Conceptualization of Anger in Saudi and Tunisian Arabic Dialects1

Mohammed S. Al-Hadlaq and Zouheir A. Maalej

Abstract:
The work of Lakoff (1987), Lakoff and Kvecses (1987), and Kvecses (1990,
2000a, 2002) on anger situates it within the bounds of PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS
OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION, thus implying a universal form of
physiological embodiment for anger. The main contribution of this chapter is
that anger in Tunisian Arabic (TA) shows many more dimensions of
embodiment than physiological embodiment (Johnson, 1987). Anger in TA
includes physiological embodiment, culturally specific embodiment, and
culturally tainted embodiment. Similar to English, physiological embodiment
yields expressions of anger where the part of the body used for
conceptualization is also actually physiologically affected. Culturally specific
embodiment involves parts of the body that are culturally correlated with the
emotion of anger. Culturally tainted embodiment uses animal behaviors and
cultural ecological features to taint physiologically embodied anger expressions.
These types of embodiment are shown to generally correlate physiology-based
anger with metonymy, and culture-based anger with metaphor.

Keywords:
Anger expressions, containment, cultural embodiment, metaphor, metonymy.

1. Introduction
Anger has been the focus of many cognitive linguistic studies across many
cultures and languages: Kvecses (1990; 1995; 2000b; 2002) for Hungarian,
English Chinese, Hungarian, Japanese, Polish, Tahitian, Wolof, and Zulu;
Lakoff (1987), Lakoff and Kvecses (1987), and Lakoff and Johnson (1999) for
English; Maalej (2004) for Tunisian Arabic; Al-Abed Al-Haq and El-Sharif
(2008) for Modern Standard Arabic; Gorgis (2008) for Iraqi and Jordanian
Arabic; Matsuki (1995), and Matsunaka and Shinohara (2001) for Japanese; Yu
1

The authors are grateful to Dr. Paul Wilson, the editor of the collection, for pertinent
comments and suggestions on two versions of the manuscript, which have greatly
improved the quality of the chapter. However, responsibility for the contents is incumbent
on the authors.

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(1995, 1998) for Chinese. Lakoff and Kvecses (1987) consider anger as an
extremely complex conceptual structure (pp. 195196), and argue that
Americans make use of a folk model for the expression of anger governed by the
container metaphor. Lakoff (1987) summed up the physiological effects of anger
as increased body heat, increased internal pressure (blood pressure, muscular
pressure), agitation, and interference with accurate perception (p. 381).
Kvecses (1995) explains that the model describes three sub-metaphors (THE
BODY IS A CONTAINER FOR EMOTIONS, ANGER IS HEAT, and EMOTIONS ARE FLUIDS)
(p. 184), all subsumed under the metonymic principle, THE PHYSIOLOGICAL
EFFECTS OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION.
Lakoff (1987) offers a scenario view of anger, including Offending event,
Anger, Attempt at control, Loss of control, and Act of retribution (pp. 397398).
The major interest of this scenario view of anger is that the various metaphors
used to conceptualize it can be shown to pertain to one of the different stages of
the scenario. Testing the sequence of some idioms for anger, Gibbs (1994)
provides evidence for the reality of these stages by empirically demonstrating
that conjoining reversed idioms of a prototype of anger yields pragmatically
unacceptable constructions as in: He flipped his lid, but it didnt get on his
nerves (p. 298). However, anger is not only characterized by a scenario view,
but it is also embodied. Lakoff and Kvecses (1987) claim that if we look at the
metaphors and metonymies for anger in the languages of the world, we will not
find any that contradict the physiological results that they [the Ekman group]
found (p. 220). This is consistent with the claim for the universality of an anger
scenario based on the nervous system and physiology. Replying to Geeraerts and
Grondelaers (1995) criticisms of Lakoff and Kvecses scenario of anger,
Kvecses (1995) argued that it is a mistake to identify and globally characterize
our account of the container metaphor for anger in English as a physiologybased account (p. 184).
The cognitive literature on anger is mostly dominated by the view that its
conceptualization in many languages depends on embodiment (Kvecses, 1995;
2000b; Lakoff, 1987; Lakoff and Kvecses, 1987; Maalej, 2004; Yu, 1995,
1998). However, this explains only a portion of the emotion whose
conceptualization comes as a result of a physical cause-effect relation. The
restrictedness of such a purely physiological view of embodiment requires that
studies of emotions must blend universal experiences of physiological
functions with culturally specific models and interpretations (Kvecses et al.,
2002: 135). Such a blend is required because emotions are experienced as
psychological states evoked by social and/or physiological events, or by
psychological events, but perhaps most typically by social events (Kvecses et
al. 2002: 135). As will be demonstrated in the case of TA, there exist emotions
for which there is no associated part of the body receiving any physiological
change as a result of the emotion, suggesting that anger is not only a function of

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body physiology but also a function of culture, which is referred to as cultural

embodiment (Maalej, 2004).
The current chapter is structured as follows. The first section sums up some
of the conceptual metaphors governing anger in English, correlating them with
their respective linguistic expression. The second section addresses anger in
Saudi Arabic (SA). The third section addresses anger in TA. The last section is a
discussion of the findings of the chapter.

2. Anger in American English

In American English, anger is governed by its physiological effects, which are
captured in the most general conceptual metaphor ANGER IS HEAT, which in turn
subdivides into (i) ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER (when applied
to liquids) and (ii) ANGER IS FIRE (when applied to solids) (Lakoff and Kvecses,
1987):
ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER2
THE BODY IS A CONTAINER FOR EMOTIONS
He was filled with anger
ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER
I had reached boiling point
WHEN THE INTENSITY OF ANGER INCREASES, THE FLUID RISES
My anger kept building up inside me
INTENSE ANGER PRODUCES STEAM
Billy's just blowing off steam
INTENSE ANGER PRODUCES PRESSURE ON THE CONTAINER
He was bursting with anger
WHEN ANGER BECOMES TOO INTENSE, THE PERSON EXPLODES
When I told him, he just exploded
WHEN A PERSON EXPLODES, PARTS OF HIM GO UP IN THE AIR
She flipped her lid
WHEN A PERSON EXPLODES, WHAT WAS INSIDE HIM COMES OUT
Don't get a hernia
ANGER IS FIRE
Body Heat
Dont get hot under the collar
2

For the sake of brevity, only one example will be given to illustrate the sub-metaphors
subsumed under the major conceptual metaphors of anger in American English.

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Redness in the Face and Neck Area

He got red with anger
As Lakoff and Kvecses (1987) point out, the fluid version is much more
elaborated (p. 197) in American English.
3. Anger in Saudi Arabic3
In SA, anger comes as a mixture of ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A
CONTAINER and ANGER IS FIRE, with the latter as more elaborate than the former.
In connection with the former, SA does not seem to include explicit linguistic
metaphors such as He was filled with anger, where THE BODY IS A CONTAINER
FOR EMOTIONS. Rather, the person as a body seems to implicitly serve as a
container as in the following example:
(1)
xallaa-ni
[he] leave-PERF me
He left me boiling.
He made me boil.

?aRli
boil-IMPERF

Obviously, it is not the body as a whole that boils in (1), but as is inferred from
the verb ?aRli (boil), only fluids boil. As a result, the body is a container for the
fluid that boils in the body, which is blood, illustrating the conceptual metaphor,
ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER.
Confirmation that anger is blood comes from SA profiles, in which intense
anger operates as an agent that raises the blood level in the body or increases
blood pressure as in the following examples:
(2)
(a) Talla3
dam-mi
[he] raise-PERF blood my
He raised my blood.
He made my blood pressure increase.
(b) rifa3-l-i
DaRT-i
[he] raise-PERF to me pressure my
3

Data on SA was collected by the second author from his Saudi students as part of a course
titled Comparative Culture. Therefore, the anger metaphors discussed here may not be
representative of existing metaphors or those shared by older people or people from
different regions of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

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He raised the pressure to me.

He made my blood pressure increase.
The UP-DOWN image schema in (2a-b) is motivated by the bodys verticality,
which, in turn, is motivated by the conceptual metaphor, WHEN THE INTENSITY
OF ANGER INCREASES, THE FLUID RISES.
As a consequence of anger being represented by a fluid in contact with
heat, it produces steam when it becomes more intense, as in the following
examples:
(3)
(a) Tala3
il-buxaar
min xam-ih
blow-PERF the steam
from nose his
Steam was blowing from his nose.
His nose was letting out steam.
(b) l-iin
tbaxxir
the ear
steam-PERF
The ear was steaming.
His ear was letting out steam.
A further indication that the body is a container inside which anger as a liquid
resides and boils, comes from the use of the nose and the ear as chimney-like
instruments that anger uses to relieve the body from the intensity of anger,
which is motivated by the conceptual metaphor, INTENSE ANGER PRODUCES
STEAM.
In other cases of anger, the body is conceptualized as internally receiving
the pressure of anger, but, unlike (3a-b), without parts of the body serving as
safety valves against explosion as in the following examples:
(4)
(a) wiSalt
Had-di
[I] reach-PERF
limit my
I reached my limit.
I could not take it anymore.
(b) gaffalat
ma-3i
[it] close-PERF with me
It closed with me.
I could not take it anymore.

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In (4a), the speaker describes his incapacity to take it anymore while the speaker
in (4b) describes himself as non-receptive, i.e., the body as a container for
emotion is so full that it may overflow or even explode, which is motivated by
the conceptual metaphor, INTENSE ANGER PRODUCES PRESSURE ON THE
CONTAINER.
As a consequence of INTENSE ANGER PRODUCES PRESSURE ON THE
CONTAINER, when anger is far more than one can endure, ones body explodes as
in the following examples:
(5)
(a) infajar
[he] explode-PERF
He exploded.
He lost his temper.
(b) farqa3
[he] blow up-PERF
He blew up.
He lost his temper.
(c) infaga3-t
[I] burst-PERF
I burst.
I snapped.
In (5a-b), the person explodes like a bomb while in (5c) the emoter bursts,
suggesting that the body is like a balloon that was punctured by a pointed
instrument. These are motivated by the conceptual metaphor, WHEN ANGER
BECOMES TOO INTENSE, THE PERSON EXPLODES.
Apart from the body as a whole exploding as in (5a-c), explosions can
happen to one part of the body as in the following examples, which seem to
elaborate on local explosions:
(6)
(a) fajjar
mux-xi
[he] explode-PERF
brain my
He made my brain explode.
He lost his temper.
(b) fajjar
3rug-i
[he] explode-PERF
nerves my
He made my nerves explode.

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He lost his temper.

(c) Tagg
3and-ih 3irg
explode-PERF
in him [a] nerve
A nerve exploded in him.
He lost his temper.
(d) figa3
marart-i4
[he] burst up-PERF
bile my
He made my bile burst up.
He made my bile explode.
(e) infaga3
crack-PERF-REFL
His heart burst up.
He snapped.

galb-ih
heart his

The foregoing linguistic metaphors are motivated by the conceptual metaphor,

WHEN A PERSON EXPLODES, PARTS OF HIM GO UP IN THE AIR. The parts that are the
loci of the explosion seem to be located in the head and in the torso, where anger
seems to occupy favored positions. Thus, explosive anger occurs in the mux
(brain), 3irg (nerve), marrara (bile), and galb (heart).
As a result of explosion, what was inside the body comes out as in the
following examples:
(7)
(a) Talla3
illi
f-baTn-ih
[he] make-PERF go out
what
in belly his
He made what was in his belly go out.
He externalized what was in his belly.
(b) fawwir-l-i
dam-mi
[he] flow-PERF to me blood my
He overflowed my blood to me.
He made my blood overflow.
Examples (7a-b) are illustrations of WHEN A PERSON EXPLODES, WHAT WAS
INSIDE HIM COMES OUT. However, while in (7a) the contents of the belly are
solid, in (7b) blood is caused to overflow.
4

There is another expression related to bile but not based on bursting, which is jab-l-i lmirr (he brought me bile).

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So far, anger in SA has been demonstrated to adhere to the main conceptual

metaphor, ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER and its sub-metaphors.
However, SA also has an elaborate system of fire metaphors for anger,
motivated by the conceptual metaphor, ANGER IS FIRE as in the following
examples:
(8)
(a) walla3
min l-gahar/min l-Hararah
[he] light-PERF from the subjugation/the heat
He lit from subjugation/heat.
He was burning from subjugation/heat.
(b) walla3 b-i
[he] light-PERF by me
He lit me.
He made me burn with anger.
(c) walla3
raas-si
[he] light-PERF head my
He lit my head.
My head was burning with anger.
(d) mwalli3
[he] light-PERF-PASS
He was lit.
He was burning with anger.
(e) inHarag
galb-i
burn-PERF-REFL
heart my
My heart was burnt.
My heart was burning with anger.
(f) Harag-l-i
dam-mi
[he] burn-PERF to me
blood my
He burnt my blood.
He made my blood burn with anger.
(g) Dam-mi nHarag
blood my
burn-PERF-REFL
my blood burnt.
My blood was burning with anger.

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(h) Harag-l-i
a3Saab-i
[he] burn-PERF to me
nerves my
He made my nerves burn.
He made my nerves burn with anger.
(i) xalla-ni
?adaxxin
[he] leave-PERF me smoke-IMPERF
He left me smoking.
I was fuming with anger.
(j) Tala3
id-daxaan
min in-i
go up-PERF the smoke
from ear my
The smoke went out of my ear.
Smoke was coming out of my ears.
(k) daxxan
raas-ih
min l-gahar
smoke-PERF
head his
from the subjugation
His head was fuming from the subjugation.
His head was letting out fumes from subjugation.
(l) irtaf3at
Harart-ih
go up-PERF
temperature his
His temperature went up.
His temperature increased.
(m) barradt Harri-ti
fii-h
[I] cool
heat my
in him
I cooled my heat in him.
I revenged myself on him.
(n) Talla3t
Harri-ti fii-h
[I] externalize-PERF heat my in him
I got rid of my heat in him.
I revenged myself on him.
It is worth noting that anger as fire in SA is represented at all the stages of
making and putting out fire such as lighting it (8a-c), being lit (8d), burning (8eh), letting out smoke (8i-k), rising temperature (8l), and diminishing temperature
(8m-n). Obviously, (8a) shows the least intensity, with maximum intensity
peaking at (8l), then the cycle is reduced with the angry speaker releasing
tension through retribution in (8m-n). It is also interesting to note that as part of
this elaboration of ANGER IS FIRE, which is peculiar to SA as compared to

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English and TA, the body and its various parts are affected by anger: the body
for person metonyms as in (8a), (8b), (8d), (8i), (8m), and (8n); the head as in
(8i) and (8k); the heart as in (8e); the blood as in (8f) and (8g); the nerves as in
(8h); and the nose as in (8j).
So far, SA has been shown to adhere to THE PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF AN
EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION in conceptualizing anger, where ANGER IS
FIRE seems to outweigh ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER. This
kind of embodiment of anger is said to be physiology-based. However, SA also
includes a couple of instances of mental changes, occasioning ANGER IS
MADNESS as in the following examples:
(9)
(a) habbal-bi
[he] madden-PERF by me
He maddened me.
He made me mad.
(b) jannan-ni
[he] madden-PERF me
He maddened me.
He made me mad.
Examples (9a-b) are instances of anger told by the speaker to a third party as
complaints about the behavior of children and stupid people.
Another isolated instance relates to anger as physical pain as in the
following example:
(10)
ibaH-ni
[he] slaughter-PERF me
He slaughtered me.
He made me extremely angry.
Similar to (9a-b), this anger expression is only used with stupid people.
However, in terms of Lakoff and Johnsons (1980) theory, ANGER IS PHYSICAL
PAIN is not as represented in the conceptual system as is ANGER IS FIRE since (10)
seems to be an isolated expression and not part of a conceptual system.

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4. Anger expressions in Tunisian Arabic5

The literature on anger is mostly dominated by the view that its
conceptualization comes as a set of physiological metaphors and metonymies
that can be captured by THE PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR
THE EMOTION (Lakoff, 1987; Lakoff and Kvecses, 1987; Kvecses, 1995,
2000b; Yu, 1995). Anger in TA can be partly subsumed under the conceptual
metaphor ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER, as in the following
examples where the body is a container for anger:
(11)
(a) Talla3-l-i
id-damm l-raaS-i
[he] lift-PERF to me the blood to head my
He lifted blood up to my head.
He made me flush with anger.
(b) rawwib-l-i
damm-i
6
[he] half-boil-PERF to me blood my
He made my blood half-boil like a half-boiled egg.
He made my blood simmer.
(c) xallaa-l-i
damm-i
[he] leave-PERF to me
blood my
He left my blood boiling.
He made my blood boil.

yaRli
boil-IMPERF

(d) fawwar-l-i
damm-i
[he] steam-PERF to me
blood my
He made my blood steam.
I was fuming.
(e) Haraq-l-i
damm-i
[he] burn-PERF to me
blood my
He burnt my blood to me.
He made my blood boil.
(f) rikkib-l-i
[he] put-PERF on to me
5
6

id-damm il-faasid
the blood the bad

The data on TA is drawn from Maalej (2004).

The verb rawwib (half-boiling) in TA is used in connection with boiling eggs by bringing
them to the state half-way between raw and hard, which corresponds roughly to the
English, soft egg.

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He put on bad blood to me.

He raised my blood pressure.
(g) in3al
i-iTaan
w
barrid
[you] chase-IMP the Satan
and
cool-IMP
Chase Satan, and cool your blood down.
Cool down/Chill out.

damm-ik
blood your

The fluid that stands for anger is blood, the level of which is raised to the head
as in (11a). Consistent with heat in a container, anger makes blood simmer
(11b), boil (11c), fume (11d), and burn (11e). Anger can make the quality of
blood stale as in (11f). Because anger is heated blood, the antidote is to cool
down blood as in (11g). It should be noted that simmering in (11b) denotes a
certain state of blood thickening that could cognitively explain the intensity of
anger as measurable on a scale of liquidity and half-solidity.
Besides anger-as-a-fluid-in-a-container, TA also offers ANGER IS THE HEAT
OF A SOLID IN A CONTAINER and ANGER IS FIRE as in the following:
(12)
(a) rawwibl-i
muxxi
[he] half-boil-PERF to me brain my
He half-boiled my brain to me like a half cooked egg.
He caused my brain to cook like a half-boiled egg.
(b) Haraq-l-i
muxx-i
[he] burn-PERF to me
brain my
He burnt my brain to me.
He caused my brain to burn.
When rawwib (half-cook) is used with muxx (brain), a solid substance, as in
(12a), the intensity of anger is more marked than when anger is conceptualized
in liquid (blood) terms. As a consequence, the brains substance thickens under
the influence of heat, and under excess fire and heat, it burns as in (12b).
In TA, anger is present in the body both as a liquid and solid as shown in
(11) and (12) above. Another important dimension of anger in TA is that it uses
the heart as a container as in the following expressions:
(13)
(a) qalb-i
y-TafTaf
heart my
IMPERF-slosh
My heart is sloshing.
My heart is sloshing with anger.

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209

(b) qalb-i
t3abba
min-nu
heart my
fill-PERF
from him
My heart was full from him.
I have had enough of him.
(c) ma bqa 3and-i ma yitzaad
no left with me no [it] add-PASS
There is no more room for anything to be added [into my heart].
I have had enough of it.
(d) ma lqayt
faa nfarraR
qalb-i
no [I] find-PERF where [I] empty heart my
There was nowhere for me to pour out my heart.
There was no one for me to avenge myself on.
(e) qalb-i
mai
y-taraq
heart my [it] go-FUT explode-IMPERF
My heart is going to explode.
Im going to explode.
In (13a), anger is overwhelming the heart as can be understood from TafTaf
(sloshing), a noise made by liquids filling containers. Just as receiving too much
water can cause cracks to appear, so the heart sloshing with anger makes an
explosion ominous. In (13b), the heart is already filled with anger. In (13c),
although the heart is not mentioned on the surface of the discourse, the speaker
describes being incapable of taking in anymore, and in (13d) the speaker is
signaling that s/he needs someone to avenge herself/himself on. In (13e), the
heart is on the brink of explosion. So, the heart is like a mini container within
the body-as-a-container, where the anger inside it is a fluid that can fill it up
partially or fully and that can overflow. As the heart can be filled with anger, it
can also be relieved of its contents by emptying ones anger onto someone else
as in (13d).
The heart-as-a-container for anger is experientially motivated in (13a-e) by
the concept of well in the Tunisian culture. Wells are vital devices for the
collection of water in arid countries such as most Arab countries. However, if
the water level in a well goes above a certain level, it might crack. This is why
most wells are equipped with a safety pipe that is constructed to let out water if
it reaches a certain level in the well. By analogy, the heart is described as having
a tolerable capacity, beyond which its contents would make it crack like a well
because of the pressure associated with anger. It should be noted that an
overflow of anger in this regard does not exist in TA, as it is not part of the
mapping between a well and the heart. Emptying/pumping out the contents of a

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well from time to time is done for cleaning purposes. By implication, emptying
the heart of its anger as in (13d) has a relieving effect on the heart.
As a competitor to the body, the heart-as-a-container for anger has more
limited metaphors. Also, anger that is conceptualized in the heart is more serious
than that in the body, because the permissible amount of anger in the heart is
smaller than the body can accommodate. In this sense, the two cultural models
of anger can be seen as complementary rather than exclusive, with the whole
body as expressing less intense anger than the heart does.
Apart from the body and the heart as containers for anger, the TA folk
conception of anger also includes nerves as in the following cases:
(14)
(a) Haraq-l-i
3Saab-i
[he] burn-PERF to me
nerves my
He burnt my nerves for me.
He burnt my nerves.
(b) fallaq-l-i
3-Saab-i
[he] destroy-PERF to me
nerves my
He destroyed my nerves to me.
He destroyed my nerves.
(c) wittar-l-i
3Saab-i
[he] swell-PERF to me
nerves my
He swelled my nerves for me.
He made my nerves swell.
(d) rikkib-l-i
il-3Sabb
[he] put on-PERF to me
the nerves
He made me have nerves.
I was a bundle of nerves.
(e) 3Saab-i filtit
min-ni
nerves my
escape-PERF from me
My nerves escaped from me.
My nerves let me down.
(f) ma 3aadi 3and-i
3-Saab
not have-IMPERF with me nerves
I have no more nerves.
I lost my nerves.

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211

(g) 3Saab-i ma 3aadi

titHammil
nerves my
no more
FEM-stand-IMPERF
My nerves cannot stand.
My nerves cannot stand this anymore.
Nerves do not constitute as elaborate a structural domain for anger as the body
or heart. In (14a), anger is conceptualized as burning nerves while in (14bd)
anger is conceptualized as destroying nerves or making them swell. However,
examples (14eg) conceptualize anger as loss of control. As per Lakoffs (1987)
scenario of anger, loss of control is one stage which involves retaliation to the
anger-provoking agent, thus consisting in violent verbal and/or physical
behavior on the part of the angered target.
Anger in TA is not only the heat of a fluid/liquid in the body, the heart, and
nerves, but also internal pressure in a container as in the following expressions:
(15)
(a) ma-bqaa
3and-i wayn
ydur
no exist-PERF
with me where circulate-IMPERF
There is no more room for air to circulate inside me.
I could barely keep it in anymore.
(b) xalla-ni
maai
[he] leave-PERF me go-FUT [I]
He left me about to explode.
He nearly made me explode.

n-taraqt
explode-IMPERF

(c) lqayt-u
kak-u xaarja
[I] find-PERF him
foams his out
I found his foams coming out.
He was foaming at the mouth.
(d) taraq-l-u
3irq
[it] explode-PERF to him a vein
A vein exploded in him.
He burst a blood vessel.
(e) flaq-l-i/fqa3-l-i
murr-ti
[he] explode-PERF to me bile my
He exploded my bile to me.
He made my bile explode.

ir-riiH
the wind

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Mohammed S. Al-Hadlaq and Zouheir A. Maalej

(f) Talla3-l-i
iT-Tabbu
[he] lift-PERF to me the lid
He lifted the lid to me.
He made me flip my lid.
(g) muxx-i
tla33
brain my
leave-PERF
My brain left my head.
I went hopping mad.

min raaS-i
from head my

Example (15a) conceptualizes the body as being so full that even air has no
room to circulate freely inside it. In (15b), the angry person is about to explode.
In (15f), the body is conceptualized as a bottle as indicated by iT-Tabbu (the lid
of the bottle), where Talla3 (push up) signals the beginning of an explosion.
Examples (15d) and (15e) express the same kind of explosion. Obviously, when
a body such as a bomb explodes, its contents come out. Similarly, when an
angry person is under a great deal of pressure, foaming at the mouth can be
conceptualized as a way in which the internal contents come out of the body
through the mouth as in (15c). In (15g), the brain is conceptualized as leaving its
normal location in the head in an IN-OUT schema, culturally signaling loss of
reason.
In TA, anger is not only a substance in the body that is heated and
pressurized but also a cause for both physical and psychological/mental
occurrences. The following examples conceptualize anger as bodily agitation:
(16)
(a) xallaa-ni
nTiir
w
[he] make-PERF me [I] fly-IMPERF and
He made me fly and hop.
He made me hopping mad.
(b) xallaa-ni
nTir
ki
[he] make-PERF me [I] fly-IMPERF like
He made me fly like the small pigeon.
He made me hopping mad.
(c) xallaa-ni
nfarfit
[he] make-PERF me [I] flatter-IMPERF
He made me flutter like an injured butterfly.
He made me so mad I could barely move.

ningiz
[I] hop-IMPERF

farx l-Hamaam
youth [of] the pigeon

Conceptualization of Anger in Saudi and Tunisian Arabic Dialects

213

(d) Tayyar-li
n3iim-i
[he] fly-PERF to me happiness my
He made my happiness fly away.
He turned my happiness into anger.
(e) lqayt-u
yiTaH
[I] find-PERF him [he] dance-IMPERF
I found him dancing with two scarves.
He went into a trance with anger.

b
with

zawz mHaarim
two handkerchiefs

(f) lqayt-u
yithazz
[I] find-PERF him [he] lift-IMPERF
I found him hopping and landing.
He was hopping mad.

w
and

yitHaTT
[he] put-IMPERF

The expressions of anger as agitation in (16) above involve a vertical movement

tracing an UP image schema as is clear in Taar (to fly), naggiz (to hop),
farfit (to flutter), TaHH (to dance), etc.
The changes that anger causes to the individual are not only physical but
also mental, occasioning insanity and interference with accurate perception as in
the following examples:
(17)
(a) xrajj
min
3aql-u
[he] go-PERF
from
mind his
He went out of his mind.
He went out of his mind.
(b) xarraj-ni
min
millit MuHammad
[He] oust-PERF me
from
faith MuHammad
He made me leave Muhammads faith.
He made me lose my wits.
(c) Huwa qal-l-i haaki il-kilma,
kint
na3qal
he say-PERF to me that the word
copula-PERF [I] reason-IMPERF
After he told me that word, I stopped being reasonable.
I went mad after he told me that.
(d) Huwa qal-l-i haaki il-kilma, w-ana
ma 3aad nuf
he say-PERF to me that the word and I
no [I] see-IMPERF not
When he told me that word, I stopped seeing.
I flew into a blind rage when he told me that.

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Mohammed S. Al-Hadlaq and Zouheir A. Maalej

(e) Huwa qal-l-i haaki il-kilma, w-id-dinya

Dlaamit fi 3aynayy-a
He say-PERF to me that the word and the world
darken-PERF in eyes my
When he told me that word, the world darkened in my eyes.
Everything went black when he told me that.
In (17ab), the speaker is conceptualized as being compelled by anger to leave
the state of sanity in which s/he was. This type of anger, which is characterized
as leaving a container, is in compliance with the primary metaphor, STATES ARE
LOCATIONS. In (17c), the past tense of kint na3qal (I was in possession of my
senses) conveys the presupposition that now the speaker is no longer in
possession of his or her senses, which suggests the conceptual metaphor, BEING
ANGRY IS NOT BEING ABLE TO THINK. In (17d), anger is conceptualized as causing
in the speaker lack of control over his or her own perception, which yields the
conceptual metaphor, BEING ANGRY IS NOT BEING ABLE TO SEE. In (17e), anger is
conceptualized as making the world darker in the speakers eyes, which suggests
the conceptual metaphor, BEING ANGRY IS HAVING DARK VISION.
As has been demonstrated so far, embodiment accounts for an important
portion of the conceptualization of anger in TA. This kind of embodiment
capitalizes on the body as a whole, the heart, and the nerves as containers for
anger, exerting pressure on them, and combining heat with fluid and solid
substances. However, it is not infrequent for anger in TA to be associated with
one part of the body that does not receive any physiological change as a result of
anger. This kind of embodiment is motivated by an imaginative cultural
correlation between anger and a certain body part as in the following examples7:
(18)
(a) digdig-l-i
3Daam-i/kraim-i
[he] break-PERF into pieces to me
bones my/joints my
He broke my bones into small bits.
(b) farrik-l-i
laHm-i
[he] reduce-PERF into crumbs to me flesh my
He reduced my flesh into crumbs.
(c) fqa3-l-i
ma3it-ti
[he] burst-PERF to me
stomach my
He burst open my stomach.

The examples in this category of embodiment called cultural embodiment in Maalej

(2004) do not receive, in contrast to their counterparts in physiological embodiment, an
idiomatic gloss in English, largely due to the culture specificity of such examples in TA.

Conceptualization of Anger in Saudi and Tunisian Arabic Dialects

215

(d) nfaxx-im-l-i
[he] inflate-PERF them to me
He inflated my testicles.
The foregoing expressions are anger-specific expressions in TA. However
before analyzing them, there is need to offer a cultural background for them. In
general, Muslim children are exposed to an experience that might be painful for
them. As part of one of the pillars of Islam, able Muslims are exhorted to
sacrifice a sheep every year at the occasion of pilgrims visiting Mecca (Saudi
Arabia), known as 3iid l-?iDHa (the feast of sacrifice). One of the psychological
sides of this event is when children build a sort of friendship with the animal,
which has to be slaughtered and butchered in front of the little child. Butchering,
i.e., cutting the animal into pieces is the experiential domain that lies at the heart
of the conceptualizations of anger in (18). The only occasion we see bones
broken into pieces is at the butchers or when we witness the butchering of a
sheep at home, which grounds the anger metaphor in (18a). If this is correct,
conceptualizing anger in broken-bone terms suggests that we feel the same pain
as a sheep cut into pieces as a result of anger. This is a cultural correlation
between a physical state (having ones bones broken into little pieces) and an
emotional state (being angry). The most likely conceptual metaphor here is
ANGER IS PHYSICAL PAIN.
In (18b), anger is conceptualized as cutting the flesh into pieces or crumbs.
This sensation is experientially grounded in the Tunisian culinary culture. The
crumbs talked about here are not the ones that come from slicing bread with a
knife but come as bigger pieces deliberately cut from a whole loaf of bread
either by hand or with a knife for special meals in Tunisia. So, cutting bread into
pieces for some meals suggests the deliberate fragmentation caused to the
speaker by the offender. The conceptual metaphor governing (18b) is ANGER IS
PHYSICAL PAIN. This example is another illustration of this mismatch between
the physical state depicted (namely being fragmented) and the actual
physiological change that is attested to the body in anger situations (as
demonstrated in cases described by Lakoff and Kvecses).
The example in (18c) is related experientially to (18a). However, anger here
is conceptualized as causing the stomach to burst as witnessed when, in cleaning
the sheeps tripe, our mothers have to use a knife to burst the stomach open to
clean its contents. Bursting the stomach open with a knife causes pain, and
therefore suggests ANGER IS PHYSICAL PAIN. Such a conceptualization of anger is
not corroborated by evidence showing that the stomach undergoes such a
physiological change as a result of anger. Cross-cultural evidence from Japanese
suggests that the stomach, though offering a far more elaborate system of
metaphors for Japanese than in TA, can be the site for anger (Matsuki, 1995;
Matsunaka and Shinohara, 2001).

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Like (18c), (18d) is related experientially to (18a). However, anger here is

located at the level of the testicles. When a sheep is slaughtered, the first thing to
do is inflate it so that air can come between the skin and the rest of the body,
thus facilitating the removal of its skin without much difficulty. Obviously,
inflating the sheep for skinning makes everything bigger, including the sheeps
testicles. Under air pressure, the testicles burst out or literally explode, which is
a sign that the skin of the sheep is ready to come out. Apart from its ugliness,
this operation must be very painful for a sensitive organ such as the testicles.
The sensitivity of the organs and the pain that is inflicted on them is mapped on
anger in TA, suggesting the conceptual metaphor, ANGER IS PHYSICAL PAIN.
So far, it has been demonstrated that anger expressions in TA are
represented as physiological embodiment or cultural embodiment. However,
there is evidence in TA of metaphoric and metonymic anger expressions that
neither describe physiological change to the body (i.e., physiological
embodiment) nor use any part of the body (cultural embodiment). Instead, these
expressions capitalize on culture-specific items, such as animals or cultural
practices, and associate them conventionally with anger in a certain fashion.
Anger in the following expressions is described as (animal) behavior:
(19)
(a) Tal3-it-lu
il-kalba
bint
go up-PERF [it] to him
the bitch
daughter-GEN
The bitch, daughter of the dog, went up [to his head].
(b) lqayt-u
yahdar
[I] find-PERF him [he]
growl-IMPERF
I found him growling like a camel.

il-kalb
the dog

ki-j-jmall
like the camel

The anger expression in (19a) can be subsumed under AN ANGRY PERSON IS A

FEROCIOUS ANIMAL. The expression is built on a metaphtonymy, where anger is
conceptualized metaphorically as a bitch, which stands metonymically for
aggressive behavior or rabies. Thus, because anger is a bitch, and a bitch stands
for rabies, therefore anger is rabies, which translates into violent behavior in
angry humans. Bitches are known to be ferocious in defending their puppies, or
believed to be so when they are on heat. When bitch combines with the image
schema UP in Tal3it (went up), the combination evokes rabies going to the
head.
In (19b), an angry person is said to exhibit animal behavior. In Arab
culture, camels are known for their endurance, but are also believed to
remember any humiliation directed against them. When a camel is angry, it
makes a particular ominous noise accompanied by foaming at the mouth. As
part of our cultural knowledge of camels, the most important thing not to do

Conceptualization of Anger in Saudi and Tunisian Arabic Dialects

217

when a camel is angry is get near it; it might charge like a bull or even worse.
All this knowledge is mapped onto an angry person, which gives rise to AN
ANGRY PERSON IS A DANGEROUS ANIMAL. In this particular case, an angry person
is likely to show foaming at the mouth and to retaliate violently.
Apart from animal behavior, TA conceptualizes anger as violent behavior
as in the following expressions:
(20)
(a) Txall
fi 3ajaaja
[he] enter-PERF in a dust storm
He entered in a dust storm.
(b) xallayt-u
ya3faS
fiT-Taajin
yig3r-u
[I] leave-PERF him [he] step-IMPERF
in the pan
break-IMPERF it
I left him in a state where he would step in a pan and break it.
(c) Lqayt-u
yiDrab
il-maa
[I] find-PERF him [he] kick-IMPERF
the water
I found him kicking water and making it fly.
(d) xallayt-u
?iDrab-u
[I] leave-PERF him IMP-beat him

yTayyr-u
[he] fly-IMPERF it

b-qamHa
yitaqq
by grain of wheat [he] split-IMPERF

I left him in a state in which if you threw him a grain of wheat he would split
into two halves.
Lakoff and Kvecses (1987) argue that people who can neither control nor
relieve the pressure of anger engage in violent frustrated behavior (p. 204). The
expression in (20a) is ambiguous and has two possible meanings: (a) he came in
into a dust storm, where anger is conceptualized as a stormy state (STATE AS A
CONTAINER), or (b) he came in accompanied by a dust storm. In both cases,
ANGER IS A NATURAL FORCE. What makes this expression of anger so cultural is
the selection of 3ajaaja, a dusty and violent storm typical of the ecological
culture of many of the Arab countries. One of the characteristics of a desert
storm is its violence and blinding effect (interference with accurate perception in
the physical sense). So, when someone is described as entering a dust storm,
they tend to be violent and to have no control over themselves. Similarly, Taylor
and Mbense (1998) attest that in Zulu anger is conceptualized as Wa-bhenguza
(Why did he blow a gale? p. 213).
Expressions (20b) and (20c) are very similar in meaning. If someone is
described as doing either of (20b) or (20c), they are unable to control
themselves. This violent behavior is conceptualized with the cultural utensil
Taajin (a pan) in (20b) and the behavior of animals in (20c). Both (20b) and

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Mohammed S. Al-Hadlaq and Zouheir A. Maalej

(20c) involve violence, and can be captured under the conceptual metaphor,
ANGRY BEHAVIOR IS AGGRESSIVE (ANIMAL) BEHAVIOR.
The anger expression in (20d) depicts an angry person as on edge and on
the brink of explosion. This is captured in the fact that a grain of wheat is
enough to split him or her into two halves. A grain of wheat has two sharp ends
and can be incisive. It is interesting to note that if ever this angry person
externalizes his or her anger it will not be directed against others but against the
person him or herself.

5. Discussion
The differences between anger in American English, Saudi Arabic, and Tunisian
Arabic can be summed up as follows. In American English, anger is more of a
fluid than a solid, which is why ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER is
more elaborated than ANGER IS FIRE. In Saudi Arabic, anger is more of a
substance coming into contact with fire, which is why ANGER IS FIRE is more
elaborated than ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER. In TA, however,
anger displays more than one type of container, and is more of a liquid than a
solid, which is why (PARTS OF) THE BODY IS/ARE A CONTAINER FOR EMOTIONS is
more elaborated than ANGER IS FIRE. Apart from this, TA includes instances of
metonymic and metaphoric anger that are culture-specific, and that do not seem
to occur in SA.
Because the objective of the chapter is not to compare these three language
varieties, we will focus on SA and TA exclusively in this discussion. A careful
observer would notice both quantitative and qualitative differences between
anger expressions in SA and TA, which is reflected at the linguistic and
conceptual levels. A number of tentative explanations may be offered to account
for this pattern. Saudis are more likely to be concerned with positive politeness
while Tunisians tend to favor negative politeness. Saudis are more likely to
entertain a positive image of themselves, which is manifested in their
interpersonal relations with others in the construction of a positive relationship,
whereby they expect to be respected, liked, and understood even if this requires
sacrificing some freedoms. This conception of the self is a product of their tribal
belonging, where care is taken to respect certain red lines imposed by tribal
rules, and allegiance is given to the collective community rather than to
individualistic whims. One such reflection of the primacy of the tribe over the
individual in Saudi Arabia is the uniformity of the dress code, which is a highly
sensitive social issue that is strictly accepted and adhered to by both men and
women. This strict observance of the dress code, the uniformity of which leaves
no room for individuals showing off distinction (Souissi, 2007: 31), has a
significant influence on an individuals behavior.

Conceptualization of Anger in Saudi and Tunisian Arabic Dialects

219

Tunisians, on the other hand, are likely to prefer the construction of a

relationship with others where their freedom is not to be infringed even if this
trespasses on their own self-respect and others respect. This individualistic
mentality is precisely due to the disintegration of the tribal system in Tunisia
and the creation of allegiance to the state, which was enhanced by relations with
Europe (especially France) and European ideals of individualism such as selfexpression without limit. The educational system, which has been thoughtbased, i.e., not based on memory and rote learning, since the independence of
the country in 1956, has contributed greatly to nourishing individual freedom
not only at the level of freedom of thinking but also at the level of public social
behaviors such as freedom of dress, freedom of meeting in public places for both
males and females, etc. This situation has been further enhanced by the
introduction of legislation, the aim of which was to weaken political Islam.
Thus, it is Saudis, not Tunisians, who request in a positively polite way with the
hedge faDlan laa ?amran (a favor and not an imposition), whereby a directive
masquerades as a polite request for service rendering. And it is Tunisians, not
Saudis, who are unfortunately notorious for swearing and threatening the others
face. How does this relate to the Tunisians exceeding Saudis in the quantity of
anger expressions? If they have these different interpersonal behaviors, Saudis
and Tunisians are likely to differ in the way they react to anger-triggering
situations, with Saudis refraining from reacting violently and with Tunisians
having more propensity to express their anger violently.
A second important explanation is religion-based. Saudi Arabia is the
cradle of Islam, and religious education both at home, at schools and
universities, and in mosques is an important part of the Saudi way of life. In
contrast, guided by fear from political Islam as a threat to the political class,
Tunisia has for a long time been going in the direction of laicization and
weakening religious faith in people in spite of all evidence to the contrary. Such
diverging situations have made Saudis more committed to the principles of
Islam than Tunisians. One such Islamic principle is Sabr (forbearance) with
those who harm you; the more forbearance you show with people who harm
you, the more rewards Allah will give you. As a matter of fact, in ASr Sura8
mans life is said to be in loss if forbearance is not observed. As a result,
observers can see that Saudis are more psychologically poised than Tunisians
because they are more forbearing, although their demanding physical

In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful

By (the Token of) Time (through the Ages), Verily Man is in loss,
Except such as have Faith, and do righteous deeds, and (join together) in the mutual
teaching of Truth, and of Patience and Constancy (Asr, or Time through the Ages, The
Holy Quran: Text Translation and Commentary, translated by Abdullah Yusuf Ali,
Damascus, Syria, p. 1783).

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environment (especially driving in Saudi cities) can be thought to be a factor

that increases anger and tension.
Another likely explanation for the comparative paucity of anger expressions
in SA is the environmental factor in both countries. Judging by the climate of
Saudi Arabia, one may expect Saudis to be on edge all the time, but the reality is
that they are less on edge than Tunisians who enjoy a bearable physical
environment. Nature has given Saudis both an unbearable climate and a
tremendous wealth that has compensated them. This wealth has made it possible
for many Saudis, in spite of appearances, to enjoy a financially comfortable
social life, whereby a relatively large number of them can afford more than one
car and a driver for the family, which crucially constitutes relief for heads of
families from the difficult traffic of most Saudi cities.
These explanations, in turn, account for the quality of anger expressions in
SA. Compared to TA, SA seems to be lacking in many of the culture-specific
metaphors that TA includes, and that have been classified in Maalej (2004) and
in this chapter under cultural embodiment. This comparative lack can be
explained by the limited resources or categories in the experience of uneducated,
unsedentary, and scattered poor Saudi tribes living in the desert in an inimical
environment. Boas explains that language is moulded by culture, and if one form
of expression does not exist in a language it is because the users of that language
do not feel the need for it (1986: 7). In the conditions that are present in their
culture, Saudis did not need those forms of expression, although their
environment includes all the items that could have been used as a fodder for
their figurative dealings with their surroundings. In modern times, the wealth
afforded by nature has, so to speak, severed Saudis from their land, animals, and
cultural artifacts since many of them employ expatriates to deal with nature
instead of dealing with it themselves. This limited contact with the environment
is also motivated by their mercantile nature. This has actually deprived them of
many of the expressions of anger that capitalize on the natural environment in
TA.
The issue that we wanted to raise by addressing anger expressions in two
dialects of Arabic, namely, SA and TA, is whether linguistic and conceptual
metaphors of anger in these language varieties are identical precisely because
Saudi Arabia and Tunisia are two Arab and Muslim countries. The answer to
this is partly negative owing to many factors such as the religious, educational,
and environmental issues that have been just discussed. As has been shown in
connection with the relationship of the two countries with religion, these two
countries show a different focus on social structure and thinking. This leads us
to questioning the religious variable as a galvanizing principle in the two
countries, and the homogeneity of the Arab culture as a result.

Conceptualization of Anger in Saudi and Tunisian Arabic Dialects

221

6. Conclusion
This study confirms embodiment as an important grounding for the metaphoric
and metonymic conceptualization of anger in SA and TA. SA capitalizes on the
conceptual metonymy, THE PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR
THE EMOTION, and has been shown to offer an important combination of ANGER
IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID IN A CONTAINER and ANGER IS FIRE, with the latter as
more elaborate than the former and metonymy more important than metaphor.
TA, on the other hand, has been demonstrated to offer, apart from physiological
embodiment motivated by the conceptual metonymy, THE PHYSIOLOGICAL
EFFECTS OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION, another important type of
embodiment, which has been called cultural embodiment, where the emotion
establishes a conventional cultural correlation with a body part not affected by
the said emotion.
Since physiological embodiment is predominant in SA, metonymies are
more common than metaphors whereas metaphors are more common than
metonymies in TA, owing to the existence of cultural embodiment. Because
metonymy seems to correlate with more physiological embodiment and
metaphor with culture-specific embodiment, the metaphors of anger are more
dominant than metonymies of anger in TA. In this sense, expressions of anger in
TA approximate conclusions reached by Lutz (1987) about Ifaluks emotion
concepts, where definitions of emotion terms relatively rarely contain
reference to the physiological feeling tone associated with a particular emotion
(p. 292). With very few exceptions, the anger expressions classified as cultural
embodiment support Kvecses (2000b) insight that social constructions are
given bodily basis and bodily motivation is given social-cultural substance (p.
14). The significance of cultural embodiment is that it does not involve a
reduction of our bodily interactions with environing conditions to the merely
physiological (Fesmire, 1994: 32). It is embodiment where the body as a
physiology and the body as a cultural dimension interact and even merge.
This chapter gives insight into the theory of embodiment for language
varieties within the same culture or cultural group. The role of culture in
language and cognition seems to be affected by geographic, educational, and
economic factors as shown in Section 5 above. The way the typology of
embodiment and the cultural variation are determined in a given culture seems
to be reflected in the frequency of metaphor and metonymy as shown by
Kvecses in many of his publications.

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