Report

Gender Dimensions of International Migration from

Bangladesh and India: Socio Economic Impact on
Families Left Behind
N0. 10 - 07

Submitted by
Dr. Ranjana Kumari. Director, CSR, India
&
Prof. Ishrat Shamim. Director, CWCS, Bangladesh

Acknowledgements
Migration for work and livelihood historically made families to move from their home land to
destination countries. Traditionally speaking, it was the men who migrated for work, with women
staying behind. Currently, women from developing countries like Bangladesh and India are engaging
in international labour migration in increasing numbers. Gender permeates every aspect of migration,
including the decision to migrate, the process of migration and its consequences. A gender perspective
is essential for understanding both the causes and consequences of international migration. The
feminization of migration alters the position of men in transnational families: they now receive the
remittances from their female partners living abroad and may have to attain new family or household
functions. While family concerns have come up in large-scale male migration as well, the departure of
men to provide for their families was still part of the repertoire of gender roles. What effect does the
migration of either men or women have on the traditional gender roles in society? On the one hand,
migration may be an empowering experience for women; but it may also lead to a backlash of
traditional mind set about womens place in the household and a reinforcement of existing gender
roles. In search of answers to these queries, the study was conducted jointly by the Centre for Social
Research (CSR) for India in partnership with the Centre for Women and Child Studies (CWCS) for
Bangladesh.
The study addresses the socio-economic impact of migration including empowerment and
vulnerability issues. The study explores certain fundamental and innovative areas of gender migration
such as the socio-economic background of migrant families, changes and problems encountered by
the families back home and their coping mechanisms, role of men and women migrants in decisionmaking both in family issues and the use of remittances, etc. The study also provides specific policy
recommendations for the overall socio-economic development of families back home in both the
countries of Bangladesh and India, based on the suggestions received from the field level. The
sampling was from the families back home especially the spouses of both male and female overseas
migrant unskilled and semi-skilled persons whose education standard is up to Secondary level. The
total sample consists of 1000 families from Bangladesh and India.
I, hereby, acknowledge the support extended by the South Asia Network of Economic Research
Institute (SANEI), Pakistan in conducting the study. Im thankful to Dr. Rashid Amjad (VC, PIDE)
and Dr. Mustafa K. Mujeri (Coordinator SANEI, BIDS) for showing a keen interest in the study
and successful completion of the project. I extend my thanks to Prof. Ishrat Shamim, (President,
CWCS) for being our co-researcher in Bangladesh, successfully conducting the study and in finalizing
the joint report. I also thank Protector General Emigration, Delhi and its Director Dr. Ranbir Singh for
providing us valuable information regarding migration data and policies. My immense gratitude is due
to the family members of men and women migrants who patiently cooperated in filling up our
questionnaires and answer our queries. I thank Ms. Paro Mishra, Ms. Katrina Smiet (intern), Mr.
Freek Soetenga (intern), Ms. Sweta Anmulwar, Ms. Komal, Mr. Srikanta Jena and Mr. Manoj for
literature review, data collection, comparison of reports and data analysis and processing through
SPSS package. My special thanks are due to Dr. Manasi Mishra for successful completion of the
project work and compilation of the final report.

Dr. Ranjana Kumari

Director, Centre for Social Research (CSR)
New Delhi, India

ontents
Chapter 1- Introduction
1.1 Global scenario and feminization of migration
1.2 Objectives of the study
1.3 Methodology

Chapter 2- Gender Dimension of International Migration

In Asian Context- Literature review
2.1 Theoretical background on gender and migration
2.2 Concerns for the family
2.3 International migration in the Asian context
2.4 Existing government policies on migration
2.5 Concluding remarks

Chapter 3- Socio-economic Background of Migrants and

Impact on the families left behind
3.1 Family background of migrants
3.2 Socio-economic profile of the family members of migrants
3.3 Housing and other facilities
3.4 Demographic profile of men and women migrants
3.5 Migration pattern by destination countries and duration of stay
3.6 Socio-economic profile of migrants of Bangladesh and India
3.7 Pre-migration related issues
3.8 Flow of remittance
3.9 Problems in destination countries
3.10 Impacts on family members left behind
3.11 Communication of migrants with family members back home
3.12 Decision making and changing roles of family members
3.13 Suggestions from family members

39

Chapter 4- Case studies of migrants from Bangladesh and India

4.1 Case studies of men migrants from Bangladesh
4.2 Case studies of women migrants from Bangladesh
4.3 Case studies of men migrants from India
4.4 Case studies of women migrants from india

119

Chapter 5- Conclusion and Policy Recommendation

5.1 Conclusion
5.2 Similarities and differences
5.3 Policy Recommendations

133

Annexure I
Bibliography

153

Annexure II
Questionnaire

156

Chapter 1
Introduction

The sun does not rise or set anywhere without shining

on some members of Indian community.
Motwani, K Jagat, 1994
A fundamental characteristic of people is their movement from place to place. The
right to move was recognized globally over a half century ago with the adoption of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Declaration states in Article 13 that
Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of
each state and Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and
to return to his country. As noted in the 1994 International Conference on Population
and Development, orderly international migration can have positive impacts on both
the communities of origin and the communities of destination. Migration also has the
potential of facilitating the transfer of skills and contributing to cultural enrichment.
Today the number of people residing outside their country of birth is at an all-time
high of about 175 million, more than double the number a generation ago1. The vast
majority of migrants are making meaningful contributions to their host countries. At
the same time, however, international migration entails the loss of human resources
for many countries of origin and may give rise to political, economic or social
tensions in countries of destination. International migration, with its intricate web of
demographic, social, economic and political determinants and consequences, is a
topic that has moved to the forefront of national and international agenda.
1.1 Global scenario and feminization of migration
Human migration is one of the most challenging issues facing the world today.
Widening economic gaps between industrialized and developing countries, rapidly
increasing populations, the penetration of poor countries by rich ones, the disruption
caused by economic development and the web of transport and communication
systems all create the structural conditions that might encourage an individual to
consider life elsewhere.

Table 1.1 Size and growth of migrant stock by major area, 1990-2000

Major Area

1990

2000

Change: 19902000

Percent

World

153956

174781

20825

13.5

More developed

81 424

104 119

22 695

27.9

International Migration Report, 2002

4

regions
Less developed
regions

72 531

70 662

-1 869

-2.6

Least developed
countries

10 992

10 458

-534

-4.9

Africa

16 221

16 277

56

0.3

Asia

49 956

49 781

-175

-0.4

Europe

48 437

56 100

7 663

15.8

Latin America and

the Caribbean

6 994

5 944

-1 051

-15.0

Northern America

27 597

40 844

13 248

48.0

5 835

1 084

22.8

Oceania
4 751
Source: International Migration Report, 2002

Migration of women for work and economic motives has attracted serious research
attention only recently. As Thapan points out, mainstream theories perceive migration
as being mainly a male movement with women either being left behind or following
their men folk as dependents, despite the almost equal number of women and men
engaged in migration (2005:11)2. Even when women are seen as engaging in
productive work outside the household after migration, they are seen as secondary
earners and dependents in the processes of migration. Yet there are remarkable
number of women who migrate as single women in search of a livelihood, relying
completely on their all-female networks of friends and acquaintances. Feminization of
international labor migration is a global trend. The percentage of women in the
migrant population (both permanent immigrants and temporary migrants) has been
increasing in the postwar period, and now women comprise the majority of
international migrants.
Within this large scale migration between countries, women make up an increasing
proportion of international migrants. An analysis of censuses around the world
between 1970 and 1986 found that some 77 million people had enumerated outside
their country of birth and that 48 percent of these were women.3 The proportion of
females in the foreign populations of most countries is now typically between 45 and
50 percent. In Europe in 1990, the Federal Republic of Germany was at the lower end
of the scale with 43.7 percent females among its immigrants while the United
Kingdom was at the higher end with 52.5 percent.4 According to Zlotnik (1998), the
number of female migrants across the world increased by 63 per cent - from 35
million to 57 million between 1965 and 1990, an increase 8 per cent higher than that
of male migrants.

Thapan, Meenakshi (2005) Series Introduction in Meenakshi Thapan (ed.) Transnational Migration
and Politics of Identity, New Delhi, Sage

Publications: 09-22.
3
Stalker, P. The Work of Strangers: A Survey of International Labour Migration.
ILO, Geneva.
4
ibid
5

The growing participation of women migrants expanded the discussion of migration

to include protection and rights-related issues. These issues already surfaced in the
Middle Eastbound migration, but they assumed greater urgency with regards to
female migration because of the concentration of migrant women in domestic work
and entertainment. There are concerns derived from the invisibility of these sectors
which render women vulnerable to potential abuses and exploitation, including
gender-based violence.
A consequence of the feminization of migration is that it alters the position of men in
transnational families: they now receive the remittances from their female partners
living abroad and may have to attain new family or household functions. While family
concerns have come up in large-scale male migration as well, the departure of men to
provide for their families was still part of the repertoire of gender roles it was not
ideal, but it was expected of men to go out in the distance to provide for the family
while women kept house.
With the alarming rise of the migration of women, some people are concerned that the
departure of these women frustrates the stability of the family and the welfare of the
children left behind. Women migrants bear a lot of guilt in leaving their children
behind and the fact that they care for other children (or other families) while they
leave their own in the care of others haunts them.
In the absence of women, changes in womens roles and status tend to affect the
family more than similar changes in men. The migration of women, especially
mothers, has invited much speculation about the many adverse consequences that
could befall the family, especially for the children.
Another question is what effect the migration of women has on the gender roles
within the family. And reversely, what effect does the migration of men have on the
gender roles? Women may have to take up the absent males tasks and
responsibilities, and thus gain more freedom and a higher status in the family but
migration may also lead to a backlash of traditionalism and a reinforcement of
existing gender roles. These and other questions about how migration affects the
family left behind are the focus of the study.

1.2 Objectives of the Study

The study aims to explore the gender dimensions of international migration from
Bangladesh and India and the socio-economic impact on families left behind in the
country of origin. Migration trends change over time. Traditionally, men have
migrated for work, with women staying behind. The migration of women has been
mainly secondary; as spouses or family members of principal migrants. Migration
also had a relatively permanent character. Currently, migration is increasingly
temporary labour migration, and women from developing countries like Bangladesh
and India are engaging themselves in ever increasing numbers to ensure the
subsistence of their families. Gender permeates every aspect of migration, including
the decision to migrate, the process of migration and its consequences. A gender
perspective is essential for understanding both the causes and consequences of
international migration.

Due to the long history of migration from Bangladesh and India to the different parts
of the world especially Middle Eastern countries, migration has great potential for the
individual men and women migrants and their families back home. In this backdrop,
the study aimed to explore and identify:
Socio-economic background of migrant families
Changes and problems encountered by the families back home and their
coping mechanisms
Role of men and women migrants in decision-making and use of remittances
Policy recommendations for the overall socio-economic development of
families back home.

1.3 Methodology
The study aims to address the socio-economic impact of migration including
empowerment and vulnerability issues. The study area was selected considering the
availability of families left behind by men and women migrants. Since the sample
population is scattered in a widely dispersed geographical area, some migration prone
pocket areas were purposively selected from where men and women have migrated.
The sampling unit was the families back home, especially the spouses of both male
and female overseas migrant labourers.
A sample of 1,000 families left behind was purposively selected. In Bangladesh, 250
families of men migrants and 250 families of women migrants were selected from
migration prone areas of Satkhira, Comilla and Dhaka districts. In India, though the
sample size was initially designed to be the same as per Bangladesh, it is one of the
major realization during the field investigation with the Ministry of External Affairs
and Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs, Government of India, that not many women
migrate in the category of below Senior Secondary level of education and from
northern India. Hence, the sample size is 430 families of men migrants and 70
families of women migrants. But, nevertheless, they reflect the characteristics of
every migrant family in this category. These migrants were in most cases, the ones,
who originally migrated from rural areas and presently staying in Delhi.
Data was collected from both primary and secondary sources. Secondary data was
collected from concerned government official documents, policies, books, reports of
NGO networks, newspapers clippings, etc. The secondary data was used as a
background study, including a literature review and a situational analysis.
The primary sources of information was collected by using a combination of
qualitative and quantitative techniques such as interview using both structured and
open-ended questions, case studies and field observation. Interviews were conducted
using pre-tested structured questions. In addition, case studies were also conducted to
have a better insight and in-depth information. Statistical information were processed,
analyzed and presented in tables, graphs and maps to present the major findings.

Chapter 2
Gender Dimension of International Migration in Asian
Context Literature Review
The traditional image of the migrant is a lone, rugged male who leaves his familiar
surroundings and goes into the wide world to provide for his family (Pedraza 1991,
305; Pessar & Mahler 2003, 823). Related to this lone male stereotype (Pessar &
Mahler 2003, 823) is the assumption that the migration of women is secondary in
nature: following men, women migrate as wives, mothers and daughters (Zlotnik
1995, 229). However, this conventional view is far from reality. Since the 1970s,
women have become increasingly present in migration streams. Approximately half
of todays estimated 185 million migrants are women (Srensen 2005, 2).
As Pedraza expresses it, The pervasive assumption that the international migrant is a
young, economically motivated male has overshadowed the reality of migration
streams that were dominated by women. (Pedraza 1991, 303) As various authors
have pointed out, female migrants constitute a neglected group; research on them has
been limited (Pedraza 1991, Zlotnik 1995; Pessar & Mahler 2003).
More importantly, however, the aspect of gender has generally been neglected in the
study of migration. In the words of Pessar and Mahler:
Gender is one of the oldest, if not the oldest factor shaping human lives, and,
accordingly, it influences migration and migrants lives. Nonetheless, gender has
regularly been sidelined in scholarly research on international migration over the
past 100 years. (Pessar & Mahler 2003, 813)

Whether a migrant is male or female, gender is crucial in all aspects of migration. To

illustrate: gender plays a role in the decision to migrate who migrates, who stays
behind; the sort of jobs a migrant has access to with female migration being rooted
in lower-paid and under-protected sectors such as domestic service, care work and sex
work; the situation of the family members left behind the general assumption that the
migration of mothers has a bigger impact on traditional gender roles than the
departure of fathers; and the status of the migrant in that family migration can lead
to new-found independence and freedoms for both female migrants as well as women
staying behind, or, conversely, migration can also lead to a backlash of traditional
gender roles. As Srensen summarizes: gender organizes migration gender
operates simultaneously on multiple structural and social scales, and gender
relations both facilitate and constrain women and mens migratory practices
(Srensen 2005, 3).

How far have migration theories addressed gender aspect

Generally speaking, migration theories have not addressed the gender aspects of
international migration partly because of the assumption that most migrant workers
were men and women are their dependents. Even though this problem has been
alleviated over the past two decades, not very many scholars have made sufficient
attempts to theorize international female migration in a comprehensive manner. A
brief overview of existing migration theories can explain why these theories cannot
explain the patterns of international female migration effectively.
The study of labour migration, both within and between countries, has generated a
burgeoning literature in a number of disciplines. Even so, it is no surprise that most of
this research on employment related migration has been grounded in economic theory.
Much of this work takes a human capital approach to migration (Sjaastad, 1962)5,
where actors are assumed to be rational thinkers who have access to the relevant
information about work opportunities, and who consciously weigh up the relative
costs and benefits of moving versus staying. The human capital theory of migration is
gender-neutral and, in the early days at least, tended to focus on individual decisionmaking, outside the context of the family or household.
The role of the family in migration decision making gained increasing recognition in
the 1970s as those interested in labour migration recognized that there are costs and
benefits to be weighed up for all the family members if one (often male) adult accepts
a job opportunity which involves a residential move. The human capital model of
family migration is thus an extension of human capital theory: . . couples pool
information on their joint utilities and weigh both in the final decision. However,
since total family utility is assumed to be measured best by total monetary income, the
spouse who can contribute the most to this total may have his/her prospects weighed
most heavily in the decision (Spitze, 1984)6.
Human capital models, albeit modified by being contextualized within the family,
continue to underpin much labour migration research today. Increasingly, however,
their limitations as frameworks for interpreting much migration are being recognized.
They do not, for example, consider how gender roles enter into family migration
decision-making. The gender role perspective emphasizes the roles into which men
and women are socialized and how those roles influence the family migration
decision-making process (Shihadeh, 1991). This approach does not deny that women
are involved in decision making but argues that wives are likely to defer to their
husbands when migration decisions are made and, consequently, that the gender
neutrality of the human capital model is unrealistic.7
Although there have been numerous studies done on immigration, women have been
traditionally ignored because they were considered complicit followers in the male
5

Sjaastad LA. 1962. The costs and returns of Human Migration. Journal of Political Economy 70: 8093.

1984. The effect of family migration on wivesEmployment: how long does it last? Social Science Quarterly 65:
2136

1991. The prevalence of husband centeredmigration: employment consequences for Married Mothers. Journal of
Marriage and the Family 53: 432444.

migration stream. Fortunately, there is a growing literature on female migrants, and

both development and womens studies literature vocalize the need for more research.
However, these studies are inherently difficult as there is a dearth of data
disaggregated by sex. The 2004 World Survey on Women and Migration (United
Nations, 2005) describes the preeminence of gender equality in the female decision to
migrate; even so, the survey also discusses the need for more analytical work on the
role of women in international migration.
Increasingly some effort is being vested in the direction of understanding international
migration from the vantage point of gender and more specifically, focus is directed to
the women migrant worker8, her new role assumption as the earning member of the
family, the way migration has a considerable socio-economic impact on the families
of migrant workers9 left behind, issue of remittances which establishes women as a
significant contributor to the GDP, issues pertaining to her security and rights in a
foreign land, questions relating to her autonomy and most importantly the role of
family in her decision to migrate and also as a support system to the members left
behind.
Peter Stalker argues in his study on The Work of Strangers: A Survey of
International Labour Migration that women make up an increasing proportion of
foreign migrants. This is primarily because of an increase in the demand for labour in
areas where women have typically predominated, such as domestic service,
entertainment, and the service sector in general. Indeed for some sending countries
there are more women emigrants than men: an airport survey in Sri Lanka in 1990
found that 65 percent of the migrant workers were female, of whom a majority was
domestic servants10. Deteriorating economic conditions in the home country mean
that women, too, may be better off migrating. A survey of 718 women crossing in to
the United States from Tijuana found that while 10 percent said that they were going
to join their families, 67 percent said that they were seeking jobs.11 Another major
reason behind international migration is better income opportunities. Many women
who migrate as domestic servants overseas would probably have rejected such
employment at home. These women may indeed be highly qualified. A study of
Filipino women intending to emigrate to work as domestic servants found that 36 per
cent were either college graduates or undergraduates.12 Clearly the attraction is the
salary. While wages for domestic workers are poor by the standards of the host
country, they are far superior to what might be earned in a profession in the sending
country. Wage differentials between the sending and the host country can trigger
complex international flows of migrant workers.
Clearly, the gender dimensions of international migration have been overlooked in
past research. The present study aims to fill this gap, by examining specifically the
8

A "migrant worker" refers to a person who is to be engaged, is engaged or has been engaged in a
remunerated activity in a State of which he or she is not a national" (International convention). This
includes both documented and undocumented workers, and permanent and temporary migrant workers
from India, and migrant workers from foreign countries working in India.
9
"Families of Migrant Workers" refer to dependants of migrant workers, and includes but is not
confined to spouses, children, parents and extended family members.
10

Bureau of immigration Research, 1992

Migration World, 1992
12
Kuptsch, 1992, pg. 10
11

10

consequences of international migration from India and Bangladesh on the families

that are left behind by migrants.

2.1

Theoretical Background on Gender and Migration

Considering that gender is one of the most fundamental structures of human

understanding and society, one which has a great influence on all aspects of
migration, one would expect to find ample research on gender and migration. As the
UN World Survey straight forwardly puts it, Studies of migration that do not
adequately consider gender perspectives do not take into account the experiences or
contributions of the half of all migrants who are women (UN World Survey 2004, 1).
Surprisingly, however, research on the gender dimensions of international migration
is scarce. As different scholars have repeatedly pointed out, gender is mostly
overlooked in research on migration (Pedraza 1991, Zlotnik 1995; Pessar & Mahler
2003). As Pedraza expesses it, until recently the role of women in migration had
been totally neglected (Pedraza 1991, 303). Twelve years later Pessar and Mahler
write an article with the title Transnational Migration: Bringing Gender In (Pessar
& Mahler 2003) a sign that things have not changed yet.
Recently more research has been appearing on women and migration, yet we have to
develop a truly gendered understanding of the causes, processes and consequences of
migration (Pedraza 1991, 303). Basically, most research appears to be genderneutral while utilizing models of migration based on the experiences of men (UN
World Survey 2004, 1).
The current study serves as a corrective to this trend. Especially the focus on the
families left behind is a very novel one. While a lot of recent research has looked into
the phenomenon of family migration (see for example Cook 2008), the scholarly
attention on the family members of international migrants has so far been scant.
2.1.1 Participation of Women in Migration Streams
The late twentieth century is often characterized as the age of migration (Zlotnik
1998). In 2000, there were an estimated 175 million migrants, as opposed to 75
million in 1965 (UN Survey, 2004, 6)13. This migration includes women in substantial
numbers. Already in 1965, women accounted for 46.6 percent of the worlds migrants
(Zlotnik 1998, 433) and their participation in migration streams has been steadily
rising since. As the UN World Survey on Women and Migration expresses:
At no time in human history have as many women been on the move as today.
About 90 million women currently reside outside their countries of origin,
representing about half of the worlds international migrants. (UN World
Survey, 2004, 1)
13

Of these, about 159 million were voluntary migrants, the remainder refugees (UN
Survey 2004, 6)
11

Especially significant is womens entry into migration streams which were previously
dominated by males (UN World Survey 2004, 1). While family reunification remains
an important factor in womens migration, increasing numbers of women are
migrating independently (UN World Survey 2004, 1; Srensen 2005, 2). As Srensen
points out,
Female migration is linked to new global economic transformations and the
resulting restructuring of the labour force. In this process, new groups of
migrants are emerging, including both young single women and female family
breadwinners who move both independently and under the authority of older
relatives. (Srensen 2005, 2)
Four principle types of women migrants - based on marital status and reason for
migration - have been identified by Thadani and Todaro (Thadani & Todaro 1984, in
UN World Survey 2004, 11). These are:
Married women migrating in search of employment
Unmarried women migrating in search of employment
Unmarried women migrating for marriage reasons
Married women engaged in associational migration with no
thought of employment. (Thadani & Todaro 1984, in UN World
Suvey 2004, 11)
Basically, although women seem to be more likely than men to migrate for family
reunion or marriage, this type of migration is not exclusive to women (UN Survey
2004, 11). Logically, as women migrate more and more as principal migrants, men
become more present in migration for family reunification.
In Asia, organized migration started in the 1970s with migrants from South Asia, East
Asia and Southeast Asia traveling to the Gulf countries, mainly for work in
infrastructural projects (Asis 2003, 2). During this time, female migration only made
up a small share, 15 percent, of the total migration. However, female migration
dramatically increased in the next decades, with female migrants mainly finding work
in domestic service and the entertainment industry. As Asis puts it, Rising female
migration from and in Asia in the 1990s indicated that the trend has become
irreversible (Asis 2003, 4). The demand for female migrant workers is not likely to
decrease in the near future: it is more constant and resilient to economic swings
(Asis 2003, 4).
2.1.2 Female Migration: Challenging or Reinforcing Traditional Gender Roles
Paradoxically, the migration of women may both challenge traditional gender roles as
well as reinforce them. Srensen writes, Depending on cultural background and
family structures, male and female coping strategies may include anything from

12

altered gender identities to the reassertion of traditional gender roles (Srensen 2005,
3).
Gender Inequality as a Motivation for Migration
Gender inequality and restricting gender roles can be a significant motivation for
women to migrate. Pedraza refers to a study by Grassmuck and Pessar who found that
for many women in the Dominican Republic migration became a way of escaping
total dependence on their husbands (Pedraza 1991, 309). In this case, gains in
personal autonomy and reducing the patriarchal control of the husband were a direct
motivation for the women to migrate (Pedraza 1991, 309). Similarly, the women were
reluctant to return home because of the changes in freedom and opportunities they
would face. As Pedraza explains, Grassmuck and Pessar found that while men were
eager to return, a desire expressed in their frugal, austere living to accumulate savings,
women tended to postpone or avoid return because they realized it would entail their
retirement from work and the loss of their new-found freedoms (Pedraza 1991, 310).
As Mills points out, a similar reluctance to return is noted in Mexican and Caribbean
women in the United States: studies often find that they are much more reluctant
than their male compatriots to return to the home country, believing that it would
likely entail a parallel return to more patriarchal household relations (Mills 2003,48).
However, this trend is not limited to the Caribbean or Central America. As the UN
World Survey on Women and Migration reports, Gender inequality can be a
powerful factor in precipitating migration, particularly when women have increased
economic, political and social expectations that actual opportunities at home do not
allow them to meet (UN World Survey 2004, 1).
Migration as a Source of Autonomy and Empowerment
Clearly, international migration may be a source of independence and bring new
opportunities for self-realization. Women who migrate may be freed of the
restrictions they face in their own more traditional and patriarchal societies. As The
UN World Survey poses, migration may be an empowering experience for women.
In the process of international migration, women may move away from situations
where they are under traditional, patriarchal authority to situations in which they can
exercise greater autonomy over their own lives (UN World Survey 2004, 2). Women
who migrate individually often become the breadwinners of their family and are
discharged of the traditional roles running the household and raising the children.
They are (physically) away from the pressures of a patriarchal society and, in the case
of South to North migration, confronted with a society with different conception of
gender roles.
Even when migrating together with a partner, this exposure to a different society
combined with the necessities of building up a new life may lead to changing
structures within the family. As the UN World Survey points out, migrant womens
employment and earnings, and their exposure to the gender relations in host societies,
often instigate changes in gender relations between family members and enhance
migrant womens autonomy and empowerment (UN World Survey 2004, 16). It is
not only women who change through the exposure to different gender relations. As
Pessar and Mahler point out, The fact that some men who migrate alone and stay
abroad for years learn domestic tasks by necessity and are thus more willing to assist

13

their spouses when reunited in the host country has also been observed (Pessar and
Mahler 2003, 826).
When women stay behind, the migration of men may also lead to a change in
traditional gender roles. As the men are absent, women often have to take over roles
and responsibilities which are traditionally associated with men. As Pessar and
Mahler point out, traditional rules governing work weaken as non-migrant women
and girls assume the tasks usually performed by the now-emigrant men and boys
(Pessar & Mahler 2003, 825). Women left behind take over tasks usually performed
by men, and thereby challenge the traditional sexual division of labour. Concretely,
women may have to take up or increase income-generating activities when men do
not send home enough remittances (UN World Survey 2004, 16). While these
additional financial responsibilities may be a source of stress, the potential also
exists for such income-generating activities to increase the autonomy and
empowerment of women (UN World Survey 2004, 16). Also, being in charge of the
remittances sent back home may be a novel source of independence and power for the
women left behind. Srensen refers to a study of Ecuador, where Remittance
management has invested women with an authoritative language through which to
make better claims for household needs (Srensen 2005, 6) and concludes that male
migration may lead to greater female decision making power (Srensen 2005, 6).
The importance of increases salary can also be seen in the context of nurses migrating
from south India to gulf countries who are very well aware of the material benefits
that follow an increased payment which is much more than what they can earn in
South India. Marie Percot in her study on Indian nurses in the Gulf: From Job
Opportunity to Life Strategy,14 shows how for the migrant nurses 40 years back the
aim of emigration to the gulf was more of a return to Kerala as soon as the savings
authorized the achievement of the main objectives: construction of a house, payment
for the higher studies of the children and finally a minimum of liquidity which would
enable them to sail through some years. However she also argues that today the
situation has changed. For the younger ones, emigration to then gulf is perceived as a
preliminary to the real migration, the one towards West of which there are now
more and more chances.
Not only USA and UK, but also Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Switzerland, Italy
and Germany now recruit foreign nurses. Thus the gulf in itself no longer appears as a
destination for emigration of Indian nurses. It however remains a kind of compulsory
passage. Because the women can go to the gulf with minimum training that they
acquire in India, it is quicker and easier to go there. The qualifications required for
migration to English speaking west means a costly investment of time and money.
Thus the time spent in the Gulf is now perceived as an unpleasant prelude before the
real future, the migration to the real destination; but it also acts as a kind of initiation
to the emigrant life. In a paradoxical manner, migration to the gulf is described as a
soft transition.

14

Percot, Marie. Indian Nurses in the Gulf: From job Opportunity to life strategy in Anuja Agarwal
(ed. )Women and Migration in Asia, Volume 4, Sage Publications 2006

14

However the role of the migrants family cannot be ignored in the context of the
initial decision making regarding migration. Marie Percot in her study discusses the
role of family in the migration decision of Keralite nurses. She says financing the
study of nursing often requires parents to sell their gold or land or to borrow money,
ordinarily from other members of the family, and at times from a bank. It is
consequently quite rare that the choice of the nurses profession is an individual
decision of the young girl; it is much rather a family strategy where parents expect a
return for their investment. The family or the in-laws seem to have encouraged, even
initiated, this departure by informing their daughters, sisters-in-law or daughters-inlaw of such an opportunity and above all, by contributing to the departure expense.
The support of the extended family is also a pre requisite in the case where the
migrant goes leaving the children behind with the family members (in-laws, grand
parents etc.), who are then responsible for the upbringing of the child during the
migrants stay. In return they provide for the needs of the family through remittances.
Remittance thus clearly becomes an issue of great importance. Increasingly bilateral
and multilateral development agencies recognize that remittances play an important
role in the accounts of many developing countries and are crucial to the survival of
poor individuals, families and communities around the world. At the same time an
increasing number of source country governments are beginning to view migrants and
their economic transfers as strategic resources to be captured and incorporated in
national development processes.
In return for the expenses borne by the family members for migrants travel expenses,
the migrant promises to send money home, increasing these remittances on occasions
if the family is in particular difficulty from illness and crop failure. Most such
contracts will be sustained by altruism and family ties. But migrants also have a self
interested motive for remittances. Many will plan to return home again and have
aspirations to inherit, so will have an interest in the family property being maintained
and developed15. There can also be a gender effect too-particularly if the strategy is a
risk aversion. A study in the Philippines concluded that households send those people
they think will be trustiest remitters. These are often daughters rather than sons. While
young women in domestic services in Singapore may earn less than their brothers on
building sites, they may actually be sending back more money.16
When migrating for work, female migrants tend to be concentrated in gender specific
niches of the labour market such as domestic service, care work and sex work, where
wages and working conditions are lower and more time consuming. Despite female
migrants lower incomes, it is generally assumed that women by and large send back
home a greater share of their earnings in remittances than men and also tend to be
better savers. In addition to being the largest receivers of remittances, women when
in control of remittances - are also believed to channel overseas financial transfers
into better health, nutrition and education for the entire family, hereby supporting the
development of stronger and more productive communities. However, gaps remain in
our understanding of the gender dimensions of remittances and development. Only
little research has been done on gender differences in migrants remittance practices,
15

16

Stalker, P The Work of Strangers: A survey of International Labour Migration, ILO, Geneva

ibid
15

and very little systematic research has been done on gender disparities in migrant
earnings and remittances sent home.17
Gender and the position of the migrant within the family are important factors
influencing the amount, pattern, function, use and beneficiaries of remittances. So are
patterns of gender economic inequality in the global labour market. In this context
Sorensen believes that a gendered analysis of remittance practices must therefore
include questions such as:18
Who moves and who stays?
For what purposes?
Under which conditions?
Exactly what and how much flows?
Through which channels?
What sustains gendered migratory practices?
These questions would help us determine what makes women and men engage in
migration, the form and conditions their movements take, the gender differences
reflected in remittance patterns, the nature of source and destination societies, the
status and standing of migrant populations within them, and the attitude of source
country governments towards respectively male and female migrants abroad.
However migrant men and women face many problems is the country of immigration,
which is too large a price paid or the remittances sent back home. Migrant workers
have to face problems of adjustment in a new, social, economic and political set-up in
an alien country. Moreover they also worry about the contractual nature of their
overseas employment. Leela Gulati in her paper titled Asian Women Workers in
International Labour Migration says that these problems become more aggravated in
the context of women migrants, especially if they are engaged as domestic or
entertainment workers.19
The problems faced by immigrants domestic workers are mainly due to the fact that
they live in a situation of high dependency with their employers and their family,
which itself leads to a high degree of vulnerability. Once a housemaid leaves the
shores of her country, her dependency on the employer, even for the most basic needs
such as food and shelter is absolute. In this context Lycklama said that the isolated
working condition, whereby the maids work in separate homes, makes it very difficult
to build any countervailing power against the forces that control their works and
lives.20 Migarnt women workers face many problems in the countries of destination.
17

But see de la Brire & Lambert 1995, Semyonov & Gorodzeisky 2003.
Srensen, Ninna Nyberg Migrant Remittances, Development and Gender
DANSK INSTITUT FOR INTERNATIONALE STUDIER, July 2005
19
Gulati, Leela Asian women Workers in International Labour Migration in Anuja
Agarwal edited Migrant Women and Work, volume 4, Sage Publications
20
Lycklama, Geertje. 1989. Trade in Maids: Asian Domestic helpers in Migration:
Theory and Practice, in Trade in Domestic helpers: Causes, Mechanisms and

18

16

Gulati classifies them under (a) contract-related problems, (b) cultural adjustment
problems, (c) basic human rights problem. Some of them are: maltreatment and
physical abuse, use of abusive language, imprisonment of domestic workers, sexual
harassment, default in payment of salary as per contract, long hours of work, denial of
weekly holidays, restrictions on movement and communication, lack of provisions of
accommodation, contract substitution21 and impounding of domestic workers
passport the moment she takes up her job.
In his study of Gulf wives22 in Kerala, Rajan (2003) notes this empowering potential
of male migration on the women who stay behind. The absence of their husbands
brings many hardships, such as loneliness and new responsibilities which may be
experienced as burdens. However, it does bring many benefits as well and not just
economically. Rajan notes that the emigration of their husbands can also give the
Gulf wives an opportunity to develop their talents, expertise, status and independence
to their full potential (Rajan 2003, 19). The Keralan women had to take up new
responsibilities in their husbands absence, such as responsibilities to take care of
childrens education, family finances, family health, and fulfilling family obligations
in social, cultural and religious area (Rajan 2003, 19). Especially being in charge of
the remittances and managing the finances was a considerable factor in increasing the
autonomy, independence and financial expertise of the women (Rajan 2003, 20). As
Rajan writes:
More important than the visible economic benefits to the Gulf wives, but partly
as a result of them, are the subtle changes in the womens self-confidence and in
their ability to get things done in the mans world. Loneliness yes, mental strains
yes, hard work yes, minor problems with in-laws and children yes, but at the end
of the day, they would have developed an inner capacity to get things done, not
only within households but also in the community. (Rajan 2003, 21)

Rajan speaks of a real transformation, from shy dependent girls into self confident
autonomous managers with status that is equal to those of any men in the
neighbourhood (Rajan 2003, 21).
A similar empowering effect has been noticed in Bangladesh by Mizanur Rahman in
his study of Gurail, a village in the Tangail district in Bangladesh from which
migration to Singapore takes place. Rahman notes that Although migration has
increased the workloads for the wives, they conveyed a feeling of success as de facto
family heads in the management of family chores, remittances, welfare and relations
with the outside world (Rahman 2007,27). In fact, through being the recipients and
administrators of the remittances, most migrant wives had a clear role in family
decision-making. 82 percent of married migrants wives reported having a primary
role in family decision-making (Rahman 2007, 19). While local traditions and
gender biases limited the possibilities for wives to invest remittances and start a
Consequences. Selected Papers from the Planning Meeting on International Migration
and Women. Kuala Lampur: Asian and Pacific Development Centre
21
Instead of the contract on the basis of which a omestic worker may have been
cleared by the immigration authority of his or her own country, she is made to sign
another contract with inferior terms.
22
The stay-behind wives of immigrants to the Gulf countries.
17

business, a special type of business named dhadon allowed women to become

independent entrepreneurs. As Rahman explains:
The dhadon is a business where one lends money for profit and the whole
operation is run from ones home, thereby requiring minimal contact with
the outside world, and thus is appropriate for women. Dhadon generally
serves the rural population whose credit needs are not met or taken into
consideration by the formal credit institutions (Rahman 2007, 20)

Forming the missing link between those formal credit institutions and the microcredit organizations which are often targeted specifically to the poorest of the poor,
deliver only a very small amount of credit and demand a social collective responsible
for repayment, and are thus not an option for a large part of the status-conscious rural
population dhadon is a lucrative business from which both the migrant women
engaging in this business themselves as well as other women in the community profit.
Women will come to borrow money to set up a small business, and thus it
contributes not only to the empowerment of individual migrant wives but also to
rural women in general, as women borrow from other women (Rahman 2007, 21).
As Rahman concludes, the temporary migration of millions of male labor has
induced migrant wives who are left behind to gain a variety of skills in dealing with
the outside world. This will have long term social development implications for the
wider Bangladeshi society (Rahman 2007, 28).
Migration: Reinforcing Traditional Gender Roles
However, the empowering potential of migration should not be overestimated. It
should always be remembered that female migrants are a highly vulnerable group,
working in badly protected sectors (such as domestic work and the entertainment
industry) and structurally underpaid. Ironically, rather than challenging traditional
gender roles, migration might actually reinforce those roles.
Mills points out that migration can lead to crises of masculinity. Migrants, both men
and women, make up a highly feminized and vulnerable workforce (Mills 2003, 45).
Migration is not easy; nor is it always successful. As Mills explains, the obstacles to
achieving economic security in the new setting are often experienced as particularly
painful failures for men (Mills 2003, 53). Mens status diminishes as they are no
longer able to fulfill the traditional provider role. To deal with the humiliation they
experience, men may attempt to re-establish their masculinity by resorting back to
traditional roles and patriarchal structures. As Mills writes, it may lead to the
elaboration of misogynist discourses... These discourses can allow men to deflect their
own experiences of subordination or distress in the workplace onto images of women,
and sometimes violently onto the bodies of female companions (Mills 2003, 53).
When the man is the migrant, the women may stay behind in a traditional and
restrictive environment. As the UN World Survey points out, women remaining in
countries of origin may find themselves co-residing with relatives and restricted in
their activities (UN World Survey 2004, 16). Conversely, when a woman migrates

18

together with her husband, and not as a principal labour migrant, she might become
increasingly dependent on her husband in the new country. Not knowing the
language, culture or customs, the women may find themselves in a completely alien
situation in which her dependency on her husband is heightened rather than
diminished. Pedraza writes of a case of Mexican immigrants to the United States;
women who did not work became increasingly dependent on their husbands to help
them negotiate their host society (Pedraza 1991, 320). These women experienced the
return to their country of origin as a huge relief; they experienced improved
psychological health and reported feelings of release (Pedraza 1991, 320).
While it was mentioned earlier that being in charge of remittance earnings may be a
source of power for women staying behind, this may also work the other way around.
The male migrant may use remittances as a source of power for example by
withholding remittances at will. Pessar and Mahler describe a study of women left
behind in El Salvador. These women became emotionally, economically and
materially dependent upon their mobile husbands (Pessar and Mahler 2003, 824).
This dependence is symbolized in the humiliating experience of trying to make
contact with their husbands abroad: having to wait for hours in line to get access to a
telephone, begging for more remittance support. As Pessar and Mahler conclude, It
is an emotional drama that underscores how these women's unequal positioning vis-avis men along the continuum of social locations - in this case determined largely by
migration status and economic standing - shapes their agency (Pessar and Mahler
2003, 824).
Conversely, when women are the migrants and thus the remittance-senders and men
are receivers of these remittances, this does not necessarily imply that the woman is in
control. As Mills describes, Struggling to retain a satisfactory identity as masculine
heads of household, some men claim their wives' remitted earnings for personal use
instead of managing these funds for the household (Mills 2003, 53). There is often
little that the women can do about this: The persistent power of gender hierarchies in
the home community makes it difficult for women to challenge husbands when this
happens, in part because husbands' transgressions are viewed as a response to the
women's own failures to be good (i.e., present) wives (Mills 2003, 53).
Interestingly enough, a study by Mahler has shown that some stay behind women reimpose traditional gendered work norms on their returnee husbands, even when these
husbands desire to show their wives that they are willing to share domestic tasks.
Studies have found that "the man who offers to wash dishes is rebuked (Mahler 1999
in Pessar and Maher 2003, 825). While the men have been exposed to new ideas
about gender relations through migration, the women who have stayed behind in a
patriarchal and traditional society are resisting change. Similarly, women who migrate
may often be the guarders of tradition; trying to prevent their children from taking
over the modern ideas, including ideas about gender roles, which they are inevitably
exposed to.
Basically, both as migrants and as women staying behind, it is womens participation
in wage work and the fact that they earn money that makes a real change in their
status. As Mills points out, studies reveal the complex and contested processes
through which women's wage work can enhance their relative bargaining power vis-avis family and community (Mills 2003, 48). Thus, while these changes increased

19

autonomy, change in gender roles are not dependent on international migration,

migration is in many cases the catalyst for those changes.
The Meta Level
In the discussion about whether migration affects gender relations negatively or
positively, we have so far been looking at the consequences for individual migrants
lives, their immediate surroundings and larger communities. However, one can also
consider the way in which migration influences the gender roles globally, through the
sexual division of labor. While it may be empowering for an individual women to
move to the west and work there as a domestic servant, what are the consequences for
the structure of gender roles and gender hierarchies? It may free the western woman
from her household-tasks and enable her to enter the labour market, but what is the
effect on the underlying sexual division of labour? In effect, domestic work remains a
womans task now simply outsourced to a third-world woman. It changes nothing
about the traditional sexual division of labour; the underlying gender inequality is not
resolved. As Mills rightly expresses it, while some gender barriers are challenged, it is
without a radical reworking of gender responsibilities in the domestic realm. Instead
these duties are displaced onto ethnically and legally marginalized women in a
complex entanglement of gender, class, racial, and ethnic hierarchies that stretch
across the globe (Mills 2003, 45-46). Mills points us to the fact that gender, race and
ethnicity intertwine to make international labour migration in the field of domestic
work problematic from a feminist perspective. The same counts for care work, also
traditionally a womens domain. Of course, the case of the entertainment industry and
sex work an important sector for female migrants is much more complex: the
gender hierarchy perpetuated in this sector as well as the commodification of
womens bodies and gross exploitations which take place make it a very problematic
field from the feminist perspective.

2.2

Concerns for the Family

Women are increasingly present in international labour migration - and their

migration for work poses a whole new set of questions for the traditional family
structure and gender roles. Srensen points out:
The feminization of migration has altered the position of men in
transnational families, as men may now be the ones left behind, receiving
remittances from female partners or mothers working abroad, and having to
attain new family or household functions (Srensen 2005, 2).
The departure of men is in some sense still part of the repertoire of gender roles
(Asis 2003, 3). Men typically leave the household to earn money - now they are
simply going further away and for longer periods of time. The departure of women
clearly provides a more radical change. One could say that this change is not specific
to the international migration of women, that traditional gender roles are questioned
already when women start working instead of taking care of household and family
primarily. However, working women are often still the primary care givers; a woman

20

may work from the home or take care of these tasks next to her paid employment. But
when she migrates, the woman is simply not able to perform this care giving role any
more. Who takes over this role when the woman leaves? Who picks up the slack? Do
the men take over roles traditionally associated with women, or are the
responsibilities simply shifted to other female relatives like sisters, mothers or
daughters.
Of course, the answer to this question is specific to each country or region. The
literature does not provide any uniform answer. In South Asia, patriarchy and
traditional gender roles still have a strong hold. Thus, we do not expect that many
men are taking over the care giving role as the women migrate; these responsibilities
are probably shifted to other female family members. Generally, as Asis expresses, in
the Asian context the departure of women is seen as problematic for the stability of
the family and the welfare of the children left behind (Asis 2003, 11).

2.3 International Migration in the Asian Context

The International Organization for Migration points out that Asia is the worlds most
dynamic region in the labour migration field with large numbers of people working
overseas at all skill levels, significant extra- and intra-regional labour migration and
some countries being simultaneously importers and exporters of labour. (IOM 2003,
9). Interestingly enough, Asian countries are both major source countries for
international migrants as well as destination countries. In fact, The migration flows
within Asia is [sic] much larger than the flows of Asian immigrants to the US,
Canada, and Europe (Oishi 2002, 3). As a region, Asia has the second largest number
of migrants in the world, with 53 million migrants (Siddiqui 2008, 3).
In a sense, Asia has been in the forefront of migration of people all along (Siddiqui
2008, 2), as Tasneem Siddiqui points out. Historically, colonialism has played a big
role in the migration streams from Asia. The abolishment of slavery in the 1900s was
an impetus for the migration of cheap labour. Since the independence of the former
colonies, migration to the former colonizing countries has started. As Siddiqui writes,
Since the 1950s many Asian countries experienced international movements mostly
of professional and students to Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand
(Siddiqui 2008, 3). Migration to the West is usually of a permanent nature:
immigrants naturalize and become citizens. These migrants are usually semi-skilled to
highly-skilled, including professionals and people with technical skills.
Particularly in the South Asian context Asian labour migration has undergone some
major and dramatic changes since the early 80s. Overall, geographical mobility within
Asia has increased enormously and the population flow levels of Asia are amongst the
highest in the world. Leela Gulati23 notes two interesting migratory patterns in Asia as
they have emerged in the recent years. One is the direction of movement of migrant
workers and the other is the presence of women in these movements. Over the past
23

Gulati, Leela Asian Women Workers in International Labour Migration: An

Overview in Migrant Women and Work, Vol. 4, ed. by Anuja Agarwal, Sage
Publications, 2006
21

three decades, there has been a shift in the direction of the migratory flows from Asia.
From the 1970 onwards, migration to the industrialized West no longer dominates the
picture. Instead, the movement is more in the direction of other Asian countries.
Initially, the flow of population was primarily from the poorer Asian countries like
India and Pakistan that had surplus of labour. But later, many other Asian countries
also became involved in the export of labour to the Middle East. In the most recent
decade, a much broader pattern of intra- Asian migration has emerged.
Between the years 1975 and 1990 the number of immigrants to the seven states of the
Gulf Cooperation Council rose from1.1 million to 5.2 million (Stalker,2000)24. At the
same time the volume of labour migration within the Asian region was growing
alongside the rapid economic growth in East Asia and the emergence of newly
industrializing economies such as Malaysia and Thailand. According to ILO25
estimates, in 1997 there were approximately 6.5 million foreign workers in seven
Asian countries: Japan, the republic of Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Hong
Kong and Taiwan. However South-Asia remained and remains heavily dependent on
the Middle East as a source of employment for its migrants.
Not only has the direction of migration changed, but the gender composition of
migrants has also undergone a shift in the favour of women. Until the 1980s, when
one spoke of migrants it was assumed that one was referring to men. It was widely
believed that the participation of women in international migration, particularly in the
Asian region, was negligible. But such beliefs were not based on any statistical
evidence as there were no statistics that disaggregated workers by sex. Such statistics
were not sought as it was assumed that women are not migrating as workers. Thus
while the different dimensions of male migration in the region have been well
documented by the ILO, no attention was paid to women workers and it is recognized
that very little information about Asian women in international migration exits. All
one can glean from the data for this period is that there were a few women, mainly
medical professionals, who were in the migration stream and that this was especially
true in the case of India. When data on gender differences finally began to be
collected, the fact that women were moving in large numbers across international
borders in the Asian region as migrant workers, and in some streams even
outnumbered men, came as a surprise to many ( Hugo199526, Lim and Oshi 1996)27.
Following table illustrates the estimated overseas migration of female workers from
selected Asian countries.

24

Stalker, P. 2000 Workers Without Frontiers: The Impact of Globalization on

International Migration. Geneva: ILO
25
International Labour Organization
26
Hugo, Graeme. 1980 Population Movement in Indonesia during Colonial period
in R.G. Garnaut, T. McCawley and J.A.C. Mackie (eds.), Indonesia: Australian
Perspective, pp. 93-135. Research School of Pacific Studie . Canberra: Australian
National University
27

Lim, Lin Lean and Nana Oshi. 1996. International labour Migration Of Asian
Women: Distinctive Characteristics and policy Concerns, Asian and Pacific
Migration Journals 5(1): 85-116
22

Table 2.1 International migration of female workers from selected Asian

countries
Proportion of women
migrant workers going as
Country

Female
composition
(%)

Domestic
workers
(%)

Entertainers
(%)

Female
literacy
(%)

Population%
below
Poverty Line
(1995-96)

Sri Lanka

Total
annual
Migration
outflows of
women
workers
119468*

79

92.6

Nil

83(1990)

35.3

Indonesia

180729**

68

75.0

Nil

65(1985)

15.1

Philippines

109111***

58

55.15

14.03

85(1990)

54

Thailand

28462****

15.3

25.0

75.0

88(1990)

13.1

Sources: *Sri Lanka Bureau of Foreign Employment

***POEA 1990

**Batistella et al. (eds) 2000

**** UN 2003

Changes in the gender patterns of migration seem to have begun in the 1980s, when
the demand for male worker in the Middle East started slowing down. The reason was
the completion of many of the areas development projects. At the micro-level, it even
appears that the women switched places with the men within the family so as to
sustain there families. Even if specific instances of this kind of intra-family
substitution are hard to document, at the macro-level, there has been a general
substitution effect. The shift in the gender composition of workers, along with the
shift to lower skill levels among women workers, came as a shock to both labour
exporting countries and social scientists looking at migration trends. The shock was
due to the fact that women with decent levels of education and skills were ready and
willing to migrate to low-skill jobs across borders. A study of Filipino women
intending to work as domestic servants, for example, found that 36 percent were
either college graduates or undergraduate ( Stalker, 1994)28.
By contrast mens migration had been characterized by low skilled men moving to
low skilled jobs. Or, to put things differently, the drop in skill level (and
correspondingly, status level) that women were willing to take was more that that
which men have been taking. In most countries the excruciating poverty at home, lack
of work opportunities coupled with very low wages and unstable political situations
have rendered migration of men as well as women a crucial survival strategy. The
changing migration trends were, in part, also a function of changing social norms,
norms that approved the migration of women (Gulati, 1997)29. Whether married or
single, women were independently traveling to different countries and taking up lowpaid menial jobs with the full approval of their families (Stalker 1994). Of course, the
pattern of migration of women was not uniform across different countries. Regions
with a more liberal attitude towards women, for example, those having strong
matrilineal traditions have larger number of women willing to migrate. Sri Lanka, the
Philippines and Thailand are thus the most Prominent among Countries with a high
28

Stalker, P. 1994. Stalkers Guide to International Migration. Copenhagen: Centre

for Development Research.
29
Ibid.
23

proportion of female migration. Various labour exporting governments also appear to

have played a role in facilitating the changes in migration patterns, particularly with
respect to the increase in numbers and the gender shift.
The 1970s oilboom in the Middle East was a huge impetus for international
migration. As Siddiqui describes, The price hike in oil in the Gulf created scope for
major infrastructural development in these countries. This resulted in large scale
migration of all categories of workers - professionals, skilled, semi skilled and low
skilled (Siddiqui 2008, 4). The immense wealth led to a lot of construction work for
which non-Arab labourers were contracted. As Rajan writes, there was a frenzy of
building a new infrastructure of roads, ports and airports, as well as schools, colleges
and administrative blocks, symbols of the new wealth (Rajan 2003, 3). The bulk of
the migrants to the Gulf region are semi-skilled or unskilled labourers.
As the High Level Committee writes, there is a reluctance on the part of most
citizens to the Gulf to undertake any semi-skilled, unskilled or menial jobs (HLC
Report 2001,20). Migration to the Gulf countries is characterized by its impermanent
nature: migrants work on the basis of temporary contracts and usually do not have the
opportunity to acquire citizenship. Low skilled or unskilled workers are not allowed
to bring their families; while higher professionals sometimes are, their children have
to leave the countries after finishing school education. Exploitation and mistreatment
of foreign workers is a problem in the Gulf countries. The large scale migration to the
Gulf countries was essentially the start of labour migration in its current form in Asia
(Siddiqui 2008, 3).
Since the 1990s, South-East Asia is increasingly becoming a destination for migrants.
As Siddiqui explains, Since 1990s the singular importance of the Gulf region as
receiving country in Asia has declined. Some of the South East Asian and East Asian
growth economies have also emerged as labour receiving countries. (Siddiqui 2008,
14). Examples are Japan, Republic of Korea, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Thailand,
Taiwan, Singapore and Brunei (IOM 2003, 14). These countries with rapid economic
growth and low fertility rates are importing labour from less affluent Asian countries.
Migration of Women: Social Stigma
In Asia, female migration originates mainly from three countries: the Philippines, Sri
Lanka and Indonesia (Oishi 2003, 3). India and Bangladesh are not among the major
sending countries of women migrants. Nana Oishi looks into the reasons behind the
dynamics of the migration of Asian women in her study on Gender and Migration:
An Integrative Approach. She concludes that the patterns of female migration can be
explained by factors on three different levels: macro-level, or state policy towards
migration; micro-level, or womens autonomy and decision making power; and the
meso-level, which she labels the social legitimacy of migration in the particular
society (Oishi 2003). On the state level, migration may be prevented by a ban or
restrictive state policies30 - the framework which regulates the possibilities of women
to migrate. On the individual level, Oishi concludes that Women in so called major
sending countries (e.g. Philippines and Sri Lanka) have higher autonomy and
decision making power within their households than those in nonsending countries
30

This is the case in Bangladesh. See page 27 of this review.

24

(Oishi 2003, 16). However, this factor does not explain it fully either: there are highly
autonomous and empowered women who are not interested in migration. Most
important in Oishis analysis is the link between this macro and micro level: the
societal attitude towards female migration. Oishi points out that in the case of
Bangladesh, Womens emigration, if not accompanied by male family members, still
carries strong social stigma (Oishi 2003, 16). This social stigma is a limiting factor to
womens migration. As Oishi writes, Social legitimacy, which derives from
historical legacy of womens employment, a countrys integration into global
economy, womens rural-urban mobility, and their education level, is a prerequisite
for the large-scale international female migration (Oishi 2003, 17). Whereas in the
major sending countries (Philippines, Sri Lanka and Indonesia) the demands of the
global economy and the necessity of females to participate in the labour market have
slowly eroded the stigma attached to female labour migration and transformed the
traditional norms, this is not yet the case in India and Bangladesh.

2.3.1 South Asian Cultural Context

India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the three major countries in South Asia, share a
common history and cultural heritage. Although, as Hanna Papanek points out,
developments since the end of British rule in 1947 have taken the three countries in
divergent directions (Papanek 1975 205), and religion distinguishes India from the
other two, one can speak of a cultural context common to South Asia31. The social
stigma attached to womens migration described earlier is indicative of a fundamental
issue in South Asia: a patriarchal and traditional society. In fact, South Asia has been
labeled as an example of classic patriarchy (Kandiyoti 1988)32.
An important aspect of this South Asian culture is the practice of purdah. As
Papanek explains, Purdah, meaning curtain, is the word most commonly used for the
system of secluding women and enforcing high standards of female modesty in much
of South Asia (Papanek 1973, 289). Originally rooted in Islam, purdah is an
important part of the life experience of many South Asians, both Muslim and Hindu,
and is a central feature of the social systems of the area (Papanek 1973, 289). Purdah
can imply both the physical segregation of women from men (separate living spaces,
womens absence from public life) as well as the practice of covering womens faces
and bodies (the most extreme instrument being the burqa, but also the covering of the
head and face with the end of the sari or the dupatta can be considered to fall under
this).

31

Papanek acknowledges that there are differences. For example, she mentions that There is a major
difference among the three countries in the extent to which problems concerning the status of women
have entered the consciousness of the educated class, including politicians, and are reflected in the
popular press. This has occurred only in India (Papanek 1975, 206).
32

Kandiyoti distinguishes between two opposing ideal-types of male dominance: the

relative autonomy of the mother/child household units in SubSaharan Africa, and the
archetypical coroporate male-headed entities of classic patriarchy found in the Middle
East, South Asia and East Asia (Kandiyoti 1988).
25

Papanek considers the purdah system to be central to many aspects of society: status,
the division of labor, interpersonal dependency, social distance, and the maintenance
of moral standards as specified by the society (Papanek 1973, 291). She identifies two
principles which are central to the purdah system: separate worlds and symbolic
shelter (Papanek 1973). Clearly, the seclusion of women from men has far-reaching
consequences on the sexual division of labour; with men and women literally living
and working in separate worlds. Interestingly enough, a consequence of womens
seclusion is that tasks which are associated with females in the Western world such
as grocery shopping and running errands will have to be performed by men in
societies which observe purdah33. Papanek also points out that the sharp sexual
division of labour actually leads to a high level of interdependency between the sexes
(Papanek 1973, 293).
The symbolic shelter of women refers to the idea that women need to be protected
from the harmful outside world, and that men have the responsibility for this
protection. Clearly, this implies an asymmetry and inequality between the sexes: some
persons are in need of protection, whilst others are able to provide it. The shelter is
provided from the real dangers of the outside world, but also against the strong
impulses such as sexual desire and aggression which are clearly recognized as being
part of the human condition (Papanek 1973, 315). In a way, these impulses are seen
as external to a person, too strong to be resisted individually. Papanek analyses
pointed out, Much of the burden of impulse control in both sex and aggression is
shifted to social institutions and mediated through the immediate face-to-face group.
The externalization of impulses further contributes to a perception of the outside
world as something which is difficult to control and potentially hostile (Papanek
1973, 315). Connected to this is the idea that women are the safe guarders of morality
for both sexes: Women's proper behavior as sheltered persons becomes an important
source of the status of their protectors (Papanek 1973, 317). Womens purity and
morality reflects on their husbands, fathers and brothers. Clearly, the practice of
purdah though not universally observed in India and Bangladesh is indicative of
an unequal and patriarchal society from a western/feminist perspective.
2.3.2 Migration from Bangladesh
Historically as well as in to the present day, migration from Bangladesh has always
been there. From pre-colonial times migrants from the west settled the highly fertile
but often waterlogged lands of the east, whilst other historical evidence points to
movement in the other direction, a continual flow of people, regardless of national
borders (Gardner & Ahmed 2005, 7). As Gardner and Ahmed analyze that, These
33

In purdah societies men will often be engaged in what in other societies is defined as
womens work men work as primary school teachers, secretaries, assistants, shop
employees, etc will all be male. Papanek points out that the sexual division of labour
in the West often relies upon complementary pairs, where a high-status male works
with a lower-status female who is indispensable for the full performance of the man's
job (Papanek 1973, 311). Classic examples are the male executive and his female
secretary, male doctor and female nurse, male principal and female schoolteacher. In
purdah observing societies, this is not possible of course, and the pairs will be of one
sex.
26

constant, cross cutting migrations are both a result of the regions turbulent history,
and its turbulent environment, in which floods and cyclones mean that belonging
can never be guaranteed (Gardner & Ahmed 2005, 7). Undeniably, as one of the
most densely populated countries in the world, with high poverty levels and annual
flooding, Bangladesh is a logical source country for international labour migration.
Moreover, Siddiqui pointed out, "Given the size of its population, the ratio of
population to arable land, the overall level of economic development and the
increased number of women looking for avenues to earn a livelihood, there are ample
reasons why the various forms of migration, both forced and voluntary, internal and
international, might occur in Bangladesh (Siddiqui 2003, 2). In Bangladesh,
migration can be a coping strategy for poor people who have lost their livelihood due
to natural disasters. Internal migration, from rural areas to cities, is the first step;
international migration (in first instance to India (Assam and North-Eastern states)
and other neighbouring countries) a last resort34.
Reliable data on migration from Bangladesh is hard to find. The World Bank
estimates the number of emigrants from Bangladesh to be a little under 5 million 3.4
percent of the Bangladeshi population (World Bank Migration and Remittances Fact
Book 2008). The International Organization for Migration (IOM) gives a similar
estimate: more than six million Bangladeshi overseas workers between 1976 and
2008, of which currently over five million are working overseas (IOM Bangladesh
Facts and Figures, accessed 08/05/09).
While women constitute just under half of all international migrants, they make up
only 1 percent of migrants from Bangladesh (Siddiqui 2003) at least according to
official figures. The reason for this under representation of women is a ban by the
Bangladeshi government of female labour migration. Established in the early 1980s,
revoked in 1988 but re-established in 1997, the law prohibited the independent
migration of all women except for highly qualified professionals such as doctors,
engineers or teachers (Siddiqui 2008). Because of heavy protest from civil society
organizations, the ban has been partially lifted. Currently, there is an age bar, which
allows unskilled or semi skilled women (with the exception of domestic workers) to
migrated with a special permission once they become twenty five (Siddiqui 2008, 8).
Although the ban had aimed to prevent the exploitation and mistreatment of female
workers abroad, it has not achieved this. As Siddiqui points out, Such government
policies have not prevented women workers emigrating abroad. On the contrary, they
have contributed to irregular migration and, to a large extent, made potential women
migrants vulnerable to poor working conditions and trafficking (Siddiqui 2003, 9).
Destinations
The top ten destination countries for migrants from Bangladesh are India, Saudi
Arabia, United Kingdom, United States, Oman, Italy, Canada, Singapore, the
Republic of Korea and Malaysia (World Bank Migration and Remittances Fact Book
2008). This data shows that, analogous to the Indian case and the general Asian trend,
34

While conventional research associates international migration with huge costs and
a large initial investment, Siddiqui points out that poor people actually do migrate and
utilize migration (international as well as internal) as a livelihood strategy (Siddiqui
2005).
27

migration from Bangladesh can be split into two distinct types: the more permanent
migration to the industrialized West, and short term labour migration to the Middle
East or South East Asia (Siddiqui 2003, 2). As Siddiqui explains, migration to the
West is connected to Bangladeshs colonial past: During the 18th and early 19th
century, sailors originating from the southeastern part of East Bengal (Chittagong and
Noakhali) found jobs in the British merchant navy, which carried goods from Kolkata
port to all parts of the world (Siddiqui 2003, 2). Current migration to the
industrialized West often takes place with the help of family ties relatives who
already live in the West assist their Bangladeshi family with the paperwork and
funds35 (Gardner and Ahmed 2006).
While most long-term and permanent migration takes place to the US and the UK,
Short-term contract migration to the Middle East and South East Asia has become
the dominant form of migration from Bangladesh (Siddiqui 2005, summary). The
Gulf countries notably Saudi Arabia and Oman as well as more affluent East and
South East Asian nations in particular Singapore, Korea and Malaysia are destination
countries for the Bangladeshi migrants. According to the World Bank, India is the
number one destination country for Bangladeshi migrants (Migration and Remittances
Fact Book 2008).The World Bank identifies proximity, income differences and
networks (ethnic, community and family ties which facilitate migration) as the driving
factors in South-to-South migration36 (World Bank, South-South Migration and
Remittances Working Paper 2007, 15). All three factors play a role in migration from
India to Bangladesh. According to Dilip Ratha, lead economist at the World Bank,
Bilateral migration data estimates show 3.5 million people born in Bangladesh live
in India (unofficial estimates are higher, in the range of 5-10 million) (World Bank
People Move Weblog, entry 19/09/2008, accessed 11/05/09). Unauthorized
migration between Bangladesh and India is a sensitive topic between the nations.
Fears of a demographic invasion of Muslims, Bangladeshi schemes for
Lebensraum and a plot to integrate North-Eastern India with Bangladesh have been
raised by Indian commentators37. With the official justification of preventing
Bangladeshi terrorism, the Indian government is constructing and meticulously
surveying a fence along the Indo-Bangladesh border.
2.3.2 Migration from India
Indians have emigrated during all times of history, but, in correspondence with
worldwide trends, migration has really taken off in the 19th and 20th centuries (Rajan
35

Gardner and Ahmed do point out that this assistance, as well as other types of
social protection, does not come without a cost. They identify a patron-client
relationship underlying the social protection, and point out that the help provided is
indirectly a way to maintain power over poorer relatives (Gardner and Ahmed, 2005).
36
South-to-South migration is a concept for migration between developing countries,
rather than the traditional migration between a developing, lower-income, country
(South) and a developed, high-income country (North).
37
Some sources: http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/sair/Archives/3_10.htm;
http://www.ukasian.co.uk/blog/?p=103; http://news.indiamart.com/newsanalysis/bangladesh-grabs-ass-13018.html
28

2003, 1). Migration has been taking place since centuries but never before in history
India witnessed such massive movements of people from India to other parts of the
world as in the 19th and 20th centuries. India is a major country of origin with an
estimated 25 million Indians overseas, spread across 110 countries. What is less
known, however, is that India is today home to an estimated 20 million immigrants
too, many of them irregular migrants (MOIA, Annual Report, 2008-09). As a major
country of origin and destination, India is and important player in international
migration. People migrate for a variety of reasons, in response to an amalgamation of
push pull factors. Many emigrate because they are pushed by such factors as Famine,
war, political and religious persecution, etc., however unemployment in the country of
origin remains one of the major causes behind migration. The table below highlights
the labour outflows from India by destination countries.
Table 2.2 Labour outflows from India by destination countries
S.N. Destination 2004
2005
2006
2007
2008 2009(upto31.03.09)
country
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20

U.A.E
175262 194412 254774 312695 349827
Saudi
123522 99879 134059 195437 228406
Arabia
Malaysia
31464 71041 36500 30916 21123
Qatar
16325 50222 76324 88483 82937
Oman
33275 40931 67992 95462 89659
Kuwait
52064 30124 47449 48467 35562
Bahrain
22980 30060 37688 29966 31924
Maldives
3233
3423
4671
ECNR ECNR
Mauritius
3544
1965
1795
ECNR ECNR
Jordan
2576
1851
1485
1254
13777
Libya
3233
5040
Afghanistan
405
Brunei
607
Indonesia
33
Lebanon
75
Sudan
1045
Syria
74
Thailand
15
Yemen
492
Others
10715 19945 14175
3550
474960 548853 676912 809453 848601
TOTAL

35905
80962
4611
11953
17175
10982
6806
ECNR
ECNR
242
1265
172
1
4
101
132
2
334
170647

(Source: Annual Report, MOIA, 2008-09)

Table 1.4 given below presents as a whole, emigration for employment from India
during the last five years.
Table 2.3 Migration for employment from India during the last five years
Year
No. of workers (in lakhs)
2004
4.75
2005
5.49
2006
6.77
2007
8.09

29

2008
2009 (up to 31.03.09)

8.49
1.71

Source: Annual Report, MOIA, 2008-09

There is no certainty on the exact amount of migrants38 from India to other countries;
estimates range from 10 to 20 million (World Bank Remittances Fact Book 2008;
Rajan 2003). This phenomenon has been called the Indian Diaspora, a term coined
by the High Level Commission on the Indian Diaspora, which was appointed by the
Government of India in 2000 to make a comprehensive study of the global Indian
Diaspora and to recommend measures for a constructive relationship with them
(High Level Commission of the Indian Diaspora Report39 2001, v). The term Indian
Diaspora is an umbrella term for all people with some sort of Indian heritage who are
now living outside of India: Indians who have migrated to different parts of the
world and have generally maintained their Indian identity (HLC Report 2001, viii).
As the High Level Commission nicely expresses it, The Indian Diaspora spans the
globe and stretches across all the oceans and continents (HLC Report 2001, v).
Concretely this means that the sun does not rise or set anywhere without shining on
some members of [the] Indian community (Jagat 1994 in Rajan 2003, 1).
Broadly, one can distinguish between two categories of Indians abroad: PIOs (Person
of Indian Origin) and NRIs (Non Resident Indians). As Rajan explains, a Person of
Indian Origin is A person who, at any time, has held an Indian passport or any one,
either of whose parents of any of whose grand parents or great grand parents was born
in and was permanently resident in India as defined in the Government of India Act
1935 and other territories that became part of India thereafter or the spouse of a
citizen of India or person of Indian origin covered in the above categories of Persons
of Indian Origin (PIO) (Rajan 2003, 1). PIOs are people who have permanently
settled in another country, Most of them have taken citizen of the country of
residence and [the] strength of their ties with India dies with the passage of time
(Rajan 2003, 1). As PIOs are settled in their country of residence together with their
family, they hardly contribute to the Indian economy through remittance spending
(Rajan 2003, 3). NRIs on the other hand are all Indian citizens holding Indian
passports and residing abroad for an indefinite period, whether for employment or for
carrying on any business or vacation or for any other purpose (Rajan 2003, 2).
Temporary labour migrants fall under this category.
Destinations
Three different elements can be distinguished in the Indian Diaspora (High Level
Commission on the Indian Diaspora Report 2000, vii). The first wave of Indian
migration took place in the 19th century. This migration was driven by the economic
compulsions generated by colonialism (HLC Report, xi). As slavery was abolished
in 1834, cheap labour was in high demand. Responding to this demand, Indians
38

Official data is based on emigration clearance records. However, this data does not
provide an adequate picture, because 17 categories of people are exempted from
going through emigration clearance. These categories include income tax payers,
graduate degree holders, people over 60 and all persons going to any country in
Europe and North America. Obviously, data based on emigration clearance records
gives a very incomplete and skewed image of migrants from India. (Rajan 2003, 10).
39
In references: HLC Report 2000
30

migrated to Africa, Southeast Asia, Fiji and the Caribbean. The High Level
Commission characterizes this group as an economically beleaguered labour force
seeking their livelihood in distant lands (HLC Report 2000, vii).
In correspondence with Asia-wide trends, the 1970s oilboom in the Middle East
caused a second massive wave of migration of Indians. As Rajan puts it, Indian
migration to the Gulf received a fillip with the discovery of oil fields and the
commencement of oil drilling on a commercial basis in this region (Rajan 2003, 3).
Although mostly non-skilled and low-skilled labour is imported to the Gulf
countries, highly trained professionals and technicians from India are increasingly in
demand in region, for example doctors, architects, bankers and technicians (HLC
Report 2001,21-22). Basically, 70 per cent of the Indian population in the Gulf
consists of semi-skilled and unskilled workers, 20-30 per cent consists of Indian
professionals and white-collar workers (doctors, engineers, architects, chartered
accountants and bankers), and a small fraction is composed of domestic help (HLC
Report xiii). Exploitation and maltreatment of foreign workers is known to occur in
the Gulf states, and Indian migrants form no exception. The High Level Committee
reports:
Problems range from recruiting agents, the poor barrack-like accommodation
allotted, long working hours beyond the legal 8-hour workday, deduction of various
fees from their salary, withholding of salaries and return passages, and poor or
nonexistent medical facilities to the apparently mandatory retention of passports
by their employers upon arrival in all the Gulf countries. This leaves them at the
of their
employers,
laws requiring
local official
for a
Themercy
third main
category
is thereinforced
permanentbymigration
of professionals
and sanction
people with
changeskills
of job,toorWestern
for an exit
permit toThe
return
India. (HLC
xiv)was a
technical
countries.
US to
software
boomReport
of the2001,
1990s
catalyst, but this type of migration has been constant since the 1950s. The High Level
Committee on the Indian Diaspora points out that Silicon Valley represents the
success of Indians (HLC Report 2001, 417).
Table 2.4 gives an overview of destinations for the Indian diaspora. Rajan points out
that around 3.3 million Indians (about 85%) live in six countries (Bahrain, Kuwait,
Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates) in the Middle East (Rajan
2003, 3). When considering the Indian labour outflow, these countries account for 95
percent of labour migrants (Rajan 2003, 4). Indian migrants constitute a substantial
part of the contractual labourers in the Gulf nations: in the United Arab Emirates,
Indians account for 33 percent of migrants and in Saudi Arabia, even 39 percent are
Indians (Rajan 2003, 4).
Table 2.4 Countries with estimated Indians above 100,0000 (2001)

31

Origins
Table 2.5 shows that Kerala accounts for the highest number of migrant workers. The
International Organization for Migration also points out, Kerala is by far the most
important [state] and accounts for 55 per cent of the total outflow of migrants from
India to the Middle East (IOM 2003, 18). Kerala is followed by Tamil Nadu and
Andra Pradesh. Other states with a sizeable number of total labour emigrants are
Karnataka, Maharastra, Punjab and Rajasthan.
Since Table 2.5 is based on emigration clearances, it does not give an adequate
oversight of the actual amount of migrant workers from each province. As was
mentioned earlier, there are many categories of people who do not require an
emigration clearance at all (Rajan 2003, 10). For example, people holding graduate
degrees are exempted from immigration clearance and since this is a sizable group
in Kerala, their absence in these records does make a difference (Rajan 2003, 7)40.
Table 2.5 Workers granted emigration clearances by major states
40

Nonetheless, Rajan does point out that the majority of labour migrants are not
graduates; about 60% of Keralan emigrants to the Gulf do have less than secondary
level of education (Rajan 2003, 7).
32

Remittances
The remittances sent home by these migrant workers have a profound impact on the
living standards of people in the developing countries. In 2008, the flow of
international remittances to developing countries stood at US $305 billion of which
India was the largest recipient at about US $ 43.5 billion. The table below shows the
figures for remittances to India from 2001-2008.
Remittances to India from 2001-2008
Year
In US $ Billion

Table 2.6

2001-2002

15.8

2002-2003

17.2

2003-2004

22.2

2004-2005

21.1

2005-2006

25.0

2006-2007

30.8

2007-2008

43.5

(Source: RBI Monthly Bulletin, March 2009)

A significant flow of remittances in the Indian economy is also playing a very

important role at the macro and micro level. Remittances have had a considerable
impact on regional economies within India and the most striking case is Kerala.
Kannan and Hari (2002)41 concluded that remittances to Kerala economy averaged 21
percent of state income in 1990s. Women by and large, send back home a greater
share of their earnings in remittances than men and also tend to be better savers. In
addition to being the largest receivers of remittances, women when in control of
remittances - are also believed to channel overseas financial transfers into better
health, nutrition and education for the entire family, hereby supporting the
development of stronger and more productive communities (Sorensen, 2005).
Female migration from India
41

Kannan, K.P and Hari, K.S. (2002), Keralas Gulf Connection: Remittances and their Macro
Economic Impact in: Zachariah, K.C., Kannan, K.P. and Irudaya Ranjan, S (2002), Keralas Gulf
Connection: CDs Studies on International Labour Migration from Kerala State in India. Centre for
Development Studies: Kerala.

33

In India, the participation of men and women in labour migration stemmed from
different demands. Male migration was basically a response to the shortage of
workers in sectors that had been deemed undesirable by the local population, such as
agriculture and construction. On the other hand, female migration was specific to the
transfer of domestic and "care work" by more affluent women to migrant women.
While such work was a major source of labour for female migrants, it involved
unprotected sectors.42 A brilliant example of this migration for care-work in the
context of India is the large scale migration of women as nurses from South India,
particularly from Kerala to various Gulf countries. In the words of Marie Percot:
More than 90 percent of the Indian nurses who work in the gulf come from Kerala.1
The entry into the nursing profession is almost synonymous with a passport for
emigration in this state of India. Schools training for this career are flourishing all
over the state as girls who dream of going abroad are numerous. It is interesting to
note that 80 to 90 percent of the girls are Christians.1 This is largely due to the
impure nature of this profession that Hindus found repugnant till very recently.
Such repugnance does not exist in Christianity. Christians of Kerala also do not
Shehave
also, or
argues
that emigration
to gulf is
perceived
the young
nurses
as the
a
no longer
have any hesitation
in seeing
therebywomen
working
outside
preliminary
to
the
real
migration,
the
one
towards
West
of
which
there
are
now
home, a hesitating that persists in Hindu and Muslim Communities. Kerala also has
1
more
more number
chances.ofNot
only women
USA and
UK,many
but also
Australia,
Newthe
Zealand,
theand
highest
literate
. For
of these
reasons,
nursing
Canada,
Switzerland,
Italy
and
Germany
now
recruit
foreign
nurses.
Thus
the
gulf in
profession has become a specialty of Kerala.
itself no longer appears as a destination for emigration of Indian nurses. It however
Not only from Kerala, Indian women, from Punjab have also crossed national
boundaries for overseas employment opportunities. Indians, the most visible and
rapidly growing ethnic group in Canada, constitutes 44% of the South Asian
immigrants43. The history of migration to Canada reveals that Punjabis and/or Sikhs
are amongst the pioneers to immigrate to Canada from south Asia. Thus, it is
inevitable that Punjabi/ Sikh women are the first ones to reach Canada. In her study of
Punjabi women in Canada Gurpreet Bal noted that they migrate from rural Punjab to
metropolitan cities like Toronto, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary and Edmonton.
Keeping the traditions of male migration, most of the women have migrated from
Doaba region of Punjab, i.e., Hoshiarpur, Jalandhar, Nawan Shahar and Kapurthala
districts. Gurdaspur and Patiala districts are marginally represented.
Studies on immigrant women in Canada show that they are concentrated in the upper
and lower echelons of occupational hierarchy (Anderson and Lynam 1987).44 Women
who have migrated from developing countries are visible minorities. They undergo
the double disadvantage of being both women and immigrants and often work in
marginal jobs. There are three reasons for them to land up in lower level jobs: (1)
Canadian employers do not recognize their education and previous work experience.
(2) Lack of knowledge of English and French pushes them to lower positions of jobs.
42

Economic and Social Council WOM/1544. Department of Public Information,

News and Media Division, New York
43

Gurpreet Bal. Transnational Migrants: Punjabi Women in Canada in Paramjit. S. judge,

S.L.Sharma, Satish. K. Sharma, Gurpreet Bal(eds.) Development, Gender and Diaspora Context of
Globalization, Rawat Publications, Jaipur and Delhi, 2003
44

Anderson, J.M. and Lynam, M.J. 1987. the Meaning of Work for immigrant
Women in the lower Echelons of the Canadian Labour Force , Canadian Ethnic
Studies, XIX(2)
34

Such job carries less wages, low status and not protected by labour legislation. (3)
Immigrant women usually find their jobs through friends, relatives and kinship
networks. As a result, they tend to concentrate in one particular kind of work, which
also reduces the chance of occupational mobility (Bal)45.
Migration transforms not only the destiny of individual migrants but also the
conditions of family members left behind, of local communities and of the wider
society. Despite the fact that migratory processes are multidimensional and may
generate a wide array of positive as well as negative consequences for development,
remittances have lately become the single most emphasized evidence and measuring
stick for the ties connecting migrants with their societies of origin.
The Case of Kerala
As was mentioned, Kerala is the state with the highest level of emigration.
International migration from Kerala is primarily directed towards the Gulf region
nearly 95 percent of Keralan migrants went to the Arab countries of the Middle East
(Rajan 2003, 13). Keralites are a substantial group in the migrants to this region, in
fact one out of three [Indians] living in Gulf is a Keralite (Rajan 2003, 12).
This large scale migration has an influence on the region. As Rajan points out,
emigration has become all-pervasive in the economic and social life of [Kerala]...
Migration is affecting every facet of life in Kerala, economic, social, demographic,
political and even religious (Rajan 2003, 11). Migration has practically become a
way of life in Kerala; it is seen as a stage that every young man should go through to
achieve mature malehood (Osella & Osella 2000). In their insightful study on
Migration, Money and Masculinity in Kerala, Osella and Osella analyse how the Gulf
migration has altered traditional understandings of subjecthood and masculinity in the
region. For young Keralites, Migrating to the Gulf does not only spell an escape
from unemployment, but it is also a move from payyanhood (young, immature status)
towards full adult status as a householder, defined by the combination of marriage,
fatherhood and showing ability as a provider (Osella & Osella 2000,120). The
young men who are in this transitional stage are called gulfans; and in Osella and
Osellas analysis the Focus on cash as the defining characteristic of failed or
successful gulfans, and the focus on the consumer items brought and the expenditure
while on visits at home, articulate with an idealized male life-cycle (Osella & Osella
2000, 122). Osella and Osella conclude that migration is integrated and feed[s] into
local frameworks of self and subjectivity, in this case life-cycle and recognized
masculine statuses and identities (Osella & Osella 2000, 118). Migration does not
only affect the men in society: as was seen in Rajans study of the Gulf wives (Rajan
2003), the migration of the men has great consequences for the women in Kerala as
well46.

2.4 Existing Government Policies on Migration

45

Ibid.
For the discussion of Rajans study of Gulf wives, see the Section 2.3.2 page 7 of
this review.
46

35

2.4.1 Bangladesh's national policies and instruments

The Emigration Ordinance, 1982
Following independence in 1971, emigration from Bangladesh continued to be
regulated by the 1922 Emigration Act, a law that had its origins in the countrys
British colonial past. The labor migration of Bangladeshis to the Middle East
underscored the inadequacy of the provisions of the 1922 Act, which prompted the
formulation of major policy changes. The Emigration Ordinance of 1982 (henceforth,
Ordinance) was promulgated, which later became the basis for the rules formulated in
2002. More recently, in 2006, the government drafted an Overseas Employment
Policy.
The Ordinance only allowed persons with valid travel documents to emigrate, i.e.,
those with a letter of appointment or work permit from a foreign employer or an
employment or emigration visa from a foreign government (Sec. 7/3/a). A person who
is selected by a foreign employer through an organization or a recruiting agent
recognized by the government under an agreement between the two governments will
also be allowed to emigrate (Sec. 7/3/b). The Ordinance also empowers
the government not to allow the emigration of persons of a particular occupation,
profession, vocation or qualification in the public interest (Sec.8/1). Under the
Ordinance, the government is authorized to grant licenses to individuals and
companies who wish to be engaged in overseas employment recruitment (Sec. 10).
The Ordinance empowers the government to cancel and suspend licenses and forfeit
security deposits if it is satisfied that the licensees conduct has been improper or if it
is in violation of the law or the Code of Conduct. However, such actions could only
be taken after the licensee was given an opportunity to explain his position (Sec.
14/1). Illegal emigrations are punishable by a term of up to one-year imprisonment
with a fine not exceeding taka 5,000. It also contains provisions for penalizing
unlawful recruitment efforts (Sec. 20). The Ordinance prohibits recruiting agencies
from charging higher than the prescribed amount of fees for their services (Sec. 23).
The Ordinance has provisions for penalizing individuals who breach their contract
with foreign employers or abandon their employment (Sec. 24).
There were no major government order or policy guidelines on migration until
December 2002, when the government framed three rules under the 1982 Ordinance.
These are: the Emigration Rules, the Rules for Conduct and Licensing Recruiting
Agencies, and the Rules for the Wage Earners Welfare Fund.
Overseas Employment Policy
The clamor for a comprehensive national policy on international migration was part of
a concerted campaign by civil society and other stakeholders in 1997.3 The
government responded by establishing the Ministry of Expatriates Welfare and
Overseas Employment (MoEWOE) in 2001. The MoEWOE prepared initial policy
drafts, and later formed a technical assistance committee comprising members from
different government ministries and stakeholders: the Bangladesh Overseas
Employment and Services Limited (BOESL), the Bangladesh Association of
International Recruiting Agencies (BAIRA), the International Organization for
Migration (IOM), the Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU),
the and Bangladesh Association of Repatriated Bangladeshi Employees (WARBE).
36

The technical assistance committee was tasked to prepare an advanced draft policy.
The draft policy went through a process of consultation and was subsequently enacted
into law on 5 November 2006. Based on the 2006 framework, the government
commits to the following: protecting the rights of migrant workers, supporting
regular migration for men and women alike, reducing irregular migration, regulating
the recruitment process, addressing the reintegration of returning migrant workers,
and providing the necessary resources to promote better coordination with relevant
ministries, migrants associations, NGOs, BAIRA, international organizations and
other stakeholders in managing labour migration (GoB, 2006).
2.4.2 India's national policies and instruments
Protector General of Emigrants
There are about five million overseas Indian workers all over the world. A vast
majority moves to the Middle East, including Gulf countries. Often they are semiskilled or unskilled and most of them are temporary migrants who return to India after
expiry of their contractual employment. In 2004, 4,75 Lakh emigrants left India. This
number increased to 8,49 Lakh in 2008. Outside the Gulf region, the intake of Indian
manpower by Malaysia has shown a significant and consistent increase till 2005.
Employment for Indian workers in these countries holds a great potential, because the
employment of Indian workers abroad helps to earn foreign exchange and thereby
adds to the foreign exchange reserves of the country. It may be observed that there has
been a steady increase in the remittances from US$ 15.8 billion in 2001-2002 to US$
43.5 billion in 2007-08.

The Emigration Act (1983) provides for:

1. Duties of Protectors of Emigrants Section 3.
2. Regulation of Recruiting Agents Sections 9-14. Section 10 requires that those who
wish to recruit Indian citizens for employment abroad shall register themselves with
the registering authority
3. Direct recruitment by employers Sections 15-21. A recruiting agent can do
recruitment for overseas employment either by obtaining a Registration Certificate
from the Registering authority or by an employer directly by obtaining a Permit from
the Competent Authority. The recruiting agents are required to obtain the Demand
Letter, Power of Attorney and Specimen Employment Contract from the foreign
employers in order to recruit workers and obtain emigration clearance for their
departure. The specimen employment contract lays down the basic terms and
conditions of employment including salary, accommodation, medical cover, transport,
etc. In case of vulnerable categories of workers, i.e. unskilled labour and women
emigrants the employment documents are required to be attested by the Indian
Mission concerned.
4. Mandatory emigration clearance Section 22 provides that no citizen of India shall
emigrate for any work falling under section 2(1)(o), unless he obtains emigration
clearance from the Protector of Emigrants. However, thirteen categories of persons
(so-called ECNR passport holders) have been exempted from this requirement
(individual taxpayers professional degree holders etc). For ECR passport holders an
emigration check is required if they emigrate to one of the 17 ECR countries.
Insurance of the intending emigrant under the Pravasi Bharatiya Bima Yojna (PBBY)

37

is compulsory for emigration clearance.

5. Emigration offences and penalties Sections 24-26.
6. Power to exempt certain countries or employers Section 41.
However, frequently complaints are received about exploitation of overseas Indian
workers. Such complaints often pertain to non-payment/ delayed payment of wages,
unilateral changes in the contract of workers, changing the jobs arbitrarily etc. In
extreme cases, the workers are not given any employment at all.
In order to deal and help to prevent such cases, the position of protector general of
emigrants (PGE) came into existence. The PGE is the statutory authority under the
Emigration Act (1983) responsible for the welfare and protection of emigrant workers.
The Emigration Act provides a regulatory framework and regulates recruitment for
overseas employment and departure of the intending emigrant from India. It provides
for penalties against offences.
Complaints against Recruiting Agents are enquired into with the help of protector of
emigrants (POE) and the concerned Indian Missions. Complaints against unregistered
agents are referred to the concerned police authorities for investigation and action
under the law of the land. Complaints against foreign employers are taken up with the
Indian Mission and if need be the employer is blacklisted.
During 2009, till 31 March 2009, six prosecution sanctions have been issued and 26
cases relating to unregistered agencies have been referred to State governments/POEs
concerned for appropriate action.
Women migration
Of all the emigrant workers, the housemaids and other unskilled workers are most
vulnerable category. Therefore, to avoid their exploitation, the Ministry has taken the
following measure: the age restriction of 30 years has been made mandatory in
respect of all women emigrants emigrating on ECR passports to ECR countries
irrespective of the nature/category of employment.

2.5

Concluding remarks

The existing literature on the topic of international migration is vast. When it comes
to the gendered aspects of international migration, the story is already a bit different.
As has been established, gender has generally been ignored in the study of migration.
This research aims to fill that gap by looking at the consequences of international
migration on the families which are left behind, indirectly identifying the effects of
migration on family structure, gender roles and the status of women. The theoretical
analysis has shown that migration of men or women, husband or wife, mother or
father may be either an empowering experience or just the opposite enforcing
traditional gender roles and norms. The empirical research will attempt to find out
which of those two is the case in the migration pockets of India and Bangladesh.

38

Chapter III
Socio-Economic Background of Migrants and
Impact on the Families Left Behind

Socio-Economic and Demographic Background

As is evident from several studies, socio-economic and demographic background of
the migrants to a large extent decides the factors responsible for their migration. Many
a times migration takes place under pressure to earn more money for survival of
family members as the migrant happens to be the sole bread earner of the family and
there are not enough savings to pay for loans taken, building of houses, business,
dowry, medical expenses, rearing of children and above all maintenance of family to
fulfil their basic needs. The various factors affecting the families left behind of men
and women migrants both in Bangladesh and India have been discussed in the
following sections to understand the impacts of migration on them.

3.1 Family Background of Migrants

3.1.1 Family structure of households in Bangladesh
With regard to the family structure of the men and women migrants, majority of
households were nuclear. Men migrants came mainly from nuclear families (52%)
while 45.6 per cent came from joint families and only a few had extended families
(2.4%). The same trend was found among women migrants where 58.8 per cent were
nuclear families followed by 38.4 per cent joint families and only 2.8 per cent had
extended families.
Figure 3.1 Men and women migrants by family structure of households in
Bangladesh
58.8%

60
52%

45.6%

50

38.4%

40
30
20

Men migrants

10

2.4% 2.8%

Women migrants

0
Nuclear

Joint

Extended

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

39

3.1.2 Family structure of households in India

The majority of the households (56.4%) of men and women migrants were found to
be joint families. Men migrants came mainly from joint families (58.6%) while 40.9
per cent came from nuclear families. Only a few men migrants had extended families
(0.5%). However, a different trend was found among women migrants where 54.3 per
dent came from nuclear families followed by joint families (42.9%) while few had
extended families (0.8%). It was found that men migrants were leaving behind their
wives and children mostly with their family members and in few cases with in-laws
(2.8%). In the case of women migrants, either the husband takes care of children
himself or shifts to his native place for the children to be looked after by the extended
family members.
Figure 3.2 Men and women migrants by family structure of households in India
Family Structure

Percentage

60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Nuclear

Joint

Extended

Men migrant

Families

Women migrant

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.1
Family
structure
Nuclear
Joint
Extended
Total

Family structures of men and women migrants in India

Men migrants
n
%
176
40.9
252
58.6
2
0.5
430
100.0

Women migrants
n
%
38
54.3
30
42.9
2
2.9
70
100.0

Total
n
214
282
4
500

%
42.8
56.4
0.8
100.0

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.1.3 Head of households of migrants in Bangladesh

Overwhelming 96.4 per cent men migrants came from male-headed households
compared to 3.6 per cent from female-headed households. The same trend was found
in the case of women migrants where 82.4 per cent came from male-headed
households compared to 17.6 per cent from female-headed households and these were
mostly impoverished families. In the absence of a male member whatever the reason
may be such as sickness or death, a household became female headed. When the
family became female headed then family members had to earn for their own
livelihoods.
Figure 3.3 Men and women migrants by head of households in Bangladesh

40

100

96.4%
82.4%

80
60
Male headed

40

Female headed
17.6%

20
3.6%

0
Men migrants

Women migrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.1.4 Head of households of migrants in India

In case of men migrants, most households regardless of absence of the migrant,
headed by another male (75.8%). This clearly shows the existence of patriarchy in
Indian society and also corroborates to the fact that as most men migrants came from
joint families, it is likely that another male family member replaced the male head of
the households most likely their fathers or elder brothers. Even in the case of women
migrants the households were predominately male headed (77.1%). The households
that were female headed when the men had left to work abroad (24.2%) were in most
cases headed by the mother-in-law instead of the wife of the migrant.
Table 3.2 Men and women migrants by nature of household head in India
Nature of
Men migrants
Women migrants
Total
household head
n
%
n
%
n
%
Male headed
326
75.8
54
77.1
380
76.0
Female headed
104
24.2
16
22.9
120
24.0
Total
430
100.0
70
100.0
500
100.0
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.1.5 Family size of migrants in Bangladesh

Among 1190 family members of men migrants, 35.04 per cent were male members,
33.11 per cent female members, 16.81 per cent boys and 15.04 per cent girls. Among
1092 family members of women migrants, 34.8 per cent were male members, 27.56
per cent female members, 17.58 per cent boys and 20.1 per cent girls. With regard to
the number of family members, most of the households of men migrants were smaller.
About 50.8 per cent households of men migrants consisted of 1-4 family members,
40.4 per cent had 5-8 family members while only a few were large households
consisting of more than 9 members. The same trend was found among families of
women migrants. Majority of 56.8 per cent households were small and had 1-4 family
members followed by 40.8 per cent had 5-8 family members and only 2.4 per cent had
9-12 family members.

41

Figure 3.4

Men and women migrants by number of family members in

Bangladesh
60

56.8%
50.8%

50
40.8%

40.4%

40

1-4

30

9-12

20

13-16
8%

10

2.4%

0.8%

Men m igrants

Women m igrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.1.6 Family size of migrants in India

Among the 2770 family members of men migrants, 36.02 per cent were male
members, 42.38 per cent female members, 12.7 % boys and 8.88% girls. While the
numbers of female family members are higher in men migrants family, the numbers
of boy children are higher also.
Among the 404 family members of women migrants, 32.5 per cent were male
members, 29.14 per cent female members, 22.42 per cent boys and 15.94 per cent
girls. In case of women migrants, the numbers of male family members are higher
than female family members and the numbers of children are also higher. However,
interestingly the number of less girl children in both men and women migrants case
signifies the imbalanced sex-ratio of girl children which the Census reports also
highlights.
Figure 3.5

Men and women migrants by number of family members in India

Percentage

Number of Family Members

45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Male fam ily
m em bers

Female fam ily

m em bers

Boy children

Girl children
Men Migrant

Family members

Wom en Migrant

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

42

Interestingly, most households of men migrants were larger than households of

women migrants. About 60.5 per cent households of men migrants consisted of 5-8
family members compared to 31.4 per cent among women migrants. On the other
hand, 62.9 per cent women migrants had 1-4 family members compared to 34.9 per
cent among men migrants. There may be various reasons such as most of women
migrants had come from nuclear families where the numbers of family members were
generally less than that of joint families. Moreover, in a joint family, if one or two
persons are not earning or are unemployed, their needs are taken care of by the other
family members, but in a nuclear family the economic responsibility completely falls
on the shoulders of the household head. In this situation, if the husband is not earning
due to several reasons, then the entire burden of taking care of the family and running
the household falls on the shoulder of the wife and then she is forced to migrate to
earn more in search of better opportunities than the wages available in the home
country. Furthermore, differences might arise from the feeling that many female
migrants have regarding leaving their family behind. It is possible that women who
have to take care of larger families are more reluctant to leave them behind and they
are therefore less likely to seek employment abroad. For both male and female
migrants, it is not common to have households that consist of more than 9 family
members.
Table 3.3

Family size of men and women migrants in India

Number of
family members
1-4
5-8
9-12
21 & above
Total

Men migrants
n
%
150
34.9
260
60.5
18
4.2
2
0.5
430
100.0

Women migrants
n
%
44
62.9
22
31.4
4
5.7
70
100.0

Total
n
194
282
22
2
500

%
38.8
56.4
4.4
0.4
100.0

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.2 Socio-Economic profile of family members of migrants

3.2.1 Age of family members of men and women migrants in Bangladesh
Considering the age of family members of men migrants, about 30.70 per cent male
members and 42.39 per cent female members were in the age group between 18-25
years and 25.90 per cent male members and 16.75 per cent female members were in
the ages between 26-32 years compared to fewer in the higher age groups. Most
concentration of children was in the higher age groups. About 38 per cent boys and
40.78 per cent girls were in the age group between 11-17 years followed by 23.5 per
cent boys and 30.73 per cent girls were in the age group of 6-10 years compared to
fewer numbers in the younger age groups.
Table 3.4 Family members of men migrants by age in Bangladesh
Age in years

11 months &
below

Male family
members
n
%

Female family
members
n
%

43

Boy children

Girl children

1.5

0.56

1 - 3 years
45
6 10
11 17
18 25
26 32
33 40
41 50
51 60
61 75
76 & above
Total

128
108
55
38
50
31
7
417

30.70
25.90
13.19
9.11
11.99
7.43
1.68
100

167
66
51
56
39
13
2
394

42.39
16.75
12.95
14.21
9.90
3.29
0.51
100

41
33
47
76
200

20.5
16.5
23.5
38
100

32
18
55
73
179

17.88
10.05
30.73
40.78
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Considering the age of family members of women migrants, about 26.84 per cent
male members and 31.56 per cent female members were in the age group between 1825 years and 17.9 per cent male members compared to 9.3 per cent female members
were in the ages between 26-32 years. Female family members were mostly in higher
age groups compared to fewer male members. Most concentration of children was in
the higher age groups. About 50.52 per cent boys and 41.09 per cent girls were in the
age group between 11-17 years followed by 26.04 per cent boys and 32.88 per cent
girls in the ages between 6-10 years while there were fewer numbers in the younger
age groups.
Table 3.5 Family members of women migrants by age in Bangladesh
Age in
years
11 months
& below
1 -3
45
6 10
11 17
18 25
26 32
33 40
41 50
51 60
61 75
76 &
above
Total

Male family
members
n
%
102
68
72
65
49
20
4
380

Female family
members
n
%
-

Boy children

Girl children

n
-

%
-

n
5

%
2.28

26.84
17.90
18.95
17.11
12.89
5.26
1.05

95
28
39
63
56
17
3

31.56
9.30
12.96
20.93
18.60
5.65
1.00

24
21
50
97
-

12.5
10.94
26.04
50.52
-

24
28
72
90
-

10.96
12.79
32.88
41.09
-

100

301

100

192

100

219

100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.2.2 Age of family members of men and women migrants in India

44

Majority of family members of both the men and women migrants were in the age
group of 6-17 years, as well as age groups from 6-10 to 61-75 years were also
represented.
Table 3.6

Family members of men and women migrants by age in India

Age of family
members in
years
<1
1-3
4-5
6-10
11-17
18-25
26-32
33-40
41-50
51-60
61-75
>75
Total

Family members of
migrants
n
9
91
179
363
484
256
344
330
227
229
208
51
2770

men
%
0.3
3.2
6.5
13.1
17.5
9.2
12.4
11.9
10
10.1
7.5
1.8
100

Family members of women

migrants
n
%
4
1
7
1.8
24
5.9
44
10.9
76
18.8
49
12.1
32
7.9
31
7.7
43
10.6
34
8.4
44
10.9
16
4
404
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Important to note that for both the family members of men and women migrants the
11-17 years age group was the most represented which can be explained from the high
number of sons and daughters of the migrants. The next highest frequency for men
migrants were in 6-10 years age group which was mainly represented by children.
While majority of men migrants had children either in 6-10 years age group (13.1%)
or 11-17 years age group (17.5%), women migrants had children in the higher age
group (18.8% in the age group of 11-17 years and 12.1% in the age group of 18-25
years). This also substantiates the absence of women migrants from families as
children had grown up and required less care from mother, but on the other hand,
more financial support was needed at home for repayment of loans, savings for
dowry, building up houses, medical expenses, etc.
There were some cases where the children were below one year of age and the women
had to migrate in search of job due to dire financial needs. In one case, the women
migrant had an adopted daughter who lived with her father and grandmother. In two
other cases the women migrants were abandoned and separated from their husbands
and they really wanted to work hard to give their only child better educational
opportunities and rear them well. In another case of women migrant, she migrated to
save money for the marriage and dowry of her three daughters.
The older age groups were also well represented in the age group of 51-75 years,
mostly by the parents of the migrants. They were found to be the pillars of care,
support and security for both men and women migrants and their spouses and children
during the absence of the migrants. The middle age groups namely 26-50 years were
mainly spouses and siblings of the migrants.
3.2.3 Relationship with the Migrant from India
45

Figure 3.6 relationship of family members with the migrant from India
Relationship of family members
30

Percentage

25
20
15
10
5

O
th
er

C
ou
si
n

M
S
on
ot
h
er
-in
-la
w
F
at
he
rin
-la
w
S
is
te
rin
-l
aw
B
ro
th
er
-in
-l
aw

Re lations hip

B
ro
th
er
D
au
gh
te
r

S
is
te
r

F
at
he
r

M
ot
h
er

S
po
us
e

Men m igrants
Wom en m igrants

The most commonly occurring relationship for men migrants was father, mother,
brother, wife and children except in few cases where sisters/sister-in-laws also cohabited the family. For women migrants however, the main relatives left behind were
father/father-in-law, mother/mother-in-law, sister/sister-in-law, husband and children.
The most commonly occurring relationships for migrants were sons (24.8% for men
migrants and 24% for women migrants) and daughters (19.4% for men migrants and
25% for women migrants). Majority (86%) of men migrants were married, therefore,
a relatively large number of the family members were spouses. The same picture
applies to the family members of women migrants also. The only difference in this
respect is that family members of women migrants have slightly more daughters
(25%) than sons (24%). Another relatively large group are the parents of particularly
the men migrants. Both parents together make up about 20% of the total number of
family members. In case of women migrants, after children and spouses, mother-inlaw are in highest number. The study learned that family members that are in the
group others are mostly nephews or nieces or occasionally grandchildren.
Table 3.7
Relationship of family members with the migrant in India
Relationship of Family members men
Family members women
family members migrants
migrants
with the
n
%
n
%
migrant
Spouse
370
13.4
56
13.9
Mother
296
10.7
17
4.2
Father
252
9.1
16
4
Sister
152
5.5
18
4.5
Brother
249
9
8
2
Daughter
536
19.4
101
25
Son
686
24.8
97
24
Mother-in-law
23
.8
26
6.4
Father-in-law
24
.9
16
4
Sister-in-law
59
2.1
18
4.5
Brother-in-law
38
1.4
6
1.5
Cousin
4
.1
10
2.5
46

Other
Total

89
2770

3.2
100

15
404

3.7
100

3.2.4 Marital status of family members of migrants in Bangladesh

Regarding the marital status of family members, majority of male members (52.04%)
were married compared to even higher among female members (93.40%). None of the
young boys and girls of the men migrant families were married. Only few younger
age group female members were single and 2 female members were widows.
Figure 3.7 Family members of men migrants by marital status in Bangladesh
100

100%

93.4%

100%

90
80
70
60
50

52.04%
47.96%

Single

40

Married

30

Widow /

20
6.09%

10

0.51%
0

Male fam ily

members

Fem ale family

members

Boy children

Girl children

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.8 Family members of men migrants by marital status in Bangladesh

Marital
status
Single
Married
Divorced
Abandone
d
Separated
Widow/
Widower
Total

Male family
members
n
%
200
47.96
217
52.04
-

Female family
members
n
%
24
6.09
368
93.40
-

Boy children

Girl children

n
200
-

%
100
-

n
179
-

%
100
-

0.51

417

100

394

100

200

100

179

100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Compared to family members of men migrants, among families of women migrants

about 77.64 per cent male members and 80.4 per cent female members were married.
Moreover, there were 10.3 per cent widows, 2.66 per cent divorced and 2 female
members were separated. Although the boys were single, about 4 girls were married
at a very young age.

47

Figure 3.8
Bangladesh

Family members of women migrants by marital status in

100

98.17

100
90

80.4
77.64

80
70
60

Single

50

Married
Divorced

40
30

Separated
22.36

Widow/ Widower

20
10

10.3
5.98

2.66

1.83

0.66

0
Male family
members

Female family
members

Boy children

Girl children

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.9
Bangladesh
Marital
status
Single
Married
Divorced
Abandone
d
Separated
Widow/
Widower
Total

Family members of women migrants by marital status in

Male family
members
n
%
85
22.36
295
77.64
-

Female family
members
n
%
18
5.98
242
80.40
8
2.66
-

Boy children

Girl children

n
192
-

%
100
-

n
215
4
-

%
98.17
1.83
-

2
31

0.66
10.30

380

100

33

10.96

192

100

219

100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.2.5 Marital status of family members of migrants in India

Regarding the marital status of family members, majority of male members (52.04%)
were married compared to even higher among female members (93.40%). None of the
young boys and girls of the men migrant families were married. Only few younger
age group female members were single and 2 female members were widows.
The female family members of men migrants were predominately single (55.6%) and
42.1 per cent were married. 2.1 per cent of the females were widows and 0.2 per cent
were separated from their husbands. This explains that arrangement of money for
marriage, which also consists of dowry of single female members of the family who
may be sisters or daughters can be a major factor for men to migrate in search of
better income. For male family members, they were often married (49.2%) than single
(46.6%) while 3.4 per cent were widowers.
48

Table 3.10 Family members of men migrants by marital status in India

Marital status
Single
Married
Divorced
Abandoned
Separated
Widow/widower
Total

Male family members

n
%
629
46.6
664
49.2
7
0.5
0
0
4
0.3
46
3.4
1350
100

Female family members

n
%
790
55.6
597
42.1
0
0
0
0
3
0.2
30
2.1
1420
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

The male as well as the female family members of women migrants were
predominately single (respectively 49.3% and 50.2%). The percentage of married
people is around 48% for male and 43% for female members of the family. 1.1 per
cent of the males and 4.2 per cent of the females were widow(er). The relatively low
percentages of married members (from both sexes) can be explained from the
percentage (42.9%) of joint families, and, in light with that, the high number of
children included in the sample as family members of migrants.
Table 3.11 Family members of women migrants by marital status in India
Marital status

Male family members

Single
Married
Divorced
Abandoned
Separated
Widow/widower
Total

n
109
106
2
0
1
3
221

%
49.3
47.9
0.7
0
0.4
1.1
100

Female family members

n
91
78
2
1
3
8
183

%
50.2
42.8
1.1
0.4
1.4
4.2
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

The figure below indicates that more female family members of men migrants were
single in contrast to more male family members being married of men migrants.
Hence the pressure of marriage and dowry arrangements of female members of the
household may be cited as a major reason of migration of men.

Figure 3.9

Family members of men migrants by marital status in India

49

Marital status of family members of male migrants

60
50
percentage

40
30
20
10
0
Single

Married

Divorced AbandonedSeparated

Widow

marital status

Male fam iy m em bers

fem ale fam ily m em bers

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.2.6 Level of education of family members of migrants in Bangladesh

Level of education among the male and female members of men migrants was more
or less the same. About 49.40 per cent male members and 53.3 per cent female
members had completed secondary level followed by 26.14 per cent among male
members and 30.2 per cent among female members who had completed primary level.
In the higher secondary level, there were about 11.27 per cent male members and 8.63
per cent female members. A significant number of males completed Bachelor degree
(6.95%) compared to 1.27 per cent among females. A few males had Masters.
Illiteracy was higher among female members (6.35%) compared to male members
(3.60%). Among the children of men migrants, none were illiterate. Majority of both
boys (41.5%) and girls (45.25%) had completed primary level followed by 29.5 per
cent boys and 31.28 per cent girls in the secondary level. However, there were only 2
children in the higher secondary level while a handful of them were under aged or had
not reached the age to go to school.
Table 3.12 Family members of men migrants by level of education in
Bangladesh
Level of
education

Male family
members

Illiterate
Can only sign
Primary
Secondary
Higher Secondary
Madrasa
Bachelor degree
Masters
Underage
Total

n
15
1
109
206
47
6
29
4
417

%
3.60
0.24
26.14
49.40
11.27
1.44
6.95
0.96
100

Female
family
members
n
%
25
6.35
119
30.20
210
53.30
34
8.63
1
0.25
5
1.27
369
93.65

Boy children

n
83
59
1
57
57

%
41.5
29.5
0.5
28.5
28.5

Girl children

n
81
56
1
41
41

%
45.25
31.28
0.56
22.91
22.91

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

50

On the contrary, the level of education among the male and female members of
women migrants was far less than expected. Illiteracy was much higher among female
members (33.22%) compared to male members (21.84%) and 2.61 per cent among
boy children. There were also a handful of family members who could only sign their
names, about 21.05 per cent males, 20.27 per cent females and 1.56 per cent boys.
About 27.37 per cent males and 20.27 per cent females had primary level education
followed by 20.79 per cent among male members and 23.26 per cent among female
members who had completed secondary level. Only a few family members could
reach the higher secondary level, Bachelors and Masters.
Among the children of women migrants, majority of both boys (57.29%) and girls
(52.51%) had completed primary level followed by 19.27 per cent boys and 24.66 per
cent girls in the secondary level. However, there were only 3 boy children in the
higher secondary level while a handful of them were under aged or had not reached
the age to go to school.
Table 3.13 Family members of women migrants by level of education in
Bangladesh
Level of
education
Illiterate
Can only
sign
Primary
Secondary
Higher
Secondary
Madrasa
Bachelor
degree
Masters
Underage to
go to school
Disabled
Total

Male family
members
n
%
83
21.84
80
21.05

Female family
members
n
%
100
33.22
61
20.27

Boy children

Girl children

n
5
3

%
2.61
1.56

n
-

%
-

104
79
15

27.37
20.79
3.95

61
70
6

20.27
23.26
1.99

110
37
3

57.29
19.27
1.56

115
54
-

52.51
24.66
-

1
14

0.26
3.69

1
1

0.33
0.33

5
-

2.61
-

4
-

1.05
-

28

14.58

49

22.37

380

100

1
1

0.33
0.33

1
29

0.52
15.1

1
50

0.46
22.83

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.2.7 Level of education of family members of migrants in India

Level of education among the male and female members of men migrants showed
some significant differences. About 22.5 per cent of the male members completed
primary and 22.7 per cent completed higher secondary level of education. On the
other hand, 28.4 per cent of the female family members had primary, 13.3 per cent
secondary and 12.4 per cent completed higher secondary level of education. More
women were illiterate (11.3%) than men (4.2%). Interestingly, more women than men
had attained a Bachelors degree. More male family members (8.1%) of men migrants
had vocational training. Among the children of men migrants, it was very evident that
only girls were illiterate (23%). In primary level, percentage of boys was higher than
that of girls. Moreover, boys were better educated than girls as 2.5 per cent boys had
Bachelors degree but no one had Masters degree.
51

Table 3.14 Family members of men migrants by level of education in India

Level of
education

Illiterate
Can only sign
Primary
Secondary
Higher Secondary
Vocational
Madrasa
Bachelor degree
Masters
Total

Male family
members
n
42
149
224
131
226
80
115
31
998

%
4.2
14.9
22.5
13.1
22.7
8.1
11.5
3.1
100

Female
family
members
n
%
138
11.8
329
28
333
28.4
156
13.3
145
12.4
8
.7
5
.4
60
5.1
1174
100

Boy children

n
7
161
82
31
62
9
352

%
2
45.7
23.4
8.8
0
17.6
2.5
100

Girl children

n
57
99
61
26
3
246

%
23.0
40.3
24.8
10.5
.3
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Regarding level of education, similar trends were found among family members of
female migrants. About 24.6 per cent male members and 38.5 per cent female
members completed higher secondary level of education. Interestingly, it seems that
female family members of female migrants are slightly higher educated than their
male migrant counterparts. There were more male members who had vocational
training. As of children, only some of the girls were illiterate (24.2%), but on average
boys were slightly higher educated than girls. However, percentage of girls who
completed primary education was higher than boys. It may be due to the migration of
mothers that the education of girls had a set back.
Figure 3.10 Family members of men migrants by level of education in India

M
as
te
rs

Pr
im
ar
Se
y
H
co
ig
n
he
da
rS
ry
ec
on
da
ry
Vo
ca
tio
na
l
M
Ba
ad
ch
ra
el
sa
or
de
gr
ee

Male
Fem ale
Boys
Girls

45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0

Ill
ite
C
ra
an
te
on
ly
sig
n

percentage

Family members of women migrants by level of education

educational level

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

52

Table 3.15 Family members of women migrants by level of education in India

Level of
education

Illiterate
Can only sign
Primary
Secondary
Higher Secondary
Vocational
Madrasa
Bachelor degree
Masters
Total

Male family
members
n
6
13
30
19
32
12
16
2
0
130

%
4.8
10.2
23.0
15.0
24.6
9.1
12.3
1.1
0
100

Female
family
members
n
%
10
8.5
30
25.6
35
29.7
17
14.0
15
12.8
3
2.4
2
1.7
4
3.7
0
0
118
100

Boy children

n
1
0
29
26
10
3
21
1
0
91

%
1.1
0
32.4
28.5
11.1
2.8
23.1
0.9
0
100

Girl
children
n
16
0
28
13
7
0
1
0
0
65

%
24.2
0
43.1
20
10.8
0
1.5
0
0
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.2.8 Occupation of family members of migrants in Bangladesh

Regarding occupation of the family members of men migrants, most of the male
members also were working as labour migrants abroad (29.02%) followed by
agricultural farmers (17.02%), businessmen (6.95%) and private service (4.56%),
while few were scattered among other occupations like government service, teacher,
doctor, journalist, driver, day labourer and rickshaw puller. However, about 27.58 per
cent male members were unemployed and 9.83 per cent were students.
On the other hand, overwhelming majority of 90.86 per cent female members were
housewives and not involved in any income generating work as their husbands were
regularly sending them money from abroad. Two female members also went abroad
to work and four of them were teachers. Some of the female members worked as day
labourers and few were students.
Among the children of men migrants, 69.5 per cent boys and 76.54 per cent girls were
students, while a few worked as day labourers to contribute to the family income.
Moreover, about 28.5 per cent boy children and 22.9 per cent girl children were under
aged and not yet able to work or to go to school.
Table 3.16 Family members of men migrants by occupation in Bangladesh
Occupation

Working abroad
as migrant
worker
Agricultural
farmer
Student
Business
Private service

Male family
members
n
121

%
29.02

Female
family
members
n
%
2
0.51

71

17.02

41
29
19

9.83
6.95
4.56

14
53

Boy children

Girl children

n
-

%
-

n
-

%
-

3.55
-

139
-

69.5
-

137
-

76.54
-

Government
service
Teacher
Doctor
Journalist
Housewife
Garment worker
Day labourer
Driver
Rickshaw puller
Unemployed
Underaged
Total

2.16

3
2
1
3
2
1
115
417

0.72
0.48
0.24
0.72
0.48
0.24
27.58
29.02

4
358
16
394

1.02
90.86
4.06
4.06

4
57
200

2
28.5
28.5

1
41
179

0.56
22.90
22.9

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Regarding occupation of the family members of women migrants, most of the male
members also were agricultural farmers (26.58%) followed by day labourers
(13.42%), businessmen (13.42%) and working abroad as migrant workers (7.63%).
On the other hand, majority of female members were housewives (71.09%) followed
by maidservant (10.96%) and 5.65 per cent who were unemployed. Few female
members were doing private service, day labourer, working abroad as migrant worker,
tailor, cook and some housewives sold homestead products.
Overwhelming majority of 71.88 per cent boys were students compared to still higher
among girls (75.34%). Still some boys worked in their own agricultural land as
farmers, day labourers, involved in petty business, worked as mason, driver, worked
as apprentices in automobile workshops and garment worker. Among girls, most of
them were students (75.34%), while some were housewives and one of them was a
garment worker. There were also children who were under aged and had not reached
the age to either go to school or to work, 14.58 per cent among boys and 22.37 per
cent among girls.
Table 3.17 Family members of women migrants by occupation in Bangladesh
Occupation

Agricultural
farmer
Day labourer
Business
Working
abroad as
migrant
worker
Mason
Private

Male family
members
n
101

%
26.58

Female
family
members
n
%
1
0.33

51
51
29

13.42
13.42
7.63

5
3

14
10

3.69
2.63

54

Boy children

Girl children

n
5

%
2.61

n
-

%
-

1.66
1.00

4
2
-

2.08
1.04
-

2.00

1
-

0.52
-

service
Teacher
Shrimp
cultivation
field owner
Poultry farm
Student
Imam
Matchmaker
Carpenter
Electrician
Tailor
Driver
Cook
Bus helper
Rickshaw
puller
Automobile
workshop
worker
Maidservant
Housewife
Selling
products from
homestead
Garment
worker
Unemployed
Under aged
Total

3
5

0.79
1.32

0
-

1
8
3
1
4
1
2
8
3
1
16

0.26
2.11
0.79
0.26
1.05
0.26
0.53
2.10
0.79
0.26
4.21

3
9
1
2
-

1.00
2.99
0.33
0.66
-

138
2
-

71.88
1.04
-

165
-

75.34
-

0.53

1.04

33
214
7

10.96
71.09
2.33

4
-

1.83
-

0.52

0.46

66
66

17.37
17.37

17
17

5.65
5.65

9
28
38

4.69
14.58
19.79

49
49

22.37
22.37

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.2.9 Occupation of family members of migrants in India

Regarding occupation of the family members of men migrants, most of the male
members worked in private services (12.8%), followed by construction workers
(6.8%), factory work or in transport (5.8% both). Less often men worked in a
restaurant or hotel (3.2%) as a domestic help or as a carpenter, electrician, and
agricultural worker. A significant number of male as well as female members of men
migrants were in the category of student/pupil (25.2% and 23.1% respectively) who
mainly comprised of children. The expenditure of their education was on the
shoulders of the migrant. Similarly large portions were either unemployed (13.3%
male members and 13.9% female members) or were not able to work/elderly/disabled
(7.4% male members and 11.5% female members). To a great extent, men migrated
due to the burden and pressure from the households back home to earn more due to
large scale dependency of family members on his earning.

55

Figure 3.11 Family members of men migrants by occupation in India

Family members of men migrants by occupation
30
percentage

25
20
15
10

Other

Unable to work

Unemployed

Too young to be
employed/ study

Student/Pupil

Electrician

Mason

Carpenter

Transport
(Driver)
Agriculture
Worker

Nursing

Private Service

Construction
Worker
Working in
Beauty Parlour
Work in
hotel/restaurant

Male

Factory Worker

Housemaid /
Domestic Help

occupation

Female

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

By far, the most common occupation for female family members of men migrants was
to work as a housemaid (19.7%) followed by nurse (5.6%) which was also relatively
popular. However, a lot of women were unemployed (13.9%) who were housewives
which are not considered as a gainful employment.
Table 3.18 Family members of men migrants by occupation in India
Occupation

Housemaid/domestic help
Factory worker
Private service
Construction worker
Working in beauty parlour
Work in hotel/restaurant
Nursing
Transport (driver)
Agriculture worker
Carpenter
Mason
Electrician
Student/pupil
Too young to be
employed/study
Unemployed

Male family
members
N
%
43
3.2
78
5.8
173
12.8
92
6.8
0
0
43
3.2
0
0
78
5.8
28
2
12
.9
6
.5
19
1.4
340
25.2
70
5.2
179

13.3

56

Female family members

n
279
30
72
7
59
23
79
0
8
0
0
0
329
76

%
19.7
2.1
5.1
.5
4.2
1.6
5.6
0
0.5
0
0
0
23.1
5.4

197

13.9

Unable to work
Other
Total

100
89
1350

7.4
6.6
100

164
97
1420

11.5
6.8
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Occupation of family members of women migrants were more or else similar to men
migrants. Most men were employed in private services (16.3%) followed by
construction workers (6.8%), and factory workers (6.3%). A moderate number of men
were involved as agricultural worker, driver, electrician, mason and domestic help. A
large percentage of male and female family members of women migrants were
students (23.1% and 28.4% respectively) or too young to either study or work (4.1%
and 4.4% respectively). The unemployment rate was much higher (14.5% male and
21.3% female family members), and family members who were not able to work was
also higher (6.3% male and 13.7% female family members). Reasons for large
number of women to migrate were mainly due to the unemployment, unable to work
status of their husbands and other family members to support the family and
childrens education. In addition, when women migrated as in majority of the cases,
they were from nuclear family where the responsibility of the household chores and
children fell on the husband who could not find enough time to do a full-time job.
Again it had been observed from the field level that the husbands of women migrants
had a tendency to remain idle and solely be dependant on the remittance sent by the
women migrants.
Table 3.19 Family members of women migrants by occupation in India
Occupation

Housemaid/domestic help
Factory worker
Private service
Construction worker
Working in beauty parlour
Work in hotel/restaurant
Nursing
Transport (driver)
Agriculture worker
Carpenter
Mason
Electrician
Student/pupil
Too young to be employed/
study
Unemployed
Unable to work
Other
Total

Male family
members
n
%
7
3.2
14
6.3
36
16.3
15
6.8
0
0
7
3.2
0
0
11
4.9
3
1.4
2
.9
1
.5
2
.9
51
23.1
9
4.1

Female family
members
n
%
25
13.7
0
0
6
5.5
0
0
7
3.8
3
1.6
5
2.7
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
52
28.4
8
4.4

32
14
17
221

39
25
13
183

14.5
6.3
7.7
100

21.3
13.7
7.1
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

57

Female family members were still predominately occupied as housemaids/domestic

help (13.7%) and only marginally worked in other capacities like the private sector,
beauty parlours, hotels and restaurants or in the profession of nursing. This may be
due to the casual/contractual nature of these jobs. Like noted before, high percentage
of unemployed women (21.3%) probably worked at home as housewives/caregivers
taking care of children in the absence of the mother. About 13.7 per cent female
family members were elderly and unable to work outside who mainly comprised of
mother-in-laws.
3.2.10 Income of family members of migrants in Bangladesh
Regarding monthly income most of the male members of men migrants had no
income (37.41%) and depended on the remittance sent by the men migrants. It was
still much higher among female members where 98.48 per cent had no income.
About 15.35 per cent male members had income range between taka 1,000-3,000
followed by 13.67 per cent between taka 15,001-20,000. However, 13.43 per cent
male members earned more than taka 20,000 per month.
Although many boy children were working but they did not have any income due to
the fact that in some cases they were helping their fathers in doing farming, looking
after family business, working as apprentices in motor workshop and as mason, etc.
Table 3.20 Family members of men migrants by monthly income in Bangladesh
Monthly
income in taka
No income
1000 - 3,000
3,001 - 5,000
5001 - 10,000
10,001 - 15,000
15,001 - 20,000
20,001 - 25,000
25,001 - 30,000
30,001 - 35,000
35,001 - 40,000
40,001 - 45,000
45,001 - 50,000
50,001 &
above
Under age
Total

Male family
members
n
%
156
37.41
64
15.35
21
5.03
39
9.35
24
5.76
57
13.67
27
6.47
14
3.36
2
0.48
3
0.72
5
1.20
5
1.20
417

3.12

Female family
members
n
%
388
98.48
1
0.25
2
0.51
1
0.25
2
0.51
394

0.51

Boy children

Girl children

n
143
-

%
71.5
-

n
138
-

%
77.09
-

57
200

28.5
100

41
179

22.91
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Regarding monthly income of family members of women migrants, most of the male
members (56.84%) earned between taka 1,000-3,000 per month and majority female
family members (71.09%) had no income followed by 17.37 per cent male members
had no income 10.30 per cent female members earned taka 5,001-10,000. About
10.53 male members earned more than 10,000 taka per month. At the same time,
overwhelming majority of both boys (94.79%) and girls (99.54%) had no income. A

58

few boys (4.69%) had income between taka 1,000-3,000 and one girl was in the same
group.
Table 3.21
Bangladesh

Family members of women migrants by monthly income in

Monthly
income in
Taka
No income
Below 1,000
1,000 - 3,000
3,001 - 5,000
5,001 - 10,000
10,001 - 15,000
15,001 - 20,000
20,001 - 25,000
25,001 - 30,000
30,001 - 35,000
35,001 - 40,000
40,001 - 45,000
45,001 - 50,000
50,001 &
above
Total

Male family
members
n
%
66
17.37
216
56.84
30
7.89
23
6.05
13
3.42
21
5.53
2
0.53
4
1.05
5
1.32
5

1.32

Female family
members
n
%
214
71.09
7
2.33
23
7.64
18
5.98
31
10.30
4
1.33
1
0.33
3
1.00
3

Boy children

Girl children

n
182
9
1
0

%
94.79
4.69
0.52
0

n
218
1
-

%
99.54
0.46
-

219

229.32

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.2.11 Income of family members of migrants in India

In total, there were 1350 male family members and 1420 female family members of
men migrants. Only 661 (48.96%) of male family members and 654 (46.05%) female
family members have monthly incomes. This entails that more than half of the family
members have no income and are depended on either the remittance sent by the men
migrants or on the family members that do paid work.
Table 3.22 Family members of men migrants by monthly income in India
Monthly
income
In Rupees
7,000 & below
7001-10,000
10,001-15,000
15,001-20,000
20,001-25,000
25,001-30,000
No Answer
Total

Male family members

n
%
214
123
55
17
1
251
661

32.4
18.6
8.3
2.6
0.2
38
100

Female family members

n
%
206
94
44
310
654

31.5
14.4
6.7
47.4
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

More over the majority of the income levels fall in the category of Rs. 7000 and
below (32.4% male and 31.5% female family members) which is not substantial

59

enough for a sound maintenance of family in Delhi. 18.6% male and 14.4% female
family members earn between Rs. 7001-10,000. As the category under money level
rises we find fewer and fewer female family members. Women family members tend
to have, more often than men, low paying jobs.
Figure 3.12 Family members of women migrants by monthly income in India
Family me mbers of w omen migra nts by monthly income
70
60
percentage

50
40
30
20
10
0
Male

7,000 &
below

700110,000

10,00115,000

15,00120,000

20,00125,000

25,00130,000

Income le vels

Female

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

The graph above depicts the clear picture regarding the income levels of family
members of women migrants. In total, there are 221 male family members and 183
female family members of women migrants included in this study. 130 male family
members (58.82%) and 109 female family members (59.56%) earn a monthly income.
This is a significant higher percentage compared to the score of the male family
members of men migrants. Also female family members score higher. This could be
due to the fact that the families of women migrants are generally smaller and more
often nuclear. This possibly means that they consist of fewer children in the smaller
age groups (which has already been highlighted under the discussion of the age of
family members of women migrants) and elderly people who cannot work and
therefore do not generate income.
Table 3.23 Family members of women migrants by monthly income in India
Monthly
income
7,000 & below
7001-10,000
10,001-15,000
15,001-20,000
20,001-25,000
25,001-30,000
Total

Male family members

n
%
88
67.7
23
17.7
11
8.5
8
6.2
130
100

Female family members

n
%
65
59.6
32
29.4
12
11.0
109
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Nevertheless, most men that do work earn less than Rs. 7,000 (67.7%). Remarkably
6.2% earns more than Rs.15,000 a month. Although female family members more

60

often than men earn more than Rs. 7,001-10,000 (29.4%) they are absent in all
categories above Rs.15,000 a month.

3.3

Housing and other facilities

3.3.1 Housing and other facilities of migrant families in Bangladesh

Houses were categorized by kutcha, semi-pucca and pucca which depended on the
materials being used. Kutcha houses were made of mud, bamboo, jute stick or
wooden walls with straw, thatched, mud tiles or tin roof. Semi-pucca houses had tin
walls with thatched, mud tiles or tin roof, while pucca houses had brick walls with tin,
mud tiles or concrete roof. Majority of the houses of men migrants were pucca or
brick built (52.4%) followed by kutcha (32.4%) and semi-pucca (15.2%) houses. On
the other hand, most of the houses of women migrants were semi-pucca (38.4%) and
kutcha (35.6%) compared to 26 per cent who had pucca houses.
Table 3.24

Men and women migrants by nature of house in Bangladesh

Nature of house
Kutcha
Semi-pucca
Pucca
Total

Men migrants
n
%
81
32.4
38
15.2
131
52.4
250
100

Women migrants
n
%
89
35.6
96
38.4
65
26.0
250
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Access to drinking water

An overwhelming majority of families of men (90%) and women (95.2%) migrants
had access to tube-well water followed by 8 per cent among men and 4.4 per cent
among women migrant families who had supply or tap water, while some still used
pond, river or canal water for drinking and household purposes.
Access to latrine facilities

Majority families of men (56%) and women (54.8%) migrants had access to ring slab
latrine facilities followed by 42 per cent among men migrant families and 20.4 per
cent among women migrant families who could afford to have sanitary latrines.
Access to electricity
Majority of the families (70%) did not have access to electricity compared to 30 per
cent who had electricity facilities.
Table 3.25 Men and women migrants by access to drinking water, latrines and
electricity in Bangladesh
Access to
Men migrants
drinking water
n
%
Tube-well
225
90
Supply water/tap
20
8
Pond/river/canal
5
2
Total
250
100
Access to latrine facilities
Ring slap
140
56

61

Women migrants
n
%
238
95.2
11
4.4
1
0.4
250
100
137

54.8

Kutcha
Open latrine
Sanitary
Total

5
105
250

2
42
100

62
51
250

24.8
20.4
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.3.2 Housing and other facilities of migrant families in India

Houses were categorized by kutcha, semi-pucca and pucca. The distinction between
them was depended on the materials being used. Kutcha houses were made of mud,
bamboo, jute stick or wooden walls with straw, thatched, mud tiles or tin roof. Semipucca houses had tin walls with thatched, mud tiles or tin roof, while pucca houses
had brick walls with tin, mud tiles and concrete roof. Majority of the houses of men
migrants were pucca or brick built (67%) followed by semi-pucca (27.9%) and kutcha
(4.7%) houses. Most of the houses of women migrants were also pucca houses
(66.8%). But they more semi-pucca houses (31.4%) than the men migrants. Overall
semi-pucca houses scored 28.4 per cent and kutcha houses was the least popular with
only 4.4 per cent. The kutcha houses, most of the time, were unauthorized
constructions and were devoid of basic facilities like supply water, electricity and
sanitation.
Table 3.26
Nature of
house
Kutcha
Semipucca
Pucca
Others
Total

Men and women migrants by nature of house in India

Men migrants
n
%
20
4.7
120
27.9
288
2
430

67
.5
100

Women migrants
n
%
2
2.9
22
31.4
46
70

65.7
100

Total
n
22
142

%
4.4
28.4

334
2
500

66.8
.4
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

While a majority of men migrants had their own houses, more than 50 per cent
women migrants had rented accommodations for their family members or their
fathers/husbands had been provided with government and private accommodation as
they had government and private jobs.
Access to drinking water
Majority of both the families of men (70.7%) and women (77.1%) migrants had
access to drinking water from supply water and tap. The second important source of
water was the tube-well (19.5% families of men migrants and 14.3% women
migrants). Some still used pond, river or canal water for drinking and household
purposes.

Access to latrine facilities

62

Both men and women migrants approximately four-fifth of the families had access to
sanitary toilets. Others also reported marginal (less than 10%) usage of open latrine,
kutcha and ring slap.
Electric facilities
Most of the households had access to electric facilities. In case of men migrants, 95.8
per cent households had electricity while families of women migrants were slightly
less fortunate with 91.4 per cent. Particularly there was a problem when the family
members were living in kutcha houses on rent which were cheap and most of the time
these were unauthorised constructions.
Table 3.27

Men and women migrants by access to drinking water, latrines

and electricity in India

Access to
drinking water
Tube-well
Supply water/tap
Pond/river/canal
Ring-well
Others
No access
Total
Ring slap
Kutcha
Open latrine
Sanitary
Total
Yes
No
Total

Men migrants
Women migrants
n
%
n
%
84
19.5
10
14.3
304
70.7
54
77.1
8
1.9
2
2.9
14
3.3
4
5.7
18
4.2
0
.0
2
.5
0
.0
430
100.0
70
100.0
Access to latrine facilities
28
6.5
4
5.7
32
7.4
2
2.9
38
8.8
6
8.6
332
77.2
58
82.9
430
100.0
70
100.0
Access to electricity
412
95.8
64
91.4
18
4.2
6
8.6
430
100.0
70
100.0

Total
n
94
358
10
18
18
2
500

%
18.8
71.6
2.0
3.6
3.6
.4
100.0

32
34
44
390
500

6.4
6.8
8.8
78.0
100.0

476
24
500

95.2
4.8
100.0

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.4

Demographic Profile of Men and Women Migrants

3.4.1 Demographic profile of men and women migrants of Bangladesh

Present age of migrants
Regarding the present age of migrants, most of the migrants were in the younger age
groups. Although women migrants have to officially show at least 25 years of age and
men migrants 18 years of age to be eligible to go abroad for work, still women had
migrated to various countries before the minimum age limit because pretty and young
girls were in high demand in destination countries. Considering the present age, 17.2
per cent women migrants were in the age group of 18-22 years, 29.2 per cent in the
age group of 23-27 years, compared to 21.6 per cent men migrants in the same age
group. About 29.2 percent men migrants were in the age group of 28-32 years
compared to 23.2 percent women migrants. At the same time, 16 per cent men

63

migrants were in both the age groups of 33-37 years and 38-42 years. On the other
hand, older women in their thirties and forties were few in number because of their
family bondage and less demand in destination countries. About 15 per cent women
were in the age group of 33-37 years followed by 8.4 per cent of 38-42 years. Few
numbers of men and women migrants were in higher age groups.
Religion
The study was conducted in 3 districts of Bangladesh namely Dhaka, Manikgonj and
Satkhira. It covered two upazilas namely Savar and Dhamrai of Dhaka district,
Shingair upazila of Manikgonj district and four upazilas of Satkhira district. Both
Hindus and Muslims live in those areas but there were no Hindu or Christian men or
women who migrated. With regard to religion of men and women migrants 100 per
cent were Muslims.
Marital Status
An overwhelming majority of men (62%) and women migrants (62.4%) were
married. Married women migrants had to bear the responsibility of their family
members left behind manage dowry payment for daughters or repay loans they took
for migration purposes. However, 15.6 per cent women migrants were divorced
followed by 11.6 per cent single, 7.2 per cent widows, 2.8 per cent separated and 0.4
per cent abandoned women. On the other hand, 38 per cent men migrants were single.
Education
With regard to level of education, majority men migrants (65.2%) had completed
secondary level education compared to 25.6 per cent women migrants. About 34.4 per
cent women migrants had completed primary level compared to 13.6 percent men
migrants. A significant number of women migrants (23.6%) were illiterate while 13.2
per cent can only sign. However, in the higher secondary level, there were 13.2 per
cent men migrants, 5.2 per cent had completed bachelor degree and a few obtained
masters degree (0.4%). On the other hand, in the higher secondary level, there were
2.4 per cent women migrants and only a few women had completed bachelor degree
(0.8%).
Table 3.28 Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by age, religion, marital
status and education
Present age
(in years)
18-22
23-27
28-32
33-37
38-42
43-47
48 52
53 & above
Total
Religion
Muslim
Total
Marital status
Single

Men migrants
n
%
20
8.0
54
21.6
73
29.2
40
16.0
40
16.0
10
4.0
8
3.2
5
2.0
250
100

Women migrants
N
%
43
17.2
73
29.2
58
23.2
37
14.8
21
8.4
13
5.2
4
1.6
1
0.4
250
100

250
250

100
100

250
250

100
100

95

38.0

29

11.6

64

Married
Divorced
Separated
Abandoned
Widow/widower
Total
Level of education
Illiterate
Can only sign
Primary
Secondary
Higher Secondary
Vocational
Madrasa
Bachelor degree
Masters
Total

155
250

62.0
100

156
39
7
1
18
250

62.4
15.6
2.8
0.4
7.2
100

1
34
163
33
5
13
1
250

0.4
13.6
65.2
13.2
2.0
5.2
0.4
100.8

59
33
86
64
6
2
250

23.6
13.2
34.4
25.6
2.4
0.8
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Birthplace of men and women migrants from Bangladesh

Regarding birthplace of migrants, men migrants were mostly from urban areas
(76.4%) compared to majority of women migrants who were from rural areas (88%).
Only a handful of women migrants were from urban areas (12%).
Figure 3.13 Men and women migrants by birthplace in Bangladesh
88

100
76.4
80
60
40

Rural
23.6

Urban
12

20
0
Men m igrants

Women m igrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.29 Men and women migrants by birthplace in Bangladesh

Place of birth
Rural
Urban
Total

Men migrants
n
%
59
23.6
191
76.4
250
100

Women migrants
n
%
220
88.0
30
12.0
250
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.4.2 Demographic profile of men and women migrants of India

Present age of migrants

65

Majority of the male migrants came from the age brackets of 38-42 years (22.8%) and
43-47 years (23.7%). Women migrants primarily came from the age group of 28-32
years (28.6%) and 38-42 years (31.4%). It seems reasonable to conclude that women
were generally younger when they seek employment abroad than their male
counterparts.
Figure 3.14

Present age of men and women migrants from India

Age of migra nts

>52
48-52
43-47

Age

38-42
33-37
28-32
23-27
18-22

Wom en
Men

10

20

Percentages

30

40

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

The immigration rules and regulation of the Government of India clearly prohibits
women below the age of 30 years of age to migrate. But in reality from the field level
observations, it was evident that a lot of women below 30 years of age had migrated.
Religion
Majority of male migrants were Muslims (60.5%) by religion, followed by 25.6 per
cent Hindus, 12.1 per cent Sikhs and 1.9 per cent were Christians. On the other hand,
most of the women migrants were Christians (45.7%) followed by Muslims (31.4%),
Hindus (17.1%) and Sikhs (5.7%). Although great numbers of Muslims and Christians
were migrants, it is not in accordance with their proportion in the population in a
whole.
Marital Status
Most of the men (86%) and women (80%) migrants were married. Except for two
migrants, all non-married male respondents were single. This also applies to 8.6 per
cent female migrants. Others were either separated, abandoned or widows (5.7%).
Level of Education
Level of education among the men and women members of migrants showed some
significant differences. About 24.7 per cent men migrants were illiterate or can only
sign compared to 11.5 per cent among women migrants. More women (45.7%)
completed higher secondary education than men (18.6%). On the contrary, 6.5 per
cent men migrants had Bachelors degree while none of the woman migrants could
attain that higher level of education. However, on an average it was evident that
women are slightly better educated.
Table 3.30 Men and women migrants of India by age, religion, marital status and
education

66

Present age Men migrants

(in years)
n
%
18-22
4
.9
23-27
20
4.7
28-32
72
16.7
33-37
78
18.1
38-42
98
22.8
43-47
102
23.7
48-52
34
7.9
53 above
22
5.1
Total
430
100
Religion
Muslim
260
60.5
Hindu
110
25.6
Christian
8
1.9
Sikh
52
12.1
Total
430
100
Marital status
Single
58
13.5
Married
370
86.0
Separated
0
.0
Abandoned
0
.0
Widow/widow
2
.5

Women migrants
n
%
0
.0
4
5.7
20
28.6
12
17.1
22
31.4
6
8.6
6
8.6
0
.0
70
100

Total
n
4
24
92
90
120
108
40
22
500

%
.8
4.8
18.4
18.0
24.0
21.6
8.0
4.4
100

22
12
32
4
70

31.4
17.1
45.7
5.7
100

282
122
40
56
500

56.4
24.4
8.0
11.2
100

6
56
2
2
4

8.6
80.0
2.9
2.9
5.7

64
426
2
2
6

12.8
85.2
.4
.4
1.2

100

70

100

500

100

1.90
22.80

2
6

2.90
8.60

10
104

2.00
20.80

31.20
14.90
18.60

22
2
32

31.40
2.90
45.70

156
66
112

31.20
13.20
22.40

6.50

0.00

28

5.60

2.80
1.40
100.00

4
2
70

5.70
2.90
100.00

16
8
500

3.20
1.60
100.00

er

430
Total
Level of education
Illiterate
8
Can only
98
sign
Primary
134
Secondary
64
Higher
80
Secondary
Bachelor
28
degree
Madrasa
12
Vocational
6
Total
430

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

67

Birthplace of men and women migrants from India

Regarding birthplace of migrants, both men and women migrants were mostly from
rural areas (respectively 83.3% and 85.7%). The remaining migrants, about 15% came
from urban areas. This highlights the point that the migrants are internal migrants also
who came to Delhi in search of better job opportunities from different states of India.
Figure 3.15 Men and women migrants by birthplace in India
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0

85.7

83.3

Rural
Urban
16.7

14.3

Men migrants

Women migrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.31 Men and women migrants by birthplace

Place of birth

Men migrants

Rural
Urban
Total

n
358
72
430

Women
migrants
n
%
60
85.7
10
14.3
70
100

%
83.3
16.7
100

Total
n
418
82
500

%
83.6
16.4
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.5
Stay

Migration Pattern by Destination Countries and Duration of

3.5.1 Destination countries of migration from Bangladesh

Men and women had migrated to 19 countries in the Middle East, South East, Europe
and United States of America. Most concentration of both men (48.8%) and women
(37.2%) were in Saudi Arabia followed by 16.8 per cent men and 11.2 per cent
women in United Arab Emirates and 9.2 per cent men and 4.8 per cent women in
Kuwait. Moreover, in recent years, as demand for women as housemaids in Lebanon
increased, agents have also managed to send women in large numbers, and about 37.6
per cent women were found to have migrated to Lebanon. On the other hand, about
9.6 per cent men had migrated to Malaysia compared to only one woman. Moreover,
only women had exclusively migrated to Japan, Jordan and United States of America.
Of the total number, very few men and women had migrated to countries in South
East and Europe.

68

Table 3.32

Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by destination countries

Country of
destination
Bahrain
Cyprus
Greece
Iran
Italy
Japan
Jordan
Kuwait
Lebanon
Libya
Oman
Malaysia
Maldives
Saudi Arabia
Singapore
Spain
Qatar
United Arab Emirates
United States of
America
Total

Men migrants
n
%
3
1.2
2
0.8
2
0.8
1
0.4
3
1.2
23
9.2
1
0.4
2
0.8
1
0.4
24
9.6
11
4.4
122
48.8
3
1.2
2
0.8
8
3.2
42
16.8
-

Women migrants
n
%
8
3.2
1
0.4
2
0.8
12
4.8
94
37.6
3
1.2
1
0.4
2
0.8
93
37.2
28
11.2
6
2.4

250

250

100

100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.5.2 Destination countries of migration from India

Two countries stand out when it comes to the country of destination for migrant
workers from India. The first one was the United Arab Emirates which was the most
popular destination for women (45.7%) and the second most popular for men
(30.2%). Another popular country was Saudi Arabia which was the first choice of
men migrants (33%) and the second choice of women migrants (34.3%). The number
of migrants moving to other countries was relatively small expect for 14.9 per cent
men migrants to Libya. However, it is pertinent to highlight that some of the migrant
family members including the spouse do not exactly know where the migrants had
gone, most of the time due to ignorance and lack of information. They tended to
answer that the migrant had gone to Dubai or Gulf as they popularly know it.
However, it is evident that it is one of the most frequently chosen places by the
migrants.
Table 3.33 Men and women migrants of India by destination countries
Country of migration

Libya
United Arab Emirates
Qatar
Bahrain

Men migrants
n
64
130
26
4

%
14.9
30.2
6.0
.9

69

Women
migrants
n
%
0
.0
32
45.7
2
2.9
0
.0

Total
n
64
162
28
4

%
12.8
32.4
5.6
.8

Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia
Kuwait
Oman
Brunei
Africa
Canada
USA
Afghanistan
Total

142

33.0

24

34.3

166

33.2

12
22
4
6
4
12
4
430

2.8
5.1
.9
1.4
.9
2.8
.9
100.0

2
2
0
0
0
8
0
70

2.9
2.9
.0
.0
.0
11.4
.0
100.0

14
24
4
6
4
20
4
500

2.8
4.8
.8
1.2
.8
4.0
.8
100.0

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.5.3 Duration of Stay of Migrants from Bangladesh

Regarding duration of stay in the destination countries, men stayed longer period of
time than women migrants. Majority of men (25.6%) and women (43.6%) migrants
stayed abroad for 1 - 2 years. About 18 per cent men stayed for 5 - 6 years followed
by 17.2 per cent for 3 - 4 years, 15.2 per cent for 7 - 8 years and 11.2 per cent men
who stayed for 11 years and more. On the other hand, about 27.2 per cent women
stayed for less than one year compared to 5.6 per cent men migrants followed by 14.8
per cent who stayed for 3 - 4 years and 6 per cent who stayed for 5 - 6 years. Very few
women migrants stayed abroad for more than 7 years.
Figure 3.16
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0

Men and women migrants from Bangladesh by duration of stay

43.6
Less than 1 year
25.6

1-2 years

27.2

3-4 years

17.2 18 15.2
7.2

5.6

Men migrants

5-6 years

14.8

11.2

7-8 years
6

4.4

9-10 years
11 years & more

Women migrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.34

Men and women migrants from Bangladesh by duration of stay

Duration of stay
Less than 1 year
1-2 years
3-4 years
5-6 years
7-8 years
9-10 years
11 years & more

Men migrants
n
14
64
43
45
38
18
28

%
5.6
25.6
17.2
18.0
15.2
7.2
11.2

70

Women migrants
n
%
68
27.2
109
43.6
37
14.8
15
6.0
5
2.0
5
2.0
11
4.4

Total

250

100

250

100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.5.4 Duration of Stay of Migrants from India

By far most migrants, of both sexes, stay between one and two years in a foreign
country (over 60% in both cases). This is probably due to work-permit of visa that is
often issued for such a period of time as sanctioned by the Government of India about
which we have discussed in Chapter II. More women than man stay between seven
and eleven months, whereas several men (16.3%) stay between three and four years.
Men seem to stay abroad slightly longer than women do. This may be due to the
family obligation that a woman has and felt for also.
Figures 3.17 Duration of stay of migrants from India in destination countries
Dura tion of sta y in the fore ign country
> 10 years

Tim
eabroad

7-9 years
5-6 years
3-4 years
1-2 years
7-11 m onths
< 6 m onths
0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70
Wom en
Men

Pe r ce ntage s

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

In some cases (5.6% men migrants and 8.6% women migrants) the migration period
lasted less than six months time. There was possibility of migrants who had
encountered problems with their work or employers abroad or at home in India after
they came back.
Table 3.35

Men and women migrants from India by duration of stay

Duration of stay

6 months and less

7-11 months
1-2 years
3-4 years
5-6 years
7-9 years
10 years and more
Total

Men migrants
n
24
52
264
70
6
8
6
430

%
5.6
12.1
61.4
16.3
1.4
1.9
1.4
100.0

71

Women
migrants
n
%
6
8.6
14
20.0
44
62.9
2
2.9
4
5.7
0
.0
0
.0
70
100.0

Total
n
30
66
308
72
10
8
6
500

%
6.0
13.2
61.6
14.4
2.0
1.6
1.2
100.0

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.6 Socio-Economic Profile of Migrants of Bangladesh and India

3.6.1 Occupation of migrants from Bangladesh
Regarding the occupation of migrants, an overwhelming majority of men migrants
(91.2%) were labourers. The rest of men migrants were scattered in various
occupations like working in shop (2.8%), working in hotel and restaurant (1.2%),
driver (1.2%), private service holders (0.4%) etc. On the other hand, an overwhelming
majority of women migrants were working as housemaids abroad (86.4%) followed
by 4.8 per cent nurses. However, the rest of women migrants were in various
occupations like private service (3.6%), hospital and madrasha cleaner (2.4%),
garment worker (0.8%) and beauty parlor worker (0.8%). Few women migrants were
working in shops and laundry.
Table 3.36

Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by present occupation in

destination countries

Occupation
Labourer
Housemaid/domestic help
Working in shop
Working in hotel and
restaurant
Driver (private)
Private service
Designer
Mason
Garment worker
Nursing
Hospital and madrasha
cleaner
Construction worker
Working in beauty parlor
Security guard
Computer operator
Business
Tailor
Laundry
Electronics
Total

Men migrants
n
%
228
91.2
7
2.8
3
1.2

Women migrants
n
%
216
86.4
1
0.4
-

3
2
1
1
-

1.2
0.8
0.4
0.4
-

9
2
12
6

3.6
0.8
4.8
2.4

1
2
1
1
250

0.4
0.8
0.4
0.4
100

2
1
1
250

0.8
0.4
0.4
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.6.2 Occupation of migrants from India

72

There was lot of diversity in occupation in destination countries such as men migrants
worked mainly as plumber, factory worker, carpenter and mason. On the other hand,
women migrants predominately worked as housemaids (35.7%) and nurses (31.4%).
Migrants of both gender also worked in private services.
Table 3.37
Men and women migrants of India by present occupation in
destination countries
Occupation

Housemaid/domestic help
Factory worker
Private service
Plumber
Working in hotel or
restaurant
Nursing
Transport (driver)
Carpenter
Mason
Electrician
Others
Total

Men migrants
n
20
60
52
98
10

%
4.7
14.0
12.1
22.8
2.3

Women
migrants
n
%
25
35.7
0
0
5
7.1
0
0
10
14.3

0
8
58
52
36
36
430

.0
1.9
13.5
12.1
8.4
8.4
100

22
0
0
0
0
8
70

31.4
0
0
0
0
11.4
100

Total
n
55
60
57
98
20

%
11
12.0
11.4
19.6
4

22
8
58
52
36
44
500

4.4
1.6
11.6
10.4
7.2
8.8
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.6.3 Income of migrants from Bangladesh

With regard to monthly income, men earned far more than women migrants as most
of the women migrants did not get salary according to the contract. An overwhelming
majority of women migrants (80.4%) had income range between taka 5,001-10,000
compared to men migrants (3.2%) in the same category. On the other hand, majority
men migrants (24%) had income range between taka 15,001-20,000 compared to only
4.4 per cent women migrants. About 23.6 per cent men migrants earned between taka
20,001-25,000 per month followed by 22 per cent between taka 10,001-15,000 and
17.2 per cent had income range between taka 25,001-30,000. About 8.8 per cent
women migrants had income range between taka 10,001-15,000 followed by 2.8 per
cent women migrants who earned less than taka 5,000 per month. Few women
migrants 2 per cent had higher income range between taka 20.001-35,000 while 1.6
per cent earned taka more than 60,000. On the other hand, 3.6 per cent men migrants
earned taka more than taka 60,000 per month followed by 3.2 per cent between taka
35,001-40,000, 1.6 per cent between taka 45,001-50,000 and 1.6 per cent between
taka 45,001-50,000 per month.
Table 3.38 Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by monthly income
Monthly income
(in taka)
5,000 & below
5,001-10,000
10,001-15,000

Men migrants
n
%
1
0.4
8
3.2
55
22.0

73

Women migrants
n
%
7
2.8
201
80.4
22
8.8

15,001-20,000
20,001-25,000
25,001-30,000
30,001-35,000
35,001-40,000
40,001-45,000
45,001-50,000
50,001-55,000
55,001-60,000
60,001 & above
Total

60
59
43
8
2
4
1
9
250

24.0
23.6
17.2
3.2
0.8
1.6
0.4
3.6
100

11
2
2
1
4
250

4.4
0.8
0.8
0.4
1.6
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.6.4 Income of migrants from India

The above graph shows that while majority of the men migrants (48.8%) are earning
between Rs. 10,000-14,999 monthly, majority of women migrants (37.1%) are
earning a slight better in between Rs. 20,000- 29,999. Even some women migrants
(31.4%) are earning between Rs. 30,000-39,999 monthly. The monthly income is
highly variable across the different migrants. This is due to the nature of work, level
of education etc. Interestingly, more men than women are present in the lowest and
the highest salary scales. This is in accordance with the level of education of both
sexes, which showed a similar trend. Therefore, it is reasonable to say that on average
women are slightly better off. This may also be due to slight under-mention of
monthly income by the migrants family members who are a little bit conscious while
speaking on the issue.
Figure 3.18 Monthly income of men and women migrants of India
Men and w omen migrants by monthly income

IncomeinRs.

> 40000
30000-39999
20000-29999
15000-19999
10000-14999
5000-9999
0

10

20

30

40

50

60
Wom en
Men

Percentages

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.39 Men and women migrants from India by monthly income
Monthly income
(In Rupee)

Men migrants
n
%

Women migrants
n
%
74

Total
n

5000-9999
10000-14999
15000-19999

24
210
46

5.6
48.8
10.7

4
14
0

5.7
20.0
.0

28
224
46

5.6
44.8
9.2

20000-29999
30000-39999
More than 40000
Not answered
Total

64
32
50
4
430

14.9
7.4
11.6
.9
100.0

26
22
2
2
70

37.1
31.4
2.9
2.9
100.0

90
54
52
6
500

18.0
10.8
10.4
1.2
100.0

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.6.5 Bank Account in Bangladesh of Migrants

With regard to whether migrants had their own account in home country, men were
more responsive and efficient in opening bank accounts in their names before going
abroad than women who depended more on their male family members.
Overwhelming 98.8 per cent men migrants had their own account compared to only
45.2 per cent among women migrants.
Figure 3.19

Men and women migrants by own account in Bangladesh

98.8

100
80
54.8

60

45.2

40
20

Yes
No

1.2

0
Men migrants

Women migrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.6.6 Bank Account in India of Migrants

An overwhelming majority of migrants had their own bank account in India. 92.4 per
cent men and 82.9 per cent women migrants have their own bank accounts in India.

Figure 3.20

Men and women migrants by own account in India

75

100

92.4
82.9

80
60
Yes
40

No
17.1

20

7.6

0
Men m igrants

Wom en m igrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7 Pre-Migration Related Issues

3.7.1 Factors influencing migration from Bangladesh
Of the various determining factors behind migration, the most well articulated reasons
were financial. About 92.4 per cent women and 34 per cent men migrated due to
poverty. An overwhelming majority of 94.8 per cent men migrated due to
unemployment as they were the main breadwinner compared to 69.2 per cent among
women. Moreover, 38.4 per cent women migrated due to landlessness which was far
less among men, only 3.2 per cent.
In addition to economic hardship, mostly women (30.8%) were approached by agents
who promised them jobs abroad. However, both men (5.2%) and women (20.4%) had
relatives living and working abroad who helped them to migrate to those countries.
Women migrants had various other social problems such as domestic violence (8.4%),
remarriage of husband (4%), being separated, abandoned or divorced (3.2%), prematured death of husband (2.4%) and very few for dowry (1.2%). In such vulnerable
situations, women could easily be motivated by family members, relatives,
neighbours and agents to migrate for better livelihood options. Moreover, women
needed less money to migrate than men which increased the temptation among male
family members to send their female members abroad to earn viable incomes.
Table 3.40 Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by determining factors
behind migration
Determining factors*
Due to poverty
Landlessness
Unemployment
Relative living abroad
Approach by agents who
promised jobs abroad
Natural disaster
Domestic violence
Remarriage of husband
Separated, abandoned and

Men migrants
n
%
85
34.0
8
3.2
237
94.8
13
5.2
1
0.4
-

76

Women migrants
n
%
231
92.4
96
38.4
173
69.2
51
20.4
77
30.8
5
21
10
8

2.00
8.4
4.00
3.2

divorce
Pre-matured death of migrant's
husband
Dowry demand
High ambition
Less expenditure than men
migrants

2.4

3
2
10

1.2
0.8
4.00

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.2 Factors influencing migration from India

Two factors were regarded very significant namely better job opportunities or more
income (80.8% for men and 92.2% for women) and poverty (55.8% for women and
47.9% for men) followed by unemployment (14.4% men and 17.3% women
migrants) and landlessness (12% men and 14.4% women migrants). Moreover,
migrants (4.5% men and 2.1% women) were approached by agents which triggered
them to go abroad.

U
ne
m
pl
oy
R
m
el
en
at
t
iv
e
liv
in
g
ab
A
ro
pp
ad
ro
ac
he
d
by
ag
en
ts

po
ve
rty
to
D
ue

op
po
r
Jo
b

La
nd
le
ss
ne
ss

Factors influencing migration

100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
tu
ni
tie
s

Percentage

Figure 3.21 Men and women migrants of India by determining factors behind
migration

Factors

Men
Women

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.41 Men and women migrants of India by determining factors behind
migration
Determining factors*

Due to poverty
Landlessness
Unemployment
Natural disaster
Relative living abroad

Men
migrants
n
%
206
47.9
50
11.7
62
14.4
1
0.2
35
8.1
77

Women
migrants
n
%
39
55.8
10
14.4
12
17.3
8
11.5

Total
n
245
60
74
1
43

%
49
12
14.8
0.2
8.6

Approach by agents who

promised jobs abroad
Domestic violence
Better job opportunities/more
income
Others

2.1

4.5

12

2.4

347

80.8

1
64

1.5
92.2

1
411

0.2
82.2

17

3.9

17

3.4

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.3

Decision making to migrate from Bangladesh

With regard to decision making to migrate, majority of men migrants (50%) and
women migrants (78.4%) took decision on their own. Due to low income,
unemployment and prodigality of male members and high expenditure for migration
of men, most of the women had to take decision to migrate to earn a viable income.
Their husbands (34%) also agreed because of better life for their children. However,
parents of men migrants (42.4%) and women migrants (30.8%) also played an
important role to influence them to migrate while role of in-laws was negligible.
About 11.2 per cent siblings of men and 7.2 per cent of women migrants motivated
them to migrate while only 2 per cent children of women migrants were involved
because most of them were minors.
Table 3.42 Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by decision-makers behind
migration
Family members involved
in decision-making to
migrate*
Self
Spouse
Parents
In-laws
Siblings
Children

Men migrants
n
%
125
6
106
2
28
-

50
2.4
42.4
0.8
11.2
-

Women migrants
n
%
196
85
77
2
18
5

78.4
34
30.8
0.8
7.2
2

*Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.4 Decision making to migrate from India

Since most of the men migrants live in a joint family system, the decision to migrate
was not very often made by one person, but more commonly jointly with other family
members. It was found that spouses very often had a say in 84.9 per cent cases of men
migrants and 91.4 per cent in case of women migrants. In the case of women migrants
mostly it was the husband who influenced the migration. Also the parents of the
migrants play an important role in the decision making process. The migrants parents
were involved among 50 per cent of the migration decisions. Men migrants claimed
that they often make the decision themselves (90.5%) while women relied more on or
were forced by their spouses and parents and only partially make the decision
themselves in 64.3 per cent of the cases.
78

Table 3.43 Men and women migrants from India by decision-makers behind
migration
Family members
involved in
decision-making
to migrate
Self-decision
Spouse
Parents
Parent-in-laws
Siblings
Children
Others
Total

Men migrants
n

389
365
211
23
45
0
23
1056

90.5
84.9
49.1
5.3
10.5
0
5.3

Women
migrants
n
%
45
64
39
12
3
0
12
175

64.3
91.4
55.7
17.1
4.3
0
17.1

Total
n

434
429
250
35
48
0
35
1231

86.8
85.8
50
7
9.6
0
7

* Multiple answers

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.5 Resistance from family members in Bangladesh to migrate

With regard to resistance from family members to migrate, an overwhelming number
of men migrants (84.8%) and women migrants (90.4%) hardly faced any problems
from their families. On other hand, 15.2 men migrants had to face obstacle in contrast
to 9.6 per cent women migrants whom family members were reluctant to send them
abroad mainly due to insecurity issues in destination countries.
Figure 3.22
resistance

Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by whether they faced

100

90.4

84.8

80
60
Yes
40
20

No
15.2

9.6

0
Men migrants

Women migrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

With regard to persons creating obstacles or problems to migrate, in majority of the

cases of men migrants, majority of their siblings did not want them to migrate abroad
for work while in the case of majority of women migrants, husbands (54.17%)
forbade their wives to migrate. Among men migrants, parents and wives created
problems when they decided to migrate. Women faced problems from parents
(33.33%) and in-laws (20.83%) mainly due to conjugal problems that may happen for

79

long absence and 20.83 per cent siblings prohibited women migrants while 4.17 per
cent children did not want their mothers to go abroad.
Table 3.44 Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by persons who created
obstacles to migrate
Family members who
created obstacle to migrate*
Spouse
Parents
In-laws
Siblings
Children

Men migrants
n=38
%
6
15.79
7
18.42
25
65.79
-

Women migrants
n=24
%
13
54.17
8
33.33
5
20.83
5
20.83
1
4.17

*Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.6 Resistance from family members in India to migrate

About 66.3 per cent of the men migrants did not face any resistance compared to 77.1
per cent women migrants who faced resistance. Due to resistance especially from the
family, there were less female migrants. Although the women migrants decided to go,
regardless of the resistance they faced, it seemed likely that many women decided not
to go abroad just because of resistance.
Figure 3.23
resistance

Men and women migrants from India by whether they faced

77.1

80
66.3

70
60
50
40

Yes

33.7

30

22.9

No

20
10
0
Men migrants

Women migrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

With regard to resistance the migrants faced, both in case of 42 per cent men and 54.3
per cent women migrants, their spouses were against their going abroad. In case of
men migrants, their parents (22.8%) or the siblings (14%) often argued against
migration abroad. Also in-laws sometimes objected (7.9%). Moreover, especially
women sometimes faced problems from parents (5.7%) or in-laws (7.1%), 12.9 per
cent siblings prohibited women migrants, while none of the children objected to their
mothers going abroad. But 2.8 per cent children of men migrants objected the
migration of their fathers which may be due to the fact that in case of women migrants
the children were slightly in the older age group and independent while children of
men migrants were rather in younger age group.

80

Table 3.45

Men and women migrants from India by persons who created

obstacles to migrate

Family
members who
created
problems

Men migrants
n
%

Spouse
Parents
Parent-inlaws
Siblings
Children
Others
Total

181
98
34

42
22.8
7.9

36
4
5

60
12
45
430

14
2.8
10.5
100

9
0
14
70

Women migrants
n
%

Total
n

54.3
5.7
7.1

219
102
39

43.8
20.4
7.8

12.9
0
20
100

69
12
59
500

13.8
2.4
11.8
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.7 Various channels used for migration from Bangladesh

Of the various channels being used by men and women migrants, most migrants were
provided jobs abroad by recruiting agencies, 38.4 per cent among men and 35.6 per
cent among women migrants. As men were more mobile, they frequently took the
help of relatives (34.8%) and neighbours (23.6%) to process the migration abroad.
About 23.2 per cent women were also supported by their relatives and only 6 per cent
by neighbours. But women mostly relied on the informal channel of dalals and their
agents (36.4%). Unfortunately, very few men and women went abroad through the
formal government channel.
Table 3.46

Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by various channels used for

migration
Various channels of
Men migrants
Women migrants
migration *
n
%
n
%
Government
2
0.8
20
8.00
Manpower agencies
5
2.0
8
3.2
Recruiting agencies
96
38.4
89
35.6
Relatives
87
34.8
58
23.2
Neighbours
59
23.6
15
6.00
Own initiative
1
0.4
60
24.00
Dalals/agents
91
36.4
Travel agencies
1
0.4
Expatriate husband
2
0.8

* Multiple answers

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.8 Various channels used for migration from India

Of the various channels being used by men and women migrants, most migrants were
provided jobs abroad through manpower and travel agencies. Combined, 67.2% of the
men and 85.7% of the women migrants used these channels of migration. The main
difference between men and women is that women tended to rely more on relatives to
process the migration abroad (31.4% against only 12.6% for men). Unfortunately,
81

very few men (5.3%) went abroad through the formal government channel. However,
37.1 per cent women used this channel for migration. It is important to note that
especially women used more than one channel of migration, whereas most men relied
on one.
Table 3.47
migration

Men and women migrants from India by various channels used for

Various channel of
migration
Government
Manpower agencies
Travel agencies
Relative
Neighbours
Own initiatives
Others
Total

Men migrants
n
%
23
5.3
152
35.3
137
31.9
54
12.6
43
10
72
16.7
12
2.8
493

Women migrants
n
%
26
37.1
32
45.7
28
40
22
31.4
12
17.1
16
22.9
3
4.2
139

Total
n
49
184
177
76
55
88
15
632

%
9.8
36.8
35.4
15.2
11
17.6
3

* Multiple answers

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.9 Money spent on migration from Bangladesh

With regard to the amount of money being spent on migration, it seemed that women
had to spend far less money than men to migrate. While 68 per cent women migrants
had spent between taka 50,000 - 90,999, only 4 per cent men could go abroad with the
same amount. About 43.6 per cent men had spent between taka 200,000 - 299,999,
compared to only 2.8 per cent women who had spent the same amount. Moreover,
men had spent 3-5 lac and above while none of the women did not spent that amount
to migrate. Interestingly, about 6.4 per cent women had spent less than taka 50,000
while none of the men could go abroad in such lower rates.
Table 3.48
Men and women migrants from Bangladesh by amount of money
spent for migration purpose
Amount of money spent for
migration purpose (in taka)
Less than 50,000
50,000 90,999
100,000 - 199,999
200,000 - 299,999
300,000 - 399,999
400,000 - 499,999
More than 500,000
Total

Men migrants
n
%
10
4.0
59
23.6
109
43.6
58
23.2
6
2.4
8
3.2
250
100

Women migrants
n
%
16
6.4
170
68.00
57
22.8
7
2.8
250
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.10 Money spent on migration from India

82

With regard to the amount of money being spent on migration, it seemed that women
had to spend less money than men to migrate. While 45.7 per cent women migrants
spent less than Rs. 50,000, only 20.5 per cent men could go abroad with such little
costs. For most men it costed between Rs.50,000 - 90,000 to migrate. On the other
hand, almost all women however spent less than Rs. 70,000. Moreover, some men had
to spend over Rs. 110,000 while none of the women had to spend that amount to
migrate. It could mainly be due to their type of occupation abroad. Since many
women worked as housemaids, they probably did not have to bring a lot of things
since they probably were living with a host family. It was also possible that the
employers of women were more likely to pay for the women to migrate. Again, we
could not avoid the fact that agents were luring women to migrate and that maybe a
significant fact for women migrants not paying much for their migration. Given the
fact that the countries they migrate to were generally the same, the destination does
not seem to affect the cost spent on migrating.
Table 3.49

Men and women migrants from India by amount of money spent

for migration purpose

Amount of money
in Rupee
50,000 & below
50,001-70,000
70,001-90,000
90,001-110,000
110,001-130,000
Declined to Answer
Total

Men migrants
n
%
88
20.5
116
27
104
24.2
56
13
16
3.7
46
10.7
430
100

Women migrants
n
%
32
45.7
18
25.7
8
11.4
6
8.6
0
0
6
8.6
70
100

Total
n
120
134
112
62
16
52
500

%
24
26.8
22.4
12.4
3.2
10.4
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.11 Sources for arranging money for migration from Bangladesh

Men and women migrants had to manage money from various sources. As they were
unable to go abroad with their own savings, they had to take either loan from different
places and individuals or mortgage and sell their assets. About 30 per cent men and 54
per cent women used their own savings plus they had to manage the rest of the money
from other sources. Among men migrants, 54.8 per cent had to mortgage their land
followed by 31.6 per cent who managed to take from relatives living in the country,
and 7.6 per cent by selling land and only two men who took loans from relatives
living abroad. On the other hand, women migrants depended on various sources such
as 61.6 per cent had to take loans with high interest rates, followed by 38.4 per cent
took loan from relatives living in the country, 16.8 per cent who had to mortgage their
land, 16.4 per cent by selling of land and house, and 6.4 per cent who took loans from
relatives living abroad. Women also mortgaged their ornaments, they took loans from
friends, took money from their family members and close relatives.
Table 3.50

Men and women migrants from Bangladesh by sources of money

for migration purpose

Sources of money for migration

purpose *

Men migrants
n
%

83

Women migrants
n
%

Own savings
Mortgage of land
Selling of land and house
Loan with high interest rates
Loan from relatives living at homeland
Loan from relatives living abroad
Mortgage of ornaments
Loan from friends
Small amount taken as loan
Father's money
Husband's money
Brother's money
Money from brother staying abroad

75
162
19
27
79
2
-

30.0
54.8
7.6
10.8
31.6
0.8
-

135
42
41
154
96
16
2
2
7
2
4
5
1

54.00
16.8
16.4
61.6
38.4
6.4
0.8
0.8
2.8
0.8
1.6
2.00
0.4

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.7.12 Sources for arranging money for migration from India

Fairly similar results between men and women were found regarding the sources of
money used in order to pay for migration. For both men and women, mortgage of land
was the most common source of money (74.7% for men and 64.3 for women
migrants). Almost equally often they had to sell land (69.3 men and 61.4% women)
while 49.5 per cent men and 45.7 per cent women migrants used their own savings to
go abroad. Men and women both took loans but differed in the kind of loan they got.
Men mostly opted for loans with high interest rates from banks compared to women
who tended to get the money from relatives and probably had to pay less interest. This
is in congruence with the channel of migration discussed earlier. In that case women
also relied more on relatives than men did as they maintained closer relationships with
their family and friends. There were a handful of employers also funded their
migration and took them along when they left India. The most important thing to note
is that almost all migrants used more than one source in order to obtain the money
needed to migrate.
Table 3.51 Men and women migrants from India by sources of money for
migration purpose
Sources of money for
migration purpose *
Own savings
Mortgage of land
Selling of land
Loan with high interest
rates
Loan from relatives
living at homeland
Loan from relatives
living abroad who have
Total

Men migrants
n
213
321
298
187

%
49.5
74.7
69.3
43.5

Women
migrants
n
%
32
45.7
45
64.3
43
61.4
12
17.1

145

23.3

25

35.7

170

34

75

17.4

19

27.1

94

18.8

1239

176

* Multiple answers

84

Total
n
245
366
341
199

%
49
73.2
68.2
39.8

1415

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.8 Flow of Remittance

3.8.1 Flow of remittances of men and women migrants from Bangladesh
With regard to sending remittance, majority of both men (53.2%) and women (73.2%)
migrants sent money on quarterly basis. About 45.2 per cent men migrants sent
remittance on monthly, 0.4 per cent sent on yearly basis and 1.2 per cent had not sent
money. On the other hand, 10.8 per cent women migrants sent remittance on yearly
basis followed by 9.60 per cent who sent on monthly basis. However, 6.40 per cent
women migrants had not sent any money back home due to various reasons such as
some of them had divorced their husbands after going abroad, some saved money
abroad while others were deceived by their employers and did not get any salaries.
Figure 3.24

Men and women migrants by frequency of sending remittance

80

73.2

70
60
50

53.2

Monthly

45.2

40

Quarterly

30

Yearly

20

10.8

9.6

10

0.4 1.2

Men migrants

Not yet sent money

6.4

Women migrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.52

Men and women migrants by frequency of sending remittance

Frequency of sending
remittance
Monthly
Quarterly
Yearly
Not yet sent money
Total

Men migrants
n
%
113
45.2
133
53.2
1
0.4
3
1.2
250
100

Women migrants
n
%
24
9.60
183
73.20
27
10.80
16
6.40
250
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Monthly basis
Men migrants earned far more than women migrants abroad. Both men and women
migrants sent remittance to their family members left behind on monthly, quarterly
and yearly basis. Regarding amount of remittance sent on monthly basis, majority
women migrants (62.5%) sent taka 7,000 or less to their relatives compared to men
migrants (5.32%). About 30 per cent men migrants sent taka 10,001-15,000 per month

85

compared to women migrants (16.67%). At the same time, about 24.78 per cent men
migrants sent taka 15,001-20,000 per month compared to 8.33 women migrants
followed by 17.7 per cent men migrants sent taka 7,001-10,000 compared to 12.50
women migrants. However, about 23 percent men migrants sent more than taka
25,000 to their family members on monthly basis but there were none among woman
migrants.
Quarterly basis
Majority men and women migrants preferred to send remittance to their family
members on quarterly basis. Regarding amount of remittance sent on quarterly basis,
about 47.54 per cent women migrants sent remittance taka 20,001-25,000 on quarterly
basis compared to 19.55 per cent among men migrants followed by 26.23 per cent
women migrants sent remittance below taka 20,000 compared to 9.02 per cent men
migrants. At the same time, 18.58 per cent women migrants sent taka 25,001-30,000
after every three month compared to 12.79 per cent men migrants and 15.79 men
migrants sent taka 45,001-50,000 compared to 1.64 per cent among women migrants.
On the other hand, 18.8 per cent men migrants sent taka 50,001 or more while only
1.09 per cent women migrants were in the same category.
Table 3.53
Men and women migrants by amount of remittance sent on
monthly, quarterly or yearly basis to Bangladesh
Amount of
remittance
Monthly
7,000 & below
7001-10,000
10,001-15,000
15,001-20,000
20,001-25,000
25,001-30,000
30,001-35,000
35,001-40,000
40,001-45,000
45,001-50,000
50,001 & above
Total
Quarterly
Below 20,000
20,000-25,000
25,001-30,000
30,001-35,000
35,001-40,000
40,001-45,000
45,001-50,000
50,001 & above
Total
Yearly
Below 40,000
40,000-50,000
50,001 60,000
60,001 70,000

Men migrants

Women migrants
n
%

6
20
34
28
11
3
1
1
2
2
5
113

5.32
17.70
30.09
24.78
9.73
2.66
0.88
0.88
1.77
1.77
4.42
100

15
3
4
2
24

62.50
12.50
16.67
8.33
100

12
26
17
4
19
9
21
25
133

9.02
19.55
12.79
3.00
14.28
6.77
15.79
18.80
100

48
87
34
3
4
2
3
2
183

26.23
47.54
18.58
1.64
2.19
1.09
1.64
1.09
100

1
-

100
-

3
10
2
3

11.11
37.04
7.41
11.11

86

70,001 80,000
80,001 90,000
90,001 - 100,000
100,001 - 150, 000
190,001 - 200,000
200,000 & above
Total

100

1
3
2
1
2
9

3.70
11.11
7.41
3.70
7.41
33.33

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Yearly basis
Regarding amount of remittance sent on yearly basis, only one male migrant sent
remittance of taka 40,001-50,000 to his family members left behind. On the other
hand, 37.04 per cent women migrants sent taka 40,001-50,000 on yearly basis
followed by 11.11 per cent taka 60,001-70,000 and the same percentage sent taka
90,001-100,000, 7.41 per cent sent taka 50,001-60,000, while a few sent more than
taka 100,001 per year.
3.8.2 Flow of remittances of men and women migrants from India
Most migrants sent remittance home on a monthly basis. Other families received
money on a quarterly basis or only once year, but that occurred less often. The
amount of remittance sent depends on various factors like frequency and occupation.
As such the amount of remittance sent by the migrants varies to a great extent.
Surprisingly enough, it seemed that regardless the frequency, men tended to send
more money home. Although it is shown that women earned slightly more, but
actually women migrants did not get their salaries according to the contract. Most
men sent between Rs. 15,000 - 20,000 on a monthly basis compared to women it was
as low as Rs. 7,000 - 10,000. The same trend could also be seen regarding money sent
on a quarterly basis, Rs. 35,000 - 40,000 in case of men migrants and Rs. 25,00030,000 for women, and yearly basis (Rs.150,000 - 160,000 men and Rs. 90,000100,000 women).
Moreover, more women than men sent money on more than just monthly or quarterly
basis, 36.9 per cent of the women did so against 11.9 per cent of the men migrants.
This could also partially explain why it seemed at first sight that women sent less
money home.
Table 3.54 Men and women migrants by remittance sent on monthly, quarterly
or yearly basis to India
Remittance sent on
monthly, quarterly or
yearly basis
Monthly
Quarterly
Yearly
Total

Men migrants
n
385
61
20
466

%
89.5
14.2
4.7

Women
migrants
n
%
56
80
27
38.6
5
7.1
88

Total
n
441
88
25
554

%
88.2
17.6
5

Multiple answers

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

87

Figure 3.25 Men and women migrants by amount of remittance sent on

monthly basis to India
Amount of re mittance on a monthly basis

30,001-35,000

RemittanceinRs.

25,001-30,000
20,001-25,000
15,001-20,000
10,001-15,000
7001-10,000
< 7,000
0

10

20

30

40

50
Wom en

Percentages

Men

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.55

Men and women migrants by amount of remittance sent on

monthly, quarterly or yearly basis to India

Amount of
remittance
Monthly
7,000 & below
7001-10,000
10,001-15,000
15,001-20,000
20,001-25,000
25,001-30,000
30,001-35,000
35,001-40,000
Total
Quarterly
20,000-25,000
25,001-30,000
30,001-35,000
35,001-40,000
40,001-45,000
45,001-50,000
50,001 & above
Total
Yearly
70,001 - 80,000
80,001 - 90,000
90,001 - 100,000
100,001 - 150, 000
150,001 - 160,000

Men migrants
n
%

Women migrants
%

18
110
38
90
60
65
4

4.7
28.6
9.9
23.4
15.6
16.9
1

8
22
8
9
6
2
1

385

100

56

4
17
6
16
10
8

6.6
27.9
9.3
26.2
16.3
13.1

5
6
6
4
3
3

18.5
22.2
22.2
14.8
11.1
11.1

61

100

27

100

20

1
6
2
5

5
30
10
25

2
1
1

40
20
20

88

14.3
39.3
14.3
16.1
10.7
3.6
1.8

160,001 - 170,000

15

170,001 - 180,000
180,001 - 190,000
190,001 - 200,000
Total

15

20

100

100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.8.3 Channels through which remittances are sent to Bangladesh

With regard to channels of sending money, an overwhelming majority of men
(76.8%) and women migrants (64.8%) sent remittance through bank, by money
transfer through western union (10.4% men and 28.8% women migrants), sent
remittance through known persons living abroad (40.4% men and 2.8% women
migrants) and very few sent money through hundi. However, 1.2 per cent men and 6.4
per cent women migrants had not sent money at all as they had either not got their
salaries or had not been there long.
Figure 3.26
money

Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by channels of sending

80

76.8
Bank

70

64.8

60

Money
transfer/Western
Union
Through known
persons

50
40

40.4
28.8

30

Hundi

20
10

10.4
2.8 2.4

1.6 1.2

Men migrants

6.4

Women migrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.56
Bangladesh

Men and women migrants by channels of sending money to

Channels of sending
money
Bank
Money transfer/Western
Union
Through known persons
Hundi
Not yet sent money

Men migrants
n
%
192
76.8
26
10.4

Women migrants
n
%
162
64.8
72
28.8

101
4
3

7
6
16

40.4
1.6
1.2

2.8
2.4
6.4

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.8.4 Channels through which remittances are sent to India

89

Most remittances were sent through banks. There were overwhelming number of
migrants with bank accounts in their home country, 89.8 per cent men and 80 per cent
women migrants. However, about tenth of the migrants, slightly more women than
men, used private channel to sent money to India. Other channels like deposits,
money transfer or Hundi were not very popular.
Table 3.57

Men and women migrants by channels of sending money to India

Channel of sending
money*
Bank
Private
Deposits
Money transfer
Hundi
Other
Total

Men Migrants
n
386
30
10
20
2
4
452

Women Migrants
%
89.8
7
2.3
4.6
0.5
.9

n
56
8
64

%
80
11.4
-

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.8.5 Receiver of remittance from migrants in Bangladesh

With regard to recipient of the remittance, majority of men migrants (55.2%) sent
remittance to their spouse compared to 29.2 per cent among women migrants. About
36.4 per cent men migrants sent remittance to their fathers followed by 23.6 per cent
to their brothers, 10.8 per cent to their mothers, 4.4 per cent to their sisters while a
few sent money to their children, sister-in-law and cousin. On the other hand, 18.4 per
cent women migrants sent money to their fathers, 15.6 per cent to their mothers, 14.8
per cent preferred to send money to their brothers, 8.4 per cent to their children while
few women migrants also sent money to their in-laws, uncles, aunts, sisters and
cousins. Interestingly, one woman even sent money to her husband's second wife.
However, about 1.2 per cent men migrants and 6.4 per cent women migrants had not
yet sent money to their families.
Table 3.58 Men and women migrants by recipient of remittance in Bangladesh
Recipient of

Men migrants
remitt
ance

Spouse
Father
Mother
Brother
Sister
Father-in-law
Mother-in-law
Brother-in-law
Sister-in-law
Children
Sister's son
Uncle
Aunt
Cousin

138
91
27
59
11
1
10
1

55.2
36.4
10.8
23.6
4.4
0.4
4
0.4

90

Women migrants
n
%
73
46
39
37
7
6
3
5
2
21
1
8
1
-

29.2
18.4
15.6
14.8
2.8
2.4
1.2
2.00
0.8
8.4
0.4
3.2
0.4
-

Co-wife
Has not yet sent money

1.2

1
16

0.4
6.4

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.8.6 Receiver of remittances from migrants in India

Men migrants generally sent money to either their wives (73.9%) or their father
(25.3%). Other recipients except for brothers (6.8%) and mother (9.6%) were not that
common. The relatively high share that went to other blood relatives could be
explained from the existence of the joint family structure.
Figure 3.27 Men and women migrants by family members who receives the
remittance in India
Receiver of remittance
Adult children

Receiver

Brother-in-law
Sister
Father
Spouse
0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80
Wom en
Men

Percentages

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Majority of the women migrants also tended to send their money to their husbands
(61.2%) with a relatively large amount to the father of the migrant (22.1%). Brothers
(14.3%) and father-in-laws (12.8%) of women migrants often received money as well.
There was an obvious trend noticeable that both men and women tended to send
remittances to male family members.
Table 3.59 Men and women migrants by family members who receives the
remittance in India
Family
members who
receives the
remittance
Husband/wife
Mother
Father
Brother
Sister

Men migrants
n
%
318
41
109
29
15

Women migrants
n
%

73.9
9.6
25.3
6.8
3.4

43
5
15
10
6

91

61.2
6.7
22.1
14.3
7.7

Total
n
361
46
124
39
21

%
72.2
9.2
24.8
7.8
4.2

Father-in-law
Mother-in-law
Brother-in-law
Sister-in-law
Adult children
Total

3
0
6
6
8
535

.6
0
1.4
1.4
1.9

9
0
1
2
2
93

12.8
0
1.4
2.8
2.8

12
0
7
8
10
628

2.4
0
1.4
1.6
2

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.8.7 Family members dependent on the remittances in Bangladesh

About 3-4 family members of 47.6 per cent men migrants and 38.4 per cent women
migrants were dependant on the remittance followed by 5-6 family members of 27.6
per cent of both men and women migrants. A few households had 1-2 members, who
were dependant on remittance, 14 per cent households of men migrants compared to
17.2 per cent households of women migrants. Larger families were few in numbers as
such 7.2 per cent of men migrants and 10.8 per cent women migrant families had 7-8
members who were dependant on remittance. About 3.6 per cent families of both men
and women migrants had 9-10 members who were dependant on remittance.
However, about 2.4 per cent families of women migrants did not have any person who
depended on remittance.
Figure 3.28 Men and women migrants by number of family members dependant
on the remittance in Bangladesh
50

47.6
38.4

40
30

27.6

3-4

27.6

20

5-6
7-8

17.2

14
10

1-2

7.2

10.8
3.6

0
Men migrants

9-10

3.6 2.4

No one is dependent

Women migrants

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.60 Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by number of family

members dependant on the remittance
Number of family
members dependent on the
remittances
1-2
3-4
5-6
7-8
9-10
No one is dependant
Total

Men migrants
n
%
35
119
69
18
9
250

14
47.6
27.6
7.2
3.6
100

92

Women migrants
n
%
43
96
69
27
9
6
250

17.2
38.4
27.6
10.8
3.6
2.4
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.8.8 Family members dependent on the remittances in India

Though the families of women migrants were generally smaller, this does not show in
the number of family members that were dependent on the remittances. This could be
because although the families of men migrants were larger, they also had more
breadwinners. As a consequence, less people were dependent on the remittances send
to India from abroad. In most cases (55%) for both men and women migrants, there
were usually three to four family members who were dependent on the remittances.
Moreover, dependency of just one or two family members was also common (about
40%).
Figure 3.29
Men and women migrants by number of family members
dependent on the remittances in India

Num
berof fam
ilym
em
bers

Number of family members dependent on the

remittances

7 or 8
5 or 6
3 or 4
1 or 2
0

20

40

60

Percentages

Women
Men

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.61
Men and women migrants of India by number of family members
dependent on the remittance
Number of family
members
dependent on the
remittance
1-2
3-4
5-6
7-8
Total

Men migrants
n
%
177
236
13
4
430

Women migrants
n
%

41.1
54.9
3
0.9
100

27
39
4
0
70

38.6
55.7
5.7
0
100

Total
n

204
275
17
4
500

40.8
55
3.4
.8
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.8.9 Purpose for which remittances are used by family members in Bangladesh

93

With regard to the purposes remittance was used by family members left behind,
overwhelming majority of family members of men (97.2%) and women migrants
(88.8%) used remittance for family maintenance. Most of the women migrants
managed their migration expenditure by taking loans at high interest. A significant
number of women migrants' family members (64.8%) used the remittance to repay
loans taken during migration compared to men migrants' family members only
(19.2%). About 68.4 per cent family members of men migrants spent remittance for
medical treatment compared to 47.2 per cent among women migrants followed by
39.6 per cent family members of men migrants used remittance for education of
children while 47.2 per cent of women migrants. However, 17.6 per cent family
members of both men and women migrants used remittance for building new houses.
About 10.4 per cent family members of men migrants used remittance in
reconstruction of house, 8 per cent had savings for daughter's marriage, 6 per cent
used remittance to purchase land and only a few used for business purpose. On the
other hand, 12 per cent family members of women migrants spent remittance to
purchase land, 10.4 per cent had savings for daughter's marriage and 5.2 percent for
business purpose. Moreover, family members of women migrants used remittance for
some additional purposes as such 36 per cent spent remittance in festivals, 3.2 per
cent for dowry payment and 2.4 per cent for migration of family members, only a few
saved for migrant's marriage. It was remarkable that 6.4 per cent women migrants had
not sent remittance to their family members.
Table 3.62 Men and women migrants of Bangladesh by purpose for which
remittance are used by family members
Purpose of remittance
used by family members*
Family maintenance
Education of children
Medical treatment
Reconstruction of house
Building new house
Purchasing land
Savings for daughter's
marriage
Dowry payment
Repayment of loans taken
during migration
Business purpose
Spent in festivals
Migration of family
members
Savings for migrant's
marriage
Have not yet sent money

Family members of men

migrants
n
%
243
97.2
99
39.6
171
68.4
26
10.4
44
17.6
15
6
20
8

Family members of
women migrants
n
%
222
88.8
118
47.2
122
48.8
3
1.2
44
17.6
30
12.00
26
10.4

48

19.2

8
162

3.2
64.8

1
-

0.4
-

13
90
6

5.2
36
2.4

0.4

16

6.4

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

94

3.8.10 Purpose for which the remittance are used by family members
in India
The remittances that was sent home was used for multiple purposes. However, most
part of the remittances were used for family maintenance, 92.6 per cent of the men
and 82.9 per cent of the family members of the women migrants used the money for
this purpose. The second purpose among family members of both gender was the
education of the children (approximately 63% in both cases). A lot of families also
used the remittance to save for their daughters marriage, 57.1 per cent among
families of women migrants against 43.3 per cent of mens families. Family members
of men migrants also tended to spend the money on medical treatment (36.7%), to
build a new house (38.6%) or to repay loans (35.3%). Family members of women
migrants also used the remittance for these purposes, but to a lesser extent.
Figure 3.30
India

Purpose for which the remittance are used by family members in

Purposes for which remittances are used
Repayment of loans

Savings for daughter's marriage

Purpose

Purchasing land
Building new house
Reconstruction of house
Medical treatment
Education of children
Family maintenance
0

20

40

60

80

100
Women

Percentages

Men

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Table 3.63
Men and women migrants by purposes for which remittance are
used by family members
Purposes remittance
are used by family
members *
Family maintenance
Education of children
Medical treatment
Reconstruction of
house
Building new house
Purchasing land
Savings for daughter's
marriage
Repayment of loans

Family
members of
men migrants
n
%
398
92.6

Family members
of women
migrants
n
%
58
82.9

Total

n
456

%
91.2

272
158
80

63.3
36.7
18.6

44
20
2

62.9
28.6
2.9

316
178
82

63.2
35.6
16.4

166
64
186

38.6
14.9
43.3

10
10
40

14.3
14.3
57.1

176
74
226

35.2
14.8
45.2

152

35.3

18

25.7

170

34

95

taken during
migration
Business purpose
Spent in festivals
Usury business
Total

6
22
4
1508

1.4
5.1
.9

4
2
0
196

5.7
2.9
0

10
24
4
1704

2
4.8
.8

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.9 Problems in destination countries

3.9.1 Problems in destination countries of migrants from Bangladesh
With regard to facing problems in the destination countries, both men and women
migrants faced various problems abroad. Women migrants were treated more badly
than men migrants by the employers. They hardly had freedom to move outside the
employer's residence as they wished. An overwhelming majority of men migrants
(97.2%) had to deposit passport, job contract to employers compared to 57.2 per cent
women migrants. Majority women migrants (58.4%) were not paid salary properly
according to job contracts compared to men migrants (9.6%). A significant number of
women migrants (55.6%) suffered from no overtime payment followed by long
working hours (52.4%) and no fixed working hours (47.2%). Men migrants also faced
the same problems such as working for long hours (24.4%) followed by no overtime
payment (14.4%) and no fixed hours (2.4%). However, women migrants were facing
other problems more acutely than men migrants like exploitative working
environment (30%), unsuitable physical environment (30%), food not habituated to
take (19.2%), migrants perceived as inferiors (18.8%), abuse of employers (16.8%),
lack of dignity from employers (16%) and degrading behaviour (15.6%). In addition,
women migrants (13.2%) had to work in hazardous, risky work environment (13.2%)
followed by housing problems (11.2%) and they (3.2%) were also sexually exploited
at workplace.
Table 3.64 Men and women migrants from Bangladesh by problems faced by
migrants in the destination countries
Problems faced by migrants in the
destination countries*

Men migrants
n
%
243
97.2

Passport, job contract and other relevant

documents are taken by the agent
aboard/employer
Salary are not paid according to job
contracts
Housing problems
Hazardous, risky work environment
Exploitative working environment
Long working hours
No fixed hours
No overtime payment
Lack of proper medical treatment
Health problems like HIV/AIDS, hepatitis,

96

Women migrants
n
%
143
57.2

24

9.6

146

58.4

12
5
8
61
6
36
8
-

4.8
2.0
3.2
24.4
2.4
14.4
3.2
-

28
33
75
131
118
139
74
10

11.2
13.2
30
52.4
47.2
55.6
29.6
4

diabetics, etc.

Misconduct/abuse of employers
Insufficient food/food not habituated to take
Degrading behaviour
Lack of dignity from employers
Physical environment not suitable like desert,
rubber plantation, heat, etc.
Migrants perceived as inferiors/slaves
Isolation/confinement
Accident
Not allowed to phone
Sexual exploitation
Had no problem they stayed for 4-5 years

5
21
4
1
2

2.0
8.4
1.6
0.4
0.8

42
48
39
40
75

16.8
19.2
15.6
16
30

1
-

0.4
-

47
5
2
1
8
3

18.8
2
0.8
0.4
3.2
1.2

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.9.2 Problems in destination countries of migrants from India

The problems faced by migrants in destination countries were very diverse. Both
gender encountered problems regarding salary and working hours. More than 41 per
cent of the men and 25.7 per cent of the women had to work long hours. Often they
were not getting paid for their overtime work among 29.3 per cent of the men and 20
per cent of the women migrants. Related to this issue was that 25.7 per cent of women
and 33 per cent of men migrants stated that they do not have fixed working hours. In
other cases the migrants were paid less than was stated in the contract (15.8% for men
and 11.4% for women migrants).
Interestingly, only one woman migrant was asked to hand over her passport, job
contract and other relevant documents compared to 18.2 per cent men migrants. Some
of them felt like they hardly had freedom to move outside the employer's residence as
they wished. Several men experienced a hazardous (8.9%) and exploitative (12.1%)
working environment. This was less a problem for women (2.9%) because of the
nature of their work.
Another problem that women as well as men encountered had to do with housing
(12.8% women and 10.7% men). Also there were complaints about the amount of
food they are provided by their employers (18.4% for men and 11.4% for women
migrants).
As many women migrant workers work as housemaids, it is not surprising that quite a
few of them experienced the feeling of isolation and confinement (31.4%). On the
other hand, men migrants experience these feelings even to a greater extent (35.6%).
A particular problem for women migrants was that physical environment was not
suitable and as such 3 women came back early.
The 430 men in this study faced in total 1,057 problems, about 2.5 problems a person.
On the other hand, women migrants on average encountered 2 problems per person
which could be explained by the nature of the job they are involved, but this should be
further studied. Finally it is important to also acknowledge that several migrants had a
successful time abroad since 19 per cent of the women and 15 per cent of the men
migrants did not report any problems at all.

97

Table 3.65 Men and women migrants from India by problems faced by
migrants in the destination countries
Problems faced by migrants in
the destination countries*
Passport, job contract and other
relevant documents are taken by
the agent aboard/employer
Salary are not paid according to
job contracts
Housing problems
Hazardous, risky work
environment
Exploitative working
environment
Long working hours
No fixed hours
No overtime payment
Lack of proper medical
treatment
Health problems like
HIV/AIDS, hepatitis, diabetics,
etc.
Misconduct/abuse of employers
Insufficient food/food not
habituated to take
Degrading behaviour
Lack of dignity from employers
Physical environment not
suitable like desert, rubber
plantation, heat, etc.
Migrants perceived as
inferiors/slaves
Isolation/confinement
Total

Men migrants
n
78

%
18.2

Women
migrants
n
%
1
1.4

Total

68

15.8

11.4

76

15.2

46
38

10.7
8.9

9
2

12.8
2.9

55
40

11
8

52

12.1

2.9

54

10.8

178
142
126
32

41.4
33
29.3
7.5

18
18
14
3

25.7
25.7
20
4.3

196
160
140
35

39.2
32
28
7

1.9

1,4

1.8

12
79

2.8
18.4

0
8

0
11.4

12
87

2.4
17.4

6
12
20

1.4
2.8
4.7

0
1
10

0
1.4
14.3

6
13
30

1.2
2.6
6

1.4

1.4

1.6

153
1057

35.6

22
145

31.4

175
1202

35

n
79

%
15.8

* Multiple answers

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Figure 3.31 Problem faces in destination countries of men and women migrants
from India

98

Problems faced abroad

Percentages

Isolation/confinement

Physical
environment

Food problems

No overtime payment

No fixed hours

Long working hours

Exploitative
environment

Hazardous work

Housing problems

Salary not according

to contract

Passport taken

45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0

Men
Women

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.10 Impacts on Family Members Left Behind

3.10.1 Positive impacts on family members left behind in Bangladesh
There were some positive impacts on family members of men migrants. About 423
family members enjoyed economic solvency, of whom 36.88 per cent were male
members, 48.94 per cent female members and 7.09 per cent among both boys and
girls. Economic solvency brought about increase in status and dignity of family
members, especially of 53.64 per cent male members. On the other hand, educational
status increased for both boys (30.6%) and girls (24.49%). Family members especially
the elderly and children were provided better medical treatment. At the same time,
family members were well provided with better clothing and better food.
Table 3.66 Men migrants by positive impacts on family members left behind in
Bangladesh
Positive impact on
family members*

n
156

%
36.8

n
207

%
48.94

Children
Boy
Girl
n
%
n
%
30 7.09 30 7.09

Increase in
status/dignity
Increase in educational
status
Better medical
treatment
Better clothing

81

53.6

62

41.06

3.31

1.98

15

100

24

24.4

20

20.41

30

30.6

24

24.4

98

100

16

25.8

24

38.71

12

19.3

10

16.1

62

100

14

42.4

12

36.36

12.1

9.10

33

100

Better food

66.6

8.33

16.6

8.33

12

100

Economic solvency

Male

Female

Total
n
42

%
100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

99

There were some positive impacts on family members of women migrants. About 393
family members enjoyed economic solvency, of which 37.15 per cent were male
members, 30.79 per cent female members, 15.52 per cent boys and 16.54 per cent
girls. Economic solvency brought about increase in status and dignity of family
members, especially of 45.41 per cent male members. On the other hand, educational
status increased both for boys (34.24%) and girls (32.43%). Family members
especially the elderly and children were provided better medical treatment. At the
same time, family members were also provided with better clothing of which 32.38
per cent were male members, 40.95 per cent female members and few children
enjoyed better clothing. About 50 per cent female members, 33.93 per cent male
members and few children enjoyed better food. Moreover, 36 female members gained
empowerment. About 8 family members of women migrants migrated of which 37.5
per cent were male members, 50 per cent were female members and 12.5 per cent
boys. Economic solvency also encouraged 71.43 per cent male members and 28.57
per cent female members to undertake business initiatives. There were changes in the
behaviour of some family members such as smartness and change in lifestyle and
moreover they became familiar as they gained new information of destination
countries.
Table 3.67 Women migrants by positive impacts on family members in
Bangladesh
Positive impact
Male
on family
members *
n
%
Economic solvency 146 37.15

Female
n
121

%
30.79

Children
Boy
Girl
n
%
n
%
61 15.5
65 16.54

Total
n

%
100

Increase in
status/dignity
Increase in
educational status
Better medical
treatment
Better clothing

99

45.41

87

39.91

16

7.34

16

7.34

393
218

100

14

12.61

23

20.72

38

34.2

36

32.43

111

100

40

32

63

50.4

7.2

13

10.4

125

100

34

32.38

43

40.95

13

12.3

15

14.29

105

100

Better food
Undertaking
business
initiatives/small
business
Payment of dowry
Behavioral change
namely smartness,
life style, etc.
Higher
aspiration of
relatives and
neighbours
Women
empowerment
Increase of
information of

19
5

33.93
71.43

28
2

50
28.57

3
-

5.36
-

6
-

10.71
-

56
7

100
100

27

38.57

5
25

71.43
35.72

13

18.5

2
5

28.57
7.14

7
70

100
100

47

37.30

55

43.65

11

8.73

13

10.32

126

100

36

100

36

100

49

34.03

65

45.14

11

7.64

19

13.19

144

100

100

the outside
world/abroad
Providing jobs
abroad

37.5

50

12.5

100

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.10.2 Positive impacts on family members left behind in India

Figure 3.32 Positive impacts on family members left behind in India
Positive impacts of migration on family members left behind
Increas e of inform ation of world
Wom en empowerm ent
Behavioral change
Paym ent of dowry
Better food
Better clothing
Better medical treatm ent
Increas e in educational s tatus
Increas e in s tatus /dignity
Economic s olvency
Women

10

20

Men

30
40
50
Percentages

60

70

80

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

There were some positive impacts on family members of men and women migrants.
About 50 per cent of the family members of men migrants and 71.4 per cent of the
family of women migrants enjoyed economic solvency. Economic solvency brought
about increase in status and dignity of family members which was especially in the
case for family members of women migrants. Family members of men as well as
women migrants were provided with better medical treatment (11.2% vs. 20%), better
clothing (27.9% vs. 34.3%) and better food (35.3% vs. 25.7%). About 33.5 per cent
family members of men migrants and 45.7 per cent family members of women
migrants experienced increase in educational status. Also in other areas there were
positive impacts, like funds for starting a business, behavioral changes and an increase
of knowledge of the outside world.
In some case women empowerment was also reported, especially in the context of
joint families with mother or mother-in-law as the head of the household and in
nuclear families where the wife of men migrant was left behind with her children.
Table 3.68 Men and women migrants by positive impacts on family members in
India
Positive impact on
family members*

Economic solvency

Family members of
men migrants
n
216

%
50.2

101

Family members
of women
migrants
n
%
50
71.4

Total

n
266

%
53.2

Increase in
status/dignity
Increase in educational
status
Better medical
treatment
Better clothing
Better food
Undertaking business
initiatives/small
business
Payment of dowry
Behavioral change
namely smartness, life
style, etc.
Higher aspiration of
relatives and
neighbours
Women empowerment
Increase of
information of the
outside world/abroad
Providing jobs abroad
Total

82

19.1

32

45.7

114

22.8

144

33.5

32

45.7

176

35.2

48

11.2

14

20

62

12.4

120
152
6

27.9
35.3
1.4

24
18
0

34.3
25.7
0

144
170
6

28.8
34
1.2

28
14

6.5
3.3

8
8

11.4
11.4

36
22

7.2
4.4

10

2.3

2.9

12

2.4

54
90

12.6
20.9

8
22

11.4
31.4

62
112

12.4
22.4

10
974

2.3

4
222

5.7

14
1196

2.8

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.10.3 Negative impacts on family members left behind in Bangladesh

Compared to various positive impacts on family members, loneliness was the most
identified negative impact by both males (34.58%) and females (48.24%) while
children also missed their fathers. There were very few unfortunate incidents of
divorce by male and female members. Absence of proper childcare of a girl was also
identified. With regard to boy children, migration of the male head affected their
schooling. For some families there were family feud, which created problems for both
male and female members.
Table 3.69
Bangladesh

Men migrants by negative impacts on family members in

102

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Compared to various positive impacts on family members of women migrants,

loneliness was the most identified negative impact among 320 family members, of
whom 45.94 per cent were male members, 31.88 per cent female members and 22.18
per cent girls. There were few unfortunate incidents of divorce by male and female
members. However, 96.67 per cent male members and 3.33 per cent female members
remarried for the second time. About 89.48 per cent male members had extramarital
relationship when their wives were working abroad. Women migration also created
family feud and break up of family life. About 51.35 per cent male members, 45.95
per cent female members and 2.70 per cent girls were affected by family feud. At the
same time, about 67.86 per cent male members, 28.57 per cent female members and
3.57 per cent girls had faced break up of family life. Moreover, women migration also
deprived children of getting proper child care and affected schooling of children.
Table 3.70
Bangladesh

Women migrants by negative impacts on family members in

103

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.10.4 Negative impacts on family members left behind in India

There are also some negative impacts on family members left behind that are worth
mentioning.
Especially family members of women migrants experienced feelings of loneliness
(72.9% women migrants compared to 57.2% men migrants). Possible because the
women were an important figure in the small families they come from. Divorce or
extra marital relationship was not reported in any of the migrants families. Though
there were few cases of family life break ups. The presence of a negative impact like
family feud (5.8% men and 2.9% women) was reported mainly from the families of
men migrants where bothers and sister-in-laws opposed taking care of migrants
family members, especially children.
Figure 3.33 Men and women migrants by negative impacts on family members
in India

104

Negative im pacts on fam ily m em bers

Percentages

80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Loneliness

Absence of
proper childcare

Affects
schooling
children

Family feud

Breakup of
family life
Men
Women

Im pact

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Other aspects that particularly affected family members of male migrants was the
absence of proper childcare (39.4% women 47.6% men), problem with the schooling
of children (35.3% men and 38.3% women migrants). In spite of these negative
outcomes, it seems reasonable to say that on average the positive aspects outweigh the
negative ones.
Table 3.71
in India

Men and women migrants by negative impacts on family members

Negative impacts on
family members *
Loneliness
Divorce
Remarriage
Extra marital relationship
Absence of proper
childcare
Affect on schooling of
children
Family feud
Breakup of family life
Total

Men migrants
n
246
0
1
0
169

%
57.2
0
.2
0
39.4

Women
migrants
n
%
51
72.9
0
0
0
0
0
0
36
47.6

Total

152

35.3

27

38.6

179

35.8

25
2
595

5.8
.5

2
3
119

2.9
4.3

27
5
714

5.4
1

n
297
0
1
0
205

%
59.4
0
.2
0
41

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.10.5 Problems faced by family members left behind in Bangladesh

There were various problems faced by family members who were left behind by men
migrants. The most identified problem was the lack of communication between the
men migrants abroad with their family members at home, especially 54.72 per cent
female members compared to 37.74 per cent male members. However, children faced
fewer problems than others. About 53.64 per cent female members also had monetary
105

problems either when the remittance sent by men migrants was controlled by other
male members of the family or when insufficient money was sent. Some of them had
to repay the loan that was taken by the men while going abroad and it created pressure
back home. At the same time, many of them said that they got the money quite late
from abroad, 65.79 per cent among male members and 34.21 per cent among female
members. Few female members faced problems related to social security and some
children faced social stigmatization.
Table 3.72 Men migrants by problems faced by family members left
behind

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

There were various problems faced by family members left behind by women
migrants. The most identified problem was monetary problem as most of the women
migrants took loans at high interest to cover expenses to be incurred for migration.
Family members had to repay the loans and it created pressure back home. Other
remarkable problem is lack of communication between the women migrants abroad
and their family members at home. About 30.92 per cent male members, 34.21 per
cent female members, 17.11 per cent boys and 17.76 per cent girls suffered from lack
of communication. Family members of women migrants also had pressure for
repayment of loans taken by the women migrants and usurers used to pressurize 196
family members of whom 60.72 per cent were male members, 34.18 per cent were
female members while children faced less problems. At the same time, many of them
said that they got the money quite late from abroad, 46.48 per cent male members and
49.29 per cent female members. In addition, few male members of women migrants'
families had to take care of their children, to cook food and to do household chores.
Table 3.73 Women migrants by problems faced by family members left behind

106

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.10.6 Problems faced by family members left behind in India

With regard to the problems faced by the family members of migrants who are left
behind, interestingly not all family members reported problems. However, the main
problem for family members of men migrants was that relatively often they had to
wait a long time before they got their money from abroad (25.8%). This is probably
related to another problem that they faced which were monetary problems (18.6%
among family members of the men migrants). Family members of women migrants
also encountered some monetary problems (11.4%). They struggled more (20%) with
the pressure to repay the loans that were taken during migration compared to 8.6 per
cent among families of men migrants. Another problem that women migrants
families encountered was social stigma towards the migrants children (14.3%). Other
issues involved lack of communication, lack of social security and bad behaviour
from family members.
Table 3.74 Men and women migrants by problems faced by family members
left behind in India
Problems faced by family

Men migrants

107

Women

Total

members left behind *

Monetary problem
Lack of communication
Pressure for repayment of
loan taken by migrant
Late in getting money from
abroad
Bad behaviour from family
members/in-laws
Lack of social security
Social stigma towards
migrants' children
Total

n
80
32
37

%
18.6
7.4
8.6

migrants
n
%
8
11.4
2
2.9
29
20

111

25.8

2.9

14

3.2

2
26

0.4
6

4
10

302

55

n
88
34
66

%
17.6
6.8
13.2
22.6

11
3
14

5.7
14.3

6
36

1.2
7.2

35
7

100

2.8

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.10.7 Coping strategies of migrants families left behind in Bangladesh

With regard to coping strategies of family members of men migrants, most frequently
cited was frequent communication, especially of 56.06 per cent female members and
31.82 per cent male members and few children. Only female members of two
households employed maids to do various household chores.
Table 3.75
Bangladesh

Men migrants by coping strategies of family members in

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

Regarding coping strategies of family members of women migrants, most frequently

mentioned was frequent communication among 399 family members of whom 31.83
per cent were male members, 22.56 per cent female members, 21.05 per cent boys and
24.56 per cent girls. Migration caused 14 divorce incidents of which 50 per cent
among male members, 35.71 per cent female members and 14.29 per cent young boys
ended their bondage of conjugal life where their young wives had left for employment
abroad. On the other hand, 93.75 per cent male members and 6.25 per cent female
members remarried to cope with changed situation. About 73 family members hoped
for a better life of migrants and themselves among them 50.68 per cent were male
108

members, 35.62 per cent female members and 6.85 per cent both for boys and girls.
However, 57.14 per cent girl children and 14.29 per cent boy children stayed in their
grandparents residence while one female member went to live with her parents and one girl
child had stopped going to school because she had to cook and doing other household chores.

Table 3.76
Bangladesh

Women migrants by coping strategies of family members in

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.10.8 Coping strategies of migrants families left behind in India

In order to deal with the problems that arose from the absence of the migrants,
families came up with different strategies. The most common strategy used by family
members of both men (55.1%) and women (65.7%) migrants was frequent
communication. Wives of men migrants often chose to live with the parents instead
(2.8%). In 2.1 per cent cases of women migrants housemaids were appointed to do
cooking, child care, looking after elders, etc.
Table 3.77
in India

Men and women migrants by coping strategies of family members

Coping strategies of
family members *
Frequent

Men migrants
n
%
237
55.1

109

Women migrants
n
%
46
65.7

Total
n
%
283
56.6

communication
Wives go to live with
parents
Employing maids to do
cooking, childcare,
looking after elders,
etc.
Re-marriage
Divorce
Total

12

2.8

0.0

12

2.4

2.1

1.8

1
0
250

.2
0

0
0
55

0
0

1
0
305

.2
0

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.11 Communication of migrants with family members back home

3.11.1 Modes of communication of migrants from Bangladesh
With regard to mode of communications with family members, both of men and
women migrants usually talked to their family members over phone. About 100 per
cent men migrants and 98.01 per cent women migrants communicated with their
family members left behind over mobile phone. However, 2 per cent men migrants
and 3.6 per cent women migrants visited their family members back in the country. In
addition, 1.6 percent women migrants communicated with family members by
sending letters, whereas 1.6 per cent women migrants did not communicate.
Table 3.78 Men and women migrants by mode of communications with family
members stating frequency in Bangladesh
Mode of
communications
with family
members *
Letter
Phone
E-mail
Visits
Do not communicate

Men migrants
%

Women migrants
n
%

250
5
-

100
2
-

4
246
9
4

1.6
98.01
3.6
1.6

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.11.2 Modes of communication of migrants from India

With regard to mode of communication with family members, lot of men and women
migrants talked to their family members over the phone. About 87.6 per cent men
migrants and 91.4 per cent women migrants communicated with their family members
left behind over the phone. None of the migrants made visits to India. Women
migrants occasionally communicated with home by sending letters (4.3%) or by
sending emails (5.4%). Men tended to do this to a lesser extent (2.3%) used the mail
and 3.7 per cent used the electronic mail.

110

Table 3.79

Men and women migrants by mode of communications with family

members stating frequency in India

Mode of
communications
with family
members *
Letter
Fax
Phone
E-mail
Visits
Others
Total

Men migrants
n

10
1
377
16
0
1
405

2.3
0.2
87.6
3.7
0
.2

Women
migrants
n
%
3
0
64
4
0
71

4.3
0.0
91.4
5.4
0

Total
n

13
1
441
20
0

2.6
.2
88.2
4
0

476

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.12 Decision making and changing roles of family members

3.12.1 Decision making roles of men and women migrants of Bangladesh
Regarding decision-making role in the family back home, an overwhelming majority
of 99.6 per cent men and 78.8 per cent women migrants had decisive role in deciding
the usage of remittance. About 44 per cent men migrants decided on buying land and
property compared to only 18 per cent women migrants. On the other hand, women
migrants made decisions on education of children (40.8%), followed by health and
medical treatment of family members especially the elderly and children (36.4%),
building house (14.8%), loan the payment (12%), marriage and children (10.4%), and
migration of other family members (7.6%). On the other hand, there were few men
migrants who decided on building houses (9.2%), education of children (9.2%), health
and medical treatment of family members (8.8%). There were also few women
migrants (6.4%) had no decision-making role as they could not sent any money to
their families back home.
Table 3.80 Men and women migrants by decision-making role in the family in
Bangladesh
Role of decision-making of
migrants*
Usage of remittance
Buying of land/property
Building house
Education of children
Health and medical treatment
Marriage of children
Migration of other family
members
Loan repayment
No decision making role because

Men migrants
n
%
249
99.6
11
44
23
9.2
23
9.2
22
8.8

Women migrants
n
%
197
78.8
45
18
37
14.8
102
40.8
91
36.4
26
10.4
19
7.6
30
16

111

12
6.4

they cannot send remittance

Total

250

100

250

100

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.12.2 Decision making roles of men and women migrants of India

Male migrants were consulted on three particular issues in order to help make a
decision. They were involved in the marriage of their children (85.6%) followed
health and medical treatment of family members (75.3%). Also men migrants
partially decided which of the other family members should or should not migrate
(47.9%), migration of other family members (47.9%), education of children (8.1%),
use of remittance (5%) and the acquisition of land or a house (7.4%).
Women were involved in more areas. Besides the marriage of children (41.4%) and
the migration of other family members (47.1%), lot of them were also involved in the
decision of what to do with the remittance (45.7%). Women migrants turned out to be
highly involved when it came to buying land/new property (42.9%) or the
construction of a new house (34.3%).
Table 3.81
in India

Men and women migrants by role of decision-making of the family

Role of decisionmaking of the family

*
Use of remittance
Buying of land/
property
Building house
Education of children
Health and medical
treatment
Marriage of children
Migration of other
family members
Others specify
Total

Men migrants
n
%

Women migrants
n
%

Total
n

21

4.9

32

45.7

53

10.6

32
3
35

7.4
0.7
8.1

30
24
8

42.9
34.3
11.4

62
27
43

12.4
5.4
8.6

324
368

75.3
85.6

1
29

0.6
41.4

325
397

65
79.4

206
7
996

47.9
1.6

33
8
165

47.1
4.8

212
42
1161

42.4
8.4

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.12.3 Changing roles of family members in Bangladesh

With regard to the changing role of the family members of men migrants, there were
increase in decision-making power, taking their children and sick persons while
female members were going outside their homes and male members were involved in
small businesses. However, there was sharp difference between the roles of male and
female family members. Among 53.13 per cent male family members there were

112

increase in decision-making power compared to 46.87 per cent among female family
members. Only a few male members were involved in small businesses. On the other
hand, a handful of female family members were going outside their homes for various
household needs and taking children in school and taking sick family members to
hospitals.
Table 3.82
Bangladesh

Men migrants by changing role of family members in the family in

Changing role in the

family *
Increase in decisionmaking power
Involvement in small
business
Women going outside
for family needs
Taking children to
schools

Male family
members
n
%
204
53.13

Female family
members
n
%
180
46.87

Total
n
384

%
100

100

100

22

100

22

100

7.14

13

92.86

14

100

Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.12.4 Changing roles of family members in India

The decision of the migrant, often one of the most important figures in the household,
to go abroad was likely to put the other family members into different positions and
roles. The person that often made the decisions was gone more so if he or she was
heading the household. Family members of both men and women migrants
experienced to a great extent that their decision-making power became more
important (75.8% for men and 65.7% for women family members). Also other
members were now responsible for taking the children to school (41.4% men and
34.3% women) and taking sick persons to the hospital (respectively 32.1% vs.
17.1%). Especially family members of women migrants noted a change in the amount
of economic work they could do (14.3%). It was probably because in some cases, the
woman was the breadwinner and as she was the one that is abroad. Moreover, in both
categories, almost 20 per cent had to start preparing food for rest of the family
members.
Table 3.83
Family members of men and women migrants by changing role in
the family in India
Changing role in the family *

Increase in decision-making
power
Involvement in small business
Handicraft and cottage industry
Doing less economic work
Cooking

Men migrants
n
326

%
75.8

Women
migrants
n
%
46
65.7

42
10
20
79

9.8
2.3
4.7
18.4

6
0
9
14

113

8.6
0
14.3
19.5

Total
n
372

%
74.4

48
10
29
93

9.6
2
5.8
18.6

Taking children to schools

Taking sick persons to
hospitals
Total

178
138

41.4
32.1

793

24
12

34.3
17.1

202
150

111

40.4
30

904

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.12.5 Changing roles in the community of the men and women left behind by
migrants in Bangladesh
With regard to the changing role of family members of men migrants in the
community, there were increase in status and position, involvement in social work,
active participation in community functions and events and leadership role in their
community. Among male family members, their was recognition of leadership in the
community (80%) followed by increase in status and position (68.27%), active
involvement in social work (62.5%) and participation in community functions and
events (54.58%). On the other hand, compared to male members, female family
members participated more in community functions and events than before (45.2%)
followed by involvement in social work (37.5%) which gave them increase in their
status and position (31.72%) and only one woman could play the leadership role in
the community.
Table 3.84
Men migrants by family members changing role in the community
in Bangladesh
Changing role in
the community*
Increase in status,
position
Involvement in
social work
Participation in
community
functions and
events
Leadership role
in community

Men family
members
n
%
71
68.27

Women family
members
n
%
33
31.73

Total
n
104

%
100

25

62.5

15

37.5

40

100

137

54.58

114

45.42

251

100

80

20

100

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

With regard to the changing role of family members of women migrants in the
community, there were increase in status and position, involvement in social work,
active participation in community functions and events and leadership role in their
community. Among male family members, there was active involvement in social
work (66.99%) followed by recognition of leadership in the community (64.29%),
participation in community functions and events (60.33%) and increase in status and
position (56.51%). On the other hand, compared to male members, female family
members enjoyed increased status and position (43.49%) followed by more

114

participation in community functions and events than before (39.67%), leadership role
in the community (35.71%) and involvement in social work (33.01%).
Table 3.85
Women migrants by family members changing role in the
community in Bangladesh
Changing role in the
community *
Increase in status,
position
Involvement in social
work
Participation in
community functions and
events
Leadership role in
community

Men family
members
n
%
191
56.51

Women family
members
n
%
147
43.49

Total
n
338

%
100

69

66.99

34

33.01

103

100

73

60.33

48

39.67

121

100

27

64.29

15

35.71

42

100

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.12.6 Changing roles in the community of the men and women left behind by
migrants in India
The role in the community of the family members changed because one of the family
members went abroad. By far the most popular response that was noted was an
increase in the status and position of the family members. Especially family members
of men migrants said that had become more involved in social work in the community
(17.7%). Several other family members started to participate more often in
community events (6% family members of men migrants against 2.9% family
members of women migrants) or gained a leadership role in the community (6.5
among family members of men migrants compared to 2.9% among women migrants).
Table 3.86

Family members of men and women migrants by changing role in

the community in India

Changing role in the

community *
Increase in status/position
Involved in social work
Participation in
community events
Leadership role in
community
Other
Total

Men migrants
n
198
76
26

%
46
17.7
6

Women
migrants
n
%
28
40
1
1.4
2
2.9

Total

28

6.5

2.9

30

2
330

.5

2
35

2.9

.8

n
226
77
28

%
45.2
15.4
5.6

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

115

3.13 Suggestions from Family Members

3.13.1 Suggestions from Family Members in Bangladesh
Family members of both men and women migrants in Bangladesh provided concrete
suggestions for socio-economic development of migrants and their families and
especially emphasized the pivotal role of the government. Among family members of
men migrants, 42 per cent suggested that government should take initiatives to send
migrants through proper channel, government should at the same time provide skill
development training to potential migrants before going abroad (35.6%), government
should stop corruption of the private organizations namely recruiting and travel
agencies and arrange for sending migrants in proper way (16%), reduce expenditure
incurred for migration (12.8%), and at the same time agencies dealing with migration
should follow the approved government guidelines (12.4%). In addition, they
suggested that embassies abroad should provide support to migrants (8%),
government to provide loans at low interests for migration (8%), separate banks
should be set up for migrants (8%), while others suggested that government should
provide interest free loans (5.6%). Moreover, they opined that migrants need to learn
the language of destination countries (7.6%), travel agencies should give more
facilities to migrants (5.6%) as well as improving the communication facilities.
Family members of women migrants suggested among others that migrants need to
learn the language of destination countries to cope with the new environment (15.2%),
migrants should get salary according to the contract (10.8%), government should at
the same time provide skill development training to potential migrants before going
abroad (8.8%), try to reduce expenditure incurred for migration (8.8%), instruct
embassies abroad to provide support to migrants (8.4%). They also stressed the
importance to taking necessary measures to stop physical torture against women
migrants (7.6%), stop the activities of dalals and agents who exploit the potential
women migrants (6.8%), arrange proper channels for sending remittance easily
(5.6%), stop corruption of the private organizations namely recruiting and travel
agencies and arrange for sending migrants in proper way (5.6%) and moreover
government should take initiatives to bring back the women migrants (4.8%) as they
work in most vulnerable situations without any support and cooperation.
Table 3.87 Men and women migrants by suggestions for the overall socioeconomic development of migrants and their families back home in
Bangladesh
Men migrants
n
%

Suggestions*
Government should take initiatives to sent
migrants through proper channel
Government should provide skill development
training
Government should take steps to stop
corruption of the private organizations namely
recruiting and travel agencies and arrange for
sending migrants in proper way
Government should try to reduce expenditure
incurred for migration

116

Women migrants
n
%

105

42

15

89

35.6

22

8.8

40

16

14

5.6

32

12.8

22

8.8

Agencies dealing with migration should follow

the approved government guidelines
Government to provide loan at low interest
Embassies abroad should provide support to
migrants
Separate bank should be set up for migrants
Migrants need to learn the language of
destination countries
Government should stop the activities of dalals
and agents who exploit the migrants
Government should verify the visas of migrants
going abroad
Government should arrange for interest free
loan
Travel agencies should give more facilities to
migrants
Improve communication facilities
Government should visit the migrants'
destination countries
Government should arrange for sending
remittance easily
Family members want the migrants to return
through government initiatives
Recruiting agencies should open their branches
at district level
Private banks should provide loan facilities
Migrants should get salary according to the
contract
Government should take necessary measures to
stop physical torture against women migrants
Salary should be increased annually
People would not have migrated if there were
employment opportunities in country
Returned women migrants should get social
dignity
Government
should
seek
employment
opportunities in other countries
Migrants should get work according to the
contract

31

12.4

0.8

20

30

12

20

21

8.4

20

3.2

19

7.6

38

15.2

17

6.8

17

6.8

15

14

5.6

2.4

14

5.6

1.2

3.6

2.8

0.8

6.

2.4

14

5.6

12

4.8

1.6

11

4.4

0.4

27

10.8

19

7.6

2.8

2.8

1.2

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

3.13.2 Suggestions from Family Members in India

Like their counterparts from Bangladesh, family members of both men and women
migrants in India also came up with several suggestions to improve the socioeconomic development of the migrants and themselves. In general they underline the
crucial role that the government should play in improving the position and in
protecting the rights of the migrants and their families.
The main topics that the government should be involved in are (the percentages are
respectively for family members of male migrants and family members of female

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migrants): taking necessary measures to stop misuse against migrants (31.9% and
38.6%); taking punitive action against agents who make false promises and exploit
the migrants (23.5% and 27.1%); ensuring that the migrants is paid according to the
contract (15.6% and 22.9%); disseminating information regarding working abroad
(15.6% and 20%) and finally, the government should take initiatives to sent migrants
through proper channels (16.5% and 15.7%). In line with this last aspect is that
agencies who are dealing with migration should follow the approved government
guidelines (20.2% and 11.4%).
Interestingly, almost all suggestions involve the government, and occasionally the
agencies to take action. In just a few cases the suggestions are directed to the migrants
themselves. An example is that migrants need to learn the language of destination
countries (3.9% and 7.1%) in order to improve the situation they are in.
Table 3.88 Men and women migrants by suggestions for the overall socioeconomic development of migrants and their families back home in
India
Men migrants
Suggestions*
Punitive action against agents who make
false promises and exploit the migrants
Agencies dealing with migration should
follow the approved government guidelines
Government
should
take
necessary
measures to stop misuse against migrants
Dissemination of information by the
government regarding working abroad
Increase availability of jobs in India
Government should try to ensure that the
migrants is paid according to the contract
Government should take initiatives to sent
migrants through proper channel
Improve food and shelter
Improve communication facilities
Migrants need to learn the language of
destination countries
Government
should
provide
skill
development training
Government to provide loan at low interest
Travel agencies should give more facilities
to migrants

Women
migrants
n
%

101

23.5

19

27.1

87

20.2

11.4

137

31.9

27

38.6

67

15.6

14

20

53

12.3

8.6

67

15.6

16

22.9

71

16.5

11

15.7

44
19

10.2
4.4

8
4

11.4
5.7

17

3.9

7.1

30

7.1

19

4.4

2.9

14

3.3

4.3

* Multiple answers
Source: Gender Dimensions of International Migration from Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic
Impact on Families Left Behind

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Chapter 4
Case Studies of Migrants from Bangladesh and India

Case studies of migrants from Bangladesh and India were conducted for in-depth
understanding of various reasons behind men and women migration, who decides,
migration process, what happens in the destination countries and whether family back
home are being benefited or not by the remittances being sent to their home countries.

4.1

Case studies of men migrants from Bangladesh

4.1.1

Case study of Joinal Abedin who migrated to Malaysia

Joinal Abedin (29 years) was born at Ilashpur village of Amratoli union under Sadar
upazila in Comilla district. He is single, Muslim and passed Higher Secondary
Certificate examination before going abroad. He comes from a joint family. Although
he has lost his parents, he had three brothers and one sister-in-law. One of his brother
and his wife are living in the country, another migrated to Malaysia two years ago
and the third one was a Master of Arts student.
His elder brother was the only bread winner of the family who was a petty
businessman and could not afford Joinal's educational expenses after his completion
of Higher Secondary Certificate examination. Realizing the adverse financial situation
of the family, he worked as manager in the transport sector. After two years, he
decided to go abroad. He went to Malaysia spending two lac and fifty thousand taka
through local dalal. He managed the large amount of money by taking loans from his
friends and own savings.
In Malaysia, he got the promised job and salary according to the contract. He was not
harassed by travel agencies in the country nor by employers in Malaysia. Since 2005,
he has been working as a labourer and presently he earned taka 18,000 per month. He
sends taka 30,000 on quarterly basis which is quite adequate for his brother to spend
for family maintenance. Moreover, he had also deposited money in his own account.
He could easily adjust with the environment and food of the destination country.
Frequently he communicated with his family members left behind over mobile phone
and visited his family members after three years.
Presently, Joinal Abedin's family had became more solvent than before. He bore all
educational expenses of his younger brother and his elder brother and sister-in-law
were leading better life. They enjoyed better food, wore better clothes and
reconstructed their house. In addition, he made all arrangements for the migration of
his younger brother. In 2007, his younger brother Monirul Islam migrated to Malaysia
and is working as a labourer and earns taka 15,000 per month. He also got the job and
salary according to the contract.
Joinal Abedin's migration had brought positive changes in his own life and other
family members. Presently, his family members left behind in the country enjoy

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respectable position in the community. His family members opined that government
should reduce the expenditure of migration and expenses incurred during home visits.

4.1.2 Case Study of Johirual Islam who migrated to Saudi Arabia

Johirul Islam (23 years) is single and Muslim. He was born in Monipur village of
Amratoli union under Sadar upazila of Comilla district. He passed class nine but
could not continue his studies due to poverty. He comes from a nuclear family
consisting of six family members. Both his parents are alive. His father Abdul
Motaleeb (55 years) was a service holder who was the only bread winner of the
family and his monthly salary was taka 7,000. His mother Rokeya Begum (44 years)
was a housewife. He had one brother and two sisters. Johirul was unemployed for four
years before going abroad. His younger brother was also unemployed and two sisters
were students of higher secondary level. Considering the adverse circumstances of the
family, Johirul and his parents decided that he should go abroad for work.
In 2007, he went to Saudi Arabia by spending three lac and fifty thousand taka
through travel agency. He managed the large amount of money by mortgaging his
mother's ornaments and taking loans at high interest. Unfortunately, he did not get the
work according to the contract. After reaching Saudi Arabia, his employer seized his
passport and other relevant documents. He was informed that his job would be an
employee in a shop but he had to move from one place to another as a construction
worker which was too hard work for him. When he could not cope with the job he
finally left it. As soon as he left the job, he became an illegal migrant in the
destination country without his passport and other documents. For this reason, he had
no legal permission for work. As a result; he has to hide himself from law enforcing
agencies. However, one day he worked and passed two days without any work.
Moreover, he was always under threat of being arrested.
In such circumstances, he could not support family members left behind at homeland
and they were in mental stress for his misery in destination country. He could neither
return to the country nor earn money for himself and the family members. On the
other hand, the usurers were pressurizing his parents to repay the loans. Finding no
other alternative, his parents repaid the loans by mortgaging their land. Johirul Islam's
migration had brought disaster both to him and in the lives of his family members.
4.1.3

Case Study of Saiful Islam who migrated to Malaysia

Saiful Islam (34 years) was married and a Muslim. He had passed Alim examination
equivalent to Higher Secondary Certificate from a madrasah. He was born in Gabtoli
village of Amratoli union under Sadar upazila of Comilla district and had been
staying in Malaysia for two years.
His parents are alive and he comes from a joint family consisting of six family
members. His father Abdur Rashid (68 years) was a retired teacher and received taka
3,000 as gratuity per month. His mother Shahera Begum (60 years) was a housewife
and his sister Kamrunnahar was a widow and lived with her children. Her wife
Yasmeen Akhter (22 years) was a housewife.
After passing Alim examination Saiful Islam began his business. He had a shop in his
village from where village people used to buy things on credit. As such, he could not
make profit as expected. His relatives and many people from the neighbourhood had
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migrated to different countries and earned a lot of money which had brought change
in the lives of their family members. It encouraged him to take the decision of going
abroad. He spent 2 lac and eighty thousand taka to migrate to Malaysia through
assistance of his relatives. He mortgaged land to manage the large amount of money.
He was provided the job according to the contract and he did not face any sort of
harassment either in homeland nor in destination country. He received salary
according to the contract and was working as a labourer in Malaysia. Presently, he
earned taka 25,000 per month and used to send taka 50,000 to his father both through
bank and private channel on quarterly basis. He had own account in the home country
but he did not receive any training before going abroad.
His family members were leading better life than before. His father had regained the
land by repaying money and the remittances are also used for family maintenance. He
took responsibilities of his widow sister and bore educational expenses of his nephew
and niece. His migration had brought social dignity to his family members also.

4.1.4

Case Study of Shahidul Islam who migrated to Italy

Shahidul Islam (35 years) was married and Muslim. He had completed bachelor
degree before he migrated. He was born in Dhanatori village of Chouara union under
Comilla Sadar (south) upazila in Comilla district.
Shahidul Islam comes from a nuclear family consisting of his wife and one daughter.
His wife named Sumi (25 years) is a housewife who had completed higher secondary
level education. Their daughter Safreen is two and a half years old.
He went to Italy after spending taka 1,200,000 through travel agencies. After
completing bachelor degree, he started a business at Comilla town with the capital
from his father who was an affluent person. But when he could do very well with the
business, he decided to go abroad for work. In 2003, he had migrated to Italy and
managed the large amount of money from own savings and by selling his business
concerned property. Before migration he had not received any training though he had
own bank account in the country.
He was provided the job according to the contract and he did not face any sort of
harassment from dalals or middlemen neither in homeland nor by employers in
destination country. He received salary according to contract and is working as a
labourer in Italy and earned taka 100,000 per month. He sends taka 70,000 to his
wife's account on monthly basis. He has contact with his wife and children once a
week over mobile phone and has also visited his family members after three years.
The remittance that Saidul Islam sent was used for family maintenance, purchase of
land, reconstruction of building, better medical treatment and savings for marriage of
daughter. Shahidul Islam is performing his job abroad very smoothly and leading
better life than before. At the same time, his family members in the country are also
passing their days more happily than before though the migrants and his family
members left behind suffers from loneliness. To cope with present situation migrant's
wife, frequently visited her parent's residence taking her children. The wife suggested
that Bangladesh government should reduce the expenses incurred for migration and
added that steps should be taken to make travel agencies free from corruption.

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4.1.5

Case Study of Md. Sohel Rana who migrated to Libya

Md. Sohel Rana (36 years) is married and a Muslim. He had passed class ten. He was
born in Ilashpur village of Amratoli union under Sadar upazila in Comilla district.
Sohel Rana comes from a joint family. His parents are still alive. His father Md. Nurul
Islam (65 years) is a farmer and earned taka 2,000 per month. His mother Parul
Begum (50 years) is a housewife. He has one brother Md. Rubel (27 years) who is a
service holder and earned taka 3,500 per month. He has his wife Ruma Akhter (27
years) one son (8 years) and one daughter (6 years).
He went to Libya 10 months ago through his neighbour. He spent taka 180,000 for
migration. He took loans from relatives living in homeland. When Sohel Rana was a
student of class ten, he could not carry on his studies due to poverty. He was also
unemployed for a long time. Finally, he and his parents decided that he should go
abroad to work. He was working as a labourer in Libya and at present he earns taka
25,000 per month.
He was provided the job and got salary according to the contract and he did not face
any sort of harassment neither in homeland nor in destination country. He sends taka
60,000 on quarterly basis to his father's account. He has own account in the country
but he did not receive any training before migration. His employer has taken his
passport and other documents. However, he did not face any other problems in
destination country.
There were six members of his family who were dependant on his remittance. The
remittances are used to repay the loans and family maintenance. Presently, his family
members are enjoying better clothes and food than before. He communicates with his
family members over mobile phone once a week. His family members suggested that
Bangladesh government should reduce the expenses incurred for migration and make
easier the process of migration.

4.1.6 Case Study of Md. Shahidul Islam Mamun who migrated to Greece
Md. Shahidul Islam Mamun (32 years) is married and a Muslim. He was born in
Ilashpur village of Amratoli union under Sadar upazila in Comilla district. He had
completed bachelor degree. He comes from a joint family consisting of his father
Shariful Islam (62 years) who is unemployed, his mother Helena Begum (50 years)
who is a housewife, his wife Tamanna Akhter Happy (20 years) and his younger
brother Shajibul Islam (26 years) who is a student of Bachelor of Business
Administration (BBA).
After completion of graduation, Shahidul Islam did not get any suitable job. In fact,
he was unemployed. He observed that many relatives and neighbours had migrated to
different countries and earned much money. He along with his parents thought about
his migration. He went to Greece 6 years ago through his relatives. He spent taka
600,000 for migration which his father provided. He is working as a labourer in
Greece and earned taka 50,000 per month. He sends remittance to his father's account
both on monthly and quarterly basis. Usually he sends taka 100,000 on quarterly
basis. He has his own account in the country but did not receive any training before
migration.

122

He communicate frequently with his family members over mobile phone and visited
his family members after four years and stayed 6 months at a stretch in the country
when he got married. There are four family members who are dependent on his
remittance. The remittance is used mainly for family maintenance, but he also bear
the educational expenses of his younger brother. Economic condition of his family
has improved after his migration and family members are now enjoying respectable
position and status in the community.

4.2

Case studies of women migrants from Bangladesh

4.2.1 Case study of Selina Begum who migrated to Lebanon

Selina Begum (20 years) is illiterate, divorced and a Muslim. She was born in
Maniknagar village of Chandohar union under Shingair upazila in Manikgonj district.
She has been working as a housemaid in Lebanon for one year and nine months.
Selina's parents are alive. Her father Lal Miah (60 years) is a farmer and earned taka
2,000 per month and her mothers Ojifa Begum is a housewife. She has two brothers
but elder brother lives separately with his wife and children. Jahidur Rahman, her
younger brother (18 years) is a bus helper who lives with the parents and earns taka
3,000 per month.
In 2005, Selina's parents married her off to Khalid Hossen, son of Ajmat Ali, a
resident of Charnayadingi village of Joymontop union under Shingair upazila in
Manikgonj district. After six months of their marriage, Khalid migrated to Saudi
Arabia leaving Selina with a dream of better life. Khalid was Selina's distant relative
cousin. Selina's parents gave him taka 25,000 as dowry for the purpose of migration to
Saudi Arabia. But Khalid do not communicate with Selina nor her family members
after reaching Saudi Arabia. Selina's family members tried several times to
communicate with Khalid and his family members in order to minimize the gap, but
their efforts went in vain. Finally, Selina sent divorced letter to Khalid Hossen in
2006.
Selina and her family members thought about alternative ways to restart her life. She
observed that her neighbouring women had gone abroad and sends remittance to their
family members. Considering better life of family members and her own Selina
decided to go to Lebanon for work. She migrated to Lebanon spending taka 50,000
through local dalal. She managed the money by taking loan of taka 40,000 at high
interest and her own savings of taka10,000.
She is working as a housemaid in Lebanon where she has to work from dawn to
midnight. She usually cooked food, washed clothes and dishes, cleans rooms of the
employer's house. Her monthly salary is taka 9,000 taka. She sends taka 25,000 on
quarterly basis to her father through Western Union located in the National Bank. She
has no account of her own and has not received any training before going abroad

123

Migrant's father repaid the loan money and has uses the remittance mainly for family
maintenance. He has also saved money with a view to sending their son Jahangir
abroad.
Her mother said that in Lebanon the employer behaved with the migrant in good
manner and she can sent remittance smoothly. She also talks to them once in a month
over mobile phone. The migrant's family members are leading better life than before.
She hopes that she would remarry off her daughter after sending her younger son
abroad.

4.2.2 Case study of Rina Begum who migrated to Saudi Arabia

Rina Begum (45 years) is illiterate, widow and a Muslim. She was born in Rahimpur
village of Shutipara union under Dhamrai upazila of Dhaka district. She has been
working as a housemaid in Saudi Arabia for three years and two months.
Unfortunately, Rina Begum's husband died in 2003 leaving her with two sons and a
daughter. At that time, the elder son, Rahmat Ali was 23 years old but could not
afford the burden of the family members. Rina Begum was at a loss to maintain her
family expenses. This adverse situation influenced Rina Begum to take the decision of
her migration in order to meet increased expenditure of the family. She was also
encouraged by her relatives who were staying abroad to migrate. She migrated to
Saudi Arabia with the assistance of her relatives by spending taka 75,000 three years
and eight months ago. However, she had to take loan at high interest.
She has to work hard in Saudi Arabia as a housemaid where she has to cook food,
wash dishes and clothes and take employer's children to school. During the early days
in the destination country, she could not understand Arabic language and could not
carry out the instructions of her employer properly. As a result, the employer and his
family members rebuked her and did not pay salary of the first two months.
She neither had any account of her own in the country nor had taken any training
before going abroad. She used to send money through her brother's account. Her
monthly income is taka 7,000 and she sent taka 20,000 on quarterly basis.
She paid back the loan and presently maintaining her family expenditures smoothly.
Recently, she visited her family members, stayed at homeland for 3 months and
returned to Saudi Arabia again.
From abroad, she advised her elder son to get married to run the family. In absence of
the migrant, her daughter-in-law, Hosne Ara does all the household chores and looked
after her 11 years old daughter Joynob who studies in class five. Family members
hopes that Joynob would get higher education to lead a dignified life. Rina Begum's
younger son Ramjan Ali (18 years) is a farmer and he earns taka 2,000 per month.
Now, they were more solvent than before.
Rina Begum decided to send her elder son abroad. At present, her elder son Rahmat
Ali was staying in Malaysia and his salary is taka 12,000. She spent two lac and
seventy thousand taka for Rahmat's migration and again took loan of taka 50,000 to
send Rahmat abroad.
Family members opined that they would be able to repay the loans soon and lead a
happier life. They also hopes that government should reduce expenditure incurred for

124

migration so that members of poor families can change their lot through hard labour
abroad.

4.2.3 Case study of Asiya Begum who migrated to Oman

Asiya Begum (32 years) is married and a Muslim. Before going abroad she used to
reside with her husband at Dhalla Laksmipur village of Dhalla union under Shingair
upazila in Manikgonj district. She had completed primary level education. Her
husband Kuddus Ali (44 years) is a farmer and has a monthly income of taka 3,000.
They have two daughters, Yasmeen (12 years) who reads in class four and Pali (9
years) who is in class two. She has a mother-in-law Rizia Khatun (61 years) who
lives with them.
At present, she is staying in Oman and working as housemaid there. She went to
Bahrain 6 years ago by spending taka 40,000 through local dalal. She stay in Bahrain
for two years and returned home empty handed and said that she could not understand
the employer's language and they had not paid her salary.
After a few months of her return in 2005, Asiya again expressed her desire to go
abroad to earn money. She argued that as she had learned Arabic language well, so
she would be able to earn more money. Moreover she convinced her husband that
they had two daughters and they would need a lot of money to marry off them.
Kuddus Ali consented and gave her taka 60,000 by taking loan at high interest to go
abroad. In 2005, she went to Oman and after reaching Oman, Asiya turned out to be a
changed person and had completely forgotten her husband and children and did not
communicate with them.
In the meantime, Kuddus Ali went to his in-law's residence at Patilayer village of
Shayesta union under Shingair upazila in Manikgonj district. His brother-in-law
informed that Asiya do not maintain communication with them also. But Kuddus Ali
came to know from some sources that Asiya communicated with her brother regularly
and other members of her parent's family and sends remittance to his brother's
account. On the other hand, Kuddus Ali had to repay the loans that he taken for her
wife's migration by selling his land.
Six months ago she came to Bangladesh but did not visit her husband's residence to
meet her children and husband. She does not communicate over mobile phone or any
other channel with her children or husband for a long time. When she came to
Bangladesh, she stayed at her father's residence with his brothers. Her daughters did
not go to visit her. Kuddus Ali said that her wife sends remittance to her brother and
he could not provide any further information about her wife.
The two daughters are passing their days in miserable condition. Kuddus Ali's aged
mother looks after them and does the household chores. Sometimes, Yasmeen (12
years) cooks food, but the present situation hampers her education, physical and
mental health. Kuddus Ali's mother is also deeply concerned about the future of her
granddaughters and her son. Kuddus Ali has not yet remarried because her second
wife might dislike his daughters.
Asiya Begum's migration had brought tremendous effect in her family life. Their
family ties has already collapsed. Her wife assured him that she would communicate

125

with her children and sent money to them. Kuddus Ali had not divorced his wife and
he did not hope that her wife would return again. He grieved that it is his irony of fate.

4.2.4 Case study of Marium Khatun who migrated to Saudi Arabia

Marium Khatun (20 years) is single and a Muslim. She was born in Mahmudpur
village of Alipur union under Sadar upazila in Satkhira district. She comes from a
very poor family. She had completed secondary level education. She was the only
child of her mother. When she was a baby, her father remarried and left her mother.
Her mother started to work as maid in Mahmudpur Secondary School and earned taka
3,500 per month.
Marium Khatun migrated to Saudi Arabia one year and eight months ago. She is
working as a housemaid and earns about taka 7,000 per month. Before going abroad,
she was working as a maid in a clinic at Satkihra town. She was encouraged by her
cousin, Ibrahim to go abroad in order to earn more money. She spent taka 80,000 for
migration by taking loans at high interest and had some own savings. She sends taka
15,000 on quarterly basis to her mother's account in the country.
Marium works from dawn to midnight in his employer's residence. She has to cook
food, wash dishes, clothes and clean rooms, etc. In the beginning, Marium faced a
number of difficulties at her country of destination. The main problem was that she
did not understand the language and due to the language barrier it was difficult for her
to understand her responsibilities and execute her work properly. However, the
members of the Saudi household she worked for were very good to her. Overtime
they took the trouble of teaching Marium their language. Initially her employers
would use gestures, body language and signals to explain her work to her, on a one to
one basis. She would interpret the signals and do the work accordingly. Her
employers would point out and patiently explain to her the mistakes she made. This
was how Marium began and continued her housework overseas. Presently, she is
doing very well. Marium is very hard working; she tries to make the employers
satisfied with her endeavour. As a result, her salary was increased from taka 8,000 to
10,000.
Marium was neither harassed by dalals or their agents neither in the country nor in
destination country .She communicates with her mother regularly over mobile phone.
Presently Morjina Khatun, Marium's mother is very happy and content. She has
settled her loans through 4 or 5 installments of around taka 70,000 that Marium has
sent her from abroad. Now-a-days she does not take money from her daughter.
Morjina withdraws a monthly cheque and deposit the money in her daughters
account. After her daughters emigration the condition of her living standard has
improved drastically. Marium will be abroad for another 6 months or so. Her mother
does not own any land apart from the 3 kathas where they reside. Morjina Khatun is
considering in buying landed property. She has said:
When my daughter returns home I will buy some land. I have already booked the
land I want to buy. But I will make the full payment once my daughter gets here.
Marjina Begum, Marium's mother hoped that her daughter would start business after
returning in Bangladesh and that she would marry and settle down.

126

4.2.5 Case study of Rebeka Khatun who migrated to Lebanon

Rebeka Khatun (22 years) is married and had completed primary level education.
Before migration, she resided with her husband and their two children at Shikri
village of Kushkhali union under Sadar upazila in Satkhira district.
Mofijul Islam, her husband was a day labourer who was the only bread winner of the
family and earned taka 2,000 per month. They had one son named Mehedi (11 years)
who reads in class six and a daughter named Rekha (5 years). Her husband could not
maintain family expenses with his petty income. For this reason, she and her husband
decided that Rebeka should go abroad to earn more money. She migrated to Lebanon
6 months ago through local dalals and spent about taka 90,000 for migration. Her
husband managed taka 50,000 by mortgaging land and borrowed 40,000 taka from
Rebeka's father.
She is working as housemaid in Lebanon and earns taka 7,000 per month. She sends
taka 20,000 on quarterly basis to his husband's account. Although Rebeka has own
account in the country, she did not receive any training before going abroad.
However, since last three months she has not communicated with her family members
and could not send money. Her husband suspects that she is in great trouble. She
might be tortured and confined in a room from where she could not communicate with
her family members. Her husband is a poor fellow and unable to take necessary
measures so that she can return home safely.
Mofijul Islam said that he had pursued several times the dalal that sent her wife to
Lebanon but the dalal could not make any arrangements of her return in Bangladesh.
The children are also in great distress without hearing any news of their mother from
abroad. Mofijul moved from door to door to find a way whereby his wife can return
home. He grieved that government should take necessary measures to stop
manipulations of dalals and travel agencies and sent migrants abroad under
supervision of government officials. He added that the agents and dalals had no
accountability in this regard and government should establish it.
4.2.6 Case study of Nasrin Perveen who migrated to Lebanon
Nasrin Perveen (19 years) is single and has passed class eight. She was born in Shikri
village of Kushkhali union under Sadar upazila of Satkhira district. Her parents are
still living. Her father Shirajul Islam (47 years) is a farmer who earns taka 2,000 per
month and her mother Taslima Khatun (38 years) was a former Union Parishad
member. She has a brother (23 years), a sister (17 years) and a sister-in-law (18
years). Her only brother Shohagh is a shopkeeper who earns taka 3,000 per month.
When Nasrin reached 18 years, she began thinking of helping her father in
maintaining the family as they were extremely poor and because of financial
constraint, Nasrin could not stay in school for too long. Instead her parents decided to
send her abroad to work
Nasreen Perveen migrated to Lebanon one year and nine months ago. Her father and
brother earned too little to bear expenses of essentials of the family. Moreover, cost of
mens migration was much higher than migration of women. For this reason, Nasrin's
parents decided to send their elder daughter to Lebanon for work. She had to spend
taka 1,00,000 for migration purpose and took loan at high interest and also mortgaged
land. She went abroad through local dalal. She is working as a housemaid abroad and

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her monthly salary is taka 7,000. She sends taka 22,000 to her father's account on
quarterly basis. Five members of her family are dependant on her income.
At her first employer's residence, she was physically tortured severely. She was
looking for another employer and a family to work for. After two months she was able
to manage a new employer. Her current employers were much better and takes good
care of her and she is being fairly treated in accordance with her contract. She is doing
well for herself and her family and she sends money back to her family every month
or every 3 months. Her family has used the remittance to repay their loans and
mortgage. The wife of Nasrins employer has gifted her 44 grams of gold ornaments
and 22 grams of silver ornaments. She has regular contact with her family members
over mobile phone. Her parents informed that a Bangladeshi woman could not
understand her duties at early days of her employment due to language barrier. In
Lebanon, Nasrin suffered from cold in winter.
In the meantime, her parents repaid the loans that was taken during her migration with
the remittance and invested money in her brother's business. They also used the
remittance for family maintenance. In a word, solvency of Nasrin's family has
flourished day by day after her migration. Her family members now had a respectable
standing within their community.
They suggested that Bangladesh government should lessen the expenditure incurred
for migration. On the other hand, employers abroad might allow workers to have
personal mobile phone to communicate smoothly with family members and to visit
family members once in a year.

4.2.7 Case study of Fazila Begum who migrated to Lebanon

Fazila Begum (35 years) is married and a Muslim. She can only sign. Her in-law's
residence was in Ghalghalia village of Debhata union under Debhata upazila at
Satkhira district. Her family consisted of seven members. Her husband Basir Sardar is
a rickshaw puller who earns taka 2,500 per month. They have four daughters and one
son. Their eldest daughter is disabled. Basir Sardar begot more children with the hope
of a son and got poorer. Fazila's husband decided that she would go abroad to earn
more money for betterment of their children. She agreed and went to Lebanon 10
months ago through local dalal. She spent taka 80,000 for migration and took loan
from NGO and mortgaged land.
Fazila Begum went to Lebanon as housemaid and worked as housemaid for two
months. Her monthly salary was taka 7,000 and she used to sent taka 12,000 to her
husband through Western Union. After two months, she informed her husband that
the employers gave her bad proposal and if she refused it, she was tortured physically.
She added that they offered her money to convince her. She sought help from dalals
in Lebanon, but instead they took away her money rather than helping her. She urged
her husband to tell the dalal that sent her that he should make all arrangements of her
return in Bangladesh. Her husband pursued the dalal but could not make any
arrangement of her return.
Her migration aggravated adverse condition of her family. Her husband and children
were passing days with agony and anguish. She and her family members had been
stigmatized in society. NGO workers pressurize Basir Sardar to repay the loans and he

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is now at a loss. He could neither make arrangement of her wife's return nor repay the
loans. He wanders from door to door for the return of his wife.

4.3 Case studies of men migrants from India

Case Study 1
Mohd. Sabir Hussain, resident of Sangam Vihar, migrated to Dubai, on a contract
period of 2 years, to work as an electrician with a view to have a better earning to
support his family consisting of his wife Umat Begum and 2 daughters- Salma and
Sitara, who were left alone in his village in Siwan, Bihar. But things didnt turn out to
be favorable for him. After spending around one lakh rupees on his travel to Dubaiwhich he mainly borrowed from his relatives at homeland- he found that the salary he
was paid there was much less than promised to him in the job contract. Along with
this he also faced the problem of long, often unfixed working hours and no overtime
payment. His meager income after migration was not enough to meet the familial
demands but he continued with a view to finish his term there. But the company he
was working for ran into losses and was shut down and thus he was forced to return to
his country. This end of duties was abrupt, sudden and the company did not offer him
and other workers any kind of compensation except their travel fares to return back to
their countries. Sabir thus came back to India after a period of 11 months and is now
living with his family in village trying hard to make both ends meet.

Observation: Migration in this case led to shattered dreams for the family. Rather
than economically benefiting from migration, Sabir is now burdened with debt due to
loans taken during migration. With not enough earning to support his family,
repayment of loans is an unimaginable thing for him. Where survival is a question,
continuous pressure for loan repayment is further aggravating the familys misery.

Case Study 2
In stark contrast to the case above is the story of Mohd. Ali, resident of Okhla Colony.
Mohd. Ali migrated to Saudi Arab to work as a Plumber in 2005 on a two year
contract. He left his wife Jameela and his 3 children- Irfan, Shahil and Shamshur back
in a house right next to the one owned by his father, so as to be sure about their safety.
He came back in 2007 after successful completion of his 2 year contract period and
reports that migration was extremely beneficial to his family- both economically and
socially. He spoke highly of his employers there and reported that their work shift
which consisted of working from 6:00 a.m. to 11:00 a.m., was actually reported to the
seniors as working from 6:00 am to 1:00 pm, thereby adding a period of two hours
extra to the time for which work was done. This had consequences on their payment

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as instead of working for 5 hours a day they were paid for working 7 hours a day,
there by leading to increased salary. With a remittance of about 1,00,000 rupees sent
quarterly in a year, not only did the migrants family achieved economic self
sufficiency but also succeeded in investing the money in childrens education, savings
scheme, loan repayment and also in setting up of a small business in the locality
which migrant runs after he came back from Saudi Arabia.

Observation: Had migration not benefited him and his family immensely he would not
have opted for a second round of migration. He reported leaving again for UAE in
February 2010.The migrant reported that a lot depends on the kind of company one
works for, their company rules, nature of employers, time schedule, remuneration etc.
If one lands up in a good company, the motivation to work again for second round
grows stronger while a bad experience with a company may totally ruin a persons
aspirations to work abroad.

4.4 Case studies of women migrants from India

Case Study 1
Meera Gosain, resident of Harijan basti, Vasant Kunj, is perhaps one of the best
examples of empowerment that follows womens migration and the economic returns
attached to it. Married to Balbir Gosain, the couple failed to have a child after 18
years of marriage. They adopted a daughter to complete their family. But poverty and
absence of better income opportunities in Delhi forced Meera to take the decision of
migration to Dubai as a domestic servant leaving the infant daughter with the
husband. He with the help of his mother shouldered the responsibility of the daughter.
Meeras migration economically benefited the family and the remittances she sent
home helped in family maintenance. In the mean time, the family to whom the
daughter was originally born started demanding the child back. It was then that
Meera, because of her important position in the family as a bread winner and
consequently also as an important decision maker took the decision of sending her
husband and daughter back to village and leaving Delhi so as to avoid the pressure
and attempts of the girl childs former family to take her away. Had migration not
empowered her as a woman, as a decision maker and as a mother, she would not have
been able to take care of her family the way she did now.
Observation: Women typically have a low status in the family but in this particular
case we witness the women having an upper hand in the familial situation which
clearly stems from her position as the main earner in the family.

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Case study 2
For Kamla Devi, resident of R.K.Puram the initial decision of migration was forced
by circumstances. The migrant was abandoned by her husband after 9 years of
marriage when she was left entirely on her own to look after herself and her 4
children. She worked as domestic servant for some years but found it extremely
difficult to meet both ends meet with her meager earning here in India. It was then she
took the decision to migrate as a domestic servant to UAE leaving her four children
named-Aarti, Anoop, Bhavna and Pooja with her father Balkrishna and mother Uma
Devi. Most part of her remittance is spent on family maintenance and education of
children. Also for the aging parents, the remittance and the fact that the grand children
now live with them constitute a source of support but at the same time it also leads to
added responsibility towards the children at this age. The migrant clearly perceived
migration as beneficial to herself and her family and thus took decision to migrate for
the second time.

Observation: In this case we see a flow of mutual obligations from both the sides. On
the one hand, the maternal parents of the children have an advantage in keeping the
grand children as a source of support in old age as the eldest daughter of the migrant
was aged 16 years and handled almost entire household work. Also while earlier they
were dependent on their son for economic help now the father himself is the main
receiver of the remittance from her daughter which clearly reduces his economic
dependence on his son. On the other hand, the migrant is now at least sure of the
safety of her children in her absence as she knows they are in safe hands, otherwise
her decision of migration would have been really problematized.

Case Study 3
Kiran Vaid, resident of R.K.Puram left home for UAE for the reason of better income
opportunities as her and her husbands combined monthly income was not sufficient
to meet the basic requirements of her large family (6 members), which included the
marriage of her two daughters (which is a costly affair in North India). In India she
worked as a domestic servant and her husband worked as a daily wage labourer, but
the income generated was not sufficient. It was then she decided to migrate and her
earlier employers helped her whole heartedly in this regard. They helped her in
moving to UAE to work as domestic servant in their married daughters house who
shifted to UAE recently. While it benefited the migrant, this family also had a stake in
it as they had known this woman for years so were sure of her credentials. Things
changed for better for Kirans family after her migration. The remittance not only
supported the family in terms of basic need but also made possible the education of
three children to some extent. Also the family now worries less about getting the two
daughters- Shivani and Bhawna-married, as gradually some amount is getting saved
for their dowry.

Observation: Despite economic sufficiency to some extent, the focus on education was
mainly directed to the son-Nitin- of the migrant and not to the daughters. So the
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daughters education was stopped after primary level while the son has the privilege
to continue it. The family believes that girls should be trained in household duties as
this is what they will have to do all their lives and thus do not need higher education.

Case-study 4
In Sangam Vihar lives a 70-year-old husband of a female migrant. She migrated to
Saudi Arab and left her husband and five daughters behind. Now she wants to come
back to take care of her family because her husband is getting old. Unfortunately her
foreign employer does not want to let her go. A conversation with the man learned
that the family is really poor. He maintained his family for decades by selling buffalo
milk. Their oldest daughter is 20 years old. The other daughters are younger. Given
the situation, the female migrant cannot provide for her familys expenses like
medical treatment, food, clothing and the education of the daughters. Frequently she
does not send remittances home in time. As a result the man, as a head of the family,
has been unable to provide education for his children. All the children are illiterate.
Not knowing how to read and write makes it difficult for them to move up the social
ladder and increase their economic solvency. Education is vital in order to achieve
this. Unfortunately this family has no money to pay for proper education.
The problem that this migrant faces is that she does not earn a lot of money. This
makes it difficult for her to send money to her family. Furthermore she is unable to
come home, because the family she works for does not want to let her go. In this
particular case everyone would be better off if the woman would be able to return to
India. Also because her husband tried to provide for their family, but now he is
getting older and the question is who is going to take care of the children when the
man passes away?
Via government en non-government channels this family should receive support to
improve their economic condition so that the daughters can get education. It is my
own hearty request to all the well educated and economically strong citizens to help
achieve this.

Observation: Though the lady in question migrated willingly with the consent of her
husband, but, now she wants to come back and her family members are also eagerly
waiting for her to come back. Her employer is not allowing her to come back. The
main purpose of her migration was to sustain the family, earn some extra money to
save for daughters marriage and give her children a decent living with education and
training. But, none of these has been achieved and the entire family is very negative
about migration for work now.

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Chapter 5
Conclusion and Policy Recommendation
The summary of findings highlight the main findings and changing trends in the role
of family members left behind by men and women migrants. To a large extent, socioeconomic and demographic background of the migrants decides the factors
responsible for their migration. Many a times migration takes place under pressure to
earn more money for survival of family members as the migrant happens to be the
sole bread earner of the family and there are not enough savings to pay for loans
taken, building of houses, business, dowry, medical expenses, rearing of children and
above all maintenance of family to fulfil their basic needs. The various factors
affecting the families left behind of men and women migrants both in Bangladesh and
India have been summarized to understand the impacts of migration on them.

5.1 Conclusion
Demographic profile of families of migrants
The demographic profile mainly dealt with family structure, head of households and
family size With regard to the family structure of the men and women migrants in
Bangladesh, majority of households were nuclear. Men and women migrants came
mainly from nuclear families (52% men and 58.8% women) On the other hand
majority of the households of men were joint families (58.6%) while 40.9 per cent
came from nuclear families. However, a different trend was found among women
migrants where 54.3 per dent came from nuclear families followed by joint families
(42.9%).
In Bangladesh, overwhelming 96.4 per cent men migrants came from male-headed
households compared to 3.6 per cent from female-headed households. The same trend
was found in the case of women migrants where 82.4 per cent came from maleheaded households compared to 17.6 per cent from female-headed households. In
case of men migrants from India, most households regardless of absence of the
migrant were headed by another male (75.8%). This clearly shows the existence of
patriarchy in Indian society and also corroborates to the fact that as most men
migrants came from joint families, it is likely that another male family member
replaced the male head of the households most likely their fathers or elder brothers.
Even in the case of women migrants the households were predominately male headed
(77.1%).
Regarding family size of migrants in Bangladesh, most of the households of men
migrants were smaller. About 50.8 per cent households of men migrants consisted of
1-4 family members, 40.4 per cent had 5-8 family members. The same trend was
found among families of women migrants where majority of 56.8 per cent households
were small and had 1-4 family members followed by 40.8 per cent had 5-8 family
members.

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In India, interestingly, most households of men migrants were larger than households
of women migrants. About 60.5 per cent households of men migrants consisted of 5-8
family members compared to 31.4 per cent among women migrants. On the other
hand, 62.9 per cent women migrants had 1-4 family members compared to 34.9 per
cent among men migrants as most of women migrants had come from nuclear
families where the numbers of family members were generally less that joint families.
Socio-economic profile of family members of migrants
In Bangladesh, among family members of men migrants, majority male members
(52.04%) were married compared to even higher among female members (93.40%).
Compared to family members of men migrants, among families of women migrants
about 77.64 per cent male members and 80.4 per cent female members were married.
Moreover, there were 10.3 per cent widows, 2.66 per cent divorced.
In India, among family members of men migrants, majority of male members
(52.04%) were married compared to even higher among female members (93.40%).
On the other hand, female family members of men migrants were predominately
single (55.6%) and 42.1 per cent were married. The male as well as the female family
members of women migrants were predominately single (respectively 49.3% and
50.2%). It was found that more female family members of men migrants were single
in contrast to more male family members being married of men migrants. Hence the
pressure of marriage and dowry arrangements of female members of the household
may be cited as a major reason of migration of men.
In Bangladesh, among the male and female members of men migrants regarding level
of education were more or less the same. About 49.40 per cent male members and
53.3 per cent female members had completed secondary level followed by 26.14 per
cent among male members and 30.2 per cent among female members who had
completed primary level. In the higher secondary level, there were about 11.27 per
cent male members and 8.63 per cent female members. Among the children of men
migrants, none were illiterate. Majority of both boys (41.5%) and girls (45.25%) had
completed primary level followed by 29.5 per cent boys and 31.28 per cent girls in the
secondary level. On the contrary, the level of education among the male and female
members of women migrants was far less than expected. Illiteracy was much higher
among female members (33.22%) compared to male members (21.84%) and 2.61 per
cent among boy children. There were also a handful of family members who could
only sign their names, about 21.05 per cent males, 20.27 per cent females and 1.56 per
cent boys. Among the children of women migrants, majority of both boys (57.29%)
and girls (52.51%) had completed primary level followed by 19.27 per cent boys and
24.66 per cent girls in the secondary level.
In India, level of education among the male and female members of men migrants
showed some significant differences. About 22.5 per cent of the male members
completed primary and 22.7 per cent completed higher secondary level of education.
On the other hand, 28.4 per cent of the female family members had primary, 13.3 per
cent secondary and 12.4 per cent completed higher secondary level of education.
More women were illiterate (11.3%) than men (4.2%). Interestingly, more women
than men had attained a Bachelors degree. More male family members (8.1%) of men
migrants had vocational training. Among the children of men migrants, it was very

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evident that only girls were illiterate (23%). In primary level, percentage of boys was
higher than that of girls. Similar trends were found among family members of female
migrants. About 24.6 per cent male members and 38.5 per cent female members
completed higher secondary level of education. Interestingly, it seems that female
family members of female migrants are slightly higher educated than their male
migrant counterparts. There were more male members who had vocational training.
As of children, only some of the girls were illiterate (24.2%), but on average boys
were slightly higher educated than girls. However, percentage of girls who completed
primary education was higher than boys.
In Bangladesh, among family members of men migrants, most of the male members
also were working as labour migrants abroad (29.02%) followed by agricultural
farmers (17.02%), businessmen (6.95%) and private service (4.56%). On the other
hand, overwhelming majority of 90.86 per cent female members were housewives and
not involved in any income generating work as their husbands were regularly sending
them money from abroad. Among the children of men migrants, 69.5 per cent boys
and 76.54 per cent girls were students, while a few worked as day labourers to
contribute to the family income.
Regarding occupation of the family members of women migrants of Bangladesh, most
of the male members also were agricultural farmers (26.58%) followed by day
labourers (13.42%), businessmen (13.42%) and working abroad as migrant workers
(7.63%). On the other hand, majority of female members were housewives (71.09%)
followed by maidservant (10.96%) and 5.65 per cent who were unemployed.
Overwhelming majority of 71.88 per cent boys were students compared to still higher
among girls (75.34%).
In India, among family members of men migrants, most of the male members worked
in private services (12.8%), followed by construction workers (6.8%), factory work or
in transport (5.8% both). A significant number of male as well as female members of
men migrants were in the category of student/pupil (25.2% and 23.1% respectively)
who mainly comprised of children. By far, the most common occupation for female
family members of men migrants was to work as a housemaid (19.7%) followed by
nurses (5.6%) which was also relatively popular. However, a lot of women were
unemployed (13.9%) who were housewives which are not considered as a gainful
employment. Occupation of family members of women migrants were more or else
similar to men migrants. Most men were employed in private services (16.3%)
followed by construction workers (6.8%), and factory workers (6.3%). A large
percentage of male and female family members of women migrants were students
(23.1% and 28.4% respectively) or too young to either study or work (4.1% and 4.4%
respectively). The unemployment rate was much higher (14.5% male and 21.3%
female family members), and family members who were not able to work was also
higher (6.3% male and 13.7% female family members).
In Bangladesh, most of the male members of men migrants had no income (37.41%)
and depended on the remittance sent by the men migrants. It was still much higher
among female members where 98.48 per cent had no income. About 15.35 per cent
male members had income range between taka 1,000-3,000 followed by 13.67 per
cent between taka 15,001-20,000. With regard to monthly income of family members
of women migrants, most of the male members (56.84%) earned between taka 1,0003,000 per month and majority female family members (71.09%) had no income

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followed by 17.37 per cent male members had no income 10.30 per cent female
members earned taka 5,001-10,000.
In India, among family members of men migrants, only 48.96 per cent male family
members and 46.05 per cent female family members have monthly incomes. This
entails that more than half of the family members have no income and are depended
on either the remittance sent by the men migrants or on the family members that do
paid work. Majority of the income levels fall in the category of Rs. 7000 and below
(32.4% male and 31.5% female family members) which is not substantial enough for
a sound maintenance of family in Delhi.
Housing and other facilities
Houses were categorized by kutcha, semi-pucca and pucca. The distinction between
them was depended on the materials being used. Kutcha houses were made of mud,
bamboo, jute stick or wooden walls with straw, thatched, mud tiles or tin roof. Semipucca houses had tin walls with thatched, mud tiles or tin roof, while pucca houses
had brick walls with tin, mud tiles and concrete roof.
In Bangladesh, majority of the houses of men migrants were pucca or brick built
(52.4%) followed by kutcha (32.4%) and semi-pucca (15.2%) houses. On the other
hand, most of the houses of women migrants were semi-pucca (38.4%) and kutcha
(35.6%) compared to 26 per cent who had pucca houses. An overwhelming majority
of families of men (90%) and women (95.2%) migrants had access to tube-well water
followed by 8 per cent among men and 4.4 per cent among women migrant families
who had supply or tap water, while some still used pond, river or canal water for
drinking and household purposes. Majority families of men (56%) and women
(54.8%) migrants had access to ring slab latrine facilities followed by 42 per cent
among men migrant families and 20.4 per cent among women migrant families who
could afford to have sanitary latrines. Majority of the families (70%) did not have
access to electricity compared to 30 per cent who had electricity facilities.
In India, majority of the houses of men migrants were pucca or brick built (67%)
followed by semi-pucca (27.9%) and kutcha (4.7%) houses. Most of the houses of
women migrants were also pucca houses (66.8%). But they more semi-pucca houses
(31.4%) than the men migrants. Overall semi-pucca houses scored 28.4 per cent and
kutcha houses was the least popular with only 4.4 per cent. The kutcha houses, most
of the time, were unauthorized constructions and were devoid of basic facilities like
supply water, electricity and sanitation. While a majority of men migrants had their
own houses, more than 50 per cent women migrants had rented accommodations for
their family members or their fathers/husbands had been provided with government
and private accommodation as they had government and private jobs. Majority of
both the families of men (70.7%) and women (77.1%) migrants had access to drinking
water from supply water and tap. Both men and women migrants approximately fourfifth of the families had access to sanitary toilets. Most of the households had access
to electric facilities. In case of men migrants, 95.8 per cent households had electricity
while families of women migrants were slightly less fortunate with 91.4 per cent.
Demographic profile of men and women migrants

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The demographic profile of men and women migrants included the present age,
religion, marital status and birthplace of migrants from Bangladesh and India
Regarding the present age of migrants from Bangladesh, most of the migrants were in
the younger age groups. Although women migrants have to officially show at least 25
years of age and men migrants 18 years of age to be eligible to go abroad for work,
still women had migrated to various countries before the minimum age limit because
pretty and young girls were in high demand in destination countries. About 17.2 per
cent women migrants were in the age group of 18-22 years, 29.2 per cent in the age
group of 23-27 years, compared to 21.6 per cent men migrants in the same age group.
Among men migrants, 29.2 per cent were in the age group of 28-32 years compared to
23.2 percent women migrants. In the Bangladesh study all men and women migrants
were Muslims.
An overwhelming majority of men (62%) and women migrants (62.4%) were
married. Married women migrants had to bear the responsibility of their family
members left behind manage dowry payment for daughters or repay loans they took
for migration purposes. However, 15.6 per cent women migrants were divorced
followed by 11.6 per cent single, 7.2 per cent widows, 2.8 per cent separated and 0.4
per cent abandoned women. On the other hand, 38 per cent men migrants were single.
With regard to level of education, majority men migrants (65.2%) had completed
secondary level education compared to 25.6 per cent women migrants. About 34.4 per
cent women migrants had completed primary level compared to 13.6 percent men
migrants. A significant number of women migrants (23.6%) were illiterate while 13.2
per cent can only sign. In Bangladesh, only 21% men and 37% women received
training.
Regarding birthplace of migrants, men migrants were mostly from urban areas
(76.4%) compared to majority of women migrants who were from rural areas (88%).
Only a handful of women migrants were from urban areas (12%).
In the case of India, majority of the male migrants came from the age brackets of 3842 years (22.8%) and 43-47 years (23.7%). Women migrants primarily came from the
age group of 28-32 years (28.6%) and 38-42 years (31.4%). It seems reasonable to
conclude that women were generally younger when they seek employment abroad
than their male counterparts. Although the immigration rules and regulation of the
Government of India clearly prohibits women below the age of 30 years of age to
migrate, but in reality from the field level observations, it was evident that a lot of
women below 30 years of age had migrated.
In India, majority of male migrants were Muslims (60.5%) by religion, followed by
25.6 per cent Hindus, 12.1 per cent Sikhs and 1.9 per cent were Christians. On the
other hand, most of the women migrants were Christians (45.7%) followed by
Muslims (31.4%), Hindus (17.1%) and Sikhs (5.7%). With regard to marital status,
most of the men (86%) and women (80%) migrants were married. Except for two
migrants, all non-married male respondents were single. This also applies to 8.6 per
cent female migrants. Others were either separated, abandoned or widows (5.7%).
Level of education among the men and women members of migrants showed some
significant differences. About 24.7 per cent men migrants were illiterate or can only
sign compared to 11.5 per cent among women migrants. More women (45.7%)
completed higher secondary education than men (18.6%). In India, before migration
almost 100% men and women were trained for the job they were going abroad.

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However, very few of them have obtained formal training while majority of them had
on the job training. Regarding birthplace of migrants, both men and women migrants
were mostly from rural areas (respectively 83.3% and 85.7%).
Migration pattern of migrants
Migration pattern of migrants from Bangladesh and India included the destination
countries and duration of stay. Men and women from Bangladesh had migrated to 19
countries in the Middle East, South East, Europe and United States of America. Most
concentration of both men (48.8%) and women (37.2%) were in Saudi Arabia
followed by 16.8 per cent men and 11.2 per cent women in United Arab Emirates and
9.2 per cent men and 4.8 per cent women in Kuwait. Moreover, in recent years, as
demand for women as housemaids in Lebanon increased, agents have also managed to
send women in large numbers, and about 37.6 per cent women were found to have
migrated to Lebanon.
Destination countries of migration from India concentrated mainly in two countries,
namely United Arab Emirates which was the most popular destination for women
(45.7%) and the second most popular for men (30.2%) and Saudi Arabia which was
the first choice of men migrants (33%) and the second choice of women migrants
(34.3%).
Regarding duration of stay in the destination countries of migrants from Bangladesh,
men stayed longer period of time than women migrants. Majority of men (25.6%) and
women (43.6%) migrants stayed abroad for 1 - 2 years. About 18 per cent men stayed
for 5 - 6 years. On the other hand, about 27.2 per cent women stayed for less than one
year compared to 5.6 per cent men migrants.
With regard to duration of stay of migrants from India, most migrants of both gender
stayed for short time between one and two years in a foreign country (over 60% in
both cases). This was mainly due to work permit or visa that is often issued for such a
period of time as sanctioned by the Government of India. More women than man
stayed between seven and eleven months, whereas several men (16.3%) stayed
between three and four years. Even in some cases (5.6% men migrants and 8.6%
women migrants) the migration period lasted less than six months time.
Socio-economic profile of men and women migrants
The socio-economic profile of men and women migrants from Bangladesh and India
included occupation, income and bank account in countries of origin.
Regarding the occupation of migrants from Bangladesh, an overwhelming majority of
men migrants (91.2%) were labourers. The rest of men migrants were scattered in
various occupations like working in shop (2.8%), working in hotel and restaurant
(1.2%), driver (1.2%), private service holders (0.4%) etc. On the other hand, an
overwhelming majority of women migrants were working as housemaids abroad
(86.4%) followed by 4.8 per cent nurses.
AS of India, there was lot of diversity in occupation in destination countries such as
men migrants worked mainly as plumber, factory worker, carpenter and mason. On

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the other hand, women migrants predominately worked as housemaids (35.7%) and
nurses (31.4%). Migrants of both gender also worked in private services.
With regard to monthly income of migrants from Bangladesh, men earned far more
than women migrants as most of the women migrants did not get salary according to
the contract. An overwhelming majority of women migrants (80.4%) had income
range between taka 5,001-10,000 compared to men migrants (3.2%) in the same
category. On the other hand, majority men migrants (24%) had income range between
taka 15,001-20,000 compared to only 4.4 per cent women migrants.
Among migrants from India, majority of the men migrants (48.8%) earned between
Rs. 10,000-14,999 monthly while majority of women migrants (37.1%) were earning
a slight better in between Rs. 20,000- 29,999. Even some women migrants (31.4%)
are earning between Rs. 30,000-39,999 monthly. However monthly income varied
given the nature of work, level of education etc. Interestingly, more men than women
were present in the lowest and the highest salary scales.
With regard to whether migrants had their own account in home country, men
migrants from Bangladesh were more responsive and efficient in opening bank
accounts in their names before going abroad than women who depended more on their
male family members. Overwhelming 98.8 per cent men migrants had their own
account compared to only 45.2 per cent among women migrants.
In India, an overwhelming majority of migrants had their own bank account in India,
92.4 per cent men and 82.9 per cent women migrants.

Pre-migration related issues

There were pre-migration related issues such as factors influencing migration,
decision making to migrate, resistances from family members, various channels used
for migration, money spent on migration and sources of such funds or money
Of the various determining factors behind migration from Bangladesh, the most well
articulated reasons were financial. About 92.4 per cent women and 34 per cent men
migrated due to poverty. An overwhelming majority of 94.8 per cent men migrated
due to unemployment as they were the main breadwinner compared to 69.2 per cent
among women. Moreover, 38.4 per cent women migrated due to landlessness which
was far less among men, only 3.2 per cent. In addition to economic hardship, mostly
women (30.8%) were approached by agents who promised them jobs abroad.
However, both men (5.2%) and women (20.4%) had relatives living and working
abroad who helped them to migrate to those countries. On the other hand, women
migrants had various other social problems such as domestic violence (8.4%),
remarriage of husband (4%), being separated, abandoned or divorced (3.2%), prematured death of husband (2.4%) and very few for dowry (1.2%). In such vulnerable
situations, women could easily be motivated by family members, relatives,
neighbours and agents to migrate for better livelihood options. Moreover, women
needed less money to migrate than men which increased the temptation among male
family members to send their female members abroad to earn viable incomes.
As of India, two factors were regarded very significant namely better job
opportunities or more income (80.8% for men and 92.2% for women) and poverty
(55.8% for women and 47.9% for men) followed by unemployment (14.4% men and
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17.3% women migrants) and landlessness (12% men and 14.4% women migrants).
Moreover, migrants (4.5% men and 2.1% women) were approached by agents which
triggered them to go abroad.
With regard to decision making to migrate from Bangladesh, majority of men
migrants (50%) and women migrants (78.4%) took decision on their own. Due to low
income, unemployment and prodigality of male members and high expenditure for
migration of men, most of the women had to take decision to migrate to earn a viable
income. Their husbands (34%) also agreed because of better life for their children.
On the other hand, as most of the men migrants lived in a joint family system in India,
the decision to migrate was not very often made by one person, but more commonly
jointly with other family members. It was found that spouses very often had a say in
84.9 per cent cases of men migrants and 91.4 per cent in case of women migrants. In
the case of women migrants mostly it was the husband who influenced the migration.
Also the parents of the migrants play an important role in the decision making
process. The migrants parents were involved among 50 per cent of the migration
decisions. Men migrants claimed that they often make the decision themselves
(90.5%) while women relied more on or were forced by their spouses and parents and
only partially make the decision themselves in 64.3 per cent of the cases.
With regard to resistance from family members to migrate from Bangladesh, an
overwhelming number of men migrants (84.8%) and women migrants (90.4%) hardly
faced any problems from their families. On other hand, 15.2 men migrants had to face
obstacle in contrast to 9.6 per cent women migrants whom family members were
reluctant to send them abroad mainly due to insecurity issues in destination countries.
In majority of the cases of men migrants, majority of their siblings did not want them
to migrate abroad for work while in the case of majority of women migrants,
husbands (54.17%) forbade their wives to migrate.
About 66.3 per cent of the men migrants from India did not face any resistance
compared to 77.1 per cent women migrants who faced resistance. Due to resistance
especially from the family, there were less female migrants. In case of 42 per cent
men and 54.3 per cent women migrants, their spouses were against their going abroad.
In case of men migrants, their parents (22.8%) or the siblings (14%) often argued
against migration abroad.
Of the various channels being used by men and women migrants from Bangladesh,
most migrants were provided jobs abroad by recruiting agencies, 38.4 per cent among
men and 35.6 per cent among women migrants. As men were more mobile, they
frequently took the help of relatives (34.8%) and neighbours (23.6%) to process the
migration abroad. However, women mostly relied on the informal channel of dalals
and their agents (36.4%). Unfortunately, very few men and women went abroad
through the formal government channel.
In India, mostly migrants were provided jobs abroad through manpower and travel
agencies. About 67.2 per cent men and 85.7 per cent women migrants used these
channels of migration. The main difference between men and women was that women
tended to rely more on relatives to process the migration abroad (31.4% against only
12.6% for men). Unfortunately, very few men (5.3%) went abroad through the formal
government channel whereas 37.1 per cent women used this channel for migration.
With regard to the amount of money being spent on migration from Bangladesh, it
seemed that women had to spend far less money than men to migrate. While 68 per
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cent women migrants had spent between taka 50,000 - 90,999, only 4 per cent men
could go abroad with the same amount. Moreover, men had spent 3-5 lac and above
while none of the women did not spent that amount to migrate. Interestingly, about
6.4 per cent women had spent less than taka 50,000 while none of the men could go
abroad in such lower rates.
In India also the same trend existed as women had to spend less money than men to
migrate. While 45.7 per cent women migrants spent less than Rs. 50,000, only 20.5
per cent men could go abroad with such little costs. For most men it was between
Rs.50,000 - 90,000 to migrate. On the other hand, almost all women however spent
less than Rs. 70,000. Moreover, some men had to spend over Rs. 110,000 while none
of the women had to spend that amount to migrate. It could mainly be due to their
type of occupation abroad since many women worked as housemaids.
In Bangladesh, men and women migrants had to manage money from various sources.
As they were unable to go abroad with their own savings, they had to take either loan
from different places and individuals or mortgage and sell their assets. About 30 per
cent men and 54 per cent women used their own savings plus they had to manage the
rest of the money from other sources. Among men migrants, 54.8 per cent had to
mortgage their land followed by 31.6 per cent who managed to take from relatives
living in the country. On the other hand, women migrants depended on various
sources such as 61.6 per cent had to take loans with high interest rates, followed by
38.4 per cent took loan from relatives living in the country, 16.8 per cent who had to
mortgage their land, 16.4 per cent by selling of land and house, and 6.4 per cent who
took loans from relatives living abroad. Women also mortgaged their ornaments, they
took loans from friends, took money from their family members and close relatives.
Fairly similar trends were found between men and women regarding the sources of
money used in order to pay for migration. For both men and women, mortgage of land
was the most common source of money (74.7% for men and 64.3 for women
migrants). Almost equally often they had to sell land (69.3 men and 61.4% women)
while 49.5 per cent men and 45.7 per cent women migrants used their own savings to
go abroad. Men and women both took loans but differed in the kind of loan they got.
Men mostly opted for loans with high interest rates from banks compared to women
who tended to get the money from relatives and probably had to pay less interest.
Flow of remittance
With regard to sending remittance to Bangladesh, majority of both men (53.2%) and
women (73.2%) migrants sent money on quarterly basis. About 45.2 per cent men
migrants sent remittance on monthly, 0.4 per cent sent on yearly basis and 1.2 per cent
had not sent money. On the other hand, 10.8 per cent women migrants sent remittance
on yearly basis followed by 9.60 per cent who sent on monthly basis. However, 6.40
per cent women migrants had not sent any money back home due to various reasons
such as some of them had divorced their husbands after going abroad, some saved
money abroad while others were deceived by their employers and did not get any
salaries. Regarding amount of remittance sent on monthly basis, majority women
migrants (62.5%) sent taka 7,000 or less to their relatives compared to men migrants
(5.32%). About 30 per cent men migrants sent taka 10,001-15,000 per month
compared to women migrants (16.67%). However, majority men and women migrants
preferred to send remittance to their family members on quarterly basis. Regarding
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amount of remittance sent on quarterly basis, about 47.54 per cent women migrants
sent remittance taka 20,001-25,000 on quarterly basis compared to 19.55 per cent
among men migrants followed by 26.23 per cent women migrants sent remittance
below taka 20,000 compared to 9.02 per cent men migrants. Regarding amount of
remittance sent on yearly basis, 37.04 per cent women migrants sent taka 40,00150,000 on yearly basis followed by 11.11 per cent taka 60,001-70,000 and the same
percentage sent taka 90,001-100,000 while a few sent more than taka 100,001 per
year.
Most migrants from Bangladesh sent remittance home on a monthly basis. Other
families received money on a quarterly basis or only once year, but that occurred less
often. The amount of remittance sent depends on various factors like frequency and
occupation. As such the amount of remittance sent by the migrants varies to a great
extent. Surprisingly enough, it seemed that regardless the frequency, men tended to
send more money home. Although it is shown that women earned slightly more, but
actually women migrants did not get their salaries according to the contract. Most
men sent between Rs. 15,000 - 20,000 on a monthly basis compared to women it was
as low as Rs. 7,000 - 10,000. The same trend could also be seen regarding money sent
on a quarterly basis, Rs. 35,000 - 40,000 in case of men migrants and Rs. 25,00030,000 for women, and yearly basis (Rs.150,000 - 160,000 men and Rs. 90,000100,000 women).
With regard to channels of sending money to Bangladesh, an overwhelming majority
of men (76.8%) and women migrants (64.8%) sent remittance through bank, by
money transfer through western union (10.4% men and 28.8% women migrants), sent
remittance through known persons living abroad (40.4% men and 2.8% women
migrants) and very few sent money through hundi.
Most remittances were sent to India through banks. There were overwhelming number
of migrants with bank accounts in their home country, 89.8 per cent men and 80 per
cent women migrants. However, about tenth of the migrants, slightly more women
than men, used private channel to sent money to India. Other channels like deposits,
money transfer or Hundi were not very popular.
With regard to recipient of the remittance sent to Bangladesh, majority of men
migrants (55.2%) sent remittance to their spouse compared to 29.2 per cent among
women migrants. About 36.4 per cent men migrants sent remittance to their fathers
followed by 23.6 per cent to their brothers, 10.8 per cent to their mothers. On the
other hand, 18.4 per cent women migrants sent money to their fathers, 15.6 per cent to
their mothers, 14.8 per cent preferred to send money to their brothers and 8.4 per cent
to their children.
Men migrants from India generally sent money to either their wives (73.9%) or their
father (25.3%). Relatively high share went to other blood relatives which could be
explained from the existence of the joint family structure. Majority of the women
migrants also tended to send their money to their husbands (61.2%) with a relatively
large amount to the father of the migrant (22.1%).
Considering family members dependent on the remittances in Bangladesh, about 3-4
family members of 47.6 per cent men migrants and 38.4 per cent women migrants
were dependant on the remittance followed by 5-6 family members of 27.6 per cent of
both men and women migrants.

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In India, although the families of women migrants were generally smaller, this does
not show in the number of family members that were dependent on the remittances.
This could be that although the families of men migrants were larger, they also had
more breadwinners. As a consequence, less people were dependent on the remittances
send to India from abroad. In most cases (55%) for both men and women migrants,
there were usually three to four family members who were dependent on the
remittances.
The remittances that was sent home was used for multiple purposes. With regard to
the purposes remittance was used by family members left behind in Bangladesh,
overwhelming majority of family members of men (97.2%) and women migrants
(88.8%) used remittance for family maintenance. Most of the women migrants
managed their migration expenditure by taking loans at high interest as such a
significant number of women migrants' family members (64.8%) used the remittance
to repay loans taken during migration compared to men migrants' family members
only (19.2%). About 68.4 per cent family members of men migrants spent remittance
for medical treatment compared to 47.2 per cent among women migrants followed by
39.6 per cent family members of men migrants and 47.2 per cent women migrants
used remittance for education of children.
In India, about 92.6 per cent of family members of men migrants and 82.9 per cent of
the women migrants used the money for family maintenance followed by education of
children (approximately 63% in both cases). A lot of families also used the remittance
to save for their daughters marriage, 57.1 per cent among families of women
migrants against 43.3 per cent of mens families. Family members of men migrants
also tended to spend the money on medical treatment (36.7%), to build a new house
(38.6%) or to repay loans (35.3%).
Problems in the destination countries
Both men and women migrants from Bangladesh faced various problems in the
destination countries. Especially women migrants were treated more badly than men
migrants by the employers and hardly had freedom to move outside the employer's
residence as they wished. An overwhelming majority of men migrants (97.2%) had to
deposit passport, job contract to employers compared to 57.2 per cent women
migrants. Majority women migrants (58.4%) were not paid salary properly according
to job contracts compared to men migrants (9.6%). A significant number of women
migrants (55.6%) suffered from no overtime payment followed by long working hours
(52.4%) and no fixed working hours (47.2%). Men migrants also faced the same
problems such as working for long hours (24.4%) followed by no overtime payment
(14.4%) and no fixed hours (2.4%). However, women migrants were facing other
problems more acutely than men migrants like exploitative working environment
(30%), unsuitable physical environment (30%), food not habituated to take (19.2%),
migrants perceived as inferiors (18.8%), abuse of employers (16.8%), lack of dignity
from employers (16%) and degrading behaviour (15.6%). In addition, women
migrants (13.2%) had to work in hazardous, risky work environment (13.2%)
followed by housing problems (11.2%) and they (3.2%) were also sexually exploited
at workplace.
The problems faced by migrants from India in destination countries were very
diverse. Both gender encountered problems regarding salary and working hours. More
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than 41 per cent of the men and 25.7 per cent of the women had to work long hours.
Often they were not getting paid for their overtime work among 29.3 per cent of the
men and 20 per cent of the women migrants. Related to this issue was that 25.7 per
cent of women and 33 per cent of men migrants stated that they do not have fixed
working hours. Interestingly, only one woman migrant was asked to hand over her
passport, job contract and other relevant documents compared to 18.2 per cent men
migrants. Several men experienced a hazardous (8.9%) and exploitative (12.1%)
working environment which was less a problem for women (2.9%) because of the
nature of their work. Moreover, as many women migrant workers work as
housemaids, quite a few of them experienced the feeling of isolation and confinement
(31.4%). It is important to also acknowledge that several migrants had a successful
time abroad since 19 per cent of the women and 15 per cent of the men migrants did
not report any problems at all.
Impact on family members left behind
With regard to the impacts on family members left behind, there were positive as well
as negative impacts. In Bangladesh, some positive impacts on family members of men
migrants were economic solvency, of whom 36.88 per cent were male members,
48.94 per cent female members and 7.09 per cent among both boys and girls. In
addition, economic solvency brought about increase in status and dignity of family
members, especially of 53.64 per cent male members. On the other hand, educational
status increased for both boys (30.6%) and girls (24.49%). Family members especially
the elderly and children were provided better medical treatment as well as family
members were well provided with better clothing and better food. The same impacts
were found among family members of women migrants such as economic solvency,
of which 37.15 per cent were male members, 30.79 per cent female members, 15.52
per cent boys and 16.54 per cent girls and this brought about increase in status and
dignity of family members, especially of 45.41 per cent male members. On the other
hand, educational status increased both for boys (34.24%) and girls (32.43%). Family
members especially the elderly and children were provided better medical treatment,
better clothing and better food. Moreover, 36 female members gained empowerment.
Economic solvency also encouraged 71.43 per cent male members and 28.57 per cent
female members to undertake business initiatives. There were also changes in the
behaviour of some family members such as smartness and change in lifestyle and
moreover they became familiar as they gained new information of destination
countries.
Regarding positive impacts on family members left behind in India, 50 per cent of the
family members of men migrants and 71.4 per cent of the family of women migrants
enjoyed economic solvency. Economic solvency brought about increase in status and
dignity of family members, better medical treatment, better clothing, increase in
educational status. Also in other areas there were positive impacts like funds for
starting a business, behavioral changes and an increase of knowledge of the outside
world. In some case women empowerment was also reported, especially in the context
of joint families with mother or mother-in-law as the head of the household and in
nuclear families where the wife of men migrant was left behind with her children.
In Bangladesh, compared to various positive impacts on family members of men
migrants, loneliness was the most identified negative impact by both males (34.58%)

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and females (48.24%) while children also missed their fathers. There were very few
unfortunate incidents of divorce by male and female members. Absence of proper
childcare of a girl was also identified. Among family members of women migrants,
loneliness was the most identified negative impact among 31.88 per cent female
members and 22.18 per cent girls. There were few unfortunate incidents of divorce by
male and female members. However, 96.67 per cent male members and 3.33 per cent
female members remarried for the second time. About 89.48 per cent male members
had extramarital relationship when their wives were working abroad. Women
migration also created family feud and break up of family life. About 51.35 per cent
male members, 45.95 per cent female members and 2.70 per cent girls were affected
by family feud. Moreover, women migration also deprived children of getting proper
child care and affected schooling of children.
Among the negative impacts, family members left behind in India of women migrants
experienced feelings of loneliness (72.9% women compared to 57.2% men). Divorce
or extra marital relationship was not reported in any of the migrants families though
there were few cases of family life break ups. However, family feud was reported
mainly from the families of men migrants where brothers and sister-in-laws opposed
taking care of migrants family members, especially children. Other aspects that
particularly affected family members of male migrants were the absence of proper
childcare and problem with the schooling of children.
Problems faced by family members left behind
Of the various problems faced by family members left behind in Bangladesh, lack of
communication between the men migrants abroad with their family members at home
was identified especially by 54.72 per cent female members compared to 37.74 per
cent male members. Moreover 53.64 per cent female members also had monetary
problems either when the remittance sent by men migrants was controlled by other
male members of the family or when insufficient money was sent. At the same time,
many of them said that they got the money quite late from abroad, 65.79 per cent
among male members and 34.21 per cent among female members. On the other hand,
family members left behind by women migrants identified monetary problem as most
of the women migrants took loans at high interest to cover expenses to be incurred for
migration. Family members had to repay the loans and it created pressure back home.
Moreover, 30.92 per cent male members and 34.21 per cent female members, 17.11
per cent boys and 17.76 per cent girls suffered from lack of communication.
With regard to the problems faced by the family members of migrants who are left
behind in India, interestingly not all family members reported problems. However, the
main problem for family members of men migrants was that relatively often they had
to wait a long time before they got their money from abroad (25.8%) which is related
to monetary problems (18.6% among family members of the men migrants and 11.4%
among women migrants). Another problem that women migrants families
encountered was social stigma towards the migrants children (14.3%).
Coping strategies of family members

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With regard to coping strategies of family members of men migrants left behind in
Bangladesh, most frequently cited was frequent communication, especially of 56.06
per cent female members and 31.82 per cent male members and few children. Only
female members of two households employed maids to do various household chores.
Coping strategies of family members of women migrants was frequent
communication among 31.83 per cent male members, 22.56 per cent female members,
21.05 per cent boys and 24.56 per cent girls. Migration caused 14 divorce incidents of
which 50 per cent among male members, 35.71 per cent female members and 14.29
per cent young boys ended their bondage of conjugal life where their young wives had
left for employment abroad. On the other hand, 93.75 per cent male members and
6.25 per cent female members remarried to cope with changed situation. About 57.14
per cent girl children and 14.29 per cent boy children stayed in their grandparents
residence.
Migrants families left behind in India came up with various coping strategies of which
the most commonly used by family members of both men (55.1%) and women
(65.7%) migrants was frequent communication. Wives of men migrants often chose to
live with the parents instead of living with in-laws (2.8%), 2.1 per cent appointed
housemaids to do cooking, child care, looking after elders, etc.
Mode of communication with family members
With regard to mode of communication with family members, both of men and
women migrants from Bangladesh usually talked to their family members over phone.
About 100 per cent men migrants and 98.01 per cent women migrants communicated
with their family members left behind over mobile phone. However, 2 per cent men
migrants and 3.6 per cent women migrants visited their family members back in the
country.
Overwhelming majority of migrants from India (87.6% men migrants and 91.4%
women migrants) mainly communicated with family members left behind over the
phone. However, none of the migrants made visits to India. Women migrants
occasionally communicated with home by sending letters (4.3%) or by sending emails
(5.4%) while men tended to do these to a lesser extent.
Decision-making role of migrants
Regarding decision-making role in the family back home in Bangladesh, an
overwhelming majority of 99.6 per cent men and 78.8 per cent women migrants had
decisive role in deciding the usage of remittance. About 44 per cent men migrants
decided on buying land and property compared to only 18 per cent women migrants.
On the other hand, women migrants made decisions on education of children (40.8%),
followed by health and medical treatment of family members especially the elderly
and children (36.4%), building house (14.8%), loan the payment (12%), marriage and
children (10.4%), and migration of other family members (7.6%). On the other hand,
there were few men migrants who decided on building houses (9.2%), education of
children (9.2%), health and medical treatment of family members (8.8%). There were

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also few women migrants (6.4%) had no decision-making role as they could not sent
any money to their families back home.
Regarding decision making roles of men and women migrants of India, men migrants
were consulted about the marriage of their children (85.6%) followed by health and
medical treatment of family members (75.3%), whether other family members should
or should not migrate (47.9%), migration of other family members (47.9%),
education of children (8.1%), use of remittance (5%) and the acquisition of land or a
house (7.4%). Women migrants were involved besides the marriage of children
(41.4%), migration of other family members (47.1%), lot of them were also involved
in the decision of what to do with the remittance (45.7%). Moreover, women migrants
turned out to be highly involved when it came to buying land/new property (42.9%)
or the construction of a new house (34.3%).
Changing role of family members
With regard to the changing role of family members of men migrants in Bangladesh,
there were increase in decision-making power, taking their children and sick persons
while female members were going outside their homes and male members were
involved in small businesses. However, there was sharp difference between the roles
of male and female family members. Among 53.13 per cent male family members
there were increase in decision-making power compared to 46.87 per cent among
female family members. Only a few male members were involved in small
businesses. On the other hand, a handful of female family members were going
outside their homes for various household needs and taking children in school and
taking sick family members to hospitals.
Family members of both men and women migrants experienced to a great extent that
their decision-making power was very important (75.8% men and 65.7% women
family members). Also members were now responsible for taking the children to
school (41.4% men and 34.3% women) and taking sick persons to the hospital
(respectively 32.1% vs. 17.1%). Especially family members of women migrants noted
a change in the amount of economic work they could do (14.3%) because the woman
was the breadwinner who is now living abroad. Moreover, almost 20 per cent family
irrespectively of their gender had to start preparing food for rest of the family
members.
With regard to the changing role of family members of men migrants in the
community in Bangladesh, there were increase in status and position, involvement in
social work, active participation in community functions and events and leadership
role in their community. Among male family members, their was recognition of
leadership in the community (80%) followed by increase in status and position
(68.27%), active involvement in social work (62.5%) and participation in community
functions and events (54.58%). On the other hand, compared to male members,
female family members participated more in community functions and events than
before (45.2%) followed by involvement in social work (37.5%) which gave them
increase in their status and position (31.72%) and only one woman could play the
leadership role in the community. More or less the same trend was found among male
and female family members of women migrants.

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In India, role in the community of the family members changed because one of the
family members went abroad. By far the most popular response was an increase in the
status and position of the family members. Especially family members of men
migrants said that had become more involved in social work in the community
(17.7%). Several other family members started to participate more often in
community events (6% family members of men migrants against 2.9% family
members of women migrants) or gained a leadership role in the community (6.5
among family members of men migrants compared to 2.9% among women migrants).

Suggestions
Family members of both men and women migrants in Bangladesh provided concrete
suggestions for socio-economic development of migrants and their families and
especially emphasized the pivotal role of the government. Among family members of
men migrants, 42 per cent suggested that government should take initiatives to send
migrants through proper channel, government should at the same time provide skill
development training to potential migrants before going abroad (35.6%), government
should stop corruption of the private organizations namely recruiting and travel
agencies and arrange for sending migrants in proper way (16%), reduce expenditure
incurred for migration (12.8%), and at the same time agencies dealing with migration
should follow the approved government guidelines (12.4%). In addition, they
suggested that embassies abroad should provide support to migrants (8%),
government to provide loans at low interests for migration (8%), separate banks
should be set up for migrants (8%), while others suggested that government should
provide interest free loans (5.6%). Moreover, they opined that migrants need to learn
the language of destination countries (7.6%), travel agencies should give more
facilities to migrants (5.6%) as well as improving the communication facilities.
Family members of women migrants suggested among others that migrants need to
learn the language of destination countries to cope with the new environment (15.2%),
migrants should get salary according to the contract (10.8%), government should at
the same time provide skill development training to potential migrants before going
abroad (8.8%), try to reduce expenditure incurred for migration (8.8%), instruct
embassies abroad to provide support to migrants (8.4%). They also stressed the
importance to taking necessary measures to stop physical torture against women
migrants (7.6%), stop the activities of dalals and agents who exploit the potential
women migrants (6.8%), arrange proper channels for sending remittance easily
(5.6%), stop corruption of the private organizations namely recruiting and travel
agencies and arrange for sending migrants in proper way (5.6%) and moreover
government should take initiatives to bring back the women migrants (4.8%) as they
work in most vulnerable situations without any support and cooperation.
Like their counterparts from Bangladesh, family members of both men and women
migrants in India also came up with several suggestions to improve the socioeconomic development of the migrants and themselves. In general they underline the
crucial role that the government should play in improving the position and in
protecting the rights of the migrants and their families.

148

The main topics that the government should be involved in are (the percentages are
respectively for family members of male migrants and family members of female
migrants): taking necessary measures to stop misuse against migrants (31.9% and
38.6%); taking punitive action against agents who make false promises and exploit
the migrants (23.5% and 27.1%); ensuring that the migrants is paid according to the
contract (15.6% and 22.9%); disseminating information regarding working abroad
(15.6% and 20%) and finally, the government should take initiatives to sent migrants
through proper channels (16.5% and 15.7%). In line with this last aspect is that
agencies who are dealing with migration should follow the approved government
guidelines (20.2% and 11.4%).
Interestingly, almost all suggestions involve the government, and occasionally the
agencies to take action. In just a few cases the suggestions are directed to the migrants
themselves. An example is that migrants need to learn the language of destination
countries (3.9% and 7.1%) in order to improve the situation they are in.

5.2 Similarities and differences both the countries- Bangladesh &

India

In both countries most households are male headed.

In Bangladesh, men and women migrants came from nuclear families while in
India, men migrants came from joint families and women migrants came from
nuclear families.

Women migrants in both India and Bangladesh are generally younger (often
younger than legally is allowed) than their men counterparts. Though their
official age for migration is 25 years for Bangladesh and 30 years for India,
more number of women has been found migrating to various countries below
their minimum age limit.

Majority of the migrants are married.

In India women migrants are far better educated than women migrants from
Bangladesh

While in Bangladesh, men migrants come from urban areas and women
migrants from rural areas, in India, both men and women migrants came from
rural areas and were found to be internal migrants also in majority of cases

While men migrate because of poverty/unemployment/better pay packets, the

causes behind the migration of women are poverty, better pay packet,
relocation of the employer, landlessness, abandonment/ divorce, premature
death of husband, education and dowry payment of children. Women migrate
for the basic sustenance of family members while men migrate either for better
pay packets/unemployment or due to a tendency/lure for migration. This is
similar for migrants from both the countries.

Bangladeshi migrants more often make the migration decision alone and less
frequently faced resistance. In India, men migrants took the decision of their
migration themselves. But, for women migrants, it is interesting to note that

149

while husbands put pressure for migration to earn better, women migrants also
face more resistance from their family members particularly from husbands
and in-laws or society for migration. In Bangladesh, men and women took the
decision to migrate themselves.

Formal government channels are hardly ever used in both the countries for
migration. In India, for jobs abroad, men take help from neighbours and
relatives but women have mostly to rely on informal channels like dalals and
agents.

Men generally spent more on migration than women

Own savings do not suffice; migrants from both countries take out loans or
sold land (especially in India)

Migrants from Bangladesh are not always trained but migrants from India
were mostly trained.

Saudi Arabia and UAE are the most popular destinations. Libya is a common
destination for Bangladeshi migrants.

Men stay abroad slightly longer than women.

More diversity in occupation among Indian migrants than among Bangladeshi

migrants.

Men earned far more than women migrants (which is especially the case for
migrants from Bangladesh).

Remittance is generally send through bank accounts.

Indian migrants sent most of the remittances to their spouses. While men
migrants sent remittance to their fathers or wives, women migrants sent
remittance to husband, fathers, brothers and father-in-laws. Bangladeshi
migrants more often have their father, mother, brothers and children as
recipients.
Family members of migrants from both countries used remittances
predominately for family maintenance and education of the children.
Especially Indian families also saved for daughters marriage

Employers often confiscated passport from Bangladeshi migrants and do not

pay according to the contract. For Indian migrants the main problem had to do
with the salary and working hours. Women migrants are treated more badly
than male counterparts. More women than men have to hand over their
passports, job contracts and other relevant documents. Women migrants faced
isolation, confinement and slavery more than men migrants.

Family members in both countries experienced an increase in economic

solvency and status. Family members were provided better medical treatment,
better clothing and better food

A lot of migrants feel lonely. Particularly Bangladeshi families struggle with

issue like divorce, remarriage and extra marital relationships. Where it has
been seen that, it is more convenient for men to migrate and earn a living
outside their native place, most husbands of women migrants have a tendency

150

to send their wives and make them work, while they would remain idle and
solely depend on the remittance sent by the women with the excuse that they
have to look after the household chores and children. The biggest problem
which women migrants suffer is isolation from their kids, and giving proper
mother care to the child.

Monetary problems are often reported by families: takes a long time before
they receive remittance and loans have to be paid

Frequent communication is often used solution to deal with issues that arise
from the absence of the migrant

Migrants are often involved in decisions that involve their families

However, the decision-making power of family members increased (both

sexes in India and male family members in Bangladesh)

Male family members in Bangladesh noted, to a larger extent than women

migrants, a changing role in the community.

Bangladeshi migrants reported bigger changes than their Indian counterparts

as part of their suggestions for improvement in government mechanism and
policy on migration

5.3 Policy recommendations

Government may take up initiative to spread awareness about proper channel

of migration and not to be lured by agents on false promises

There should be a rise in employment opportunities within the home country

Government to take initiatives to send migrants through proper channel

Provide skill development training to potential migrants before going abroad

Stop corruption of the private organizations namely recruiting and travel

agencies

Reduce expenditure incurred for migration

Agencies dealing with migration should follow the approved government

guidelines

Embassies abroad should provide support to migrants

Provide loans at low interests or interest free loans for migration

Separate banks should be set up for migrants

Arrange proper channels for sending remittance

Migrants need to learn the language of destination countries

Travel agencies should give more facilities to migrants

Communication facilities should be improved.

Migrants should get salary according to the job contract

151

Stop activities of dalals and agents who exploit the potential migrants
Take necessary measures to stop physical torture against women migrants
Take initiatives to bring back the women migrants as they work in most
vulnerable situations without any support and cooperation.

152

Annexure I

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155

Annexure II

Gender Dimensions of International Migration from

Bangladesh and India: Socio-Economic Impact on
Families Left Behind
Interview schedule for family members of men and
women migrants from India

ID No.: ...........................
Name of Respondent: ...................................................................................................
Address:
Village/Town: ................................................. Union: ................................................
Upazila/Police Station: ................................... District: ..............................................
Division:..........................................................
(tick appropriate)
Family member of men migrant:
Family member of women migrant: ..

Name of Interviewer:..........................................................Time &

Date:..................................
Comments:
..........................................................................................................................................
............
..........................................................................................................................................
............
..........................................................................................................................................
............
A. Socio-Economic and Demographic Background

156

Q1.

Type of family

1. Nuclear
2. Joint
3. Extended

Q2.

Family headed by

1. Male headed
2. Female headed

Number of family members

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Q3.

1-4
5-8
9-12
13-16
17-20
21& above

Q4. Profile of family members:

(M)

Name

Sex (code)

Relation with
migrant

Age (code)

M1.
M2.
M3.
M4.
M5.
M6.
M7.
M8.
M9.
M10.
M11.
M12.
M13.
M14.
M15.
M16.

157

Marital status
(Code)

Educational
qualification
(Code)

Occupation
(Code)

Income
monthly
(INR)

M17.
M18.

B. Housing and other Facilities

1. Kutcha
Q5.

Type of house in which members

of family reside

2. Semi-pucca
3. Pucca
4.Others (please specify)

1. Ring slap
2. Kutcha
3. Open latrine
Q6. Access to latrine facilities

4. Sanitary
5. Hanging
6. Others (please
specify).
1. Tube-well
2. Supply water/tap
3. Pond/ River/ Canal

Q7. Access to drinking water

4. Ring-well
5. Others

(please

Q8. Availability of electric facilities

1. Yes
2. No

Information about Man/ Woman Migrant

Q9. Demographic Profile

158

specify)

..

1. Male
Sex

2. Female
1. 18-22
2. 23-27
3. 28-32
4. 33-37

Age (years)

5. 38-42
6. 43-47
7. 48-52
8. 53 and above
1. Hindu
2. Muslim

Religion

3. Christian
4. Others ( please specify)..
1. Single
2.

Married

3. Divorced
Marital Status

4. Separated
5. Abandoned
6. Widow/Widower
7. Other
1. Illiterate
2. Can sign only
3. Primary
4. S.Sc

Level of Education

5. H.Sc
6. B.A
7. Madrasa
8. Vocational qualification
9. Other (please specify)

1. Housemaid/ domestic help

2. Factory worker
Occupation

3. Private service
4. Construction worker
5. Working in beauty parlor

159

6. Working in hotel or restaurant

7. Nursing
8. Transport (Driver)
9. Agriculture worker
10. Carpenter
11. Mason
12. Electrician
13. Other (please specify)

Country of migration

Income monthly (INR)

1. 6 months and less
2. 7 months-11 months
3. 1 -2 years
4. 3-4 years

Duration of stay up to date

5. 5-6 years
6. 7-9 years
7. 10 years and more
1. Yes
Bank account in home country

Training before migration

2. No
1.

Yes

2.

No

Q 10. Place of birth

Village ..
Town
Q 11.

Upazila
Police Station ..

District
District

What factors influenced his/her to migrate? (Answer can be in more than one

category)
Factors that influenced migration

Please put
tick mark beside the right

answer-more than one answer possible

Poverty
Landlessness
Unemployment
Natural disaster

160

Relatives living abroad

Approached by agents
who promised jobs abroad
Domestic violence
Better job opportunities/ more income
Others (specify)

Q12. Who took the decision for migration?

Person

Please put
tick mark beside the right

answer-more than one answer possible

Self-decision
Spouse
Parents
Parents-in-law
Siblings
Children
Other (please specify)

Q.13 Did the migrant face any resistance from family/relatives?

1. YES
Resistance

2. NO [ Go to question 15]

(If yes, to the above question only)

Q14. Who was resistant?
Person

Please put
tick mark beside the right

answer-more than one answer possible

Spouse
Parents
Parents-in-law
Siblings
Children
Other (please specify)

161

Q15 . How did he/she manage to migrate? (Answer can be in more than one category)
Please put
tick mark beside the right
answer-more than one answer possible

How migration was managed

Through government channel
Through manpower agencies
Through travel agents
Through relatives
Through neighbors
Own initiatives
Others (please specify)

Q16. How much money did he/she spend to migrate? (INR)

...............................................................................................................................
Q17. How did he/she manage the money to migrate? (Answer can be in more than one
category)
Please put
tick mark beside the right
answer- more than one answer possible

How money was managed

Own saving
Mortgage of land
Selling land
Loan with high interest rate (Money lenders,
banks, etc.)
Loan from relatives living at homeland
Loans from relatives living
abroad who have sent work permit
Other (please specify)

D.

Flow of Remittances:

Q18. What is the amount of remittance sent on monthly/quarterly basis? (Answer can be in
more than one category)
Frequency
Amount of remittance
Monthly basis
Quarterly basis
Yearly basis

Q19. What are the channels through which remittance is sent? (Answer can be in more than
one category)

162

Channels of sending remittances

Please put
tick mark beside the right answermore than one answer possible

Banks
Private
Deposits from where the family can
withdraw money at times of need
Via money transfer eg. Western
Union
Other (please specify)

Q20. Who is the receiver of the remittance sent? (Answer can be in more than one category)
Who receives remittances

Please put
tick mark beside the right answermore than one answer possible

Husband/wife
Father
Mother
Sister
Brother
Daughter
Son
Father-in-law
Mother-in-law
Brother-in-law
Sister-in-law
Others, please specify

Q21. How many family members are dependent on the remittance?

1. 3 and less
2. 4-5
Family members

3. 6-10
4. 11 -15
5. More than 15

Q 22. In what purposes remittances are used by family members back home? (Answer can
be in more than one category)
Purposes for which remittances are used

163

Please put
tick mark beside the

right answer-more than one answer
possible

Family maintenance
Education of children
Medical treatment
Reconstruction of existing house
Building new house
Purchasing land
Savings for daughter's marriage
Study loans
Repayment of loans taken during migration
Business purpose
Spent in festivals
Usury business
Other (please specify)
E.

Problems in Destination Countries and Impact on Families Left Behind:

Q 23. What problems are faced by the men/women migrants in the destination countries?
(Answer can be in more than one category)
Problem faced in the destination countries

Passport, job contract and other relevant

documents are taken by the agent
aboard/employer
Salary are not paid according to job contracts
Housing problems
Hazardous, risky work environment
Exploitative work environment
Long working hours
No fixed hours
No overtime payment
Lack of proper medical treatment
Health problems like HIV/AIDS, hepatitis,
diabetics, etc.
Misconduct/abuse of employers
Insufficient food/food not habituated to take
Degrading behavior

164

Please put
tick mark beside the right

answer-more than one answer possible
Men migrants
Women migrants

Lack of dignity from employers

Physical environment not suitable like desert,
rubber plantation, heat, etc.
Migrants perceived as inferiors/slaves
Isolation/confinement
Other (please specify)

Q 24. What are the positive impacts on family members back home? (Answer can be in
more than one category)
Positive impacts on
family members back
home
Economic solvency

Male family
members

Female members

Children
(specify boy /girl)

Increase in
status/dignity
Increase in educational
status
Better medical
treatment
Better clothing
Better food
Undertaking business
initiatives/small
business
Payment of dowry
Behavioral change
namely smartness, life
style, etc.
Higher aspiration of
relatives and neighbors
Women empowerment
Increase of information
of the outside
world/abroad
Providing jobs abroad
Other (please specify)

Q 25. What are the negative impacts on family members back home? (Answer can be in more
than one category)
Negative impacts on

Male family

Female members

165

Children

family members back

home
Loneliness

members

(specify boy /girl)

Divorce
Remarriage
Extra marital relationship
Absence of proper
childcare
Affect on schooling of
children
Family feud
Others, please specify

Q 26. What are the problems faced by family members left behind? (Answer can be in more
than one category)
Problems faced by family
members left behind
Monetary problem
Lack of communication
Pressure for repayment of
loan taken by migrant
Late in getting money from
abroad
Bad behavior from family
members/in-laws
Lack of social security
Social stigma towards
migrants' children
Empathizing with children
Other (please specify)
Q 27.

Male family
members

Female members

Children
(specify boy / girl)

What are the coping strategies of problems faced by family members back home?
(Answer can be in more than one category)

Coping strategies
of family members
back home
Frequent
communication
Wives go to live with
parents/ parents-inlaw
Employing maids to
do cooking,
childcare, looking
after elders, etc.
Re-marriage
Divorce
Member takes on
more responsibility
Other (please
specify)

Male family
members

Female members

166

Children
(specify boy/girl)

F.

Communication of Migrants with Family Members back Home:

Q 28. What are the modes of communication with family members back home? (Answer
can be in more than one category)
Communications
with family
members stating
frequency (daily,
weekly, monthly,
quarterly, yearly)
Letter
Fax
Phone
E-mail
Visits
Others, please
specify
H.

Male family
members

Female members

Children
(specify boy/girl)

Decision-Making and Changing Role of Family Members:

Q 29. What are the roles of men and women migrants in decision-making in the family?
(Answer can be in more than one category)
Decision-making role
Use of remittance
Buying of land/property
Building house
Education of children
Health and medical
treatment
Marriage of children
Migration of other family
members
Others, please specify

Men migrants

Women migrants

Q 30. What are the changing roles of men and women left behind by migrants in the family?
(Answer can be in more than one category)
Changing role in the
family
Increase in decision-making
power

Men in the family left

behind by women migrants

Involvement in small
business
Handicraft and cottage
industry
Doing less economic work
Cooking
Taking children to schools
Taking seek persons to

167

Women in the family left

behind by men migrants

hospitals
Others (please specify)

Q 31. What are the changing roles of men and women left behind by migrants in the
community? (Answer can be in more than one category)
Changing role in the
community
Increase in status, position

Men in the family left

behind by women migrants

Women in the family left

behind by men migrants

Involving in social work

Participation in community
functions and events
Leadership role in
community
Other (please specify)

Q. 32. Suggestions for the overall socio-economic development of migrants and their
families back home

168

..

169