been brought

125

Vivdaratnkara-146. For sale and purchase of the dras-Cf. Likhanval-No. 60, 55.

126

Vivdachintmai-68. For sale and purchase of the dras-Cf.Likhanval-No. 60, 55.

Cf. N.R. Ray Briglir Itihs P.319;

127
128
129

Puruapark, Tale 13.

Ibid. Tale 19.

148

to light by Vidypati in his description of a Kyastha, named Bodhi Dsa.

Though belonging to a lowly caste, Bodhidsa, in kings service, never did
anything that ran counter to the established rule.130 We have already seen
above the reference to Lipivcaka by Jyotirivara. Kyasthas of Mithil have
been frequently mentioned by Vidpati in Krttilat, Kirttipatk, Padvali and
Likhnvali. Some of them, like Amritkara, Amiyakara and others were
important men of letters and their place in literary history is as bright as of any
other contemporary alumni. Some of the important MSS were prepared by the
Kyasthas. From the Likhanvali, we learn that while writing documents, the
Kyasthas charged their usual fees.131 They were also known as Thakkuras,
Rauta, Datta, Choudhary, Dsa, Mallick and even Majmuladra. In the
administrative and social set up of Mithil, the Karaa Kyasthas occupied a
place second only to the Brhmaas. It may be pointed out that the Karaa
possibly had the same vocation as the Kyasthas and by the time the
Karas came to rule over Mithil, the Karaas merged themselves into the
Kyasthas and came to be known as Karaa Kyasthas. Since they were
associated with royal duties and official work of importance, they acquired
prominence in the society.132 They were adept in writing the official document
and inscriptions.133 Because of their high education and culture, they were
respected in the society.
THE MUSLIM SOCIETY
The Sufi literature in the form of Malfuzt and Makatubt throws some
light on the Muslim social groups of the period under review. The social
130
131
132
133

Ibid. Tale 30.

Cf. Letter Nos. 58, 59, 56, 57, 55.
Chaudhary, R.K., Mithil in the Age of Vidypati, p.137.
ridharadsa composed the Andhrthrhi Inscription of Nnyadeva. The Kara Kyasthas
played a very important role in the history of North India Cf. for details EI. IV. 250;
Education was the main preoccuption of the Karaas of Mithil and their tradition is as old as
th th
the 5 -6 centuries A.D. (JRAS-1965-P.103 ff.). The Karaa Kyasthas combined
administrative duties with that of a scribe.

149

constitution of the Muslims recognized two broad divisions 'Ahl-i-Saif' (men of

the sword) and 'Ahl-i-Qalam' (men of the pen). Besides the rulers and the
ruling class, such as amrs, maliks, sipahslr, shnas, diwns, kotwls etc.,
who ran the local administration, there were imms, qzis, khatbs, muhtasib,
ulam and mashaikh who were in charge of the eccelessiastical and judicial
functions and looked after the moral and religious as well as educational
needs of the people. The oft-quoted Arabic expression, La Rahbniata Fil
Islm means that there is no priesthood in Islm, and Muslim society was
theoretically casteless, but, as S.H. Askari would have us believe, the
democratic fraternity could not escape the contagion of social distinctions in
its Indian environment.134
The highly respected Sheikhs class in the Muslim society was the
Saiyads, Sheikhs and Pirs. The Saiyads, who claimed descent from the
prophet of Islm, and the saints called Shaikhs, Pr, Makhadms and
descendants known as Shaikhzadah, Makhdumzadah, Pirzadah, were so
highly esteemed and venerated that a critical muslim writer has described
them as 'the Brhmas of Islm'.135 Buchanan also has written about Shaikhs.
He says that except artists, all remaining 'Muhammedans' called themselves
'Sheykhs', claiming a descent from the gentry of Arabia, an honour to which,
from their personal appearance, a few had some sort of claim; but 'it was a
few alone' that could boost of this distinction, and the greater part were not to
be distinguished from the Hindu peasantry of the vicinity. Such 'Sheykhs'
were 'Darbhanggiya' and 'Bara Sheykhs'.136 The respect paid to them is
evident from the way in which they have been frequently referred to in the
malfuzts or table talks of the Sufi saints of Bihar, compiled by their disciples.

134
135
136

nd

Askari, S.H., Islam and Muslims in Medieval Bihar, KPJRS, Patna, 2 edn., 1998, p.111.
Ibid.
Buchanan, Francis, An Account of Purnea district in 1809-10, BORS, Patna, 1928, pp.19697.

150

There was another element, the commonalty of Muslim society

consisting of various classes of people, such as artisans, craftmen, pettytraders, clerks, domestic servants and slaves and a large section of converted
Muslims.137 Buchanan informs us about the class of converted Muslims in
Tirhut who despite being converted to Islm continued to behave and profess
in same manner as they did before their conversion.138 He further states that
the doctrine of caste had gained a complete practical ascendancy over the
'Moslems' where the proportion of Hindu was greatest. It had occasioned a
vast number of sub-divisions, the members of which did not intermarry and
often would not eat in company.139 In some places, almost every trade formed
a separate caste, as among the Hindus. Majority of these were artisans, who
had though adopted Islm but were excluded from communion by the
'Sheykhs'.140
Buchanan has given the detail of the most numerous class of this
kind,141 which can be summarized under the following:
i.

Weavers of the tribe of Jolaha who in order to distinguish themselves

from their pagan brothern called themselves Momin or believers;

ii.

The Dhuniyas who cleaned cotton wool and rendered it fit for being
spun or sown into quilts;

iii.

Tailors or Darzs, who were often excluded from the communion of the
'faithful';

iv.

Washerman or Dhobs;

v.

Barbers;

137
138
139
140
141

Askari, S.H., op. cit., p.111.

An Account of Purnea district in 1809-10, BORS, Patna, 1928, pp.188.
Ibid., p.195.
Ibid., p.197.
Ibid., pp.198-201.

151

vi.

Shoemakers or mochs;

vii.

Butchers or kussb who killed goats and sheep;

viii.

Abdal who collected honey and wax;

ix.

Laher or maker of bracelets of lac and glass;

x.

Dyers or Rungrez;

xi.

Family of fireworks (Atushbz);

xii.

Retailers of vegetables or kunjaras

xiii.

Others included Turah (fisherman), Helas (beggars) Byadh (snakecatchers), etc.

Apart from the artisans, there was a type of religious zealot called

Majzub, Diwn and Qalandars. The first two were religious recluses and the
Qalandars were described as those who had their heads, eyebrows, and
beards clean-shaven and were quite oblivious of the obligatory duties of
Islm. There were also Muwallahs (distracted with love) with strange practices
of the own, not abstaining even from forbidden drinks. Unfortunately the
information about them, especially about an institution as important and
common among the Muslims as slavery and about the large mass of ordinary
classes, including the converts, is very scanty in the religious literature of our
period.
We come across people like chkras, nafars, khadims (servants,
attendants), jria and kanz (slave girls and female servants), nalain doz
(shoe-makers), and prah doz (patchers, tailors). There is an interesting
reference in Bahr-ul-Maani to Muslims being employed as servants by the
Hindus.142

142

Cf. Askari, S.H., op. cit., p.111.

152

SLAVERY
The period under review witnesses the existence of slavery in Mithil. It
was an established institution. Our digest writers refer to four classes of
slaves, viz. one born in the household, one purchased, one acquired and
one inherited, who are to be released by the master's favour. Upendra
Thkura has pointed out that the slaves were a product of the feudal order,
had nothing of their own and were completely at the mercy of their owners
who could dispose them as they pleased to, like so many commodities.143 The
surfs and slaves in Mithil were known as Bahiys. We learn the Krttilat that
slavery was an important feature. It has been held that in a slave-holding
society the ruling classes get used to highly undemocratic ways of life and it is
prejudicial to the social well-being of the society.144 The Likhnval of
Vidypati enhances our knowledge of slaves. Letter Nos. 55 and 84 of the
Likhnval,145 slaves, dated 299L.S./1418 A.D., indicate the prices of slaves.
Letter No. 55 describes about a dark-complexioned Kaivartta slave, aged 44,
who was sold at rupees six. His fair-complexional wife, aged 30, faircomplexed son, aged 16, and dark-complexioned daughter aged 4, were sold
at rupees four, three and one respectively. A slave had to do ignoble types of
jobs. Letter no. 55 informs us that a slave could be engaged in ploughing the
fields, carrying palanquins, drawing water or removing food-leavings. Some of
these low kinds of work (aubha karma) are also mentioned by Vcaspati. A
slave, if fortune smiled upon him, could expect manumission. Letter no. 67
tells us of a fortunate slave who was freed in token of his faithful services.
The practice of slavery was also widely current among the Muslims in
Mithil.146 The only marked difference was that while in the preceding ages
143
144
145

146

Thkura, Upendra, op. ci., pp.51-52

Krttilat, pp.47-50.
The English translation of the letters of Likhnval (letter Nos. 38 to 64) is available in
Appendix III of R.K. Chaudhary's Mithil in the Age of Vidypai, pp.565-580.
Thkura, Upendra, op. cit., p.58.

153

the Calas and the downtrodden dras were the victims of slavery in the
period under review even the Dhnuks civilized dras who were invariably
employed as domestic servants) came to be ranked with them by the lawgivers of the land.147 As we know from the contemporary social relationship
existing between different classes of people, the slave had no social standing
whatsoever. These slaves were responsible for the filling of the land, sowing
the seeds and reaping the harvest for their masters. Thus, it is clear that the
institution of slavery was one of vital importance in the economic set-up of the
age when the slaves produced and other enjoyed the all round comforts of
life.
POVERTY
Evils of poverty in Mithil society has been rightly portrayed by
Vidypati. He says that poverty was one of the main causes of economic
troubles and social immorality. According to Vidypati, 'politics and economics
were closely interlinked and both influenced each other in the then situation.
Political conditions had repercussions on the socio-economic life'.148
Vidypatis writings owed their origin to the social needs of the people
of Mithil. The depiction of the life of a Mahdeva is nothing but a fine
representation of the life of a poor common householder of Mithil.149 The
condition of a common man of Mithil as described by Vidypati in the 15th
century, holds good even today.150 A poor man lied in broken thatched
147

Ibid.

148

Puruapariksh, Tales 5 and 35.

Cf. Narendranath Dsa Vidypati Kvyloka PP. 29-30.
Tutale phutale maraiy adhk sohor he|
Thi par baisali gaur manahiman jhnkhati he|
Mngi chngi layel mahdeva tam dui dhn he|

149

Adhahan delani chadhy painch johay gel he|

Aihen nagarke lok paincho nahin dia he|
Vidypati has rightly asserted that nobody was above temptation-Cf. kanak khi na lobh.
150
Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No. 777

154

houses, mostly in delapidated condition, and there was hardly any certainty
about his two meals. The neighbours were so crude as not to lend even a
pie.151
The economic divisions in the society were attributed to fate.152 It need
hardly be emphasised that Vidypati was pained to see the glaring social
inequalities and his pathetic lines show the extent of misery that a common
man had to experience while the rich persons were rolling in wealth. There
was no end to peoples misery.153 The poor people were subjected to all kinds
of extortion and exploitation. At times they were even deprived of their
vocations or means of maintenance.
In a poverty-stricken society, an ordinary human being was nothing
more than a fallen154 creature and if he, at all, wanted to rise above this state
of affairs, he should turn his attention towards god. It was through the idea of
Dharma that a general contentment was seen prevailing among the people
whose initiative was not allowed to take shape and the poor people were
advised to stand by their Dharma or duty.155 The king was the upholder of the

151

152

153

Kakhan harab dukh mor he bholenth,

Dukhahi Janam bhel dukhahi gamyab,
Sukh sapanehu nahi bhel he bholenath|
There was no way out but to curse the lot, and to pray to god for an early deliverance from
this curse. The initiative to revolt against the unjust exploitation was skillfully diverted towards
God, who, it was made to believe, could alone relieve them from distress.
Mitra and Majumdar, op. cit.,
Keo sukhe sutaiye keo dukhe jg|
Apan apan thik bhin bhin bhg|
Ibid., sakhi he, hamar dukhak nahin or.
Cf. Ram Ekbal Singh Rakesh Maithili Lokegeet PP. 161-62
Kahalo na jaichhaha bhol bipatik hl
Mya bp dhaya gelak phikir janjl

154

155

Suni tero nm jasdin pratipl,

Tohare charan par tekab kapl,
Ek beri bhol herthun hojeb nihl|
Ibid.
No. 774
Ham nar adham param patit.
No. 775 Ham nirdis anthe.
Ibid.-No. 45 katber sajani ki kahab buJhe, kaele dhandhe dharma dur jaaye.

155

prevailing socio-economic system. Provisions were made secure for

monarchy without any right of rebellion on the part of the subjects against him
if he turned otherwise. The only consolation to the people was that if he
violated Dharma, the outraged law would avenge itself on a tyrant in a second
and inevitable birth.156 That is why the political thinkers attached so much
importance to non-violence.157 Social stigma was attached to every act in
Mithil. The Vara Ratnkara tells us about the luxury and poverty, the old
and established notions and institutions, the oddities and frivolities, the social
inequality and so on. The chief possession of a poor man was his misery.
Forced by the circumstances and the pressure of poverty, the lower classes
took recourse to bad means of living. This economic inequality led to the
establishment of a resigned social attitude and it came to be embedded in the
daily life of an ordinary Maithila. That aspect is visible in the vast mass of folk
literature and is visible in keeping with the tradition of the age of Vidypati.158
CONDITION OF WOMEN
In India from the earliest days, the general condition of women in
society was inferior to their male counterparts. The ancient text Manu Smti
describes that, "in childhood a female must be subject to her father, in youth
to her husband, when her lord is dead, to her sons; a woman must never be
independent".159

Cf. Carpentier op. cit. P.321; PP(N)-111.

156

157
158

159

Nerukar's edition of Purua park 115 Plotting against king was considered a sin. pp.910.
Ibid. 112 For sentiments of Vidypati on non-Violence.
Cf. JBRS-XXXIII, 62-63.
Koktik dhoti patuw sg| Tirhuti geet barai anurg||
Sundar amaot fok makhn| khirsa ker laduvi pakwn||
Devi upsan sabh keo jn| pabani sarho chauthi chbn||
Kadali thamhak bhojan pt| kriya karma mein ujjwal ht||
Bhv bharal par taruni rup| aetebe tirhut hoichh anp||
The Laws of Manu, Ch. V, Secs. 147-149 and Ch. IX, p. 329 as quoted in the Sacred Books
of the East (ed. F. Maxmuller), Vol. XXV, Oxford, 1886, p.19. Also Pandit Rameswar
'Manusmtah, Bombay, 1922, p.242.
Pith rakati kaumre bhart rakshati yauvane,

156

However, it is interesting to note that Manu Smti also contains

provisions emphasising the social dignity of women. He remarks thus,
Women must be honoured and adorned by their fathers, brothers, husbands
and brother-in-law, who desire (their own) welfare. Where women are
honoured not, no sacred rite yields rewards. Where the female relations live in
grief, the family soon wholly perishes. In that family where the husband is
pleased with his wife and the wife with her husband, happiness will surely be
lasting.160
In medieval Mithil women were not treated equally with men because
the whole approach was based on the domination of the menfolk. Like child
and the coward, they depended on the mercy of the male.161 According to
Vidypati, a woman needeth a youth and never refrains from dependence on
another.162 Since Women were believed to be of a weak mind and devoid of
all knowledge and wisdom, their social position was one of dependence and
pity.163 Women had practically no social status in the modern sense of the
term.
Referring to the status of women, Vidypati in his work Purua Park
says thus:
(i)

Chaste woman followeth her lord,164

(ii)

Women live a life of dependence,165

(iii)

The only refuge of wife is husband,166

160
161

162
163
164

165

Rakanti sthavira putrna stree swtantryamrhati.

Ibid., Ch. IX, p.329
Vidypati, Purua Park, tr. Grierson, Tale 3. It runs thus "It is cowards, children and
women who live a life of dependence, but in proud independence do lions and real men their
living earn." Again in tale 8 he says, "The only refuge of wives is husband".
Ibid., Tale 21.
Vidypati, (ed. K. Mitra and B.B. Majumdar) Cal., 1953, No. 679, ham abala achhi alpa gyn.
Vidypati, Purua Park, Maithili Akadami' Pat., Tale 2, p.18: "Ma jivantu striyonatha
brikshena vina hata".
Ibid., tale 3, p.20 : "Parareyana jivanti katrah sisvah striyah".

157

(iv)

It is through the virtue of her son that a woman is light,167

(v)

Except wife..., other women, like flowers or betel, are but source of
pleasure for a moment,168 and

(vi)

In their happy delights doth a woman count upon the kindness of her
husband.169
From the description of Vidypati given above, it seems that the

function and position of a woman were subordinate. In the long run they came
to be known as servants of the male and dependent upon him at every stage
of life. Women's life was a state of perpetual wardship and social laws and
customs stamped them with a sort of mental deficiency.170 Radhas
characteristic confession of her own sex is a clear indication of the social
status of women.171
Social inequalities, like the purdah system, the child marriage, the
system of dowry, divorce, widowhood, and prostitution have brought the
womenfolk to brink of degradation in such a way that they did not even wish
to be born a woman. Such feelings can be gleaned through the folk songs.172
A female child, after her birth generally received a cold welcome not only from
the male members of her family but also from her parents, including the
childs mother who deemed it a great honour and derived considerable
satisfaction if she gave birth to a son.173
166
167
168
169
170

171
172

173

Ibid., Tale 8, pp56-57: "Patireva yatih strina janni mati".

Ibid., Tale 9, p.10 : "Ratnaprasu putrayurena nri".
Ibid., Tale 31.
Ibid., Tale 41.
Vidypati, Purua Park, Pat., p.230.
"Sukhopkarinah Nari prem Tasya piyogitam
Vasyata cha Nikshideva Strivesyo yati durgatim".
Jh, Makhan, Folk lore, Magic and legends of Mithil, pp.20-49.
Rakesh Ram Ekbal, Maithili Lok Geet, p. 188. Dhiyk janam juni diyah vidhta dhiy dubait
beech dhr. also p. 141. Jhidin agebet toharo janam bhela.. ghare ghare thokala kebr
he.
Vidypati, Purua Park, Pat., p.60, "Ratnaprasu putra gunena nari" i.e. Son-bearing
woman is gem.) Such, however, is not the case with daughter-bearing women. Abul Fazl also

158

As regards the Purdah system many factors were responsible for its
growth in the Hindu social life of Mithil. The Hindu women in Mithil,
specially belonging to the upper and well-to-do section, observed purdah
strictly. They took to purdah as the insignia of respectability. The Hindu
women therefore put a ghunghat (a less elaborate form of purdah) to veil
their faces whenever they saw strangers. Vidypati has referred to the custom
of ghunghat174 or veil. However, Lakhim Dev, the chief queen of Shiva
simha, and Viswasa Devi, seem to have been exceptions to the rule as they
did not practice the system of veil. Like their Muslim sisters they went out of
their houses on special occasions in covered and well guarded palanquins or
litters which were known as 'plak' or 'Dols'.175 Thus, it appears that a less
elaborate form of purdah commonly known, as ghunghat was very popular
among the Hindu women of Mithil in the period under review.176
On the other hand, the women of the middle and the lower strata of the
Hindu society were free, the latter being the freer, from the bondage of this
custom. The vast mass of the peasant women did not wear any shroud or veil
of a specific kind as they did not confine themselves to their houses.177
The Muslim women also observed purdah more strictly than their Hindu
sisters. Laws of Islam command the Muslim women to move only with the
veils on.178 Referring to the rigidity of the purdah system among the Muslims

174

175

176

177
178

mentions that if a Hindu woman gave brith to daughters in succession, she was liable to do
some penance (Ain III (J & S) p.242.
Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No. 875, "Shirlel ghunghat sari". Also Rakesh Ram Ekbal, op.
cit., p.136.
References to these kinds of palanquins are available in the contemporary literature, e.g. :
th
Kabir; by Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, Bombay, 5 Edn., Pad-218, p.349. Also Ram Ekbal's
Maithili Lok Geet. P.103, "Sajat doli Chandola Plki".
Refer to Jh, Subhadra, Songs of Vidypati, p.14 : O fair woman! Cover your face with the
skirts of your cloth; the king hears about the theft of the moon". Also, refer to Ram Ekbal's
Maithili Lok Geet pp. 50-52 Here a wife does not recognize her husband because of veil.
"Putahu ohe chathi hamro betuwa ahanke Purukha Chathi he."
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.155.
Hughes, T.P., Dictionary of Islam, 1885, p.678.

159

Manucci says It is true that the Mohamedon women do not allow their faces
to be seen by anyone, it being contrary to their law to allow themselves to be
seen with an uncovered face.179 Thus, the system of purdah was strictly
observed among the Muslim women and no decent women came out in public
unless clothed in a Burqa (veil).180
Mention may here be made of the institution of marriage vis--vis
women among both the Hindus and the Muslims in Mithil during the period
under review. Throughout the pages for which literary tradition is available in
India, and for that matter in Mithil, marriage has been highly spoken of.
Among-the Hindus of Mithil, Vivh is generally considered as obligatory for
every person because in the first place the birth of the son is said to enable
one to obtain Moka.
Early marriage had become almost a universal feature in contemporary
Indian social life. Medieval Mithil was not an exception to it. The description
of Vidypati and other contemporary works inform us about the child marriage
during the period under review. The Smti writers brought down the
marriageable age during the medieval Mithil and divided the marriageable
girls into five classes according to their ages:
(i)

Nagnika or Naked.

(ii)

Gourieight year old,

(iii)

Rohininine year old,

(iv)

Kanyaten year old, and

(v)

Rajaswalaabove ten years.181

The pathos of such a tragic system is discernible in the writings of

Vidypati and other folk songs. Manucci, speaking about the early marriages

179
180
181

Storia, I, p.62.
OJh, P.N., Glimpses of Social Life in Moghal India, p.63.
Pande, H.B., Hindu Sasakras, pp.331-336.

160

prevalent among the Hindus, observes thus: "Often their daughters married
even before they have learnt to talk".182
The more orthodox section, namely the Brhmaas, of Mithil would
have justified the practice of early marriage by regulation regarding this
important question runs thus, "A man aged thirty years shall marry a maiden
of twelve who pleases him, or a man of twenty four a girl of eight of age; if
(the performance of) his duties (otherwise) be impeded, (he must marry)
sooner".183
The codes of Manu might have encouraged among the Hindus of
Mithil the practice of the old men marrying young girls. In Mithil during the
period under review, child marriage or unequal thing was a normal thing. The
problems of 'Bl Vivh as well as the Anmel Vivh have been so acute in
Mithil that several folk songs have been composed on this line which are
sung on many occasions. Vidypati informs us that because Anmel Vivh
the position of women was pitiable in society during the period under
review.184
Various references to early marriages or unequal marriage in the
contemporary literature are available with us. For example, Vidypati gives
reference to such an unequal marriage in a folk song. In this song a married
young lady whose husband is simply a kid and her junior in age, is lodging a

182

Storia, III, p.54. Also p. 59 where he mentions that the normal age for the marriage of the
daughter of the Brhmaas was four or five years and in some case, a marriage could be
postponed upto ten years of age but not beyond that.
183
Manu, IX, 94, p.344.
184
Rakesh Ram Ekbal, Op. cit., p.157 (Vidypati)
"Hamnahi ja rahab yehi angin
Jaun bdha hoyat jamya".
Again p.173
"Kehi khojala vara kehi dhundhal vara
Kehi budha layala balaya ge mayee.
Kakra maru kakara gariyau".

161

complaint with her father that you keep a milking cow and give milk to your
son-in-law (her husband) so that he will soon become young.185
Polygamy was almost an order of the day especially for the upper
classes of the society in Mithil. Ramanth Jh, in his introduction to the
Purua Park, informs us that the poet Vidypati had two wives and

ivasimha the patron of Vidypati also had six wives.186 Keshav Dsa187 and
Bihari Lal188 also refer to the prevalence of this practice among the rich and
the well to do sections of the society.
Because of Panji Prabandha social stratification of Mithil in the period
concerned was encouraged which helped in spreading the polygamy at a
large scale. The kings, ministers and Zamindars married a large number of
wives of all ages and to some extent maintained some kind of a harem.189 The

185

st

Refer to Vidypati ki Padavali, ed. Mathur, B.K., Delhi, 1 Edn. 1952, Pad. 258, Bal Vivh,
p.460; here we find a married girl talking to her handmaid thus : "O Sakhi! My life is good for
nothing, and I am completely mature and young while my husband is, now an ignorant infant.
May be it is due to some bad deeds committed in my previous birth. My other handmaids
used to please and attract their husbands by wearing beautiful clothes from south (Dakshin
Desha), but what use the good dress and toilets have for me. I felt red hot even when I had a
momentary look at my infant husband. O handmaid my husband is so innocent looking that
when I visit the market carrying in my lap, men come to me and ask, "O beautiful woman, is
this child yours? O handmaid, I, on my part, said "the ignorant is neither my husband's
younger brother, nor is he my younger brother. Due to some sins committed in previous birth,
this child happens to be my husband. The poem runs thus :
Piy mor blak ham tarui|
kaun tap chukalahun bhelahun janan||
Pahinlel sakhi ek dakinik chr|
piya ke dekhait more dagadh sarir||

Hamari samd naihare lele ju|

Kahulin bb ke kinay dhenu gy|
Duhav piye ke posat jamy|
Also refer to Ram Ekbal's Maithili Loka Geet, p.241.
186
187
188

189

Jh, Ramnath, Introduction to Purua Park, p. Also Jh, P., Op. cit., p.95.
Kavi Priya", Prayag, 1954, Doha 20, p.125.
Bihari Ratnkara, Banaras, 1951, Doha 40, p.23. Also Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.258
(when one has two wives, the wives are mutually known as 'South' or 'Soutin').
Mithil Bhrati, Ank 1, 1969, p. 19 ff.

162

kulin brhmaas (bikaua) also used to marry a large number of wives. This
also helped form the bikaua institution in medieval Mithil.190
A bikaua was one who came from the upper stratum of the Brhmaa
hierarchy and got married due to consideration of wealth in families which
were placed lower down him on the same hierarchy. Social recognition was
also one of the main reasons for the origin of this system.191 It has been said
that while KuIinism in Bengal is attributed to Ballla Sena, Polygamy in
Mithil, popularly called bikaua system, was a malignant off shoot of the
Panji-Prabandha. Referring to the practice prevailing in MithiI Buchanan
made in his report on Purnea district, that a man of high rank is often hired
when footless or even maribund, to marry a low child, who is afterwards left a
widow, incapabIe of marriage for the sake of raising her fathers family.192 It is
said that in the bikaua system the wives lived even with their parents and
such wives were called kanyadani. The husband used to visit the places of
his wives in rotation.193
The occasion of a marriage ceremony was a great event in the family.
Jyotirivara has enumerated a number of ceremonies connected with the
marriage system of Mithil.194 A Vivha mandapa (wedding pavillion was
made for the purpose.195 Kohabara (nuptial room) had acquired sanctity in
the social life of Mithil. Vidypati196 has also referred to the existence of
kohabara in his writings. All religious ceremonies relating to the marriage
190
191
192
193

194

195

196

Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.371.

K.P. Jaysawal commemoration Vol. Pat. P. 533 ff.
Buchanan, Francis, An Account of the District of Purnea in 1809-10, BORS, 1928, p.260.
Risley, Caste and Triibes of Bengal, Vol. I. p. 440 (Here he says, that a bikaua married some
times as many as 50 wives).
Jotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Pat., p.83. "Gotra melapak bhau.. kanyadan nirbahu tadantar
samarjanya sechau, upalepan ulekshan agni asthapan kay ayya bahir san son lay
sindurdan karu."
Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No. 909 Dhiya lay manainin "mandap baisali" Also, Grierson,
Op. cit., p.374.
Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No.903. "Gouri sahit bar kohabara jaye". Refer to Grierson,
Op. cit., p.374. Also Ram Ekbal Maithili Lok Geet, p.104.

163

were performed in the kohabara and for four days complete abstinence was
expected from the newly married couple. Vidypati has also referred to the
custom of spreading lv (fried rice) and to use of sindura (red vermillion) on
this occasion.197 A vedi (sacrificial post) within the mandapa was also
constructed around which was spread a handful of lv.198 According to
Jyotirivara, sas, sankh and son were necessary for the sindurdna
ceremony. (i.e. wedding ceremony).199 New earthen pots with religious and
social sanctity attached to them known as purahari or ptila were also
considered as it is today necessary for the purpose. Dpa (earthen lamp) was
considered to be a sign of happy future conjugal life. The whole thing was
beautified by a set of varied folk drawings and paintings popularly known as
aipana which was and is yet regarded as sacred for all auspicious occasions
in Mithil.200
The complete formality of marriage has been nicely depicted in the
contemporary literature especially in the poetry of Vidypati. The auspicious
day begins with the sohga song and as soon as the bridegrooms party
known as barti arrives the parichhana ceremony takes place.201 There has
been hardly any change in all these customs in the villages of Mithil so far.
The participating ladies carry a kalaa pallava and thl full of other items
including dpa and receive the bride groom with auspicious incantations. After
the formalities both the bridegroom and bride are taken to the vedi and then
the gethbadhana takes place. The marriage dpa is kept burning all through

197

Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No.231, "Lava bikharal belik phool, kesar kusum karu
sindurdan". Also Grierson, Op. cit., p.369.

198

Ibid., No. 903, "Bedi dela lava chhiriyayal." Also Vara Ratnkara, pp.64-64. Cf. Ram Ekbal,
Op. cit., p131. "Marwa" p.139 "Vedi"!

199

Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Pat., p.83 for details.

Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No. 761, "Alipan deob motimahar, / Mangal kalash karab
kuchahara".
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.365.

200

201

164

for four days in the kohabara.202 The chaturthi i.e. fourth day of the wedding
ceremony is celebrated with due pomp and elate and sindurdna is again
made on that day in the real sense. Kanydna is said to have reached its
fruition on that particular day when the couple supposedly breaks the period
of abstinence. The marriage ceremony ends with dwirgamana ceremony,
which used to take place after a lapse of some time convenient to both the
parties (i.e. departure of bride).203 A particular type of folk song namely
Samdouna was sung by the women of Mithil at the time of departure of a
bride (dwiragamana). These folk songs describe the pathetic condition of a
bride and her parent because of separation.
The marriage ceremony of the Muslims was also accompanied by
numerous rites. Among the Muslims of Bihar there were two kinds of marriage
ceremonies, i.e. sharai and urfi or religious and commercial. The more strict
and educated members of the community followed the former and the
common people the latter.204 When the time of marriage approached the
parties either orally or in writing fixed a date for it. After the interchange of the
letters, the bridegroom sat in manJh, and after performing several customs
the ceremony of the 'nikh or the religious marriage was performed. Thus, as
among the Hindus, marriage was both a social and religious customs and
formed an important event in the lives of men and women.205 It was
202

203

204
205

Refer to Songs of Vidypati, p.34. It refers to the marriage Vedi, pigrahaa, kalash,
purahar, aipan. Cf. Rakesh Ram Ekbal. Op. cit. p.151.
Bihar Peasant Life, Grierson, p.357 ff. Grierson has brought to life the following terms
connected with wedding ceremony in Mithil, i.e. Chumaon, marba (a bambooshed in the
court yard), kohabara, achchhat, gethabandhan, sindurdan, labachhitai, chaturthi, etc. Also
refer to Ram Ekbal's Maithili Lok Geet, p.197. "Subhaga Pavitra bhum, Mithil Nagari hamro
ke kahan nene jayeech re rahanya.
Ibid., p.374
Greirson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.375 ff. Here he has brought to light with the help of Qazi Syed
Raza Hussain of Patna City, the following terms connected with the wedding ceremony of
Muslim : Nisbat (arranging the preliminaries), Mangani (betrothal) Wada Ka rukka (the letter
of promise), Mayun or ManJh (the going into retirement of the bride and the bride groom),
sayabandi (the erection of canopy), Pir ka Naija or balai miyan (the songs of balamiyan),
bariyat (the marriage procession), Nikah (a religious marriage), Chauthi (or the ceremony of
the fourth day).

165

imperative for the marriage to be performed by 'Mulla or Moulavi in the

presence of a Qazi, who registered in his book this marriage; and, the royal
family too had to follow the same.206 A number of other rites were also
performed when the bride was first seen and introduced to the bride groom
who for the first time saw her face in a looking glass.207
Here, mention may be made of the dowry system that played a very
important part in marriage during the period under review. Both Caevara
and Vcaspati have given a wider meaning of the term Saudayika (dowry)
which a daughter receives either before or after marriage at her fathers or her
husbands residence from her father or mother or other members of their
respective families. Numerous folk songs are also available relating to the
dowry system depicting the serious and embarassing position created by the
son-in-law and the father. When sufficient bidai (dowry) or other gift was not
given to the son-in-law; he used to leave the marriage place.208 But this was
not a very general rule.
In medieval Mithil, the system of dowry was encouraged by the
system of kulinism also. The matrimonial alliances turned in course of time
into monetary alliances as higher groups demanded money from the lower
groups.209
Widow remarriage was not popular among the Hindus. The description
about the helplessness of widows is all the more disheartening.210 The
widows generally were deprived of almost all the social and customary

206
207

208

209
210

Sarkar, J.N., History of Aurangzeb, Vol. I, Cal. 1912, pp.59-60.

Mrs. Ali's Observation on the Mussalman's of India, Vol. I, London, 1932, p.388. Refer to
Rakesh Ram Ekbal, Op. cit. p.136 "Var sone ka anguthi rumal mange."
Jh, Makhan, Op. cit., p.10 : "Megha parayal munh bidhyaone rusal jamai jekan / Chaor
chanchar me khet phatal achhi samadhik munh jekan". Also, Grierson, Op. cit., p.370.
Thkura, U., History of Mithil, p.363.
Purua Park, ed. Pathak, pp. 76, 194.
"Eksari tara keo na delaha,
Charhali akas amangal lekha."

166

privileges enjoyed by the women and were required to pass their life in
austerity attended with fasting, vigil and numerous other restrictions. Widow
marriage was, however, prescribed among certain lower castes. Such second
marriage of a Hindu widow was called sagai, sambandh or 'samadh.211
Thus, widow-marriage, though prevalent among the lower order, was strictly
prohibited among the higher castes.
The practice of sati was not unknown in Mithil.212 Ramanth Jh in his
'introduction to the Purua Park of Vidypati' has written that after the long
period of mourning Lakhima burnt herself with the kua (straw grass) body of
her husband.213 Vidypati also refers to the prevalence of the Sati system
which has been looked down upon. The Brhmaa priest played a prominent
part in sati sacrifices. The queen of Raja Puruottama Thkura of the
Khadavla dynasty is said to have practiced sati on the death of her
husband; Rghava-Priya, the wife of Raja-Raghava Simha also burnt herself
to death on the funeral pyre of her husband. There is yet a sati temple
(Matha) extant on the place of her funeral to the south of Bhaurgarhi (the
fortress of Bhaura). There are no images of gods in the temple except two
small clay-mounds. But it seems that the Practice of sati was confined only
to the Brhmaas and the Katriyas and was not as widely current in Mithil
as in Bengal and else where.
Mention here also may be made of another dreadful social custom
known as jauhar. This custom usually occurred in course of war. Mithil
during the period under review had to face few Muslim invasions, of course,
not like the other parts of the country, Thus, the practice of observing jauhar
211

212

213

Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p. 358. "Beva ranr vidhawa". Also, Careri, Travels, pp.256-57,
gives a list of certain low castes among the Hindus permitting remarriage.
U. Thkura, History of Mithil, p.366. Bhairav Singh's two wives became sati on the bank of
the river Bagmati, Lakhima is also said to have become sati. Cf. Diwakar, R.R., Bihar
Through the Ages, p.27. JBRS. Vol. XLVIII, 1962. Parts 1-4, pp.70-71; Also U. Thkura's
History of Sucide in India. Chap. IV. For details.
Jh, Ramanth, Introduction to Purua Park, p.31.

167

might have been much less frequent here than elsewhere. Vidypati in his
Purua Park has referred to this system as a symbolisation of the dignity of
womanhood. Thus, jauhar does not seem to have been unknown to the
people of Mithil.214
The question of sex has confounded man and has engaged his
attention and concern perhaps since Adam and Eve. It presented the problem
of discipline and organisation to promote social harmony, Hence the
institution of marriage. However, marriage could not completely meet the
sexual needs and demands of all. So there arose a class of women to cater to
the needs of satisfaction which in due course emerged as public women in
society. Thus the prostitute has been a universal being throughout the
civilization.
Prostitution was almost a recognised institution in medieval India. From
the contemporary sources it appears that prostitution was prevalent in Mithil
also. Vidypatis description of the harlots, as the highest treasures of
passion, point to the existence of this system in the society. It should be noted
here that Vidypati mentioned three types of women in Purua Park viz, (i)
ones own, (ii) women belonging to others, and (iii) women that are common
property. The last one is a harlot and her main desire is to acquire many by
any means. She does not show any hatred to a rich man, even if he is
worthless, but she shows no affection even to a worthy poor man.215
Jyotirivara has also given a detailed description of the prostitutes and the
light women. He considers Vasant Sena to be the best among the
prostitutes. It may be noted here that from an account of the gambling house
he passes to an account of a Vey and then gives the description of an old

214

Vidypati, Purua Park, Maithili Akadami, Pat., pp.18-19. "Tato bayamapi birastri
yanochitam hutasnpraveshmacharikshayam." For details see Thkura, History of Suicide in
India, Chap. IV.

215

Refer to Purua Park, (Grierson), Tale 39, p.170.

168

woman acting as a go-between in love intrigues.216 In the 'Dhurtasamgama

Ntaka'217 we get a reference of a prostitute named Anangsena. From
Krttilat of Vidypati, we get a detailed description of the beautiful public
women of Jaunpur. The courtesans there used to earn their livelihood through
immoral means and the people depended on them for the gratification of their
physical pleasures.218 These captivating women flocked to the market and
induced the young maidens to join their camps.219 Vidypati further refers to
the shameful activities of the prostitutes thus, Their game was unnatural and
their youth was artificial. They loved money and they were modest in order to
covet others and were greedy to better their fortunes. Deprived of their
husbands, the vermillion (sindur) on their foreheads symbolised their illrepute.220
The institution of prostitution did not enjoy social approval as it is
indicated by the contemporary literary evidences. The prostitutes were known
as Kult which is a derogatory term and indicates that they had no social
prestige. Even in Purua Park they are not talked of in a respectable tone.
Thus, it appears that even though prostitution as an institution did exist in
Mithil during the period under review, like other parts of the country, it had
not assumed respectability in the society.
Women do not seem to have had a specific right to property in the
modern sense of the term. However there is evidence from the contemporary
sources that in certain conditions they acquired a right to certain kinds of

216
217

218

219
220

Ibid., p.27.
Jyotirivara's Dhurtasamgama ntaka, Allahabad, 1960. Also R.K. Choudhary's Mithil in
the age of Vidypati, p.158.
Vidypati's Kirttilata, ed. V.S. Agrawal, Jhnsi, Doha 113-118 pp. 78-79. Also refer to
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p.359, (rakhelin, randi, etc.).
Vidypati, Kirttilata, Jhnsi, 1962, Doha 138, p. 85 : "Sakhijan Prerante".
Ibid., Doha 132-33, pp.82-83 where Vidypati refers to the public women thus : Lajja krittim
kapat taruna, Dhannimitte dhae prem, Lobhe bina saubhage Kaman, Bina swami sindur para
parichaya apman".

169

property. Vidypati in his Vibhgsr has given a detailed description of Stri

dhana (womens property).
It appears that stridhana had a considerable importance in Mithil
during under review, and even the king had no power to take the property of a
woman. We find ten kinds of stridhana221 mentioned in the contemporary
literature. Some of these are property gifted out of love, property gifted by
mother, property gifted by father, property gifted by brother, Soudayika,
Shulka, Anvadheya, Adhyagni, Adhivedanika (the property belonging to the
first wife), etc.
After the death of her husband, the woman inherited his property. In
case of distress the husband had the sanction to make use of the woman's
property, but he was expected to pay it back. It has been especially
mentioned that a woman should willingly lend her property to her husband
while the latter was sick. It is also said in Vibhgasra of Vidypati that after
the death of the mother, her property was to be equally distributed among her
sons and unmarried daughters.
It may be said in conclusion that the condition of women in general,
was pathetic as they were condemned to live in subordination as
Vibhgasra.
FOOD, DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
Food
"Chhappana bhoga chhattiso vyanjana; Bhnti bhanti pakwna"222
The above folk-song bears testimony to the fact that Mithil has been wellknown through the ages, for high degree of proficiency in clunary art. Here, an
attempt has been made to throw some light on the food, dress, toilets and
221

222

Vidypati Sanskrit Granthavali, Prathama Bhaga, p.83. Also Vibhgasr of Vidypati, Maithili
Akadami, Patna.
Rakesh, Ram Ekbal Singh, Maithili Lok Geet, p.104

170

ornaments, both belonging to the upper class and to the vast mass of the
commoners during the period under review.
Dietry habits and dishes in Mithil have been described by many
writers. Caewara, Vidypati and other Nibandhkras of Mithil have
repeated the old rules relating to the popular and peculiar food and drink.
Rice, fruits, vegetables and milk were the main items of diet in North India and
especially in Mithil. The dishes were mostly contained with different kinds of
cooked rice223 (Bht), Sg, ghee, (or butter), milk products, various kinds of
sweetmeats and plenty of sugar. Several fragrant and pleasant varieties of
rice were noticed by Malik Muhammad Jysi, some of which are produced in
Mithil even now.224 Grierson has also given a long list of varieties of rice.225
Thus, the main diet of the people was rice. Jyoitirivara mentions flattened
rice (Chur, Chividyani) and fried rice (farhi).226 In describing the characteristic
curd of Mithil his joy knew no bounds. Tulsidsa has also described the
popularity Dadhi Chewur of Mithil.227 Thus, a fine variety of Chur (parched
rice) with a heavy coat of thick curd and cream seems to have been a popular
food of Mithil. Other items included Mungba, Ladavi, Saruari, Madhukupi,
Matha, Fena, Titwa, Jhiliya, etc. Jyotirivara took delight in describing these
items in feasts of Mithil.228 At a feast, various kinds of milk preparations were
taken by people in addition to different kinds of delicious sweets, such as

223
224

225

226

227

228

Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal. p.13.

Malik Muhammad Jyasi, Padmvat, Tr. by A. G. Shireff, pp. 313-14. cf. Dharma Swami, p.
82. Varieties : Basmati, Kajari, Jhenasari, etc.
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, Delhi, p. 222. He mentions the varieties of rice thus : Kanak
Chur, Kamodi (a sweet-scented variety), Gokhul Sar, Duna Phul (a sweet-scented variety),
Bans Phul;. Basmati, Mansara, etc.
Jyotrivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal., p. 69 : Dadhi Sharataka Chandrama Purnima
pray.Chewula Uppar Dadhidela. Cf. Ain III (jarret) p. 152. Also Ram Ekbals Maithili Lok
geet, p. 104 . Dahi Parayaghar Sautan ke.
Tulsidsa, Rmacaritamnasa as quoted in Mithilnka, Mithil Mihir, p.180: Dadhi Chiwra
Upahara apara, Bhari bhari kamari chale kahara.
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Maithili Akademi, Pat. pp. 30-31 "Jhiliya, Fena, Metia., Amrit
Kund, Mungba, Matha, Suruari, Narivi, Pakavana. Ani upanita karu.

171

Khirisa, Khandani, Khanika (cream of the buffalo milk), Khardauti, Jhiliya,

Mothichura (i.e. metia), Phena, Pheni, Amrit Kundi (Imarti)229 Mungawa,
Matha230 along with Saruari231 (Pun or Sohari) were the prevalent food of the
upper class of the society.
A special kind of delicious food known as Kheer and Tasmai (a
delicious dish prepared from rice, milk, sugar, spices, dry fruits, etc.) seems to
have been very popular among the people of the higher sections of the
society in medieval Mithil.232 It appears that Khichari233 (a dish prepared from
rice and pulses cooked together containing and flavouring spices and
vegetables of different kinds) was liked both by the people of the higher and
the lower classes of the society. Kachauri, Pua234 (wheat-flour and molasses
mixed and cooked in clarified butter or oil) Jalebi and Puri235 were used by the
people of Mithil mostly belonging to upper classes. Thus, it appears that
wheat was also used, though with a limited purpose on festive occasions.
Some of the favoured delicacies were Khirora236 (a kind of laddu
prepared from flour or rice in hot water), Kesra237 (a kind of sweetmeat
prepared with wheat, fried with ghee and mixed sugar), Bara238 (a small round
cake made of ground pulse and fried oil), Mungaura (a kind of 'Bara' which is
229
230
231
232

233

234
235

236
237

238

Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, Delhi, p. 351 ff.

Ibid, pp. 351, 354, 356.
Ibid., p. 351 ff.
Ibid, 345, Here Grierson means Tasmai as rice boiled in milk with sugar, usually eaten by
mendicants. It differs from 'Khr' in that the latter may or may not have water added.
Ibid, p. 215 and 3345. Also refer to 'Afsna-i-Badshhan' or 'Tarikh-i-Afghni', photo-print of
the micro film copy of B. M., of K.P. Jayaswal Research Institute, Pat., Vol. II, Fol. 57 for a
reference to 'Khichari'.
Grierson, op. cit. p. 215. Rakesh Maithili Loka Geet', p. 164. for Pera, Jilevi.
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal.., p. 69. Also refer to Grierson, op. cit., p. 231. It runs thus:
Ehi rahila ke puri kachauri, ehi rahila ke dal;
Ehi rahila ke Kailan Khirawara, bahut motalien gal."
Ibid., p. 347.
Maulana Daud Dalmais 'Chandyan' ed. Dr. Parmeshwari Lal, Pub. by Hindi GranthRatnakar (P) Ltd., Bombay, 1st Edn., 1964, Chhanda 42, Doha-2, p. 103.
Grierson, op. cit., pp. 347, 348, 352.

172

prepared from pulse of mung with spices and fried in ghee or oil in shape of a
lump), Khirsa (Chhena or cheese), Ghewar (a sweetmeat made of
wheatflour), Gulab Jamun (a sweetmeat made of dry curds Chhena), Chhena
bara (a Bengali dainty adopted in Bihar), Parakiya (balls of flour with fruits,
and cream inside, cooked in clarified butter), Barphi (a white sweetmeat made
of wheat flour, milk and sugar), Bari (bass of urid, mung or gram flour fried in
clarified butter or oil) and Khaja (a sweetmeat made from wheat-flour, etc.).239
A long list of eatables has been given in Dnvkyaval240 Mudga,
Masura, Kultha, Turri, Rahala, Yava, Tila, Godhume, etc. Even in some
philosophical works articles of food used in Mithil have been frequently
mentioned. Vcaspati mentions in his Ktyacintmai the names of the
following vegetables: Ola, Kemukam, Vastukam, Sarshapam, Kalam, Nibam,
Jaya, Salainchi, Thilmochika, Patola, Saulapham, Guduchi, Bhantaki and
Sunishannaka.241 Vcaspati forbids one that Sema should not be taken in
Kartik masa.
Vegetables of different kinds are referred to in the contemporary
literature. These are pumpkins of different kinds; turai, ramjhumni (Ladys
finger), Karaila, Sag, Sim (Simba, Bean both black and white); turnip, carrot,
onions, garlic, ginger, poppy seeds and spices like mauri, methi and mangrail
were also grown.242
Fish and meat were not usually eaten by Brhmaas outside Mithil in
particular and North-Eastern India in general. In Bengal the practice of fish
239
240

Grierson, op. cit., p 347.ff.

Mira, J. and A. Jhs Vidypati Sansknit Granthavali, p. 16.

241

Mira, Vcaspati, Ktyacintamai, p. 33.

Cf. Choudhary, R.K., Mithil in the age of Vidypati, p. 165. Also refer to Griersons Bihar
Peasant Life, p. 251. Here he mentions sweet potato (Sakarkand), the water melon (tarbuj), the
bitier gourd (Karalla), the bottle ground (sajwan). Jhinguni, Gheura, Khira and sweet pumpkin
(Kadima), podina, Bhanta (brinjal), Mircha (green chilli), etc.
242

Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Maithili Akadami, Pat., p. 19.: Faruhi, Bhuja, Bovali, Karhal, . .
Methi, Mangraila, Manyeccha,. Nasune, Pasta, pyaju, etc.

173

eating was so common that Bhatta Bhvadeva had to defend it by a lengthy

argument. He quotes the opinion of previous authority like Manu and Vyasa
and observes: All this (prohibition) is meant for the prohibited (days) like
ChaturDsai, etc..So it is understood that there is no crime in eating fish
and meat.243 As regards the fish, the Bhaddharmapura (II. S. 44-46)
recommends that the Brhmaas should eat rohita, sakula, saphara, and
other fish which are white and have scales.244 Caevara justifies meateating and he suggests certain rules for them. According to Ghastha
Ratnkara such occasions are those: (i) when the meat is purified with the
mantras for the purpose of sacrifice, or (ii) where there is the risk of a man
losing his life otherwise, or (iii) when the meat is procured by the man himself,
and (iv) when the meat is purchased and taken after the worship of gods.245
It is, thus, apparent that meat-selling and meat-eating in those days
was not unknown. Jyotirivara in his Dhurtasamgamantaka gives a menu in
which meat and fish are included.246 The noted contemporary writer Vidypati
also refers to the fish market at Jaunpur in his Krttilat.247 Jyasi also
mentions different kinds of fish, Parhin (Pathins ?) Rohu (Rohita), Sedhari,
Sauri, Jhinga (small lobster), Singhi and Bhakur.248 Suitable equipments for
catching fish were devised.249 So it seems that fish and meat was a common
article of food even among the Brhmaas of Mithil and it was not altogether
taboo during the period under review.

243
244
245

246

247
248
249

History of Bengal, Vol. 1, Ed. by Majumdar, R.C., p.611.

Ibid., p.611.
Caevara, Ghastha Ratnkara, pp. 380-81. Also, Vidypati Sanskrit Granthavali, Dar.,
p.16.
Jyotirivara Dhurtasamgama Ntaka, p. 5. It runs thus Mansu, Manchh Bala batika San jabi
sadya suni sag parosa Aa.' Also, refer to Jyotirivaras Vara Ratnkara, Cal., p. 40.
Vidypati, Krttilat (Ed. H. P. Shastri), p. 13.
Jyasi, Malik Muhmmad, Padmvat, (tr, A.G. Shireff) pp.312, 315.
JASB, XVIII, 145-62 for equipment. Also, Mithilnka, (Mithil Mihir). p. 158.

174

The kitchen in Mithil is known as Bhans and cooking is known as

Bhnas. Experienced and skilled cooks were known as 'Mahasupakarapati'
and were employed in the royal kitchen. From the Likhanval of Vidypati it
seems that the royal kitchens were well-maintained and on special occasions
such as marriage ceremony cooks were recruited and the services of the
sweetmeat makers were also requisitioned.250
Caevara also describes at length the merit of abstention from meat
eating.251 He has also given a long list of forbidden food, viz. Patandu,
Vartaku, Atabu (bottle gourd), Kavaka (fungus with umbrella shaped flower),
Vajrapalli, Nala or Kalambika, Kumbhanda, Kuchunda, Pararika, Nalikera,
Naliasaka, rice boiled with tila, powdered wheat boiled with ghee, onion,
garlic, etc.252
It is noted that cows were greatly venerated by all sections of Hindus
and no body ate beef,253 for it was considered sinful. In this connection it will
not be out of place to mention certain kinds of prohibited food for the Hindus
as given by Abul FazI, viz. human flesh, beef, horse flesh, domestic cocks
and hens, the parrot, the pigeon, the owl, the vulture, the bustard, the crane,
the mynah, the sarika, the chameleon, the papiha and the water fowl, frogs,
snakes, animals that lived in the towns except the dogs goat; certain kinds of
fish, dry fish or flesh, camels milk, mares milk, womens milk, milk from the
cow in the first ten days after calving, milk of a cow whose calf had died till
she calved again, food touched by the hands of a woman during her courses,
any thing from the house of a courtesan, or a thief, or a singer, or a dancer, or
a hunter, or an eunuch, etc.254 Travernier255 and Careri256 also refer to the list
250

Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal. p. 12. Vidypati, Likhanavali, 75a.

251

Caewara, Ghastha Ratnkara, pp. 380-81.

Ibid., pp. 352-67.
Storia, III. p. 43.
Ain, III (J & S), pp. 323-24.
Indian Travels, (Sen), Chapter VIII, pp. 24-25.

252
253
254
255

175

given above, which may be accepted for Mithil in our period also. The food
habits in India, especially in Mithil was so peculiar that these travelers could
not ignore them in their accounts.
Fruits, green and dry of different varieties constituted an important item
in the diet consumed, especially by the well-to-do classes, both among the
Hindus and the Muslims. The fruits which were generally grown and known to
the people were mango, date, plantain, karanj, coconut, banana, orange,
melon, pomegranate, kharbuja, fig, lemon (currant), dakha, sugar-cane,
kakola (kankola=sitalchini), jamun, jackfruit, and many others.257 Banana trees
seem to have grown in almost every garden of Mithil.258 Hazipur (in Bihar)
was famous for jackfruits (kathal) and barhal (a small round fruit) and
Champaran259 for long pepper and Tirhut260 for oranges. Dried fruits like
raisin, date, and almond are noticed by Amir Khusro in Bihar261 which were
used by both Hindus and Muslims. Referring to the mango, Ibn Batuta writes
thus: When in autumn the mango is ripe, it becomes very yellow and is eaten
like an apple, some people cut it with a knife and others suck it to the
finish.262 Mango was a very popular fruit of Mithil during our period and in
fact its trees were grown in almost every house of Mithil.263
The use of betel-leaves (pan) in Mithil was very popular both among
the Hindus and the Muslims during the period under review. The people of
Mithil were adept in the use of betel-leaves and the Vara Ratnkara has
prescribed a number of methods for the use of betels.264 Jyotirivara has
256
257
258
259
260
261
262
263
264

Foster, Early Travels in India, p. 298.

Vidypati, Dnavkyaval, pp. 41, 111, 196, Ram Ekbals Maithili Lok Geet, p., 104.
Sarkar, J. N., Glimpses of Medieval Bihar Economy, Cal., p.9
Ain, I (Bloch), p. 165.
Ibid., p. 165.
Ibid., p. 9.
The Rehla of Ibn Batuta, Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1953, p.17.
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, pp. 168, 229 Turuk tare bail khesari Baman am kayath kam.
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal., pp. 13, 24 Pan karpurak Biniyoga".

176

mentioned thirteen qualities of betel-leaves and has given a list of the

varieties of spices and betel-nuts imported from other places.265
Lime made from oyster or sea-shell at Sonargaon in Bengal though not
lawful was used in Bihar. A religious tract (Khan-i-Purniyamat) refers to the
hue and cry raised over its use in Sonargaon madars as such shells were
not lawful food.266 Dharmaswami, the Tibetan traveller, refers to the use of
betel with ashes of burned cowries for lime, perfumed with scented catechu
(Kattha) and kept in (wet) clothes for two days before being eaten.267 The
common varieties of pan were Kakir or Kaker, which had a large leaf and mild
flavour; the belhari, the magahi which had a round leaf and a sweet taste;
and, finally, the bangla, which is small and slightly bitter.268 All these varieties
are still popular in the region of Mithil. The man who grew, betel-leaf was
called barai or tamboli. Pan was offered after lunch or dinner and was also
known as 'Mukhuddhi' in Mithil. There is a famous adage, yet prevalent in
Mithil that betel-leaves and Makhna (a kind of water fruit) are not available
even in heaven and hence one should taste them, while living otherwise he
will have to repent in heaven.269
Alberuni found pan-chewing a national habit with the Indians. Offering
of pan by way of welcome was a part of social etiquette even among the
Muslims. Originally the Muslims did not know the use of betel-leaves which
they came to know270 and eventually became addicted to it, when they came
in contact with the Hindus. Such a favourite it ultimately became with the

265

266
267

268

269
270

Ibid., p. 13, : Mukatak Chuna, Sindhuka Kandakola, Sinhal Dwipak jati fal kanchik Mukimen.
. .ekone Sonjoge lagawal Pachfal.
Sarkar, J.N., Glimpses of Medieval Bihar Economy, Cal. P.8.
Dharmaswamin, KPJRI, p. 97. Also, Vidypatis Purua Park, Pat., p. 1.74. Karpurena
bina na puritam butambul purna mukham,
Refer to Mahakavi Vidypati Padavali (Vasumati Sahitya Mandir), Cal., II Edn. 1935, Pada
31, p. 25.
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal., p. 13 Swargak durlabh ayesan pan.
Refer to Dewal Rani Khizr Khan of Amir Khusrau, Aligarh 1917-19, p.45.

177

Muslims that the famous Amir Khusrau of Delhi gives us a detailed account of
the forty two virtues of the 'pan' and mentions, afterwards, some of its
defects.271 Vidypati in his description of Jaunpur has given a vivid account of
the contemporay social custom.272 Pan-offering was thus common both
among the Hindus and Muslims in Mithil during the period under review.273
The produce of Makhna (a water fruit) was very special to Mithil. A
typical local product, Makhna is cultivated on a large scale even today. The
fruit is eatable after a process of culturalisation generally done by the
fishermen. Makhna is considered a pure object worthy to be offered even to
gods and goddesses.274
Referring to the habit of drinking among the Hindus, Alberuni says thus,
They drink wine before having eaten any thing. Then they take their meal.275
The Ghastha Ratnkara of Caewara refers to the three types of wine or
sura which are Paisti (those prepared from the rice flour), Gaudi (from
molasses) and madhavi (prepared from honey and madhuka flower). It
appears that the nobles and aristocrats, used to take opium as stimulants.276
The cultivation of and trade in opium in 16th century has been referred to by
Fitch and John Marshall. Fitch found the opium trade in Patna during the reign
of Akbar and John Marshall was of the opinion that the best opium used to
come from Patna and that from Monghyr was not so good. In Tirhut at a
slightly later date as described by U. Thkura, the opium factories were
established at Bidupur (about seven miles east of Hazipur), Lalganj (about

271
272
273

274
275
276

Izaz-I-Khusravi, pt. II Nawal Kishore Press, Lucknow, pp.249-253.

Vidypati, Krttilat, (Saxena), pp. 40.43.
Refer to Jyotirivaras Vara Ratnkara, Cal., p. 13. Here he says, After his meal, the Nayak
(hero) must have betel-leaf like a good Indian.' Also, I.K. Jhs Vidypati Kriti Granthavali,
Vol. I, pp. 477-81, Also refer to Ram Ekbals Maithili Lok Geet, p. 104, Anchban Bangla
Pan.
Chaudhary, R. K., Mithil In the Age of Vidypati, p. 173.
Alberunis India, I (Sachau), p. 180. Also refer to Grierson's Bihar Peasant Life, p.77.
Vidypati Purua Park (Nerukar), p. 123.

178

twelve miles north-east of Hazipur), Darbhanga and Barna-wada (Baignai

Nawada).277
Thus, opium seems to have been a popular intoxicant in Mithil during
the period under review. Gnj was used mostly by the lower sections of the
society. In the third act of the Dhurtasamgama Ntaka, Assajati Mira gives
the barber a little gnj in lieu of payment. All these intoxicants were forbiden
to the Brhmaas while the Kshatriyas and Vaiyas were at liberty to take all
these excepting wine. Palm juice (Tari) was also used by the lower caste of
the society in our period.278 Drinking or taking itoxicants by women is not
approved of by Caewara and his Grihastha Ratnkara explains that
women of the three upper classes drinking Madya are to be superseded.279
However, Bhng (an intoxicating hemp) was popular even among the upper
caste people of the society including the Brhmaas.280
Among Muslims, the use of wine, Bhng and other intoxicants was
prohibited by Islam, but its violation was wide and frequent by the Sultans, the
aristocracy and the general mass. Vidypati in his Krttilat has given
reference regarding use of wine and Bhng by the Turks at Jaunpur.281
Tobacco was very popular intoxicant in our period. Some people called
it 'Kaljug ke Amrit'. Tobacco is the subject of many proverbs and tales in
Mithil as described by Grierson. It runs thus:
277
278
279
280

281

JBRS, Vol. XLVIII. Also refer to Griersons Bihar Peasant Life. p. 241.
Griersons Bihar Peasant Life, p. 79.
Caevara, Ghastha Ratnkara, pp. 352-67.
Refer to Ram Ekbal's Maithili Lok Geet, pp. 161, 164, 165 for bhanga. For Bhang and
Dhatura taken by Madhav, refer to Padmapurana or Mansamangal by Kavivar Vijaya
Gupta, Cal., 13th Edn, pp. 10, 12, cf. Geet Vidyapali, Benares, 1978, p. 765. Also, Mithil
Bharati, Ank I, Part 3.4, September-Dec., 1969. P. 211. Here Lakshmi Nath Gosanyi is
cited thus :"
Mundak Mal Baghambar Odher, Bhangak Jhora Ek Kankh Tar Rahiya, Again Dulha Aisan
Karab Na Mayee, Tumba Bhari Bhari Bhang Bhakosathi. .."
st
nd
Refer to Vidypati's Krttilat, Sahitya Sadan, Jhnsi, 1 Edn., 1962, 2 Pallav, Chhanda 28,
Doha 178. p. 101 where Vidypti says "The Turks even lost their property and wealth in
drinking wine". Also, Ibid, Doha 174, 180 pp. 98 and 102 for Bhng.

179

Chn tamku sn ke, bin mange je de,

Surpur, narpur, nag pur tinu bas kar le. 282
(The man who mixess tobacco with lime (for chewing) and offers it without
being asked for, conquers (by this virtuous action) heaven, earth and the
lower regions.) A folktale about tobacco runs that a villager went to a distant
village to visit his friends and found them smoking in the morning before they
had said prayers, whereupon he said:
Bhor bhaye mnus sabh jge,
Hukk chilam bajan lage.
to which one of the smoking parties replied:
Khaini khaye na tamku piye.
Se nar batawa kaise jiye."
(The villager wanted to know why they were smoking so early in the morning
to which the people smoking there replied: show me the man who can live
without either chewing or smoking tobacco). These verses have passed into a
proverb.
The dishes of the commoners generally suffered from the lack of
richness and variety. The normal food among the Hindus was rice, sag, and
some other vegetables with salt, although the most universal and popular was
khichari,283 which was prepared in an ordinary way. The lower caste of the
society and slaves seem to have been eating even 'Uchchhista' (remnants left
in the dishes of the rich man or the master).284 The dishes of the commoners
which were in common use were rice, pulse, barley, etc. are also described
by Jyotirivara in his Vara Ratnkara..285 The poor man even used Khuddi

282
283
284

285

Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p. 240 ff.

Ibid., p. 345.
Vidypati, Likhanvali, Letter No. 55, as cited in R.K. Chaudharys Mithil in the Age of
Vidypati, p. 166.
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Pat., p. 19.

180

(broken pulse or rice) bread286 and rice gruel among the Hindus and pich or
ogra among the Muslims.287 However, it appears that the most popular food of
the poor section of the society was maru (Eleusive coracana). There were
many popular sayings concerning it. The following may be quoted:
Jab maru ke gachhi bhel,
Dhiy puta sukh sukh machi bhel,
Jab maru men bl bhel,
Dhiy put ke gl bhel.
(When maru began to sprout the children dried up like flies (i.e. their food
had been used for the seed grain); but when the maru came in the ear, the
children got (fat) cheeks).288 Then again
Kodo marua ann nahin,
Jolha Dhuniy Jan nahin.
(Kodo and marua are not really food grains (i. e. they are despised as poor
mans food), just, as weavers and cotton carders can never be cultivators).289
The diet of the average Muslims, like that of their Hindu counterparts,
was also very simple. Among the Muslims it consisted chiefly of 'Nan' (fried
bread), Kabab'290 (roast), chicken, Qma (mined flesh), and rice (brinj) with
onion291 in sufficient quantity. The food of the Muslim sufis (saints) consisted
mainly of Makiyan (cooked fowl), Branjpokhtan (cooked rice), Sheer Brinj
(kheer), Dogh or yoghurt (curd), and Nn (fried bread), Phirni or Shirni'292

286
287
288
289
290

291

292

Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p. 346.

Ibid., p. 354.
Ibid., p. 226.
Ibid., p. 227.
Refer to Vidyptis Krttilat, Jhnsi, Ist Edn. 1962, 2nd Pallav, Chhandasa: 29-30, Doha 178,
p 101
Ibid., Doha : 185, p. 105 where the poet mentions thus, The Turks are so much accustomed
to eat onion that even if they are offered white cooked rice like camphor they cry for 'Piyaj'
(onion).
Refer to Vidypatis Krttilat, Jhnsi, 1st Edn. 1962, 2nd Pallav. Chhanda-60, Doha-188 for a
reference to Sirni or Shirni.

181

(prepared from rice, milk and sugar) and Halwa. Besides, they were also used
to taking Shorba (soup of meat mixed with spices) during the period under
review.
Sharafnama-i-Maneri, oft quoted Persian lexicon by Ibrahim Fawwam
Qaruai, named after the greatest sufis saint of Bihar of the Firdausi order, also
informs us regarding some Muslim habits of food. We can consider only a few
here. Pesh-Khurd (foretaste) was the item of food taken first (bar Sabil-iChashni) to excite relish or flavour; a kind of juice or syrup. Nashta
(breakfast) is said to be 'Ahar or Nihar. Nanwa was breaker of bread. There
are references to Nan-i-Tanur (bread baked in oven); Nan-i-Abi (bread
kneaded with water); Nan-i-Taftan (a particular kind of bread); Nan-i-Tunuk
(thin bread); Nan-i-Khamiri (livered bread); Khapak (a big loaf). Nan-iKashkin or Kaskin meant a barley bread or bread made of wheat, barley,
bean (baqla) and vetches fried with onions, and purslain: Nan-I-Khurish (a
sourish kind of tonic for creating an appetite or promoting digestion); also
Muzawwar (gruel or broth for the sick); Muzwwir stands for a liar, a knave,
cheat and falsifier.293
From the same source, many kinds of sweet meats have come to be
known, such as Halwa-I-Shakar (a confection or sugar); Halwa Sohan;
Halwa Birinj (a sweetmeat made of barley and sugar), Bugura (a certain
kind of paste, dressed with gravy and milk); 'Patuda or Faluda (a sweet
flummery, dish made of starch, honey and flour; also beverage containing a
mixture of grated apples with sugar and cardamoms; (a kind of jelly);
Bushnazha (a pastof meat and date syrup); Shakarbarg (a sweet made of
almonds and sugar); Shakarpara (lump of sweets): Shakarqalam (a kind of
sweetmeat); Shakarpanir (a sweet kind of cheese); Jaliba or Jalibi; Tatmaj
(thin slices of paste vermicelli); Takhmreja' (an omlet); (also hashed meat
upon which eggs are poured and fried); Polani (pottage); Dam-i-Pokht (a
293

JBRS, Vol. LXIII-LXIV, p. 578.

182

pulav or dish composed of flesh or fish highly seasoned, fricassed, or stewed,

and covered and heaped with rice, sometimes garnished with eggs, onions
and other good things), Pulav zarda and Mazafar Samosa (a kind of small
pastry of minced meat of triangular form).294 The list of eatables mentioned
above can be thought to have been known to Muslims in Mithil in our period.
Dress
Dress is also a clear index of the contemporary social life and Mithil
can be cited as one of its best examples. In matters of dress and ornaments
the social divisions are clearly perceptible as the kings and the nobles were in
the habit of wearing welt-fitted and varied dresses, while the poor class was
conditioned habitually to cut their dress requirements at bare minimum in
conforming status.
The kings, nobles and high caste rich persons used head-dress and
turban known as Pga.295 In fact, pga is still a popular head dress of the
people of Mithil, though confined to the Brhmaas mainly. Jyotirivara gives
a long list of different varieties of clothes that were probably used by the
people of Mithil region.296

294
295
296

Ibid., p.578.
Jyotirivara, V.R., Cal., p. 33.
The first list contains thirty kinds of silk clothes which seem to have been used by the upper
class people of the society, during the period under review. The varieties of silk used were
dukula (linen of cotton cloth), kauma (silk or linen), kaueya (made up of cocoon silk),
kanakapatra (gold coloured silk or silk with leaf design in gold), Vicitra (extraordinary) variety
of meghavara (black silk of Bengal, looking like the colour of cloud), meghaudumbara
(another variety of black silk) Saram or Kharm (a variety of red silk), karpoor chauka (silk as
white as camphor or chequred camphor white silk), karpoor-tilaka (camphor white silk
decorated with rosettes), Gagsgara (a fine silk produced in Bengal or gauge silk), etc.
Added to this list are Suryabandha (silk decorated with solar pattern or embroidered silk),
Gajabandha (silk embroidered printed or woven with the figure of elephants and processed in
tie-dye technique), Ahinavala (silk manufactured at Anahilwada in North Gujrat), Devanga
(brocaded with silk), scipal (narrowpiece of embroidered silk used as dupatt), Pacauma
(five coloured silk), sonapal (silk of Sonargaon in Dacca), gajipal (silk of Gajipur, U.P.),
Kadalgarbha (silk as soft as the interior of the banana, tree), muktapada (silk with brilliance
of pearls same as Muktajar of Orissa), Malvidyadhar (silk containing a row of flying figures of
the heavenly musicians called Vidyadharas), Srikanha (a variety of silk), Lakamvilsa

183

It appears that Mithil was also a very important centre of cloth

production.

The

description

of

Jyotirivara

also

confirms

that

the

craftsmanship of the worker and the tastes of the consumer was varied and of
a high standard. Vidypati has also given a long list of popular dresses.
According to his Krttilat in the market of Jaunpur the merchants sold the
Turk camphor, saffron, articles of perfume, cowries, neta silk and black silk
(kajalambara), favourite of the Turks.297 The garments made of neta (netra)
silk are also mentioned in Vidypatis Padvai.298 Blue silk (nil patora) was
very much liked by women. In the Krttilat the terms Divyamabara is
(poetic name of a variety of silk cloth), Vicitrangada (figured silk) and Cakrevari (a variety of
silk from Bengal).
The second list contains the names of the country-made silk (desiyapattavastra). Perhaps
these varieties were inferior to Pattambara. This list include some varieties of silk which were
manufactured in the Mithil region. Twenty-three varieties are mentioned in the list and they are
tancerea (silk produced in Tanjore), Gagaura (silk produced in one of the Mithil regions),
silahati (silk produced in Silhat), ajayameru (silk of Azmer), gandipuri (silk of Andhra Pradesh),
rajapura (silk of Rajpur in Goa), Jagadharpur (silk fiom Jagadalpur, in Madhya Pradesh),
kanchivani (silk produced in Kancipuram or Ganjivaram), colapatana (silk of chola country), dvara
vasa (silk of Dvarasamudra or Hoyasala country), misa-santosa (probably silk from Santos in
East Bengal), Sadap (silk manufactured in Cuddapah district in Andhra Pradesh), patora (a
variety of local silk), mangala (silk of Mangalore or auspicious garments), parijta (silk having the
design of Parijta flower), mai (a printed variety of silk), manijata (another variety of printed silk),
sarvanga (a special variety of silk), rpamanjar (also a special kind of silk), samvalahar (silk
manufactured in Sambalpur, Orissa), Suryamandal (silk with sun design or red silk),
candramandal (silk with moon design or crescent or white silk design) and taramandal (blue
coloured silk). Since the Vara Ratnkara describes these varieties, it may be assumed that they
were in use in Mithil in our period, probably among the upper class of the society.
Jyotirivara also informs us about thirteen varieties of cotton clothes or plain clothes
(nirabhusana). They are kmaruvala (cotton cloth of Kamrup, Assam), Bengla (cotton cloth of
Bengal), gunjar (cotton cloth of Gujrat), Kathivla (cotton cloth of Kathiavara), Telakanta (cotton
cloth), Kanchi (cotton cloth of Kanjivaram), nichadhi (a variety of cotton cloth), jili (another variety
of cotton cloth), varahathi (sari measuring twelve hands), majhottari (sari of the medium size),
and Jhrn (fine muslin).
The fourth list is entirely devoted to netra silk. It was brown (harina), purple (vangana), dark
brown (nakhi), sarvanga, heavy (guru), bleached or embroidered (suchina), silvery (rajena), five
coloured (Pacaranga), indigo blue (nila), green (harita), yellow (Pita), red (lohita) and variegated
(chitravarna). Besides these the Vara Ratnkara also mentions sakalata which means cloth of
preign origin.
The Vara Ratnkara also refers to the dress of an ascetic which comprised kopina,
antaravasa and vahirvasa. From above description of Jyotirivara, it seems that nobles,
merchants and other richer sections of the society favoured more clothing, rich apparel silken
stuffs and other varied types of dresses. For detail, refer to Vara Ratnkara, pp.32-41.
297
Vidypati, Krttilal, p. 37.
298
Refer to Vidypatis Padval, ed. by G. Singh, p. 62.

184

mentioned which was probably heavy-brocade. The Turks of Jaunpur bought

in the market for their use khes-chadar (sikhisa), shoes (paijjalla), and
stockings (moja). They spent their spare time in needle work (kasida
kadhanta).
Thus, the following statement can be made on the strength of the
forgoing description that there is an unbroken continuity of the art of spinning
and weaving in many parts of Mithil. One can still see a community of people
called patawa among the Hindus and Jolh among the Muslims almost
entirely engaged in this trade. The ladies of Mithil even now spin very fine
yarn and weave beautiful textiles.
The common dress of all well-to-do classes among the Hindus,
however, appears to have been pga and dhot299 with cadara and mirjai300
(jacket with sleeves). Even when men were wearing angarkha or mirjai, they
use laces as fastenings near the neck and on the chest and sides.
Dharmaswmi says that shoes301 worn by some of the natives had leather
soles attached to the feet above by straps with no sidepieces or leggings.
Thus, the dress of the common people is made of cotton cloth without
any tailoring. The main dress with six or seven spans of cloth from the waist
onwards, the upper part of their body remained naked, they wore no shoes;
their head dress was a turban, which in most parts cost a quarter of a
rupee.302 During the summer months they contented themselves with the
minimum of clothings, e.g. a dhoti, or even a cotton langot (loin cloth) lied
round their waist, which was indispensable for a civilised human existence.

299

300

301

302

Mitra and Majumdar, Vidypati, No. 67. Also Geeta Vidypati, Dubey, M.N., 1978, Doha-620,
p.609: "Nivi vandhan hari kiya kari dur".
Mithil Mihir, Mithilnka, 1935, p.158. Also Grierson, op.cit., p.144. Also Rakesh Ram Ekbal
op. cit., p.157 "dhot lot Poth Patr Seho Saba lebenolh chinbaya". (Vidypati).
Mira, V., Cultural Heritage of Mithil, p. 351. Also, Vidypati's Krttilat, Jhnsi, p.96 for
paijjalla.
Bengal past and Present, Vol. XIII, 1916, Part I. Chap. VII, p. 8.

185

About the dressing sense of the commoners of Bengal, Abul FazI

writes thus: 'man and woman for the most part go naked wearing only cloth
(Iungi) about their loins,'303 and this appears to have been true for the bulk of
Indias teeming millions.304 A dhoti or a single sheet of long cloth below the
waist and another small piece of cloth on the shoulders (i.e. chdara), serving
in the day time as a ferment and in the night as a bed were considered to
constitute a sufficient and respectable dress for an average among the
Hindus in Mithil during our period.
The biting cold of the wintry nights must have been very tiresome for
the commoners in the absence of necessary winter clothing. In such
circumstances, they had no alternative left but to warm themselves by seating
around a burning fire, as can be seen even today. The famous Hindi poet,
Kesav Dsa refers to fire (ga), heat of the Sun and cotton (ri)305 as the
three gham important weapons in the hands of commoners to combat the
tyranny of winter.
The nobles and aristocrats among the Muslims spent extravagantly on
their dresses and were generally dressed in their splendid apparel. They wore
alwrs (drawers)306 and breeches307 or light fitting trousers. According to
Abul Fazl, the alwrs were of three kinds, single, double and wadded308 and
were made of all kinds of stuffs. The shirt which was worn chiefly by the upper
and middle classes hung over the breeches and was open from the top to the
bottom like the coat.309

303

304
305
306
307
308
309

Ain II, (J & S) .1949, p. 134. Also Ibid, III (J & S), p. 293 for a description of the scanty
clothing of the Brhmaas.
OJh, P.N., North Indian Social Life, 1st Edn, Pat., p. 31.
Kavi Priya, p. 169 Also OJh, P.N., op. cit., p. 32.
Ain. I. (Bloch). p. 96.
Mandelso, p.64.
Ain. I. (Bloch), p. 96.
Indian Travels, p. 51.

186

The sufi hagiological works such as Mulfuzt and Maktubt of Muslim

mystics of Bihar throws some light on the contemporary dress.310 Referring
the dress of Muslim people of Bihar it is obsrved that the words Jandar and
Jama meant clothes and garments in genesal of woollen or linen or cotton.
Jama-i-Bad was an inner trouser or drawer. Jama-i-Tafta was a kind of silken
cloth with the threads twisted and curled, also a garment of woollen or linen
called taffeta. Jama-i-Asmani or Siyah a morning robe Chokha was a
woollen garment, a monks garb or tunic or a sort of overcloth or cloak.
Chikan was a kind of cloth wrought with needle in flowers and gold, Jardogi
and Zarbaft' were embroidered clothes, brocade or cloth woven in gold.
Charkhi meant a silken vest made of satin. Deva also meant cloth of gold or
brocade of which garment was made. 'Kharna was a kind of rich waved silk. It
was also meant to be a garment with stripes called tabi 'Sifur' was a garment
of rich silken stuffs of great value. Jamagi was a piece of cotton cloth
sufficient for garment which was given to servants. However, the ususal dress
of an average Muslim appears to have been the paijama (Ijar)311 or lung and
ordinary shirt and a cap on his shaven head.
The dress of Muslim sufis mainly considered of a Jubba312 (a robe
coming down to the knees), 'jama'313 (a shirt) and Dsatar (pugree) or kulhan
of ordinary type. Later on, khirka314 or gudari (a garment of patches) was
very popular among them. There are references of patch work cloak (khirga)
and tattered cloth with patches (bazaar mekhi, musb or musbdandani,
zbznda, gudri), all worn by the sufis of Bihar315 in our period. Jama-i-Khadhi
(Khaddar) was also worn by the saints. Maulana Muzaffar, a saint of Bihar,
310
311

312
313
314
315

JBRS., Vol. LXIII-LXIV, 1977-78, p. 576

For Ijar refer to Barani's Trikh-i-Firozshh (ed. Syed Ahmad Khan) Bib. Ind. Cal., 1862,
p.117.
Refer to Afif's Trikh-i-Firozshh, Bib. Ind., Cal., 1891, pp. 78-79 for Jhubba.
References to Jama are available in Amir Khusraus Afzal-Ul-Favid, Rizvi Press, Delhi, p. 94.
Ibid., p. 82.
Sarkar, J. N., Glimpses of Medieval Bihar Economy, Ratan Prakashan Calcutta, 1978, p. 13.
Also Rakeshs Maithili Lok Geet, p. 246. Dakshin Chira Madrare.

187

advised a young disciple, Qazi Zainuddin to wear such garments worth three
jitals for the sake of economy and contentment and not to go in for costly
garments.
Women's dress during the period under review differed according to
their socio-economic status and the environment to which they belonged.
Besides, the costumes of the Hindu and the Muslim ladies were not similar in
many respects. A lady while going to meet her lover generally wore a white
silk (dhaval vastra), black silk sari (shyamala-vasna), or blue silk sr316 (nl
vastra). Radha also wore a blue silk sari (nla vasna) or a yellow silk sr
(pitambar) but her normal dress was probably a sari and bodice (kanchuka).317 The deserted ladies, however, wore white srs while a yogin wore
red garments (arunavasna).318 It is said that once Krishna appeared in the
garb of a woman just wearing a red sr and Kanchuki.319 This shows that
red sr and bodice was the common female article. The dress of a young girl
was ghghar and red bodice.320
The upper class ladies wore embroidered Chinderi, coloured bodice
(Kechu) while poor ladies wore plain and simple dress.321 Chundari is the
most covetable piece of female article and it finds its place in the mirror of the
folk mind, i.e. the folk songs of Mithil. Chundari' figures as the garment
marked as a present to a female. Choli or 'Angi is also referred to as part of
females apparel.322 'Angia' was also known by the name of kanchul and
kanchuk.323

316
317
318
319
320
321
322
323

Bhatia and Joshi, Vdyapati aur Unaki Padavali, pp. 154, 203, 355.
Ibid., pp. 323, 325.
Ibid., p. 493.
Ibid., p.495.
Rakesh Ram Ekbal, Maithili Lok Geet, pp. 55-95.
Rakesh, Maithili Lok Geet, p.344.
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal. p. 35.
For Kanchuli refer to Mohammad Jayasi's Padmvat, Jhnsi, p. 327.

188

Thus, it seems that Saris of different colours and an angi (i.e. small
jacket or brassiere) was a common dress of Hindu women. Malik Mohammad
Jyasi has informed us about varieties of saris used by the women in the
states of present Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. These were Jhilamila (a kind of
soft and fine texture sari), 'pemchha (printed silk sari), Doriya (A kind of
cotton sari), Bidri (a sari of five fabrics) and kankregi sari (a fine sari with
black colour).324
The Muslims ladies were mainly distinguished by their alwrs325
(breeches) or pyjms (Suthanis) and shirts with halflength sleeves. Ladies
of higher classes were also habituated to wear qabas. The dancing girls or
harlots wore very light and reticulated dress mostly of silken clothes in order
to look attractive. Because of purdah, burq326 was also used as almost a
kind of dress by Muslim women during the period under review. Poor women
were habituated to move barefooted, but the rich ladies generally put on the
shoes of varied designs and colours.327
Toilets and Ornaments
There were various device to enhance men's (especially of higher
classes) physical charm and their attractiveness. The combing of hair and the
use of rich scents and fine dresses were deemed to be indispensable signs of
respectability and a high social status.328
Besides numerous perfumes and scented articles like mrigmada329 or
kasturi (musk), candana'330 (sandal wood), karpoora (camphor), kumkuma,
324
325
326
327

328
329

330

Ibid., p. 327. Also refer to Griersons Bihar Peasant Life, p. 149.

Grierson, .Bihar Peasant Life, pp. 144, 149.
Sahu, Some Aspects of North Indian Social Life, p. 78.
Refer to Vidypatis Krttilat, Sahitya Sadan, Jhnsi, Ist Edn., 1962, p. 96. Also cf. Griersons
Bihar Peasant Life, p. 246.
OJh, P. N., Some Aspects of North Indian Social Life, 1st Edn., Pat., 1962, p, 96.
Refer to Vidypati ki Padval, Hindi Pustak Bhandar, Laherasarai, 1st Edn. pp. 180-90, cf.
Vara Ratnkara, Pat., p.29.
Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Pat., p. 29.

189

etc., were also in common use for shampooing the king and the upper class
people of the society during the period under review. The poor people,
however, were contented to use mustard oil i.e. (karua tela) as referred to by
Vidypati.331 As a rule, the Hindus wore a tilaka (frontal mark) on their
foreheads. In Mithil the tilaka mark was considered as an auspicious sign
and the custom of putting on tilaka mark was prevalent in all parts of the
region.332
The styles of shaving among the Hindus and the Muslims were quite
different as the former generally kept long hair on their heads, while the latter
normally had regular shaving. Few of the Hindus except the Yogis kept long
moustaches as a sign of bravery and manliness. We have a reference of a
barber in Jyotirivaras Vara Ratnkara who used to serve the king in his
court.333
Various types of ornaments were also worn by the males of Mithil.
However, it appears that it was more common among the king and the upper
class people of the society. The males wore chain (sikar), ring (angh),
armlet (ananta), etc. The Brhmaas of Mithil wore round ring of gold
(Kanausi) also.334 The fashion of wearing ornaments by the common man,
however, was not very popular in Mithil during the period under review.
Among the children, bl, chain and light bl and lawanga was, of course,
very popular.335
Women, in general, were fonder of various types of toilets and
ornaments than men, Contemporary literature supply numerous references
regarding women's ornaments of Mithil. Indian women knew about sixteen
331

Refer to Vidypatis Krttilat, Sahitya Sadan, Jhnsi, 1st Edn. p. 184.

332

Refer to Mahkav Vidypati Padval, Cal., 3rd Edn. p. 26, Also Vara Ratnkara, Pat., p 30.

333

Jyatirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Pat., p. 32.

Roy Choudhary, District Gazetteer, Darbhanga, 1964. p.113.
Mithil Mihir, Mithilnka, 1935, p.158.

334
335

190

constituents of toilet (shoda ringra) as early as twelfth century A,D.336

Jyasy in his Padmvata gives us a detailed list of sixteen constituents of
womans toilet, viz. majjan, snan, vastra (dress), patrval racan (marks
which they made on the face to beautify it), 'Sindra (putting a vermillion
mark), tilaka (a sectarian mark of caste), kundala (wearing earrings),
anjana (use of callyrium in the eyes), colouring lips, Kusum gandha
(applying flowers scents), applying black spots (til) on the cheek, (Kapola),
wearing necklace around the neck (hra), use of kacuki (brassiere),
wearing waistband (chhudraghantik) and wearing pyala (an ornament for
the ankles).337
The sixteen constituents as referred to by Jyasy seem to have a very
long history and they must have varied through successive centuries. Women
of Mithil were also familiar with it, as reference to Shodaa ringra is
available in the writings of Vidypati.338 In Krttilata of Vidypati we get a
reference to the toilets of the prostitutes. They wore marks on their faces
(patrval), tilaka (spot), or some other specific figure on their cheeks and
other parts of their bodies, with candana, gorochana and kasturi.339
Women of higher and well-to-do classes were very careful about their
hairdo.340 Khop341 and Kjara have been depicted nicely both by
Jyotirivara and Vidypati. Among many articles of toilet flower occupied an
important position.342 Women stuck flowers in their hair and wore them as
ornaments. Amir Khusrau describes how a Hindu woman decorates her eye336
337
338

Kasi Nagari Pracharini Patrika, Vol. 62., No. 2-3, pp.169-70.

Refer to Jyasys Padmvat, Sahitya Sadan, 2nd Edn, p. 347.
Vidypati Ki Padvali, Bharati (Bhasha) Bhavan, Delhi, 1st Edn., 1952, p. 111.

339

Krttilat, Sahitya Sadan, Jhnsi, 1st Edn., p. 84, cf. Vara Ratnkara, Pat, p. 112.

340

Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Pat,; P. 24.

Ibid., p. 23 cf. Rakesh Ram Ekbal. op. cit. p. 263 Tahisan lata Jhral Sajani, Rachi rachi
Kayal Sringara.
Refer to Vidypati K Padval, Bharati (Bhasha) Bhavan, Delhi, 1st Edn., 1952;: Pada-42,
Doha-6 where Radha is depicted fixing flower in her hair.

341

342

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brows and hair.343 Their hair was always well-dressed carrying an aroma of
sweet smell, caused by the use of different kinds of perfumed oils and
Candana.344
The use of Darpaa (looking glass) was indispensable from toilet.
Whenever a woman was to apply powder or rouge to her cheeks, tilak mark
on her forehead, unguent to the eyes and vermillion in the middle parting of
her hair, she did so with the help of a mirror.345 Mirror of brass or bell metal or
gem were in use.
The use of vermillion was compulsory for a married woman popularly
known as suhgina.346 Putting sindra (vermillion) into the hair parting was
considered auspicious by the Hindu ladies. The widow threw away all her
ornaments and jewellery and wiped out the scarlet line of vermiilion from their
head.347 Collyrium and menhadi were very popular with the women in our
period. Menhad was used to paint the palm, nails and legs and is still very
popular in Mithil.348 Women of Mithil through the ages have always exibited
a special weakness for a variety of ornaments, and it continues even today in
some form or the other. To a married Hindu woman, in particular her sohga
signified the use of ornaments on almost all the limbs of her body from the top
to the toe. It was only when she unfortunately became a widow that she threw
away all her ornaments and jewellery, broke all her bangles and wiped out the
vermillion mark from her head.349

343
344

345

346
347
348
349

Matla-Ul-Anwar, Lucknow, 1884, p. 200.

Refer to Vidypati K Padval, Bharati (Bhasha) Bhavan, Delhi, 1st Edn., p. 59. Also Umea
Miras Vidayapati, Allahabad, 1949, p.130.
Refer to Mahakavi Vidypati Padvali, Vasumati Sahitya Mandir, p. 16, Vara Ratnkara,
Pat., p.70.
Refer to Vidypati K Padval, Bharati (Bhasha) Bhavan, Delhi, 1st Edn., p. 294.
Storia, III, p. 40.
Vidypati by Mitra and Majumdar, No. 116. Also Mithil Mihir (Mithilnka), 1935, p. 158.
Storia, III, p. 40.

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Various kinds of ornaments are referred to in the works of Jyotirivara

and Vidypti. Further, the folk songs of Mithil are also very helpful for the
study of ornaments worn by the women of this region.350
We also get refernces to different types of ornaments in folk songs of
Mithil, The neck ornaments are mentioned by the terms motikahara,
candrahra, hansul, motilar, gajmuktamla, and hra the head
ornaments are referred to in the terms 'kirta' and Mukuta; the nose
ornaments are mentioned in the terms basara and nalha; the ear ornaments
are mentioned in the terms kudala and 'karafula; the hand ornaments are
described by the terms bjubanda, and leg ornaments are referred o by the
terms paijani, kinkani, nupura etc.351
From the folk songs we know that Jats352 wore mukta while jatins
wore353 mrigatk, chud, hansul, dogcollared necklace, sikari (golden chain),
350

According to Vara Ratnkara female ornaments included khuti (hairpin), sinkari (ordinary
chain), 'suta (gold string), ekvali (necklace of one string), churi (bangles), balya (bracelet)
mekhata (girdle), tika (head ornament), padamasutra (necklace with lotus shaped
pendant), savana (ear ring), kankana (gold bangles) and nupura (anklet). Generally
women belonging to upper class adorned themselves with a golden chain (sonak dora) and
earrings (kudala). Most of the above varieties of ornaments were inlaid with diamonds,
pearl, ruby, gem (mukta). They were manufactured out of gold (suvara) and silver (rajata).
This shows that the people of Mithil possessed various kinds of precious and semi-precious
stones and ornaments of gold and silver.

The Vara Ratnkara further gives the description of the ornaments worn by the different
classes of people. The prostitutes wore various kinds of ornaments to attract different sections of
people. The noble ladies wore bracelets (kankana), bangles (churi) and hand rings (valiya) while
the dancers wore bangles (churi) handrings, valiya, girdle, mekhala, earrings (kundala), anklets
(nupura). The traders and merchants were experts in examining the different varieties of precious
and semi precious stones like diamonds, gems, etc. A bard has also been described as learned
in the science of gems.
Vidypati also gives names of various kinds of ornaments. These are Candramai chuda
(moon-shaped head ornament inlaid with gems), ghungharu (anklets producing jingling sounds),
hra (chain), manikundala (earring), gaja-motik hra (chain made of gems obtained from
elephants), motimahra (pearl chain), nivi bandha (girdle), mukta-hra (pearl chain), valiya
(handring), mngtk (head ornament) and motikmla (necklace of pearls), etc. for details refer
to Jyotirivara, Vara Ratnkara, Cal., 1940, pp.4, 26, 40, 44, 60; Dubey, M. N., Geet Vidypati,
Varanasi, 1978, Doha-442; Also Rakeshs Maithili Lok Geet, p. 55. Pahirelani kanganm; J.
Miras and A. Jhs Vidypati Sanskrit Granthval, Bhag-2, Dar., p. 176.
351
Rakesh, Maithili Lok Geet, pp. 28-29, 46, 55, 56, 64.65, 76, 92, 146, 220. cf. Vidypati K
Padval, Bharati (Bhasha) Bhavan, Delhi, p. 251 Also Vara Ratnkara, Cal. for Kangan.
352
Rakesh, Maithili Lok Geet, p. 282 ff.

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and Kanha (a kind of silver necklace). The folk songs of Mithil also inform us
that tk of Bankipur or Kankana of Katak and pearl of Surat were very
popular among the women of Mithil.354
While describing the ornaments worn by people in the region of present
North Bihar, Grierson also gives a long list of ornaments worn by them. These
are, especially for women, mngtk (ornaments for the head), tikul (spot
worn on the forehead), nathi (a nose ring), karafula, bl, jhumak, kanaus,
sikari (all are ear ornaments), hansul, tawaka (worn by the Muslim women),
suti, katsara, hra, motimla (neck ornaments), bjubanda, badm (on the
fingers), paijn, ghungharu (the feet ornaments), bichhiy (toe ornament)
etc.355
It is thus clear that ornaments in our period provided the maximum
degree of attracton for the women of the different classes of Mithil, and
without them perhaps they would not even dream of enjoying the pleasures of
life. It appears that ornaments made of gold and gems were limited to the
upper class people of the society in general, while the lower class satisfied
themselves with the ornaments made of silver, cowrie, etc.

353
354
355

Ibid., p. 230.
Ibid., pp. 344-402.
Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, Delhi, pp. 152, 156. Also Mithil Mthir (Mithilnka), 1935, pp.
158-179.

194