K 2NC Block

2NC Overview
The aff is an excuse for the government to increase the
legitimacy and reach of its power while appearing to take
progressive political action this justifies violent
governmental action like invasions and policing to protect
the populace you dont ask the prison guards to be in
charge of deciding what prison reforms are best.
You cant trust the aff will be implemented after the War
on Terror, the government ignores any law that curbs its
power
Strm, 11 Masters in Political Science from Politihgskolen (Kari Milner,
TERRORISM, DEMOCRACY, AND THE APOCALYPTIC NARRATIVE, 2011,
Masters Thesis,
http://brage.bibsys.no/xmlui/bitstream/handle/11250/174775/terrorism
%20democracy.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y)
The question of whether we can trust politics informed by GWOT is highly
relevant. Arguing the case against Wikileaks in a television debate Carl W. Ford, Assistant Secretary of
State for Intelligence and Research (INR) during the Bush era, listed the elaborate procedures set up to
oversee the executive, concluding that existing checks and balances are sufficient (BBC 5 February 2011a).

we at regular
intervals are informed that governments and politicians are unaware of illegal
surveillance activities and counter-terrorism operations taking place on their
watch, as it were. The regularity of breaches of public trust therefore points to another
conclusion than that drawn by Ford, suggesting instead that existing democratic checks and
balances are both insufficient and inefficient. As far as US policy in the area of
terrorism is concerned Crenshaw notes that American counterterrorism policy is not
just a response to the threat of terrorism, whether at home or abroad, but a
reflection of the domestic political process. Perceptions of the threat of
terrorism and determination and implementation of policy occur in the
context of a policy debate involving government institutions, the media,
interest groups, and the elite and mass publics . The issue of terrorism tends to appear
Telling a different story, albeit not limited to the post-9/11 era, is the fact that

prominently on the national policy agenda as a result of highly visible and symbolic attacks on Americans
or American property. However, the threat is interpreted through a political lens created by the diffused
structure of power within the American government. (2006b: 183).

AT: Perm
The link is about surveillance reform so the permutation
either severs or it doesnt solve
a. Complacency Any inclusion of these reforms makes
the government appear legitimate, undermining
resistance [read movements DA if youd like]
b. Centralization the aff places the trust in
governmental agents to regulate governmental
practices without altering the underlying logics that
create violent state action in the first place
maintains the governments ability to determine
when these reforms go too far
c. Normalization aligning the alt with the affirmatives
political action serves to intervene in and water
down the critical effectiveness of the alternatives
individual resistance.
Hubert L. Dreyfus, professor of philosophy at UC Berkeley, Being and
Power Revisited, Foucault and Heidegger: Critical Encounters, 2003, p. 4244
Foucault felt he had to expose this sinister repression and liberate the repressed. Later, however, he
realized that repression, calling for liberation, was not the problem. He rejected the idea that underneath
power with its acts of violence and its artifice we should be able to recuperate things themselves in their
primitive vivacity: behind the asylum walls, the spontaneity of madness; through the penal system, the
generous fever of delinquence; under the sexual interdiction, the freshness of desire.44 For Foucault,

power is not an instrument of exclusion, but a pervasive pressure

toward ever greater inclusion. Its disciplinary practices do not serve to
objectify, exclude, coerce, or punish, but rather to order and enhance life.
Power creates docile bodies and self-absorbed subjects, so as to produce ever
greater welfare for all. The resulting practices embody what Foucault calls biopower. It is a power working to incite, reinforce, . . . optimize, and organize the forces under it: a
power bent on generating forces, making them grow, and ordering them,
rather than one dedicated to impeding them , making them submit, or destroying them.41
Foucault, in a variation on Heidegger's account of research, sees that our current practices,
supposedly grounded in sciences such as social psychology, produce anomalies such as
delinquents, and then take every anomaly, every attempt to evade them, as an
occasion for further intervention to bring the anomalies under
scientific norms. All this is done, of course, for the anomaly's own good, so
that, ideally, everyone gladly accepts this intervention. Heidegger emphasized the
tendency toward total ordering in technicity by calling it "total mobilization"; Foucault refers to the
totalizing tendency of disciplinary power as "normalization." He speaks of "new
postmodern

methods of power whose operation is not ensured by right but by technique, not by law but by
normalization, not by punishment but by control. 1141 Normalization is, of course, more than socialization
into norms. Socialization into norms is the universal way the understanding of being or power governs the
actions of the members of any society. In the new arrangement that has emerged more and more clearly
since the classical age, however,

norms are progressively brought to bear on all

aspects of life. Apparently, what makes normalization different (and dangerous)

for Foucault is that it expands to cover all practices. Similarly, Heidegger, quoting Nietzsche,
says, "the wasteland grows." Both see that there is something new and peculiar about the way, in
modernity, that individuation and totalizing go hand in hand. Heidegger notes: Certainly the modern age
has ... introduced subjectivism and individualism. But it remains just as certain that ... in no age before this
has the non-individual in the form of the collective, come to acceptance as having worth.... It is precisely
this reciprocal conditioning of one by the other that points back to events more profound.47 And Foucault,

the main
characteristic of our political rationality is the fact that this integration of the
individuals in a community or in a totality results from a constant correlation
between an increasing individualization and the reinforcement of this
totality.48 In Discipline and Punish, Foucault explains the way postmodern power is something entirely
after discussing the way pastoral power takes care of each individual, says: I think that

new. Unlike monarchical power, whose exercise was top down, centralized, intermittent, highly visible,

postmodern power is bottom-up, diffuse, continuous,

invisible, operating in the micro-practices, and constantly on the move
colonizing new domains. In The History of Sexuality, vol. i, Foucault adds: Power's condition of
extravagant, and stable;

possibility ... must not be sought in the primary existence of a central point, in a unique source of

Power is
everywhere; not because it embraces everything, but because it
comes from everywhere.49
sovereignty from which secondary and descendent forms would emanate....

2NC Framework
Your decision should be based on affirming the better
method for ethical subject creation, the aff or the alt
who we are predetermines what we do, and our links
prove the act of supporting the aff makes us into people
who are complacent to biopower.
This is a more productive strategy than the affs hubristic
attempts to change the world only our framework
produces an ethical self that can create productive
micropolitics
Chandler 13 prof of IR @ Westminster
(The World of Attachment? The Post-humanist Challenge to Freedom and Necessity,
Millenium: Journal of International Studies, 41(3), 516 534)
The world of becoming thereby is an ontologically flat world without the traditional hierarchies of existence
and a more shared conception of agency. For Bennett, therefore, to begin to experience the relationship
between persons and other materialities more horizontally, is to take a step toward a more ecological
sensibility.78 Here there is room for human agency but this agency involves a deeper understanding of

Rather than the hubristic

focus on transforming the external world, the ethico-political tasks are
those of work on the self to erase hubristic liberal traces of subject-centric
understandings, understood to merely create the dangers of existential
resentment. Work on the self is the only route to changing the world .
and receptivity to the world of objects and object relations.

As Connolly states: To embrace without deep resentment a world of becoming is to work to become who

Becoming
who you are involves the microtactics of the self, and work on the self can
then extend into micropolitics of more conscious and reflective
choices and decisions and lifestyle choices leading to potentially
higher levels of ethical self-reflectivity and responsibility. Bennett argues
you are, so that the word become now modifies are more than the other way around.

that against the narcissism of anthropomorphic understandings of domination of the external world, we

Rather than
hubristically imagining that we can shape the world we live in , Bennett
argues that: Perhaps the ethical responsibility of an individual human now
resides in ones response to the assemblages in which one finds
oneself participating. Such ethical tactics include reflecting more on our relationship to what
need some tactics for cultivating the experience of our selves as vibrant matter.

we eat and considering the agentic powers of what we consume and enter into an assemblage with. In
doing so, if an image of inert matter helps animate our current practice of aggressively wasteful and
planet-endangering consumption, then a materiality experienced as a lively force with agentic capacity

the object to be
changed or transformed is the human the human mindset. By changing the
way we think about the world and the way we relate to it by including broader, more
non-human or inorganic matter in our considerations, we will have overcome our modernist
attachment disorders and have more ethically aware approaches to our
planet. In cultivating these new ethical sensibilities, the human can be
remade with a new self and a new self-interest.
could animate a more ecologically sustainable public. For new materialists,

2NC Alt Solvency

Critical analysis that produces ethical subjects solves
every act of bottom-up individual resistance to biopower
is key.
Policante 10 (Amedeo, Doctoral Candidate in Politics @ University of
London, War against Biopower Timely Reflections on an Historicist
Foucault Theory and Event, 2010, Project Muse)
Finally, in order to break the binding gaze of biopower, it will be
necessary to reinvent new ways of constituting the self, new life
practices and new processes of collective individuation. We must
move against the hegemonic liberal rhetoric that, in presenting a pacified
world of post-political biopolitics, promotes the oblivion of 'war' . The result of this
rhetoric, in fact, is to force on our eyes a complete blindness toward the systemic violence that is perpetuated everyday

We are made into 'fearful subjects': terrorized by

outbursts of subjective violence that we can no longer understand, incapable
to see the complex interplay of force-relations that operate under the blood
stained surface we came to call 'peace'. We are continuously tempted to
call up the forces of the state to protect our belongings from the
looming terrorist catastrophe, while we no longer see that the fact that
"things just go on is the catastrophe"54. Historicism, with its emphasis on the praxis of struggle,
by the 'normal' working of global institutions.

brings forward a new radical subject, identified by Foucault in the figure of the barbarian: 'the one who does not obey'
the one who does not obey an historical or dialectical destiny but rather affirms herself in the haphazard character of

The one who does not obey a Truth but rather discovers herself looking
through the deceptions of domination and the lies of peace; who strips down
the mask of the "fearful savage" and re-emerges from the Leviathan's
intestines holding in her gaze the contingent truth of her body signed,
bruised, written by power. The one who does not obey the Law, against whose pretence to universality
deploys the weapon of her scarred body, the contingency of her truth. And, especially, who does not
obey the totalizing power of a biopolitical state obsessed with life, to which
she opposes an openness to the radical difference of living and the
haphazard contingency of her own death. It is in this simple act of exposure that the event reveals
itself. Every time we reclaim the streets with the scream of our bodies, every
time we refuse the pastoral gaze of a CCTV camera and the medical
injunction of the state, every time we flee the sanitized walls of the polis to
encounter the unsaid in the streets of transgression, every time we compel
what has never happened and make appear what is unseen; every time,
these essential acts of recognition, these moments of exceptional
crisis, force us to glimpse, amidst the flames, the secret texture of
the sovereign's palace, the intensity of the struggle that keeps it
erected and that constantly escapes it. Biopolitics is nothing but the
oblivion of war. It must always remove from sight the irreducibility of struggle and negate the systemic violence
struggle.

that sustains its working: the contingent deaths in the bloody battle to erect and maintain contemporary institutions.
While violence is projected on the background of an imagined peace, normality is reduced to a harmonic stasis,

Seen from the perspective of

biopower, those who die in time of peace can only be 'fatalities', victims of a
random, unjustifiable, and yet fully natural - in the sense that is not inscribed in any wider
political framework - violence. We must affirm, instead, that domination and
continuously interrupted by sudden outbursts of inexplicable violence.

resistance exist, always at once, but can only be seen from below:
"only the fact of being on one side makes it possible to interpret the
truth, to denounce the illusions and errors that are being used to
make you believe we are in a world in which order and peace have
been restored"55. It is this Foucault that talks through us, when we read out loud: "The bullet that pierced
Alexis' heart was not a random bullet, shot from a mad cop's gun to the body of an indocile kid. It was the usual working
of the state, violently imposing submission and order to the multitude of milieus and movements that continue to resist its
arrangement"56.

2NC Impact Ext`

Appeals to the biopolitical state inevitably reproduce the
logic of the concentration camp government power to
define included and excluded bodies causes sanctified
violence against bare life.
Dean 04 professor of sociology at the University of Newcastle (Mitchell,
Four Theses on the Powers of Life and Death, Contretemps 5, December
2004, http://sydney.edu.au/contretemps/5december2004/dean.pdf)
Fourth thesis: Bio-politics captures life stripped naked (or the zo that was the exception of
sovereign power) and makes it a matter of political life (bios). Today, we seek the good life though the extension of the

the emergence of
a government over life in the eighteenth century does mark a rupture in
forms of rule, which the search for an originary structure of sovereignty cannot capture. For Foucault, the nature
powers over bare life to the point at which they become indistinguishable. In this formulation,

of this rupture is the displacement, articulation or re-inscription of sovereignty within a peculiarly modern form of politics,
bio-politics. However, this capture of the government of the state by bio-powers is already present in the structure of
sovereignty. It would be a mistake, in this sense, to view Agambens quest for the structure of sovereignty, with its
multiple thresholds, as ahistorical, that is, as insensitive to temporal thresholds. His thesis offers a kind of history of

the demonic character of modern states lies in the possibility that

the thresholds that maintained bare life as a state of exception are breaking
down. Zo is entering into a sphere of indistinction with bios in modern politics. For Agamben the paradigm of
modern politicsthe new Nomosis not the liberal governing of freedom, but
the concentration camp. The camp is the material form of the stabilization of
the state of exception, the excluded inclusion, both inside and outside modern political and legal ordering.
Because the camp is established by law as a space of exception, it is subject to
no order itself, only direct police command. It is thus a space of ordered
disorder in which bare life enters into a zone of indistinction with legal order .
modernity. Here,

While such views may appear to lead to a kind of radical condemnation of many instances of bio-politics, such as the
attempt to develop humane processing procedures for asylum seekers, the idea of mapping zones of indistinction would

We have
become used to a style of criticism in which liberal notions of the individual
citizen have been revealed to be constituted through a series of exclusions (of
seem to locate arenas of analysis and spheres of contestation rather than a site of dogmatic rejection.

women, the disabled, prisoners, the insane, the poor, the indigene, the refugee, etc). Note that Contretemps 5, December
2004 28 bio-power today holds the promise of extraordinary solutions to disability, criminality and insanity. The inclusion
of women through their state of exclusion, also, would appear to raise interesting questions concerning sovereign violence
given womens historic biological relationship to the reproduction and care of human life. This relationship, itself excepted
under the universality of law, is thus produced as bare life; and women are required to take responsibility for sovereign

this desire for inclusion may have the effect not

of hastening the point at which the
sovereign exception enters into a zone of indistinction with the rule. Our
societies would then have become truly demonic , not because of the re-inscription of
sovereignty within bio-politics, but because bare life which constituted the sovereign
exception begins to enter a zone of indistinction with our moral and political
life and with the fundamental presuppositions of political community. In the
decisions. If we are to take Agamben seriously,

simply of widening the sphere of the rule of law but also

achievement of inclusion in the name of universal human rights, all human life is stripped naked and becomes sacred.
Perhaps in a very real sense we are all homo sacer. Perhaps what we have been in danger of missing is the way in which

the sovereign violence that constitutes the exception of bare lifethat which
can be killed without committing homicideis today entering into the very
core of modern politics, ethics, and systems of justice.

2NC Movements DA
Reforming the surveillance state fractures the left into
single-issue movements and pacifies more radical revision
Giroux 14 (Henry, Totalitarian Paranoia in the Post-Orwellian Surveillance
State, 10 February 2014, http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/21656totalitarian-paranoia-in-the-post-orwellian-surveillance-state)
If the first task of resistance is to make dominant power clear by addressing critically and
meaningfully the abuses perpetrated by the corporate surveillance state and how such transgressions

is to move from
understanding and critique to the hard work of building popular movements
that integrate rather than get stuck and fixated in single-issue politics.
The left has been fragmented for too long, and the time has come to build
national and international movements capable of dismantling the political,
economic and cultural architecture put in place by the new authoritarianism
and its post-Orwellian surveillance industries . This is not a call to reject identity and
affect the daily lives of people in different ways, the second step

special-issue politics as much as it is a call to build broad-based alliances and movements, especially
among workers, labor unions, educators, youth groups, artists, intellectuals, students, the unemployed and
others relegated, marginalized and harassed by the political and financial elite. At best, such groups should
form a vigorous and broad-based third party for the defense of public goods and the establishment of a
radical democracy. This is not a call for a party based on traditional hierarchical structures but a party
consisting of a set of alliances among different groups that would democratically decide its tactics and
strategies. Modern history is replete with such struggles, and the arch of that history has to be carried
forward before it is too late. In a time of tyranny, thoughtful and organized resistance is not a choice; it is a

reform is only partially

acceptable. Surely, as Fred Branfman argues, rolling back the surveillance state can take the form of
necessity. In the struggle to dismantle the authoritarian state,

fighting: to end bulk collection of information; demand Congressional oversight; indict executive-branch
officials when they commit perjury; give Congress the capacity to genuinely oversee executive agency;
provide strong whistle-blower protection; and restructure the present system of classification.84 These are

What is needed is a radical

restructuring of our understanding of democracy and what it means to bring
it into being. The words of Zygmunt Bauman are useful in understanding what is at stake in such a
important reforms worth fighting for, but they do not go far enough.

struggle. He writes: "Democracy expresses itself in continuous and relentless critique of institutions;
democracy is an anarchic, disruptive element inside the political system; essential, as a force of dissent
and change. One can best recognize a democratic society by its constant complaints that it is not
democratic enough."85 What cannot be emphasized enough is that only through collective struggles can

If the first order of authoritarianism

is unchecked secrecy, the first moment of resistance to such an order is
widespread critical awareness of state and corporate power and its threat to
democracy, coupled with a desire for radical change rather than
reformist corrections. Democracy involves a sharing of political existence, an embrace of the
commons and the demand for a future that cannot arrive quickly enough. In short, politics needs a
jump start, because democracy is much too important to be left to the whims,
secrecy and power of those who have turned the principles of selfgovernment against themselves.
change take place against modern-day authoritarianism.

Only popular uprising has a lasting effect in checking

governmental violence the nation state system always
fails so any chance the aff reentrenches it means you vote
neg for lasting peace
Moore 5 fellow @ Harvards Berkman Center (John, Extreme
Democracy, The Second Superpower Rears its Beautiful Head, p. 37-40)

As the United States government becomes more belligerent in using its

power in the world, many people are longing for a second superpower that
can keep the US in check. Indeed, many people desire a superpower that
speaks for the interests of planetary society, for long-term well-being, and that
encourages broad participation in the democratic process. Where can the world
find such a second superpower? No nation or group of nations seems
able to play this role, although the European Union sometimes seeks to, working in concert with
a variety of institutions in the field of international law, including the United Nations. But even the common

There is
an emerging second superpower, but it is not a nation. Instead, it is a new form
of international player, constituted by the will of the people in a global
social movement. The beautiful but deeply agitated face of this second superpower
is the worldwide peace campaign, but the body of the movement is made up
of millions of people concerned with a broad agenda that includes social
development, environmentalism, health, and human rights. This movement
has a surprisingly agile and muscular body of citizen activists who identify their
might of the European nations is barely a match for the current power of the United States.

interests with world society as a wholeand who recognize that at a fundamental level we are all one.
These are people who are attempting to take into account the needs and dreams of all 6.3 billion people in

Consider the members of

Amnesty International who write letters on behalf of prisoners of conscience, and the
millions of Americans who are participating in email actions against the war in Iraq. Or
the physicians who contribute their time to Doctors Without Borders /Medecins
the worldand not just the members of one or another nation.

Sans Frontieres.

While some of the leaders have become highly visible, what is perhaps most interesting

this global movement is that it is not really directed by visible leaders, but, as
we will see, by the collective, emergent action of its millions of participants. Surveys
about

suggest that at least 30 million people in the United States identify themselves this wayapproximately

The global
membership in Asia, South America, Africa and India, while much lower in percentage of the total
population, is growing quickly with the spread of the Internet. What makes these
10% of the US population. The percentage in Europe is undoubtedly higher.

numbers important is the new cyberspace- enabled interconnection among the members. This body has a

Web connections enable a kind of near-instantaneous, mass

improvisation of activist initiatives. For example, the political activist group Moveon.org,
beautiful mind.

which specializes in rapid response campaigns, has an email list of more than two million members. During
the 2002 elections, Moveon.org raised more than $700,000 in a few days for a candidates campaign for
the US senate. It has raised thousands of dollars for media ads for peaceand it is now amassing a
worldwide network of media activists dedicated to keeping the mass media honest by identifying bias and
confronting local broadcasters.

New forms of communication and commentary are being

invented continuously. Slashdot and other news sites present high quality peer- reviewed
commentary by involving large numbers of members of the web community in recommending and rating
items. Text messaging on mobile phones, or texting, is now the medium of choice for communicating with
thousands of demonstrators simultaneously during mass protests. Instant messaging turns out to be one of
the most popular methods for staying connected in the developing world, because it requires only a bit of
bandwidth, and provides an intimate sense of connection across time and space. The current enthusiasm
for blogging is changing the way that people relate to publication, as it allows real-time dialogue about
world events as bloggers log in daily to share their insights. Meta-blogging sites crawl across thousands of

blogs, identifying popular links, noting emergent topics, and providing an instantaneous summary of the
global consciousness of the second superpower. The Internet and other interactive media continue to
penetrate more and more deeply all world society, and provide a means for instantaneous personal

The collective power of texting, blogging,

millions of actors cannot be overestimated.
Like a mind constituted of millions of inter- networked neurons, the social
movement is capable of astonishingly rapid and sometimes subtle community
consciousness and action. Thus the new superpower demonstrates a new form of
emergent democracy that differs from the participative democracy of the US government.
dialogue and communication across the globe.
instant messaging, and email across

Where political participation in the United States is exercised mainly through rare exercises of voting,
participation in the second superpower movement occurs continuously through participation in a variety of
web-enabled initiatives. And where deliberation in the first superpower is done primarily by a few elected

deliberation in the second superpower is done by each

individualmaking sense of events, communicating with others, and deciding
whether and how to join in community actions. Finally, where participation in democracy in
or appointed officials,

the first superpower feels remote to most citizens, the emergent democracy of the second superpower is
alive with touching and being touched by each other, as the community works to create wisdom and to

How does the second superpower take action? Not from the top,
but from the bottom. That is, it is the strength of the US government that it can centrally
take action.

collect taxes, and then spend, for example, $1.2 billion on 1,200 cruise missiles in the first day of the war
against Iraq. By contrast, it is the strength of the second superpower that it could mobilize hundreds of
small groups of activists to shut down city centers across the United States on that same first day of the
war. And that millions of citizens worldwide would take to their streets to rally. The symbol of the first
superpower is the eaglean awesome predator that rules from the skies, preying on mice and small
animals. Perhaps the best symbol for the second superpower would be a community of ants. Ants rule from
below. And while I may be awed seeing eagles in flight, when ants invade my kitchen they command my

the continual distributed action of the

members of the second superpower can, I believe, be expected to eventually
prevail. Distributed mass behavior, expressed in rallying, in voting, in
picketing, in exposing corruption, and in purchases from particular companies, all have a
profound effect on the nature of future society. More effect , I would argue, than the
devastating but unsustainable effect of bombs and other forms of coercion. Deliberation
in the first superpower is relatively formaldictated by the US constitution and by
attention. In the same sense as the ants,

years of legislation, adjudicating, and precedent. The realpolitik of decision making in the first superpower

lobbying and campaign contributions by

moneyed special interestsbig oil, the military-industrial complex, big
agriculture, and big drugsto mention only a few. In many cases, what are acted upon
are issues for which some group is willing to spend lavishly. By contrast, it is difficult in the US
government system to champion policy goals that have broad, long-term
value for many citizens, such as environment, poverty reduction and third
world development, womens rights, human rights, health care for all . By
contrast, these are precisely the issues to which the second superpower tends
to address its attention. Deliberation in the second superpower is evolving
rapidly in both cultural and technological terms. It is difficult to know its
present state, and impossible to see its future. But one can say certain things. It
is stunning how quickly the community can ac tespecially when compared to
as opposed to what is taught in civics classcenters around

government systems. The Internet, in combination with traditional press and television and radio media,
creates a kind of media space of global dialogue. Ideas arise in the global media space. Some of them
catch hold and are disseminated widely. Their dissemination, like the beat of dance music spreading across
a sea of dancers, becomes a pattern across the community. Some members of the community study these
patterns, and write about some of them. This has the effect of both amplifying the patterns and facilitating
community reflection on the topics highlighted. A new form of deliberation happens. A variety of what we
might call action agents sits figuratively astride the community, with mechanisms designed to turn a

given social movement into specific kinds of action in the world. For example, fundraisers send out mass
appeals, with direct mail or the Internet, and if they are tapping into a live issue, they can raise money
very quickly. This money in turn can be used to support activities consistent with an emerging mission.

We need to stop seeing the State ( which is the government) as the

penopticon, we need to stop seeing it as the main form of power and
put the power into OURSELVES and that is exactly what these
people are doing that is what we are doing right now

Link Tech Industry

The affs reduction of government intervention in the
market is part of a broader project to transfer
responsibility to the private sphere and extend control
over the populace through forcing everyone to be a
productive citizen
Lemke 2002 - assistant professor at the Social Science Department of
Bergische Universitt (December 7, Thomas, Foucault, Governmentality, and
Critique google scholar)
The concept of governmentality also proves to be useful in correcting the diagnosis
of neoliberalism as an expansion of economy in politics , which takes for granted the
separation of state and market. The argument goes that there is some pure or anarchic economy that

But as we have known since

Marx, there is no market independent of the state , and economy is always political
economy. The problem with this kind of critique is that it shares the (neo-)liberal program
of a separation between politics and economy . The perspective of governmentality
makes possible the development of a dynamic form of analysis that does not
limit itself to stating the retreat of politics or the domination of the
market , but deciphers the so-called end of politics itself as a political program. In his work, Foucault
shows that the art of government is not limited to the field of politics as
separated from the economy. Instead, the constitution of a conceptually and
practically distinguished space, governed by autonomous laws and a proper
rationality, is itself an element of economic government. 5 Foucault
will be regulated or civilized by a political reaction of society.

repeatedly pointed out that the power of the economy was vested on a prior economics of power since

the accumulation of capital presumes technologies of production and forms of

labor that enable putting to use a multitude of human beings in an
economically profitable manner. Foucault showed that laborpower must first be
constituted before it can be exploited: that is, that life time must be synthesized into
labor time, individuals must be subjugated to the production circle, habits must be formed, and time and

economic exploitation required a

prior political investment of the body (1977, 25). By this theoretical reorientation ,
space must be organized according to a scheme. Thus,

Foucault hoped to complement and enlarge Marxs critique of political economy with a critique of political
anatomy. 6 In his studies on governmenta lity and his courses at the Collge de France on neoliberal
reason, Foucault takes this form of analysis one step further, combining the microphysics of power with
the macropolitical question of the state. Again, he does not limit the field of power relations to the
government of the state; on the contrary, what Foucault is interested in is the question how power
relations historically could concentrate in the form of the state without ever being reducible to it. Following

Foucault sees the state as nothing more that the mobile effect
of a regime of multiple governmentality . . . It is necessary to address from an
exterior point of view the question of the state, it is necessary to analyse the
problem of the state by referring to the practices of governmen t (1984, 21). When
this line of inquiry,

Foucault speaks of the governmentalization of the state (1991a, 103), he does not assume that
government is a technique that could be applied or used by state authorities or apparatus; instead he
comprehends the state itself as a tactics of government, as a dynamic form and historic stabilization of

governmentality is at once internal and external to

the state, since it is the tactics of government which make possible the
continual definition and redefinition of what is within the competence of the
state and what is not, the public versus the private, and so on ; thus the state
societal power relations. Thus,

can only be understood in its survival and its limits on the basis of the
general tactics of governmentality (103). Foucault s discussion of neoliberal
governmentality shows that the so-called retreat of the state is in fact a
prolongation of government: neoliberalism is not the end but a
transformation of politics that restructures the power relations in
society. What we observe today is not a diminishment or reduction of
state sovereignty and planning capacities but a displacement from formal to
informal techniques of government and the appearance of new
actors on the scene of government (e.g., nongovernmental organizations) that
indicate fundamental transformations in statehood and a new relation
between state and civil society actors . This encompasses, on the one hand, the
displacement of forms of practices that were formerly defined in terms of
nation-state to supranational levels and, on the other hand, the development of
forms of subpolitics beneath politics in its traditional meaning . In other words,
the difference between state and society, politics and economy does not
function as a foundation or a borderline but as element and effect of
specific neoliberal technologies of government.

2NC Politics DA

2NC Terrorism DA

extend our stimons that says the freedom act is key to sotp
terrorism, we concede to the terro DA, there is no offense
on this flow, so we are kicking it .

Topicallity we conced ghe plan as topical