Political Economy of Agrarian Movement in Bihar

Indian Political Science Association
POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AGRARIAN MOVEMENT IN BIHAR

Author(s): APS Chouhan, APS Chauhan and Dinesh Kumar Singh
Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 65, No. 4 (Oct.-Dec., 2004), pp. 517-530
Published by: Indian Political Science Association
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The Indian Journal of Political Science
Vol. LXV, No. 4, Oct.-Dec., 2004
POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AGRARIAN

MOVEMENT IN BIHAR
APS Chouhan,
Dinesh Kumar Singh
The bloody trail of caste and class carnage continues unabated

in Bihar, cycle of killing and counter-killings continues. In semi- feudal
structure of Bihar caste based private militia of landed class is killing

harijan agricultural labourers. The major carnage against harijan labourers
has occurred at Dumariyan. ( Bhojpur district ) and Miapur village (

Aurangabad district ) Narayanpur , Shankarbigha ( Jehanabad district )
in 2000s. The different faction of CPI(ML) had massacred landlords and
rich peasants. There seems to be no end to this bloody trail of killing
and counter killings which had started three decades ago in the late
1960's and early 1970's with burning of dalit agricultural labourers at
Kargahar, Chhauranano, Gopalpur, Dharampura and Belchhi. This politics
of the brutal form of violence reflects upon the whole dynamics of the
politics of development and democracy which requires a careful analysis.
The importance and relevance of this subject is self-evident to
social scientist of different intellectual persuasion because the myth of.

Indian village as a "sleepy, lethargic and idyllic" place was exploded when
Indian rural village in general and Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal
in particular witnessed violent rural conflict in late sixties. Neither caste
analysis nor class analysis alone will suffice to understand agrarian

conflict. Caste and class dimension of agrarian conflict will be evident
in course of discussion. It is imperative to discuss agrarian relation and
agrarian system that developed during colonial and post colonial period
which will throw light in understanding conflict that is occurring in
Bihar. The classic compilations' of administrator and social scientist

attempted to bring about a much clear understanding of agrarian process
in India in general and Bihar in particular. The British had introduced

there types of revenue settlement. These were permanent Zamindari :
settlement in Bihar, Bengal and Eastern U.P. and parts of Orissa; Ryotwari :
in Bombay, parts of Madras Presidencies, Berar and Assam; and the
The Indian Journal of Political Science 518
Mahalwari : in United Provinces except Oudh, Punjab and Central

Provinces. The Permanent settlement of land in Eastern India, introduced
by Lord Cornwalis in 1793, confirmed proprietory rights over the land

with zamindars who were only conscious of their own interest and hardly
took interest in improvement of agriculture.
Various acts introduced by the Colonial State for dealing with

tenant - landlord relationship till 1841, tilted in favour of zamindars only
and worsened the position of tenants.2 The acts of 1859 and 1885
introduced to consolidate the position of tenants hardly provided any
relief to the tenants.3 There was wide gap between land revenue paid by
the actual tillers of land and the rent paid to the zamindars . A large
numbers of intermediaries derived income from the landed property
without making any productive effort.4 Many of the zamindars marked
by 4 inability and incompetence 4 created highly ramified set of

middlemen for their estates, in turn, receiving from them proprietory
share of rent. These middlemen not only acquired degrees of rights
on the land itself but also exploited poor peasantry leading to

perennial source of agrarian tension. 5
In brief rent enhancement, unauthorised exactions, evictions and
other kinds of oppression against the tenantry continued, more or less,

throughout the period6. The landlords and their agent extracted maximum
surplus in the form of extra legal and illegal cesses or levying abwabs,
Salami money paid at the time of transfer of occupancy holdings and
vicious system of Corvee known as begar. This settlement was also

marked by deterioration in agricultural production .7 As far as agrarian
classes are concerned, prior to 50 's, there had grown up in Bihar an

Intricately stratified system of relation ofpeopletoland:TheZamindar,
the tenure holder, the occupancy ryot, the non-occupancy ryot, the under
ryot and the Mazdoor.8,

II
In fact the agrarian relation varied from one region to another
region depending upon nature of revenue settlement. The nature of

agrarian relation in Bihar was quite different from that of Maharastra,
Punjab and Western U.P. One must not overemphasize the relationship
between land tenure system and agrarian relation which in turn, more or
less, shaped the nature of the peasants movement in different parts of
India. The Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha9 led by Swami Sahajanand
Political Economy Of Agrarian Movement In Bihar 519

Saraswati advocated for the abolition of zamindari system in 1930's and
1940's. The peasant movement in Maharastra and Western U.P. was

directed against money lenders. The Tebhaga Movement10 in Bengal was
led by the share-croppers against Jotedar for the reduction of the hare
of he proprietor from one-half of the crop to one-third. Thus the type of
land tenure system, in a general sense, influenced agrarian relations and
issue and demands to be taken up by the peasant movements.
In Bihar, the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha led by Swami

Sahajanand Saraswati struggled to dismantle the permanent settlement.
The movement was joined by the Congress Socialists Party led by Jaya
Prakash Narayan, the Communist Party of India led by Karyanand

Sharma. The movement forced the Congress Party, which came into power
briefly in 1937, and then in 1946, to address itself to the question of
changing the agrarian system through legislation.1 1 The election

manifesto of the Congress party in 1946, for first time , talked of agrarian
reform, but after winning election on the basis of this manifesto, it moved
at slow pace in the direction of abolishing zamindari. Meanwhile the

peasants agitated on the issue of Bakasht lands during 1939 to 1945 in
south Bihar.12
Land reforms be discussed because it would enable us to
understand not only agrarian relations but nature of agrarian conflict.

Bihar was first state to pass the Bihar Abolition of Zamindari Bill to
abolish the zamindari system. It was then amended and published as the
Bihar Abolition of Zamindari Act, 1948, only to be repeated and replaced
by the Bihar Land Reform Act, 1950, the validity of which was finally
upheld by the Supreme Court in 1952.,3Apart from it, the Bihar

Legislature enacted land reform legislation dealing with ceiling on land
holding, consolidation of holding and provision relating to minimum

wages for agricultural labourers.
The zamindars vehemently opposed at entry stage of the various
provisions of land reform bills causing inordinate delay and dilutions

in final enactments inside the state legislature. 14 Commenting upon it,
A.N.Das writes, " It was opposed in political forum by no less a

person than Dr Rajendra Prasad, in the mass media, and in the
courts by the ' Maharajadhiraj ' of Darbhanga,
through a variety of extra-parliamentaiy actions by the likes of the

' Rajas ' of Ramgarh, Kursela and other large and petty zamindars. ",5
S.K .Sinha, while participating in debate inside legislature, has opined

that "J tell you that you are at the crest of volcano, the volcano may
burst at any moment It is only to save you from destruction that
I have brought this resolution 16 The zamindari Abolition Act

abolished zamindars but the same persons continued to maintain
their hold over the village power structure. The act has been
formulated and framed in such way that benefited zamindars. There
was sufficient loopholes in the act. This shows the strength of

economic and social power enjoyed by the zamindars.17
The Bihar Tenancy Act, 1885 was amended in 1955 and
subsequently in 1970. Certain exception and exemption included in
the act gave landlords a lot of scope to manoeuvre and manipulate

and even to prevent under-raiyats to acquire occupancy rights. I8c
Ladejinsky, in his field trip to Kosi Area in Bihar in 1969, found that
the condition imposed on share-croppers was probably of its worst
kind in the country 9 The working group on Land Reforms notes,

practice
from acquiring rights in lands ".20 This fact was confirmed by

scholars 2,and another governmental committee 22 on Land Reforms .
Apart from it, Bihar Land Reforms ( fixation of ceiling area and
acquisition of surplus land) Act passed in 1961 permitted every

land owner to transfer within six months from the commencement of
the act, any land held by him to his son, daughter , grandchildren
or any other heir . 23 In nutshell we can say that all these Acts
failed to bring change in the agrarian set-up of Bihar. This has
been concluded by the working group on Land Reforms of the
National Commission on Agriculture : " By their abysmal failure to
implement the laws , the authorities in Bihar have reduced the whole
package of land reform measures to sour joke
land -owners do not care a tupp nance for the administration ." 24
The agrarian social structure and agrarian relation , in post
independent India, varies from region to region. Wertheim characterized
the agricultural policy of the government as " betting on the strong "
25 Which created regional imbalance. There is capitalist type of

farming in Punjab, Haryana and parts of western U. R while in
Bihar and West Bengal there is semi- feudal, semi-capitalist mode of

production.26 The feature of semi-feudal mode of production in Bihar,
according to Pradhan H. Prasad, is reflected in landowners

approaching the process of production and distribution with a view
to strengthening their control over the masses, resulting in a set-up
where an indissoluble bond between direct producer and his landlord
is maintained by resort to "production relation" characterized by

two modes of appropriation, share-cropping and usury. This results
in semi- servile condition of living and low level of consumption,
and hence mass poverty and low productivity of land and labour
, under- utilization of resources and almost negligible investment in
the agricultural sector.27
Ill
The various measures of land reforms, rural development

and green revolution benefited upper backward caste (or intermediate
agrarian castes: Yadavas, Kurmi,and Koeri) in Bihar, Yadavas, Kurmis
and Koeris were, in pre-independence period, mostly tenants. The

most numerous and relatively affluent among backwards Yadavas
and Kurmis, during 1920's, protested against social oppression by

upper caste. Later on Koeris 28 joined the movement. Triveni Sangh
was their political outfit. The social movement started by these

backward caste turned into economic conflict between upper-caste
landlords and lower caste tenants. In post independent period,

they benefited from various land reforms measures, green revolution
and rural development. They improved and consolidated their

economic position . They, once constituted the leading core of the
old Kisan Sabha movements, emerged as landlords, middle and

rich peasants.
These upper backward castes not only consolidated their

economic power but also emerged as politically conscious force in
Bihar. In the late 1970's Karpoori Thakur Ministry's reservation
policy are indicative of a sea change in the structure of Bihar

political economy . Observing on social change in Bihar, Harris W.
Blair writes: " The Forwards or twice born" caste groups that had
been dominant in Bihar since independence and before are being

replaced by the ' backwards caste ' as the dominant stratum in the
state."29 The hegemony and dominance of twice born castes was
challenged by emerging upper backward castes. Dalits became

conscious and politically assertive. They began to be organised by
different faction of CPI(ML). Their demands was centred on the
various issues of rural social and class structure ie. struggle for
honour, opposition to oppression and exploitation, enforcement of
minimum wages laws, recognition of share- cropper's right and

abolition of bonded labour.30
The emerging backward castes are facing a challenge from
below. The rich peasants from upper backward caste is very

aggressive. It is a rising class. It is fighting two battles, socially
and politically it is struggling against the upper castes and

economically it is facing the dalits agricultural labourers and share-
croppers who are now organizing themselves. Commenting upon

it Aran Sinha says that the major outrages against harijan sharecroppers and agricultural labourers were committed by both socalled backward castes of Kurmi and Yadavas and upper castes
landlords. This rich peasants from upper backward castes have
become more aggressive, ruthless and exploitative than upper caste
landlords. They have transformed themselves into Kulaks. It does
not mean that upper castes landlords have in any become less
ruthless or exploitative. 31
Now it will be pertinent to point out caste and class

interrelationship in Bihar . Gail Omvedt32 felt that in India there are
three classes: the rich peasants, the middle peasants and the poor
peasants and agricultural labourers. The rich farmer, according to
her, includes capitalist farmers, capitalist landlords, and feudal

landlords. In caste term traditional feudal castes: Brahmans, Rajputs,
and middle kisan castes such as Marathas, Jats, Lingayats, Kammas,

Reddis, Vokkaligas etc come under the category of rich farmers. These
Kisan castes are dominant in those area where capitalist development
has taken place in agriculture. The poor peasant and agricultural

labourers includes mostly dalits, adivasis, muslims and traditional
middle castes. We must look at caste and class hierarchy in Bihar.
In caste terms , landlords included the upper castes and upper
backward castes such as Yadavas, Kurmis and Koeris. Rich peasants
belong to both upper castes and upper backward castes. The

middle peasants include not only upper castes, upper backward

castes but also scheduled castes and tribes. The poor peasants
and agricultural labourers have in their ranks the great majority of
the backward castes and almost the entire harijan and adi vasi
population.33
If we closely observe development of agrarian unrest, it
shows that class factor is the basic factor underlying these

developments. But many social scientists analysing these phenomena
may prefer to see them in caste rather than class terms. When
scholars throw their finely sociological nets into the stagnant waters
of Bihar's society, they draw out not class but the familiar .fishes
of caste. But this is half the story. The discontent among dalits
and rural poor could no longer be managed , a state of violence
erupted. In 1970's the major outrages against harijan labourers in
Karahgar, Belchi, Pathadda, Chhauradano, Gopalpur, Dharampura etc
are bloody testimonies of class war going on in Bihar.34

The South Bihar (Bhojpur, Buxar, Rohtas, Kaimur, Jehnabad,
Patna, Gaya, Nalanda and Aurangabad) has witnessed a series of

agrarian conflict in its caste and class dimension. The nature of
conflict is entirely different from conflict that is taking place in
Purnea, Bhagalpur and Champaranpur district. The diara area of
Bhagalpur-Munger hills and forests of Kaimur range and the

Himalyan terrain of West Champaran and malaria- infested tracts of
trans -Kosi* Purnea are characterized by, in spite of overall pressure
of population, relatively low population density and less intensive

agriculture. Lack of well established agrarian hierarchy, the weak
nature of peasant caste and feudal oppression were common

features of this region. It led to the emergence of roving rebel
gangs of erstwhile peasants. 35

The main area of agrarian conflict is confined to Southern
districts of Bihar. The Sone canal system, in southern districts,
provided irrigation facility that led to increase in* agricultural output
and income of zamindars. The improved irrigation facility and

improved commercialisation of farming of this region provided
material condition of agrarian unrest. 36 These regions has taken
lead over other region in average yield quintal hectare for rice
and wheat. 37 In short, on the relative scale of the level of

development of agriculture, southern Bihar is far ahead than other
region. 38 These region witnessed some package of green revolution.

It increased agrarian tension. The Home Ministry of Government of
India made a study in 1969 on causes and nature of agrarian

tension. It came to the conclusion that the green revolution, instead
of being an instrument of social transformation, became an instrument
of social oppression. It has widened disparities between relatively

few affluent farmers and the large body of small landholders and
agricultural workers. In consequence it has generated social tension.39
Thus Bihar witnessed , in late 1960's and 1970's, a numbers of
sporadic agrarian movements and the setting up of small

organisations. In these movements, main participants were poor peasants
, share-croppers and agricultural labourers belonging mainly to the

Harijan- Adivasi section fighting not absentee landlordism as in the
zamindari period but the new rich peasantry: the upper backward/
intermediary agrarian castes which had become more exploitative,

ruthless and oppressive.40
A strong wave of spontaneous, sporadic and largely

unorganised agrarian movements of the poor and landless peasants
occurred in Bihar since late 1960's. They have come under some
ort of ideological guidance of one faction or the other of the
CPI(ML) as in Musahari (Muzaffarpur), Purnea and Chauri, Ekwari
and Chapra (Bhojpur district). These movements have been met by
tremendous repression by both the landlord and the state.41 These
peasant movements were also called first phase of the Naxalite

Movement in Bihar. It rejected the possibility of peaceful solutions to
socio- economic problems and in turn resorted to violence. The first
phase of the Naxalite Movement was characterized as mindless

violence.
Since 1980's political analyst have noted qualitatively new
aspect of the naxalite movements as an important force in left

politics. The new politics of left range from various factions of
CPI(ML), the most important being the Liberation, and party unity
groups, guerrilla groups like the Maoist Communist Centre(MCC),
mass organisation like IPF, and Mazdoor Kisan Sangram

Samiti(MKSS). Various factions of CPI(ML) have distinct organisational
forms. There has been rivalry between them on carving out spheres
of influence. These groups has been spreading not only in the areas

of original Naxalite activity like Bhojpur but also to Southern Bihar
and tribal Jharkhand region. 43 In 1982, in its document entitled 4

Notes on Extremist Activities- affected Areas', the Bihar Government
reported that as many as 47 out of a total of 587 blocks, spread over
14 districts, were affected by the communist extremist movement. It
has grown enormiously in the face of the corrupt, casteist and

incompetent administration of Bihar.43
IV
Violence, bloody clashes and tough resistance have become

mode of social intercourse in Bihar. The cycle of caste- class violence
continues unabated in Bihar, The Southern Bihar has witnessed the
emergence of caste-based landlord's Sena.44 These Senas has been

constituted to suppress agrarian movement. As Arun Sinha has
pointed out " The major feature of social as well as political life is
the prevalence of the language of force. " 4;>CPI(ML) Liberation Group's
position, on issue of violence, is conditioned by the socio-economic

condition prevailing in Bihar. It states :
" Everywhere in Bihar, it is landlords who are armed, they
derive a sadistic pleasure, burning their houses and raping their

women. Secondly, by any human logic whatsoever, the rural poor
cannot be denied their right to organize their own resistance forces
to counter the attacks of landlord armies. Thirdly, if peasant struggle
takes violent forms in Bihar, the root must be sought in the forms of
oppression ." 46
Table-1 Major Caste Senas of Bihar

Name of Caste Year of Operational
Sena
Kuer Sena Rajput 1979 Bhojpur, Rohtas

Kisan Suraksha Kurmi 1979 Patna, Jehanabad,
Samiti
Bhoomi Sena Kurmi 1983 Patna, Nalanda

Lorik Sena Yadav 1983 Patna, Jehanabad
Brahmarshi Sena Bhumihar 1984 Bhojpur, Patna,

Jehanabad
Kisan Sangh Rajput, 1984 Palamu

Brahmin
Sunlight Sena Rajput 1989 Palamu, Gaya,

Sawarna Liberation Bhumihar 1990 Gaya, Jehanabad
Front
Kisan Sangh Bhumihar 1990 Patna, Bhojpur

Kisan Morcha Rajput 1989-90 Bhojpur
Ganga Sena Rajputs 1990 Bhojpur
Ranvir Sena Bhumihar 1994 Bhojpur, Patna,
Jehanabad,
Aurangabad,
Source: Prakash Louis. "Class War Spreads to New Areas". EPW, Vol. XXXV,
No 26 , June 24-30, 2000
The Landlords and rich peasants have formed their own caste
based sena in Southern Bihar.lt needs a careful analysis. One group
of political analyst argue that the senas came into existence as

response to naxalite violence. Other opinion considers that the
emergence of Sena is fall out of the green revolution. The increased
production due to green revolution widened gap between rich peasants
and agricultural labourers. When dalit labourers demanded a greater
share in the production, rich peasants formed Sena to suppress

them.47 A more oppressive rich peasantry is giving up pretences of
patronage. It is interested only in exploitation. As A.N. Das writes:
"The system of patronage - clientelism itself was broken forever

and socio - political assertion through the exercise of sheer brute
force took its shape ."48
AS we have discussed earlier , in South Bihar a semifeudal society has led to rise to ruthless oppression, violent revolts
and resistance. Killing and counter - killing is going on. The bloody
trail of caste and class carnage continues unabated in Bihar. In

2000's the Ranvir Sena the outlawed private militia of the upper
caste landlords killed six supporters of CPI(ML) at Dumariyan

village in Bhojpur district. The same sena had massacred more
than 35 people of Yadava and Pas wan caste at Miapur village in
Aurangabad district. The killings was obviously in retaliation to
senari and Afsara carnages. At Senari in Jehanabad 34 bhumihars
had been massacred by the Maoist Communist Centre on March 18,
1999. The Ranvir Sena killed 22 dalits and backward castes in

Shankarbigha village in Jehnabad district on Jan25,1999. They again
massacred 11 and 12 dalits in Narayanpur village ( Jehnabad

district) and Sendani (Gaya district). 49
Violence , massacre, ruthless oppression and resistance have
become feature of semi-feudal society of Bihar. The ruthless and

exploitative rich peasantry and landlords is attempting to establish
their dominance and hegemony through brute use of force. Dalit

share-croppers and agricultural labourers are violently resisting to
overthrow oppressive and hegemonic structure. They are asserting
their identity. The unfolding of class and caste contradictions are giving
rise to violent revolt, resistance and massacre. The roots of agrarian
violence lies in the semi-feudal political economy of Bihar which is

ruthlessly exploitative, castiest and oppressive in nature, even at the doors
of the twenty-first century.
REFERENCES :
1. Please see for detailed discussion on aspects of colonial agrarian

system: Baden-Powell, B.H, Land Tenures of British India, OUP,
Calcutta, 1882; Daniel, Thomer, Agrarian Prospect in India,

Allied Publishers N. Delhi, 1976; Frykenberg (ed), Land Tenure
and Peasant in south Asia. Manohan New Delhi, 1977; Guha

Ranjit, A Rule of Property in Bengal. Mouton, Paris, 1963;
Buchanan, Francis, Report on Shahabad. in 1811-12. Patna, 1922;
and also by the same auther -An account of District of Purnea
in 1809-10. Patna. 1928: Sinha, R.N, Bihar Tenantry. 1785-1833.
Bombay, 1968; Bhowani , Sen, Evolution of Agrarian Relations

in India. PPH, 1962.
2. Sinha, R. N,op.cit, pp. 1 04- 1 2
3. Ojha, G, Land Problem and Land Reforms : A study with

reference to Bihar , Sultan Chand and sons, New Delhi, P. 35
4. ibid, pp.46-47
5. Das. A.N. Agrarian Unrest and Socio- economic Change in Bihar,
1900-1980. Manohar, New Delhi, 1983, PP .24-27
6. Sinha, R N, op. cit, p.47
7. Ojha, G, Land Problem and Land Reforms: A Case Study of

Champaran. NEW DELHI, 1978, PR 45-68
8. Jannuzi , F. T, Agrarian Crisis in India, the Case of Bihar,

New Delhi, Sangam Books, 1974, pp. 10-1 1.
9. Walter Hauser, The Bihar Provincial KisanSabha, 1929-1942.
A Study of An Indian Peasant Movement, A Dissertation

submitted to the Faculty of the Social Sciences in Candidancy
for the degree of Ph. d, Deptt. Of History, Chicago, Illinois,
Sept, 1961. also see Das, A. N, op. cit

10. Harnza Alavi, " Peasant and Revolution " in A.R. Desai(ed),
Rural Sociology in India, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1969,
p.413.
11. Das , A.N. The Republic of Bihar, Penguin Books, New Delhi
, 1992, p. 3512.Das. A.N, Agrarian and Socio-economic Change
in Bihar, op. cit, for detail see Gupta, Rakesh, Peasant Struggles;
A Case Study of Bihar, Ph.D Thesis , J. N. U , New Delhi, 1978.
'and also see Hauser Walter, op. cit, Bakshat Land is Holding
which is not cultivated by tenants and it is not personal property
of the landlords.
13. Jannuzi, F. T, op.cit, pp. 12- 13.
14. Sir C.P. N. Singh and Syamanandan Sahay, quoting several

examples, pleaded for the retention of the zamindari system.
See. Legislative Assembly Debates from 1946 to 1947.
15. Das, A.N, The Republic of Bihar, op. cit, p.35.

16. Bihar Legislative Assembly Debate, 26 July, 1946.
17. Ojha, G, op.cit, pp.52-55.

18. Pandey, A.R, " Tenancy Reforms for share-croppers and
homeless Tenants in Bihar Social Science Probyn, March,
1986.
19. quoted in ibid.

20. Bandhopadhyay, " Agrarian Relations in Two Bihar Districts:
A field survey, Mainstream, vol XI, No.40,1973
21. Koshy, V.C " Land Refonms in India Under the Plans"'
Social Scientist, July 1974, p. 52.
22. India, Planning Commission, Implementation of Land

Reforms: A Review by Land Reforms Implementation Committee
of the National Development Council, New Delhi, 1 966, pp 279281.
23. Ojha, G, op. cit.p.29.
Political Economy Of Agrarian Movement In Bihar 52M
24. Bandyopadhyay,D , op.cit.

25. Wertheim ,W. F, " Betting on the strong " , in Desai , A.R ,
op. cit pp.894-903.
26. Pradhan H Prasad, " Production Relation : Achilles ' Heel of

Indian Planning " EPW, vol.8, No. 19, 1973.
27. Ibid.
28. Kalyan Mukheree and Rajendra Singh Yadav, Bhoipur:

Naxalism on the Plains of Bihar, New Delhji, Radha Krishna
Prakashan, 1980
29, Blair W Harry , " Rising Kulak and Backward Classes in

Bihar, Social Change in the late 970 's" EPW, vol.xv, NO.
2, Janl2, 1980
30. Ibid see. Also Das ,A.N, op.cit, p.253
31. A run Sinha, " Adavancing class interests in the name of

caste" EPW, Apri 22, 1978; Also see Arvind N Das, " Class
in itself Caste for itself social articulation in Bihar , "

EPW, vol. Xix, No. 37, 1984; Report from flaming fields of
Bihar, A CPI(ML) Document, Sree Art Press, Ramnath
Majumdar Street, Calcutta, Aug, 1986, p.47

32. Gail Omvedt," Class, Caste and Land in India: An
Introductory Essay" Teaching Politics, vol. VI, No, 3 &4, 1980.
33. Report from flaming fields of Bihar, A CPI(ML) Document,

op.cit., pp. 46-47.
34. Das A.N, op.cit, EPW, vol. XIX, No.37,15 Sept, 1984
35. Das A.N, The Republic of Bihar, op. cit, pp.33-34; Report
from flaming fields of Bihar, A CPK ML) Document, op.
cit, p. 7
36. Mukherjee Kalyan and R. S Yadav, op. cit. p.38

37. Dasgupta, Biplab, The New Agrarian Technology and India,
United Nation, Geneva, 1977, p.29.
38. Framework Action Plan for foodgrain production, Report of

the Task Force, Planning Commission, Government of India,
March, 1988,pp.4-l 1; also see See. Misra, S K, valuation of

Public Policies for Agricultural Development in Less
Developed Region, I.l.T, Kharagpur, 1985, pp.214-15.
39. cited in Sachidanand, Social Dimension and Agnculiirai

Development, National Publishing House, Delhi, 1972
40. Das, A.N , Agrarian Unrest and Socio-economic Change in

Bihar, op. cit, p.222
41. Ibid, pp.230-232.

42. Das, A.N, The Republic of Bihar, op.cit, pp. 109-1 10
43. Ibid, p. 107
44. " Bihar, Peasant , Landlords and Dacoits'' EPW, vol,xxi,
Aug30,1986
45. cited in Das A.N, The Republic of Bihar, p. 107
46. Ibid, p. 108.

47. Prakash Louis, op.cit,
48. Das A.N, The Republic of Bihar, op.cit, p,73

49. Prakash Louis, op. cit,

Political Economy of Agrarian Movement in Bihar

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Indian Political Science Association

POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AGRARIAN MOVEMENT IN BIHAR

The Indian Journal of Political Science

Vol. LXV, No. 4, Oct.-Dec., 2004

POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AGRARIAN

The bloody trail of caste and class carnage continues unabated

structure of Bihar caste based private militia of landed class is killing

has occurred at Dumariyan. ( Bhojpur district ) and Miapur village (

social scientist of different intellectual persuasion because the myth of.

in particular witnessed violent rural conflict in late sixties. Neither caste

analysis nor class analysis alone will suffice to understand agrarian

Bihar. The classic compilations' of administrator and social scientist

in India in general and Bihar in particular. The British had introduced

in Bombay, parts of Madras Presidencies, Berar and Assam; and the

The Indian Journal of Political Science 518

Mahalwari : in United Provinces except Oudh, Punjab and Central

by Lord Cornwalis in 1793, confirmed proprietory rights over the land

Various acts introduced by the Colonial State for dealing with

by 4 inability and incompetence 4 created highly ramified set of

share of rent. These middlemen not only acquired degrees of rights

on the land itself but also exploited poor peasantry leading to

other kinds of oppression against the tenantry continued, more or less,

vicious system of Corvee known as begar. This settlement was also

classes are concerned, prior to 50 's, there had grown up in Bihar an

ryot and the Mazdoor.8,

region depending upon nature of revenue settlement. The nature of

less, shaped the nature of the peasants movement in different parts of

India. The Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha9 led by Swami Sahajanand

Political Economy Of Agrarian Movement In Bihar 519

1940's. The peasant movement in Maharastra and Western U.P. was

land tenure system, in a general sense, influenced agrarian relations and

issue and demands to be taken up by the peasant movements.

In Bihar, the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha led by Swami

Prakash Narayan, the Communist Party of India led by Karyanand

briefly in 1937, and then in 1946, to address itself to the question of

changing the agrarian system through legislation.1 1 The election

at slow pace in the direction of abolishing zamindari. Meanwhile the

understand not only agrarian relations but nature of agrarian conflict.

upheld by the Supreme Court in 1952.,3Apart from it, the Bihar

holding, consolidation of holding and provision relating to minimum

provisions of land reform bills causing inordinate delay and dilutions

A.N.Das writes, " It was opposed in political forum by no less a

through a variety of extra-parliamentaiy actions by the likes of the

The Indian Journal of Political Science 520

S.K .Sinha, while participating in debate inside legislature, has opined

burst at any moment It is only to save you from destruction that

I have brought this resolution 16 The zamindari Abolition Act

was sufficient loopholes in the act. This shows the strength of

the act gave landlords a lot of scope to manoeuvre and manipulate

the condition imposed on share-croppers was probably of its worst

kind in the country 9 The working group on Land Reforms notes,

from acquiring rights in lands ".20 This fact was confirmed by

acquisition of surplus land) Act passed in 1961 permitted every

25 Which created regional imbalance. There is capitalist type of

Political Economy Of Agrarian Movement In Bihar 521

according to Pradhan H. Prasad, is reflected in landowners

is maintained by resort to "production relation" characterized by

in semi- servile condition of living and low level of consumption,

The various measures of land reforms, rural development

and Koeris were, in pre-independence period, mostly tenants. The

and Kurmis, during 1920's, protested against social oppression by

was their political outfit. The social movement started by these

landlords and lower caste tenants. In post independent period,

and rural development. They improved and consolidated their